CEB engineers withdraw from power restoration activities

December 1st, 2021

Courtesy Adaderana

Ceylon Electricity Board Engineers’ Union (CEBEU) says its members have withdrawn from power restoration activities with effect from 4.15 p.m. today (December 01).

The chairman of the union Mr. Saumya Kumarawadu told the media that the decision was taken to oppose the abrupt transfers of law-abiding officials.

Speaking further, the trade union chief said the CEB engineers attended power restoration activities even after the end of their shift despite their work-to-rule campaign.

We even restored the power outages on the day before yesterday just within a half-an-hour. However, we will not take part in restoration activities from today.”

The CEBEU members launched a work-to-rule campaign on November 25 over several issues including the controversial Yugadanavi power plant deal.

Among its other demands, the association urged the government not to proceed with the deal with US-based energy company New Fortress Energy Inc., which includes a transfer of 40% of shares of West Coast Power Private Limited (WCPL) – the owner of Yugadanavi power plant in Kerawalapitiya.

Ministerial Consultative Committee on Trade takes up gas cylinder issue

December 1st, 2021

Courtesy Adaderana

A special meeting of the Ministerial Consultative Committee on Trade was held in Parliament today (01) to seek the views and solutions of several parties regarding the sudden spike in gas cylinder-related incidents reported over the past couple of days.

The Ministerial Consultative Committee met under the chairmanship of Minister of Trade Bandula Gunawardana and State Minister Lasantha Alagiyawanna was present during the discussion held.

The special Ministerial Consultative Committee was held for further discussion on several issues raised by the Opposition in Parliament yesterday (30), discussing on the matter with the involvement of several other parties. 

Ministry of Trade, State Ministry of Cooperative Services, Marketing Development and Consumer Protection, Ministry of Technology, State Ministry of Skills Development, Vocational Education, Research & Innovation, Sri Lanka Police, Consumer Affairs Authority, Department of Measurement Units, Standards and Services, Litro Gas Lanka Ltd, LAUGFS Gas PLC, Sri Lanka Standards Institute, Sri Lanka Accreditation Board, Officials representing the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, the Ministry of Energy and the Department of Government Analyst were present at this meeting held. 

Furthermore, the former professor at the University of Sri Jayewardenepura, Prof. W. D. W. Jayatilak and Prof. Shantha Walpolage representing the University of Moratuwa were also present. Petroleum expert Nimal de Silva also joined the committee.

The Leader of the Opposition Sajith Premadasa posed a number of questions at the Ministerial Consultative Committee and requested a reply in writing as soon as possible.

Views of all parties and the Members of Parliament present, were sought pertaining to the gas explosions, the statement said.

Several agreements regarding the change in gas composition affected the current eruptions, importance of using high quality devices, the release of gas to the market after obtaining a report on the smell of gases, obtaining the reports of the committee appointed by the President within two weeks and implementing its recommendations expeditiously, testing the quality of the imported gas on board the ship before it enters the country were made during the meeting.

Leader of the Opposition Sajith Premadasa, Chief Opposition Whip Lakshman Kiriella, Ministers Vasudeva Nanayakkara, Udaya Gammanpila, Nimal Siripala de Silva, Mahindananda Aluthgamage, State Ministers and a large number of Members of Parliament were also present at this special meeting.

Daily coronavirus infections count climbs to 744 and 27 deaths

December 1st, 2021

Courtesy Adaderana

The daily count of COVID-19 cases confirmed in Sri Lanka moved to 744 today (December 01) as 185 more people were tested positive for the virus, the Epidemiology Unit said.

This brings the total number of confirmed cases of coronavirus reported in the country to 564,733.

As many as 540,783 recoveries and 14,372 deaths have been confirmed in Sri Lanka since the COVID-19 outbreak.

More than 9,500 active cases in total are currently under medical care, official figures showed.

The Director General of Health Services has confirmed another 26 coronavirus related deaths for November 30, increasing the death toll in the country due to the virus pandemic to 14,372.

According to the figures released by the Govt. Information Department, the deaths reported today include 11 males and 15 females.

Eleven of the patients are between the ages 30-59 years while the remaining 15 are in the age group of 60 years and above. 

CBSL to freeze bank accounts transferring money using unlawful methods

December 1st, 2021

Courtesy Adaderana

Bank accounts of those who distribute and receive money through unlawful money transfer methods will be frozen with immediate effect, Governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) Ajith Nivard Cabraal said in a tweet today.

Accordingly, the Central Bank has urged all migrant Sri Lankans to use only legal channels to repatriate their earnings.

Earlier today, it was announced that Sri Lankan migrant workers would receive an additional Rs. 10 for each US Dollar they convert into Rupees in December this year, through the Sri Lankan Banking System and other formal channels.

The Central Bank said this is an exclusive offer for Sri Lankan migrant workers during this festive season. 

A statement issued by the Central Bank noted that this incentive is paid under the Incentive Scheme on Inward Workers’ Remittances” when such funds are remitted through licensed banks and other internationally accepted formal channels and converted into Sri Lankan rupees during the month of December this year.

The additional incentive of Rs. 8.00 per US dollar for workers’ remittances, in addition to the existing incentive of Rs.2.00, provided by the Central Bank is expected to attract more workers’ remittances to the country through the formal banking channels, thereby improving the foreign currency liquidity in the domestic foreign exchange market.

At the same time, the Central Bank and law enforcement authorities are taking several measures to curtail informal fund transfer channels, which would, in turn, further encourage migrant workers to use formal channels to remit their hard-earned foreign exchange to the benefit of their dependents, the statement read further.

ERASING THE EELAM VICTORY Part 27 B4

November 30th, 2021

KAMALIKA PIERIS

The Tamil Separatist Movement says it is entitled to self determination and has the right to set up a separate state. The Tamil Separatist Movement cites the often repeated UN statement which says All peoples have the right to self-determination and by virtue of that right to freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development”.

Netherlands said in an opinion to the International Court of Justice, given in 2018 that self-determination was   a part of International law as a right.  Netherlands pointed out that in 1970 UN General Assembly said that the right of self-determination was a fundamental principle of contemporary international law binding on all States.

Unfortunately for the Tamil Separatist Movement, the UN decided that in the first instance only countries under colonial rule have this right to self determination.  UN said in 1952 that member states of the UN must recognize and promote the right of self-determination of peoples of Non-Self-Governing and Trust Territories who are under them.

This was followed by General Assembly Resolution 1514(XV) of December 1960, Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial countries and Peoples.” The Resolution was adopted with eighty-nine Member States voting in favor, no vote against, and nine abstentions.

This Resolution said that it was necessary to bring colonialism to a speedy end. Countries under colonial occupation were entitled to obtain independence.  However, the    Resolution also said that there must be no attempt at partial or total disruption of the national unity and territorial integrity of a [sovereign state.] United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1654 of 27 November 1961 reaffirmed the 1960 resolution. Thus scuppering plans of the Tamil Separatist Movement to create a breakaway Eelam.

This was followed by Resolution 26/25 (XXV) of 1970, Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in Accordance with the Charter of the United Nations . This Resolution also said that states must bring an end to colonialism. The establishment of a sovereign and independent State, [or any other state] freely determined by a people, constituted self determination.

But the 1970  Resolution  also declared Nothing in the foregoing paragraphs shall be construed as authorizing or encouraging any action which would dis­member or impair, totally or in part, the territorial in­tegrity or political unity of sovereign and independent States conducting themselves in compliance with the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples and  possessed of a government representing the whole people belonging to the territory without distinction as to race, creed or color”. So no Eelam there either.

In 2018 it was suggested that once the inhabitants of a colonial territory got their independence or whatever, that territory was no longer a colony.  Eventually, once all the colonies got independence, self-determination of colonies will come to a natural end.

The Tamil Separatist Movement was also unable to get any relief from the UN Declaration on Minorities. Asbjorn Eide, Special Rapporteur,   stated in 1998 ‘Insofar as the UN Committee on Protection of Minority Rights is concerned, it would not recognize the right of Tamils in Sri Lanka for self determination

There is a strong body of legal opinion which rejects claims to self determination based on ethno nationalist grounds alone, said HL de Silva. Judge Rosalyn Higgins of ICJ observed that the word ‘Peoples’ means all the people in the territory. This means that minorities do not have the right of self-determination.

 In the Helsinki declaration of 1975, adopted by 35 states constituting the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) national minorities were excluded from the scope of self determination. Right was given only to entire populations of sovereign states, said HL de Silva.

But self determination did not disappear. It got a new lease of life. When World War II ended, the ruling powers created new states, where none had existed before. These new states contained groups which had no prior connection with each other. These groups started to kick. Breakaway disputes arose and a new call for self determination arose.

The International Court of Justice (ICJ) was asked to intervene. ICJ found that the right to self-determination was an unsettled issue in international law. There were many differing opinions. ICJ therefore sought opinions from UN Member countries on the matter. Netherlands (2018) said that decolonization was only one aspect of the right of self determination.  The right of self determination extended beyond decolonization and foreign occupation.

Netherlands pointed out that the right of self-determination has been included in several international instruments that did not deal with decolonization or foreign occupation. It  was included in Articles 1 of the 1966 Covenants, General Assembly Resolution
2625, the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, 1993 Vienna
Declaration and Programme of Action, and Part VIII of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe.

A common feature of these instruments is that they speak of all peoples” and not merely to ‘colonial’ or ‘oppressed’ peoples as the holders of the right of self-determination. This shows the universal and continuous character of the right of self-determination, said Netherlands.

 But there is a reluctance to define ‘people’ observed analysts. States wanted it that way, so that interpretation could change as political priorities changed, replied  other analysts. But some criteria have evolved, otherwise, any group could self-identify as a “people” and demand to secede, replied Netherlands. One such criteria is recognition by a competent international organization, said Serbia.

Netherlands pointed out to the International Court of Justice that self-determination could be achieved through (a) the dissolution of a State, (b) the merger of one or more States, or (c) the secession from a State.   A people may decide to dissolve a State and create two or more States out of it, or allow a group to secede from that State.

International Court of Justice then looked at Secession. International law does not prohibit the secession of a territory from a sovereign State, ICJ observed and requested opinions on this.

Secession is a highly exceptional way of creating States, said Serbia. Consent from the sovereign State has been present in ail the states that arose through secession.International law does not authorize secession without the sovereign State’s consent, agreed Netherlands. Partition of the colonial territory was only permitted if that was the clear wish of the majority of all inhabitants of the territory.  

The Canadian Supreme Court  said that even if the people of Quebec vote Yes to separation at a referendum they still have to negotiate with the people they are going to separate from.

Analysts observed that once independent states are formed and recognized by the international community, it is very difficult to form breakaway – states. There has to be a very strong justification,  such as a long history of separate rule, proof  of  recognition as a separate country, and proof that it was yoked  to another country against  its wishes.  Continued)

High Commissioner Moragoda seeks greater defence and security cooperation with India

November 30th, 2021

High Commission of Sri Lanka New Delhi

Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner to India, Milinda Moragoda explored avenues of further augmenting defence and security cooperation with India, when he met the Defence Minister of India Shri Rajnath Singh in New Delhi, today (30). 

Minister Singh extended a warm welcome to High Commissioner Moragoda. The Defence Minister of India and the High Commissioner of Sri Lanka discussed a range of issues, reviewing the existing excellent defence and security ties between the two countries.

High Commissioner Moragoda thanked the Defence Minister for the support that the Indian defence establishment has been extending to Sri Lanka over the years in many spheres. He thanked India for assisting in controlling the disastrous fires onboard MT New Diamond and MV Express Pearl off the coast of Sri Lanka, which would have resulted in unimaginable marine pollution in the region, had they not been controlled in a timely and efficient manner.

The High Commissioner also thanked India for the training opportunities accorded to Sri Lankan military students. It was noted that at any given time there are around 700 Sri Lankan military students undergoing training in India. Sri Lanka is the largest single recipient of Indian training berths in the defence sector. The High Commissioner suggested that the possibility be explored for the provision of further training opportunities for Sri Lankan military students in India.

The High Commissioner particularly conveyed to Defence Minister Singh his appreciation for the assistance extended by India to Sri Lanka by sending military aircraft with medical supplies during the covid-19 pandemic, transporting much needed medical grade oxygen to Sri Lanka by INS Shakti and facilitating transportation of the same by SLNS Shakthi, and for air lifting a consignment of urgently required nano-nitrogen fertilizer by transport aircraft of the Indian Air Force recently. In this context, the offer by the Indian Navy to donate a large-scale oxygen generator to Sri Lanka was also appreciated.

The High Commissioner also recalled how the Indian defence establishment supported the repatriation of Sri Lankan military students during the initial months of the lock-down in 2020, by way of facilitating their movement by road, sea and air, and thanked the Minister for this facilitation.

The two dignitaries took note of the annual bilateral Joint Military and Naval exercises and discussed avenues through which the existing bilateral defence and security cooperation could be further strengthened. They also observed with satisfaction the immense progress achieved by the Colombo Security Conclave during the past one year.      

High Commissioner Moragoda also presented a copy of his policy road map “Integrated Country Strategy for Sri Lanka Diplomatic Missions in India 2021/2023” to the Defence Minister. The High Commissioner was accompanied by the High Commission’s Defence Advisor Commodore Thushara Karunatunga (SLN) to the meeting.

A former President of the Bhartiya Janata Party, Shri Rajnath Singh is a veteran politician with an illustrious career. Prior to be appointed as the Minister of Defence in May 2019, he held the portfolio of Home Minister in the Cabinet of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Shri Rajnath Singh had also served as the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh in early 2000s. He is also the Deputy Leader of the House of the Lok Sabha at present.

High Commission of Sri Lanka New Delhi

Turkey And Bangladesh Can Benefit From Growing Trade and Strategic Ties

November 30th, 2021

MD Pathik Hasan

Turkey is a real well-wisher and good friend of Bangladesh. It is Turkey that was, is, and will be with Bangladesh in the crisis moment. Only the sky is the limit of Turkey-Bangladesh ties.  According to recent reports of Bangladeshi media outlets, Bangladesh In recent times, Bangladesh and Turkey have become increasingly close, with two main goals behind them. On the one hand, Turkey’s far-reaching efforts to regain its influence in the Muslim world. On the other hand, Bangladesh is willing to expand trade and defense ties including resolving the Rohingya crisis. Based on these two goals, analysts in Dhaka believe that the relations between the two countries are going to reach a ‘unique height’.

Turkey, a member of the NATO alliance, has a strong position in international forums, including the United Nations and the OIC, they say. Despite the distance from the country in the past, the relationship was strengthened by supporting Bangladesh on the Rohingya issue. After that, Dhaka focused on increasing trade relations with Ankara, and the response was as expected. At present, bilateral trade between Bangladesh and Turkey is 1 billion annually, but efforts are being made to increase it to 2 billion. With the increase in defense cooperation, bilateral relations are expected to deepen.

Now turkey wants to invest more in Bangladesh. Bangladesh and Turkey agreed to boost up trade, tourism. Turkey has been able to attract the attention of the world as it has made tremendous progress in the last decade. On the contrary, Bangladesh has emerged as a country of new potential for economic growth. These two issues are playing a role in strengthening mutual unity and relations between the two countries.

Bangladesh has condemned a coup attempt against Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan in 2016. According to a letter from Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, relations between the two countries are warming up. From time to time, Erdogan’s administration has been expressing support for Dhaka on the Rohingya issue.

Later, Turkish First Lady Emin Erdogan came to Bangladesh to visit the Rohingya camp in Cox’s Bazar. Turkey has taken a strong stand in support of the Rohingya on the world stage, including the UN-OIC. The country has taken a number of steps, including providing humanitarian assistance. As these are practically in favor of Bangladesh, Dhaka benefits in other areas including diplomacy.

As a result, the Chief of Air Staff and Navy will visit Turkey in late 2020. Foreign Minister AK Abdul Momen went to Ankara, Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu came to Dhaka. They inaugurated their embassies in the two countries as well as signed bilateral agreements.

Chief of Army Staff General SM Shafiuddin Ahmed recently visited Turkey. He spoke with top military officials, including the Turkish defense minister, about possible defense cooperation, training and other issues. Analysts believe that his visit will add a ‘new dimension’ to Bangladesh-Turkey strategic friendship and military cooperation.

Turkey is very interested to build a sustainable strategic and defense ties with Bangladesh. Bangladesh has also agreed to buy military equipment from Turkey to strengthen the country’s security system. In the coming days, the two governments will hold talks with Turkey on joint production of military equipment in the country and extensive training in the security sector between the two countries. The defense cooperation between Dhaka and Ankara had been increasing for the last couple of years in view of Turkey’s near self-sufficiency in defense manufacturing.

Experts say the development of defense ties between the two countries is positive, adding a new dimension to the relationship. In the future, the relationship between the two countries may become even stronger. In FY2019-20 total trade with Turkey was $686.41 million out of which Bangladesh’s export was $453 million against the import of $233.41 million reflecting a positive trade balance of $220.06 million in favour of Bangladesh.  Infrastructure, construction materials, railway, renewable energy, automobile, healthcare, medical equipment, shipbuilding, agriculture, home appliances etc. are some of the potential areas for Turkish investment in Bangladesh.

Turkey is working on increasing the trade volume with Bangladesh to the tune of $3 billion in the next few years, now that it has crossed the $1 billion-mark. Turkish Ambassador in Dhaka Mustafa Osman Turan said this while speaking with diplomatic correspondents at the new Turkish embassy in the capital on November 24, 2021. Trade potential between the two countries needs to be tapped to increase the trade volume to $3 billion, said the Turkish envoy. Bangladesh was Turkey’s second-biggest trade partner in South Asia after India, with a total trade volume of $1.2 billion, Bangladesh was the fourth biggest buyer of Turkish defense products. In FY2020-21 Bangladesh’s export to Turkey was $499.79 million, Turkey’s Asia Anew” initiative, Bangladesh can be a key focus of Turkey for trade and investment.

According to the Bangladesh Mission in Ankara, Turkey, a new agreement was signed between the two countries in the defense sector on June 29. On 29 June 2021, the Government to Government (G2G) defense memorandum of understanding (MoU) was signed between Bangladesh and Turkey. According to the agreement, Bangladesh will buy a significant amount of military equipment from Turkey. The agreement was attended by Bangladesh Ambassador to Turkey Musad Mannan and Defense Attache Brigadier General Rashed Iqbal.

According to various media outlets, Diplomatic sources say Bangladesh wants to have multiple sources of military equipment in the context of ongoing geopolitical changes. As part of this, this agreement has been signed with Turkey. There are plans to sign the agreement with several other countries in the coming days.

After his productive visit to Indonesia, Foreign Minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu visited Bangladesh on 23 December 2020 upon the invitation of his Bangladeshi counterpart A.K. Abdul Momen and to officially inaugurate our new Embassy compound in Dhaka. Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu arrived in Dhaka on December 23 for a two-day visit. Before leaving Dhaka on December 23, Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu met Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina at Ganobhaban and conveyed a message from Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. In addition, the foreign minister said. He also held bilateral meetings with AK Abdul Momen.

Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu told reporters in Dhaka at the time that Bangladesh was now the rising star of Asia. Bangladesh is one of the important partners of Turkey in Asia policy. The progress that Bangladesh has made in the economic sector in a very short period of time is commendable. The big businessmen of Turkey want to take the opportunity to invest in different sectors of Bangladesh.

In the military sector, Turkey can produce to fulfill its own needs, which is standard and sustainable. Turkey wants to cooperate with Bangladesh in this sector. Turkey is interested in technology exchange and joint production in this sector if necessary.

Bangladesh and Turkey both need to make progress with each other in the defense sector. Many foreign partners in Bangladesh will not be happy. But Bangladesh needs to move forward with Turkey to keep them happy. “Turkey is the only country Bangladesh can count on that can come forward in times of crisis.”

Turkey has already called on Bangladesh to jointly participate in the production and development of military equipment. Turkey is advancing a lot in drone technology. Drone weapons will play a very important role in the coming war situation. The situation may be such that the drone will hover and it will be controlled sitting in the office. Even 21 years ago, they were building an armed personal carrier, that’s when they built a small plane. There is no doubt that they will build fighter jets at some point. ‘

Turkey is a very good source. Turkey is the source of military equipment for Bangladesh as well as Bangladesh can jointly participate in the production and development of military equipment with Turkey. Thus, we can say that Turkey is boosting its trade and defense ties with Bangladesh. Turkey and Bangladesh could benefit from growing trade and defense ties.

Bhutan Can Play Role In Rohingya Crisis Solution

November 30th, 2021

MD Pathik Hasan

South Asian neighbors Bangladesh and Bhutan have a harmonious relationship on the strength of their mutual interest, shared history and culture. On December 6, 1971, Bhutan and India became the first countries to recognize the independence of Bangladesh. Bangladesh-Bhutan ties started to deepen from this period. Bhutan and Bangladesh signed  ‘PTA’ on December 06, 2020. After PTA, Bhutan and Bangladesh can cooperate to resolve some regional crisis. Bhutan and Bangladesh can work together in resolving the Rohingya refugee crisis because it is a regional crisis.  For decades, Myanmar has gone through extreme cruelty to the Rohingya. Never cared about the law. The Rohingya problem is not new to Bangladesh. This problem, which started in 1978, became apparent in August 2017. More than 1 million Rohingyas fled to Bangladesh to save their lives when the Myanmar army launched a brutal operation against the Rohingya ethnic group. Bangladesh is seeking the intervention of the United States, the European Union and the United Nations as well as the regional alliance ASEAN for a lasting and acceptable solution to the Rohingya problem.

Now Bangladesh is facing serious problems for this artificial crisis committed by Myanmar.  Some socio-economic threats are rising in Bangladesh. Bangladesh has given shelter to Rohingyas for humanitarian reasons. But because of this humanity, the country is now at risk. As a result, there is a danger of Rohingyas spreading all over the country, there are also many challenges

The forest is being uprooted, they are cutting down the mountains and destroying them. There are also long-term economic risks Socio-economic and political problems may also be evident, and security risks may increase. Illegal narcotics trade, human trafficking, prostitution, terrorism in Rohingya camps is increasing in camps.

Bangladesh and Myanmar signed an agreement to repatriate the Rohingya to Myanmar within two years in 2017 and 2019 respectively. The Myanmar authority did not take back the Rohingyas according to the agreement. It is true that they don’t want to repatriate Rohingyas in Myanmar. Bangladesh raised the issue in every international forum. Many countries have supported Bangladesh. But Myanmar has no respect the international law and norms. Some mighty powers may have behind the scene.

Bangladesh Prime Minister has raised the issue at UNGA on September 25, 2021 to draw the attention in solving the Rohingya crisis. She has focused specially on the engagement of ASEAN leaders. It is ASEAN which can solve Rohingya refugee problem easily.

As a South Asian country and well trusted friends of Bangladesh, Bhutan can easily solve it. Bhutan can be mediator in this regard. Bhutan has very warm relations with both Myanmar and Bangladesh.

Various countries and international organizations have taken various measures to solve the Rohingya problem. Former UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has criticized Myanmar authorities for being lax in repatriating displaced Rohingya. UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres has expressed deep concern over the ongoing Rohingya crisis. Yang Lee, the UN special envoy for human rights in Myanmar, said all major countries in the world had a responsibility to resolve the Rohingya crisis.

In this regard, Bhutan can and should play a very significant role to solve the crisis such ways:

  1. Bhutan can support Bangladesh at every international forum such as at UNGA, regional conference. They can vote in favor of Bangladesh. They can raise the issue in BIMSTEC and SAARC platforms.
  2. Bhutan can negotiate with Myanmar diplomatically and bilaterally. It has good bilateral relations with Myanmar)
  3. Bhutan can engage with others regional states to solve the crisis.
  4. Bhutan’s Buddhist society can play an effective role in this regard. The relations of Buddhists between Myanmar and Bhutan are well established. Bhutanese Buddhists can do it very easily. Buddhism is more related to establishment of Peace and non-violence. Bhutanese Buddhists can play a significant role in this regard. They can exercise the path shown by the founder of Buddhism, Gautama Buddha. Buddhist will be recognized as the Avatar of human rights if Buddhist community plays to role in solving Rohingya crisis. It will ensure the regional to some extant World peace and communal harmony.
  5. Bhutan’s businessmen can engage to some extent. Because stability in the region is very needed for investment.

Why should Bhutan should play role resolving the Problem?

  1. This issue is a humanitarian issue. Rohingyas are the son of Land in Rakhine in Myanmar. They have birth rights to reside in Myanmar.
  2. It is an issue of Justice. According to Luther king Junior, “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.” Myanmar authority committed genocide. The perpetrators should be under international legal jurisdiction.
  3. It is the issue of region. The whole South Asia and South East Asia may be volatile for this issue. As a South Asian state, Bhutan has some responsibilities.
  4. Bhutan has very good relations with both Myanmar and Bangladesh.
  5. Enhancing bilateral relations could contribute to the growth of trade and investment relations with ASEAN and SAARC countries. This will create an opportunity to serve grater regional interest.
  6. Re-establishing the Himalayan-South Asian connectivity can occur if political and diplomatic solutions of Bangladesh-Myanmar strained ties can be found.
  7. Bangladesh has been supporting Bhutan at every international forum. Now it is time and duty for Bhutan to stand by Bangladesh in her crisis moment.

Bhutan and Bangladesh can work mutually in this regard. Bangladesh and Bhutan have a common identity with their peace-loving people sharing similar views on many regional issues. Both are democratic nations. There are many potential areas where Bhutan and Bangladesh can work together for the better promotion of democracy, peacekeeping, regional stability and people’s welfare. However, Bhutan should consider this. Bhutan should do somethings in favor of Bangladesh regarding Rohingya refugee repatriation to Myanmar. Bhutan can make Myanmar understand and agree in this regard.

Bhutan can play a very significant role in this regard. Bhutan can mediate to bolster the strained relations between Bangladesh-Myanmar. Bhutan can play to repatriate the Rohingyas in Rakhine in Myanmar. Bhutan can easily solve the problem because it has a very good relations with Myanmar.

However, as a well-wisher friend and partner in the development process and trade, Bangladesh can expect cooperation and support of Bhutan regarding the repatriation of Rohingya refugees to Myanmar. Bangladesh deserves it. So, Bhutan should help, support Bangladesh and mediate in solving the crisis as soon as possible.

Nepal And Bangladesh Could Benefit From Growing Trade Ties

November 30th, 2021

MD Pathik Hasan

Nepal and Bangladesh are two of South Asia’s closest friends and peace-loving neighbors, their ties made closer by recent high-level state visits. President of Bangladesh Abdul Hamid visited Nepal in 2019. Nepal’s President Bidya Devi Bhandari likewise visited Bangladesh in 2021 as a guest on the birth centenary of Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

Nepal recognized Bangladesh as a sovereign state in 1971 and bilateral relations solidified after Bangladesh established six trade routes with Nepal in 1976. Relations were further enriched by the visit of King Birendra of Nepal to Dhaka in 1986. The two countries are currently members of several forums, including the United Nations, the WTO, BIMSTEC and SAARC and both Nepal and Bangladesh are on the way out of the club of LDCs.

In 2019, 40,000 Bangladeshi tourists went to Nepal. At present, nearly 4,000-5,000 Nepali students are studying in medical colleges and universities in Bangladesh. After joining workplaces in Nepal, these doctors are prescribing medicines for Bangladeshi companies. As a result, a good market for Bangladeshi medicines has been created in Nepal and currently eight companies export medicines to Nepal. Unfortunately, lack of the desired SAFTA agreement is hurting their trade potential even as the two countries are moving towards a bilateral free trade agreement.

Nepal has a free trade agreement with India. It has also expressed its interest in signing a preferential trade agreement or PTA with Bangladesh to boost bilateral trade. Although talks on this started last year, Nepal is frustrated that the agreement has not been finalized. As Nepal is a close country, Bangladesh can easily import fruits, herbs and spices. On the other hand, Bangladesh’s entry into the Nepali market has multidimensional potential as Nepal currently imports 90 percent of the goods it uses.

Nepal has a population of 29 million and a GDP of nearly $30 billion. Nepalis are a very fancy nation. As a result, Nepal can be a good market for Bangladesh’s electronics, ceramics, garments, furniture and local clothing brands. The completion of the desired PTA will open new horizons in trade between the two countries; Bhutan-Bangladesh trade has doubled since the signing of the PTA between them. The Kathmandu Post quoted the country’s foreign ministry as saying that Nepal had already sent a draft PTA to Bangladesh and now it is waiting for a response.

Bangladesh can export its apparels and fertilizers to Nepal. Some Nepali media outlets had reported that 52,000 metric tons of urea was imported from Bangladesh in July. Nepal and Bangladesh are a short distance apart. The Siliguri corridor – also called the Indian Chicken Neck – in the northern part of India’s West Bengal state stands geographically between Bangladesh and Nepal.  

The Nepal-Bangladesh ties have a lot of potentials. Bangladesh’s economy is booming day by day, and analysts feel It is going to be a South Asian superstar. Current rulers Bangladesh Awami league are trying to carry out massive industrialization to make it a high-income country by 2041.

Nepal is also a prosperous country. Its people are peace-loving and hard-working, just like those in Bangladesh. Bangladesh and Nepal can connect to raise the living standards of their people.

Nepal is a huge source of hydroelectricity, and the Himalayan nation can supply it to Bangladesh to help the latter meet its demands. Bangladesh needs more electricity to run its factories. Nepal can thus play a significant role to boost Bangladesh’s economic strength. Nepal will also benefit as its electricity market would grow.

Power imports could open up another horizon in relations between the two countries. Nepal has the capacity to export about 42,000 MW of hydropower. Bangladesh, which is on the path of rapid industrialization, can import electricity from Nepal, and India too seems to be positive on this.

For this, the power transmission line has to be installed and Bangladesh, Nepal and India have to work jointly. India also stands to benefit, and as the South Asian big brother, it should play a positive role to boost Nepal-Bangladesh ties and trade. A trilateral trade scheme can be initiated alongside the border markets. Bangladesh will be able to export its ‘surplus’ electricity to Nepal during the dry season.

In June 2021, Bangladesh’s state minister for energy Nasrul Hamid announced the country will import around 700 megawatts (MW) of hydropower from Nepal to meet its future electricity demand. Bangladesh Foreign Minister A K Abdul Momen said a deal was in the final stages with Nepal and India allowing his country to import hydropower from the Himalayan state.  

According to Bangladeshi Media, Bangladesh signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Nepal in 2018 to oversee investment, development and trade in hydro-electricity between the two countries. Under this arrangement, Bangladesh will import up to 9,000 Megawatt of hydropower from Nepal by 2040. Bangladesh is also keen to invest in Nepal’s hydropower sector.

Vistas of cooperation 

Recently some Nepalese media reports said Bangladesh wanted to export its apparel and fertilizer to Nepal. A total of 52 thousand metric tonnes of urea imported from Bangladesh arrived in Nepal in July.

Bangladeshi conglomerate Walton Group, which deals in electronics, telecommunication, automobiles and computers, is active in Nepal. International NGO Brac and other Bangladeshi NGOs can play definitive roles to develop the mass education and health sectors in Nepal.

Bangladesh signed a Preferential Trade Agreement with Bhutan on December 06, 2020. A Preferential Trade Agreement with Nepal is also at the final stage and is likely to be signed soon. This would enable duty-free access to products of both countries.

As an addition to the Protocol of the Nepal-Bangladesh Transit Agreement signed in 1976, a letter of exchange has been inked between the two countries to include the Rohanpur-Singhabad Rail Link between India and Bangladesh. Nepal is also interested in using Chattogram, Mongla and Paira Seaports because it is a landlocked country. Bangladesh has agreed to work on the modalities for this during the visit of Nepali President Bidhya Devi Bhandari in March.

Nepal has also expressed its interest to use the inland waterways of Bangladesh. Besides, Nepal is also keen to use the Saidpur Airport in Bangladesh’s Nilphamari district for direct flights to Biratnagar (the capital of Nepal’s province no.1). Bangladesh is open to it.

Tourism, Covid-19, counter-terrorism, microfinance, exchange of training expertise and education are some sectors in which Bangladesh and Nepal can collaborate. Bangladesh faces a refugee problem after the massive influx of Rohingya refugees into the country in 2017. Now Bangladesh wants to repatriate them to Myanmar. Nepal should support Bangladesh at all international fora to repatriate them peacefully. Such a gesture will not go unnoticed in Dhaka.

The shortest distance between Nepal and Bangladesh is only 22 kilometers, and the road distance from Banglabandha in Bangladesh to Kakarvita in Nepal is just 39 km. In this connection, railways could offer much-needed connectivity. Nepal wants to join the rail link from Rohanpur in Chapainawabganj, Bangladesh to Singabad in India. Kathmandu’s distance from this railway will be only 216 km. On the other hand, China is building a railway from Lhasa in Tibet to Khasa, a border town in Nepal, and Nepal wants to bring that railway to Kathmandu. As a result, if there is effort and desire, Bangladesh can even establish a rail link to China via Kathmandu.

At present Dhaka is connected to Kathmandu by air and Nepal wants to expand air connectivity to Sylhet and Chittagong. Another option would be linking Syedpur in Bangladesh and Bhadrapur airport in Nepal, which would be just a 15 minutes flight. For those who want to avoid the hassle of a road transit visa on a business or leisure trip, this sky connectivity will be a huge relief. Both the governments may withdraw international tariffs on this route, in which case potentially millions of Bangladeshis could visit Nepal in coming years. Bangladesh could also help with the development of cricket in Nepal.

Many people think sending goods to Nepal is difficult but the task has been made much easier by the establishment of the Nepali warehouse at Banglabandha port. Bangladeshi products thus have great potential in Nepal and the private sector should be encouraged to join. In the end, again, the cooperation between the two countries will be useful in building a peaceful and prosperous South Asia.

ආපදා ණය රුපියල් කෝටි 17 ක් නොගෙවීම නිසා දුම්රිය සේවකයින් දැඩි පීඩාවක. අවශ්‍ය මුදල් කඩිනමින් ලබා දෙන්න

November 30th, 2021

දුම්රිය වෘත්තීය සමිති සන්ධානය.

ලේකම්,
එස්.ආර්.ආටිගල මැතිතුමා,
මුදල් අමාත්‍යාංශය,

ආපදා ණය රුපියල් කෝටි 17 ක් නොගෙවීම නිසා දුම්රිය සේවකයින් දැඩි පීඩාවක. අවශ්‍ය මුදල් කඩිනමින් ලබා දෙන්න

ආපදාවක් වූ විට හෝ වෙනත් ණය අවශ්‍යතාවයක් වූ විට, හදීසි හා අත්‍යාවශය වියදමක් දැරීම සඳහා  රාජ්‍ය සේවකයින්ට ගෙවනු ලබන ආපදා ණය මුදල් නොගෙවීම නිසා දුම්රිය සේවකයින් දැඩි පීඩාවකට පත්ව ඇත.ආයතන සංග්‍රහයේ XXIV වන පරිච්ඡේදය 10: 1 අනුව සේවකයාගේ ඉල්ලීම මත, මාස 10 ක වැටුප් උපරිමයකට යටත්ව, ආපදවක් වෙනුවෙන් වැටුප් අත්තිකාරමක් ලබාගැනීමට සේවකයාට හැකියාව ඇත.

ගංවතුර, නායයෑම් ආදි ස්වාභාවික විපත් වලදී සහන සැලසීමට, වෛද්‍ය වියදම්, පවුලේ කෙනෙකුගේ අවමංගල්‍යකදී වියදම් පියවාගැනීමට, ගෙවල් කුලී ගෙවීමට හෝ නිවාස අළුත්වැඩියාවක් කිරීමට, මදුරු දැල් මිළදී ගැනීමට, දරුවෙකුගේ පාසල් උපකරණ, පොත්පත්, පරිගනක යන්ත්‍ර හා උපාංග මිළදී ගැනීමට ආදී අත්‍යවශ්‍ය වියදමක් දැරීමට අවශ්‍ය වූ විට, පිටස්තර ණය කරුවෙකු වීමෙන්, රාජ්‍ය සේවකයා මෙන්ම රාජ්‍ය සේවයට අගෞරවයක් වීම වැලැක්වීම සඳහා රාජ්‍ය සේවකයින්ට මෙම ණය මුදල් අනුමත කරනු ලබයි.  

එසේ අනුමත කරන ණය මුදල් කඩිනමින් ගෙවිය යුතු වුවත්, අනුමත කර වසර ගණනක් බලා සිටීමට දුම්රිය සේවකයින්ට සිදු වී ඇත. මේ ආකාරයෙන් අනුමත කර, දුම්රිය සේවකයින්ට නොගෙවා ඇති ණය මුදල මේ වනවිට රුපියල් කෝටි 17 කට අධිකය. දවසින් දවස මෙම මුදල ඉහල යන අතර, මේ හා සමාන වන මුදලක් මේ වන විට සේවකයින් ඉල්ලා තිබියදීත් ගෙවීම් නොකිරීම නිසා සේවකයින් දැඩි පීඩාවකට ලක්ව ඇත.

මේ සඳහා අවශ්‍ය මුදල් භාණ්ඩාගාරයෙන් ලබා නොදීම නිසා දුම්රිය පරිපාලනයද දැඩි අපහසුතාවයකට පත්වී  ඇත. රටේ ජනතාව පීඩාවට පත්වී සිටින ආකාරයෙන්ම, දුම්රිය සේවකයාද දැඩි පීඩාවකට පත්කර ඇති බව අවධාරණය කරන අතර, රටට බරක් වී ඇත්තේ රාජ්‍ය සේවය නොව, රාජ්‍ය සේවකයා පීඩාවට ලක් කරන මේ ආණ්ඩුව බව අවධාරණය කර සිටිමු.

දුම්රිය සේවකයින්ට මුහුණදීමට සිදුවී ඇති ආපදා තත්වය හෝ මුදල් අවශ්‍යතාව පිළිබඳ අවධානය යොමුකර, අනුමත කර ඇති ණය මුදල් සහ ඉල්ලා ඇති ණය මුදල් ගෙවීම් කිරීමට කඩිනම් ක්‍රියාමාර්ගයක් ගන්නා ලෙස කරුණිකව ඉල්ලාසිටිමු.

ස්තූතියි.

මෙයට,
එස්.පී.විතානගේ
සමකැඳවුම්කරු
දුම්රිය වෘත්තීය සමිති සන්ධානය.

International award to north-eastern journalist Nava Thakuria

November 30th, 2021

Indian News

Guwahati: The Geneva-based Press Emblem Campaign (PEC) rewards senior journalist Nava Thakuria, a resident of northeast India, for his relentless initiatives to safeguard the rights of media persons in the south Asian country and also defending the press freedom in the region with an exemplary commitment.

The Assam-based working journalist has been awarded on 30 November 2021 remotely as it was difficult for him to reach Geneva because of the Covid-19 restrictions.

It is the first time that the PEC rewards a journalist from India, the second most populous country of the world. India has a strong democracy and a vibrant press. Last year however, a record number of 5 journalists were killed in India and six this year. Journalists are targeted documenting abuses, corruption, criminal activities,” stressed the PEC Secretary-General Blaise Lempen.

In 2021, the media fraternity in India was the most affected by the novel coronavirus along with Brazil. The PEC award also wants to pay tribute to some 300 journalists who died throughout India with Covid-19 complications.

Receiving the PEC award is a great honour and represents a strong incentive to continue my work. I now feel more responsible for my colleagues in the media fraternity. At the same time, I greatly appreciate this award which draws attention to the situation of journalists in my country,” said Thakuria.

Journalism, be it print, electronic or digital, remains a hazardous job in India. Media persons are not duly paid here and often they face threats from both the government and non-state actors including the goons. This year, the Covid-19 has impacted severely upon the media industry in India, he added.

Besides his home country, Thakuria has also taken the pain to document the media crisis in Myanmar (also known as Burma or Brahmadesh) and reported the detention of over 120 journalists after the military coup in February. Nearly 40 out of them are still behind the bars there.

A graduate from Assam Engineering College (under Gauhati University), but preferred to be a professional journalist, Thakuria contributes to various newspapers of India along with several media outlets based in the different parts of the world.

Starting his career as a reporter in Natun Dainik, an Assamese language daily in 1990, Thakuria shifted to freelance journalism by 1999.  His focus area of reporting remains the socio-political, cultural and environmental developments taking place in eastern India along with Bhutan, Myanmar and Bangladesh.

The changing faces of mainstream journalism after the advent of alternate media worldwide is also a primary focus area for him. He has visited most of the prime localities in India and also Thimphu, Dhaka, Yangon, Bangkok, Kuala Lumpur, Copenhagen, Chicago, etc for different global events and professional assignments.

Created in the Swiss city of Geneva in 2004 by a group of journalists, PEC the global media safety and rights body with the consultative status at the United Nations, is devoted to strengthening the legal protection and safety of journalists around the world. Since 2009, it has been awarding its annual prize to an individual or an organization, who works for the protection of journalists and the press freedom on the ground.

The award had earlier gone to Mexican journalist Carmen Aristegui in 2020. On the previous year, the PEC rewarded the Afghanistan Journalists Center director Ahmad Quraishi, whereas in 2018 the award went to the family of Daphne Caruana Galizia (who was murdered in Malta in October 2017).

Showcasing the Gandhara Buddhist civilization

November 30th, 2021

By P.K.Balachandran/Daily Mirror Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Showcasing the Gandhara Buddhist civilization

Colombo, November 30: The remnants of the Gandhara Buddhist civilization in Pakistan are a sight to behold, not just for Buddhist pilgrims but also for art lovers.  Imposing stupas with intricate and lifelike carvings depicting various events in the Buddha’s life and his past births abound in the Swat Valley in North West Pakistan bordering Afghanistan.   

It is amazing that an avowedly Islamic country, where idols are considered haram (forbidden), has diligently preserved these masterpieces, and that, against heavy odds. Mercifully, the icons escaped the Islamization drive of President Zia ul Haq (1978-1988).

In 2006-2007, when the Taliban banned the preservation of these objects because even the existence of idols in the midst of Muslims was haram”, President Pervez Musharraf negotiated the withdrawal of the Taliban from its destructive project. In 2016, when Pakistani archeologists discovered an ancient site at Bhamala in Swat in which there was a 48 ft long, 3 rd. Century AD,  Sleeping Buddha” statue, Imran Khan, who was then a Khyber Pakhtunkhwa leader (and President of the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf party) said: It is a world heritage site and because of that, people will come for religious tourism. The majority of the Pakistani population wants such sites restored.”

Apart from the government, individual Pakistanis have also helped  preserve and protect Buddhist sites against the depredations of the Taliban, idol thieves and smugglers. There is the case of Osman Ulasyar who had stopped local boys from playing cricket in a field full of First  Centry AD Buddhist stupas (burial sites containing relics). Then, at this own cost, he built a 300 ft. wall to protect the stupas.

Documentary on Gandhara

The Pakistan High Commission in Sri Lanka and the Sri Lankan Ministry of Buddha Sasana recently produced a documentary on the Gandhara civilization. The documentary, which is of Hollywood quality in both grandeur and technical finesse, was made by a joint team of Pakistanis and Sri Lankans and was launched by the Lankan Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa. The Sri Lankan partner in the production was Kaushalya Wickramasinghe of Siddhivinayak Cine Arts (Private) Limited, an India-trained film maker. The Director was Mateen Saherai of Pakistan and the Production Controller Sajjad Mohommad was a Pakistani from the UK. Ven. Agrahera Kassapa Thero was the Senior  content Adviser, and the concept and script were prepared by the Project Consultant Director, Vidyajothi Prof. Nimal Silva. Noted Lankan maker Chandran Rutnam was an advisor and some leading Lankan companies were among the sponsors.

Significantly, there was no reservation among the Pakistani collaborators about displaying the Hinduistic logo of the Siddhivinayak Cine Arts which was a picture of Lord Ganesha (or Gana Deviyo in Sinhala). The commentary did not black out the belief that Hindu Gods, Indra and Brahma, had stood by the Buddha right through from his birth to his death.

The documentary took viewers on a seamless journey through various Gandhara heritage sites. Key events in the life of the Buddha were narrated effectively with the sculptures providing appropriate visuals. Panoramic views of the stupas in the picturesque Swat Valley were breathtaking. 

In the Gandhara stupas, the Jataka (birth) stories of the Buddha and his previous incarnations are depicted in imaginative detail and with a warmth of feeling,” comments Dr. Ihsan H.Nadiem author of Buddhist Gandhara. Some of the stories depicted in the sculptures are: Dipankara Jataka; Visvantara Jataka; Dream of Queen Mahamaya; Interpretation of the Dream; Birth of Siddhartha; Seven Steps of the Child; Horoscope; Marriage of Siddhartha and Yasodhara; Life in the Palace; First Meditation of Siddhartha; Renunciation;  Great Departure; Farewell to Chandaka and Kanthaka; First Meeting with the Brahmans; Fasting for Salvation;  Temptation and attack by Mara’s Host; Great Enlightenment; First Sermon; Miracle of Sravasti; Death of the Buddha; Cremation; and Distribution of the Relics of the Buddha. Gandhara art recreated life in detail.

Items of everyday use such as beds and vases etc. can be clearly seen in them. Gandhara art provides an insight into all aspect of life of the region at that time.

Time Line

Gandhara finds mention in 5 th. Century BC Greek accounts as it had by then become a melting pot of Persian and Hindu Vedic traditions. In 327-326 BC it was conquered by Alexander the Great who introduced Greek art. In 321 BC, the region came under the sway of Chandragupta Maurya of Magadha in Bihar. His grandson, the Buddhist Emperor Asoka, brought Buddhism to Gandhara. However, the Buddhist Gandhara civilization reached its pinnacle under the Kushan ruler Kanishka, who assumed power between 78 AD and 144 AD. A convert to Buddhism, Kanishka built innumerable stupas containing relics of the Buddha and Buddhist savants. Fascinating works of architecture and art were produced in Gandhara under Kanishka,” Nadiem points out.  

By the second century BC, Taxila (Thakshashila) had become a multi-ethnic, multi-racial and multi-religious society, where Greeks, Indians, Bactrian and Western Iranians lived together. Remains of a Zoroastrian Temple from that period still exist at Jandial, directly north of Taxila,” says Brig.(R) Agha Ahmad Gul, former Vice Chancellor of Balochistan University. In contrast to present day religious groups which go for each other’s throats, the people of Gandhara lived in harmony despite ethnic and religious variations,” Brig.Gul noted.

The Gandhara civilization should be a model for today’s countries where intolerance is growing, Dr.Abdul Samad, Director of Archeology and Museums in Khyber Pakhtunwala told Reuters. Gandhara was the center of religious harmony. It is here that one finds Greek, Roman, Persian, Hindu and Buddhist gods in a single panel,” he pointed out.

However, in 460 AD, a White Hun invasion crippled the civilization. Subsequently, waves of iconoclastic Islamic raiders from the West and North West pillaged and set up a new order. Still, vary many valuables survived.   

Gandharan sculptures preserved in a Pakistani museum. Photo. Dawn

Grecian Influence  

On Gandhara art, Nadiem says that in the light of the contacts of the Kushan rulers with the West, there was a development of a style quite distinct from the mainstream Indian tradition and in certain respects   inclined to the Western form, though the subject matter throughout remained local and Buddhist.

The Kushans patronized foreign artists probably because of their being themselves alien to the land. They thus could not be taken to the fold of Hinduism. Their status led them to embrace Buddhism and favor foreign culture,” Nadiem adds.

According to Brig. Agha Ahmad Gul: Alexander’s stay in Gandhara was short (327 BC), but he left a sizeable population of Greeks in every region he conquered, including Gandhara. The craftsmen, soldiers and other followers were encouraged to inter-marry and blend with the locals, introducing the Greek civilization in conquered regions which affected their history for centuries to come.”

Image of the Buddha

One of the greatest contributions of Gandhara Buddhist art is the representation of the Buddha as we conceptualize him now, showing Greco-Roman influence. Nadiem says that the Buddha was first represented in the human form (and not just symbolically) in the Second and Third centuries AD which followed the emergence of devotional Buddhism at the time of Kanishka’s ‘Great Buddhist Council’. And it is also in Gandhara that there is the world’s only statue of a Fasting Buddha.

Pakistan is assiduously using its Buddhist heritage to forge cultural links with Buddhist countries and also promote religious tourism. Buddhist relics were brought to Sri Lanka for exhibition and trips had been arranged for Buddhist monks to visit Gandhara. And now a documentary on Gandhara has been made.

Currently, the Buddha’s images and relics are safe in Pakistan, and the museums there are well-maintained. But Islamic iconoclastic groups inspired by the Afghan Taliban or the ISIS do exist, and could strike any moment. The bid to project Pakistan as a multi-cultural tolerant country may receive a serious setback if the Islamic zealots are not reined in.

New health guidelines issued for public and work-related activities

November 30th, 2021

Courtesy Adaderana

The Director-General of Health Services has published new guidelines for public and work-related activities to be followed from the 01st to 15th of December.

In a press release, Dr. Asela Gunawardena noted that there is still a risk for escalation in COVID-19 transmission due to cluster formation, although significant control of the epidemic in the country has been achieved.

Proper adherence to the health guidelines has given more responsibility to the Medical Officers of Health (MOH) for regulation and monitoring at the ground level, he added. The contribution and active engagement of the relevant ministries is very important to create the inter-sectoral relationship and awareness needed to support this task successfully.”

As per the guidelines, a maximum of 1/3 of the usual hall capacity – not exceeding 200 guests – is allowed for indoor wedding receptions. Meanwhile, 250 guests are permitted for outdoor ceremonies.

Funerals should be held within 24 hours after the body is released to the family members or relatives. Only 20 individuals can attend the funeral at a given time.

With regard to private gatherings, the health services chief stated that a maximum of 1/3 of the usual hall capacity – not exceeding 100 persons – are given permission. A maximum of 10 people can attend a gathering at a private residence. However, private gatherings organized outdoors are disallowed.

Restaurants are meanwhile green-lighted to accommodate a 1/3 of the usual capacity – not exceeding 100 persons – for dining in. For outdoor arrangements, 150 people in total are permitted.

Schools and higher education institutions including universities will function as decided by the Education Ministry and the University Grants Commission, respectively. Day-care centres and preschools will also remain open during this period.

The Health Ministry has given the nod for tuition classes to conduct lessons with 50% of the usual capacity, but only for Ordinary Level and Advanced Level students.


The guidelines issued by the Director-General of Health Services are as follows: 

Press Release Controlled Relaxation of Public and Work Activities From 1st Dec to 15 Dec – 2021 11 30 by Adaderana Online on Scribd

President appoints committee to investigate gas cylinder fires and explosions

November 30th, 2021

Courtesy Adaderana

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa has appointed a Committee to look into the recent incidents of Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG) cylinder fires and explosions that have occurred at domestic, commercial and sales outlets in various parts of the country and to find possible causes of the problem in order to provide immediate solutions to the issue.

Chaired by Prof. Shantha Walpola of the Moratuwa University, the committee also includes Senior DIG Deshabandu Tennakoon, Prof. Ajith de Alwis of Moratuwa University, Prof. W .D.W Jayathilaka of the University of Sri Jayewardenepura, Prof. Pradeep Jayaweera, Commissioner of  Sri Lanka Inventors Commission Prof. Narayana Sirimuthu, Additional Director General of Industrial Technology Institute Dr. Sudarshana Somasiri and Senior Deputy Director (Technical) at Sri Lanka Standard Institute Sujeewa Mahagama. 

The President has instructed the Committee to get the information from all the necessary parties and look into existing studies and various views and submit the report to him within two weeks. 

722 COVID cases in total and 18 new deaths detected within the day

November 30th, 2021

Courtesy Adaderana

The daily count of COVID-19 cases confirmed in Sri Lanka moved to 722 today (November 30) as 195 more people were tested positive for the virus, the Epidemiology Unit said.

This brings the total number of confirmed cases of coronavirus reported in the country to 563,989.

As many as 540,387 recoveries and 14,346 deaths have been confirmed in Sri Lanka since the COVID-19 outbreak.

More than 9,200 active cases in total are currently under medical care, official figures showed.

The Director-General of Health Services has confirmed 18 new coronavirus-related deaths for November 29, increasing the death toll in the country due to the virus pandemic to 14,346.

The new fatalities include 11 males and 07 females. Among them are 07 individuals between the ages 30-59 years. The remaining 11 are in the age group of 60 years and above. 

A FRIGHTENING REVELATION OF THE NATION`S HEALTH DEFENCES AGAINST THE CORONA VARIANTS.

November 29th, 2021

Lankaweb Editorial

Nov. 30th 2021

There seems to be a frightening revelation of the Nation’s Health Defenses according to the latest information reports where due to lax testing at the National Airport Katunayake the country could be vulnerable to the latest Covid Variations.

Quoting from the Island News

.”Due to the lax testing at the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA), there is a strong possibility that any new variant of COVID-19 entering the country, College of Medical Laboratory Science (CMLS) President, Ravi Kumudesh commenting on the detection of a new Corona virus variant spreading in South Africa.According to this – Even a travel ban would be useless unless the country enhances its testing and surveillance capacities, Kumudesh said.

The report suggests that PCR tests were not conducted on passengers on arrival and that it was likely that even those not fully vaccinated were entering the country. Gene Sequencing with respect to those infected with COVID inside the country was at a minimal level, and therefore, there is no way we can find out whether a new variant has entered the country until it is too late.“end quote

So why is it that – despite there being two state-of-the-art labs at the BIA no tests have been done there ! The country appears to be unprepared where several nations are imposing bans on travel from South Africa and the region where the time factor in implementing bans could prove vital due to the speed at which these variants propagate.

Sri Lanka has presently imposed a ban where having delayed it rather than acting promptly although even a travel ban might be ineffective now due to the delay and appears to be gross neglect or inefficiency on the part of the authorities concerned.

To add to the consternation and anxieties related, the report indicates that the number of PCR tests conducted had dropped to such a low level that reagents used in some labs for PCR testing are now nearing the expiry dates. The attitude of health officials at the airport is such that everyone operates on the basis that testing of passengers is not important.This suggests apathy and needs to be acted upon stringently and those responsible brought to task!

The Institute of Health concludes that the detection of the new South African variant `Omniron`  is potentially hazardous and a danger for all countries especially for Sri Lanka which is vulnerable from many perspectives including the lax responses from the authorities and, dwindling resources which could prove to be calamitous and  have dire ramifications for all citizens already caught up in a vortex of uncertainty both from a health perspective as well as financially as the administration teeters on the brink of uncertainty and perhaps seen as scrambling to steady the ship in a maelstrom of confusion and the patience of the population wearing thin.

The report quoted earlier also bears further chilling news that “Countries like South Africa, Peru, etc., who had such high levels of infection that much of their population was infected more than once, still continue to suffer new waves of infection. Because most of the world is following the misguided strategy of just accepting the virus,  it has plenty of chances to keep on mutating more. It has also been observed that the virus is circulating more than ever before.Furthermore despite a lot of speculation about how T-cell immunity is going to protect us, there’s really no evidence that either infection or current vaccines and boosters will ever give us long-lasting immunity. We simply don’t know.”

So this is bad news for all of us humans on planet earth, but very definitely for us in Sri Lanka. Why? Because based on how our medical establishment and govt authorities think, we will be slow or refuse to put the necessary border controls in to prevent this entering. And when it does enter-which is inevitable if this variant spreads globally–we will be slow to detect its entry, we will refuse to sound the alarm, and we will do everything but actually attempt to stop it.

That’s been our track record, so why would it change? Worth noting that if this starts a new wave in Southern Africa, it’s just three to four months after their third wave. So just as immunity starts waning appreciably from natural infection (or vaccines). That gives us a strong hint of what our future holds unless we end this pandemic.” end quote veritably.

Sri Lanka having been the cynosure of the world once, about how the pandemic was handled admirably has now lost that status and at the mercy of the elements where the authorities seem to be pathetically clutching at straws where it is up to the Leadership of the President and his team to seek out the panacea towards restitution which now seems no mean task but the Nation  certainly depends on his manoeuvrability and choices.

Kandyan Convention of 1815 – A Convention violated and dishonoured

November 29th, 2021

By Senaka Weeraratna BY SPUR WEB TEAM · MARCH 18, 2019

(This is an edited version of a paper read out at a Public Seminar on the ‘ Kandyan Convention of 1815’ held at the University of Peradeniya, Arts Theatre, on March 09, 2019)

The Kandyan Convention (‘Ingrisy – Sinhale Givisuma’) must be examined in the context of British colonial policy seeking British supremacy all over world. The British developed ingenious ways of grabbing other people’s lands under various pretexts. The Kandyan Convention is a classic example of this ploy. In India, under its policy of Subsidiary Alliance the British used Treaties to make Indian States, subordinate to British Colonial administration. The British agenda under the Kandyan Convention, whatever the wording in the provisions was not very different.

Kingdom of Kandy was never conquered. It was ceded to the British retaining several provisions favourable to the Kandyan Sinhalese. Articles 4, 5, 6 and 7 of the Kandyan Convention were meant to protect the Kandyan Sinhalese and allow them to govern the Kingdom as they did under their deposed King Sri Wickrama Rajasinghe. Nevertheless, once the British had obtained full control of the land they began to interpret the provisions in an insincere self – serving manner that was highly prejudicial to the interests of the Kandyans, who had foolishly trusted the British.

https://www.spur.asn.au/kandyan-convention-of-1815-a-convention-violated-and-dishonoured/

සුද්දගෙ නීතිය අපිට එපා – පස්වෙනි කොටස

November 29th, 2021

 චන්ද්‍රසිරි විජයවික්‍රම,  LL.B., Ph.D.

නීතියේ ආධිපත්‍යය නමැති මිථ්‍යාව

‘The rich and the poor both have an equal right to sleep under the bridges in Paris.’- Source: Donald Black, The Behavior of Law, 1976

එක රටක් එක නීතියක් බලකාය යාපනේ පැවැත්වූ  රැස්වීමේදී  වයෝවෘධ කුරක්කල්තුමා  ගැයූ ලතා වල්පොලගේ ‘අමතක කරලමු පැරණි කතා’ යන සිංදු කොටස හා තරුණ  දමිළ  වාර්තාකරුවෙකු විසින් ඇසු <ටී.එන්.ඒ ප්‍රශ්ණ>  සාමන්‍ය හින්දු ජනයා හා දමිළ බෙදුම්වාදීන් අතර ඇති පරතරය එලිකරයි. ජේවීපීකාරයින් විජේවීරව සැමරීම හා ශිවාජිලිංගම්ලා, විග්නේශ්වරන්ලා මහවිරුදිනය කියා නොවැම්බර් 27 දා ප්‍රභාකරන් සැමරිම එක සමාන සිද්ධීන් දෙකක් නොවේ. විජේවීර රට දෙකඩ කඩන්නට මිනීමැරුවේ නැත. රට බෙදීමට කතාකිරීම නීති විරෝධීය. මේ නිසා මේ කාරණාවේදී උතුරට  එක නීතියක්, දකුණට වෙන නීතියක් ඇයි යන ප්‍රශ්ණය, ආබ්‍රහම් සුමන්තිරන්, ගජේන්ද්‍ර කුමාර් පොන්නම්බලම්, ශනක්‍යයන් රාසමානික්කම්ලා උතුරේ දමිළ තරුණයින්ට දාන නාස් ලණුවක් පමණය.

1957 දී අගමැති බණ්ඩාරනායක කුලය අනුව මිනිසුන්ට සවුත්තු ලෙස සැළකීම තහනම් කිරීමට නීතියක් පැණවූයේ මැත් ප්‍රොෆෙසර් සුන්දරලිංගම් විසින් හරිජනයාට හින්දු කෝවිල් වලට ඒමට ඉඩ නොදීම පිණිස ගෙනගිය ව්‍යාපාරයට විරුද්ධවය (An act to prevent the imposition of Social Disabilities on any persons by reason of their caste, no 21 of 1957 & 18 of 1971). රා බොන්නට කුලහීන ජනයා ලඟට යන වෙල්ලාලයෝ කුලහීනයින්ට ලිඳකින් වතුර බොන්නට ඉඩ නොදෙයි! මෙම නීතිය අදටත් නිසිලෙස යාපනේ නගර සභා ප්‍රදේශය තුලවත් ක්‍රියාත්මක නොවන බව අරුන් සිද්ධාර්ථන් විසින්  පෙන්වාදෙන ලදී. උතුරේ පලාත් සභාව මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් ක්‍රියාකලාද? කර්නල් රත්නප්‍රිය බන්ධු මෙහිලා කල සේවය ඔහුව මාරුකර යවද්දී වවුනියා ජනයා  හඬා වැටුණ පින්තූර වලින් පෙනී ගියේය.  ටී.එන්.ඒ කාරයිනේ තවමත් හැසිරෙන්නේ 2019 මැයි 19 දාට කලින් යුගයේමය! උතුරේ ජනයා බෙදුම්වාදීන්ගෙන් මුදාගැනීම සඳහා ක්‍රියාකරණ බ්‍රදර් චාර්ල්ස්ටද අරුන්ගේ සංවිධානය සමඟ එකතුවී මෙම බලකායට උපරිම සහයෝගයක් දීමට අවස්ථාවක් උදාවී තිබේ.

LankaWeb – බ්‍රදර් චාල්ස් තෝමස්ගේ හා සිංහල බුද්ධාගම Posted on May 24th, 2021

උලමා සභාව මෙම බලකාය ඉදිරියට එන තෙක් රටම බලා සිටී. මුස්ලිම් විවාහ නීතිය අහෝසිකරණවා නම්, විහාර දේවාලගම් පණතද අහෝසි කලයුතුයයි අලි සබ්‍රි කල කතාව, මුස්ලිම් පිරිමින් විසින් මුස්ලිම් ස්ත්‍රීන් යටපත් කරගෙන ගෙනයන කාමාශා ජාවාරම, ශාරියා-වහාබ් ව්‍යාප්තවාදය සමඟ බද්ධකර ඇති තරම එලිකරයි. රට දෙකට කැඩීමේ ඊළම් ප්ලෑන නිසා ලංකාව දකුණු ආසියාවේ පලස්තීනයක් වනු ඇත. මායිම් සටන උතුරින් ටැමිල්නාඩ් හා දකුණේ සිංහල රට අතර අරගලයක් වන්නේ  රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ දමන්නට යෝජනා කල පාලම ටැමිල්නාඩ්-ඊළම් පාලමක් වන නිසාය.

ඉස්ලාම් ව්‍යාප්තවාදය මිටත් වඩා භයානකය. රටේ එක ප්‍රදේශයක නොව මුළු දිවයින පුරාම ගම් මට්ටමින් මුස්ලිම් බලකොටු පිහිටුවීම හා එමඟින් මුළු රටම ඉස්ලාම් කිරීම ශාරියාකාරයින්ගේ, උලමාකාරයින්ගේ අභිප්‍රාය වේ. මේ සඳහා අරාබි ඩොලර් ගලා එන්නේ, ගඩාෆි හා යසාර් අර්පත්  1976 දී ලංකාවට ඇවිත් මුස්ලිමුන්ට යෝජනාකල ගර්භාශ යුද්ධයත් සමඟය.

LankaWeb – ට්‍රිපල් තලාක්/සබරිමාලා නඩු තීන්‌දු හා ලංකාවේ අනාගතය – 2 කොටස
Posted on December 5th, 2020

අසාධාරණ නීතිවලට රූල් ඔෆ් ලෝ එකක් නැත. ගාන්ධි දකුණු අප්‍රිකාවේ හා පසුව ඉන්දියාවේදීත්, මාටින් ලූතර් කිං ඇමෙරිකාවේදීත් සිවිල් නීති කඩකලේ ඒ නිසාය. එහෙත්  යාපනේ ටි.එන්.ඒ. කාරයින්  කඩකරන්නේ සමාජ අසාධාරණය පිළිඹඳ 1957 නීතියත්, රට කැඩීමට විරුද්ධව ඇති ව්‍යවස්ථාවත් නොවේද? 2002 මිසිස් චන්ද්‍රිකාගේ බෞද්ධ කොමිෂන් වාර්තාවේත්, 2020 පෙබරවාරි 19 ජාතික ආරක්ෂාව පිළිඹඳ පාර්ලිමේන්තු ආංශික අධීක්ෂණ කාරක සභාවේ වාර්තාව, (මලිත් ජයතිලක, සභාපති), මාතෘකා 14 ක් යටතේ කියන්නේත්, රටේ හැකිතාක් දුරට එක සාධාරණ නීතියක් තිබිය යුතු බවය.  මෙම කාරක සභාවට සිංහල, දෙමළ හා මුස්ලිම් මන්ත්‍රීන් සහභාගි විය. ඥානසාර හිමියන්ගේ කාර්ය සාධක බලකායට  ඇස්පියා ගෙනම, විශේෂයෙන් මලික් වාර්තාව, හමස් පෙට්ටියෙන්  එලියට ගත හැකිය.

LankaWeb – නීති පොතේ ඇති, එහෙත් රටේ නැති, ආධිපත්‍ය දෙකකට නැසෙන සුප්‍රීම් උසාවිය Posted on May 10th, 2020

මෙම කෙටි හැඳින්වීමෙන් පෙන්වන්නට සැදුවේ <රූල් ඔෆ් ලෝ කතාව> ඉස්සරහට දමාගෙන, තමන්ගේ සැබෑ අරමුණ තේසවලාමෙයි අස්සේ සැඟවීමට ඊළම් හෙවනැළි ගන්නට සැදූ  උත්සාහයත්, ශාරියා කාරයින්ගේ ලංකාව අරාබිකරණය කිරීමේ ප්ලෑනත්, දැනට ඉන්නා සිංහල පක්ෂ දේශපාලන හොරුන් විසින් පරාජය නොකරණ බවය. අරාබි ඩොලර් වලින් හෝ ඊළම් හොර ඩොලර් වලින් ශූක්ෂම ලෙස රටේ ඉඩ-කඩම් අල්ලාගන්නා ආකාරය ගැන පර්යේෂණයක් කිරීමේ ආරම්භක පියවර වන්නේ කාර්යාලවල ලියාපදිංචි කර ඇති ඉඩම් ඔප්පු සමීක්ෂණය කිරීමෙනි. මෙය ස්වේචා බලකායක් විසින් රටපුරාම කලොත් සත්‍යය රටට හෙලිවනු ඇත.ඥානසාර හිමියන් ඉදිරියේ ඔවුන් වැල්ලේ හිස් සඟවාගත් පැස්බරුන් වැනිය.

‘භූගෝල විද්‍යාවට පටහැනිවන නීති පැණවිය නොහැක’

ඓතිහාසිකව සුදු අධිරාජ්‍යවාදීන් කලේ භූමි ප්‍රදේශවල (රටවල්වල) භූගෝල විද්‍යාවට එරෙහිව ක්‍රියාකිරීමය. මැදපෙරදිග, අප්‍රිකාවේ රටවල් වල, දැනට ඇති ගැටුම් වලට ප්‍රධානම හේතුව හිතුවක්කාරී ලෙස ප්‍රදේශ හරහා මායිම් රේඛා ඇඳීමය. මේ මඟින් එකම ගෝත්‍ර රටවල් දෙකකට බෙදීයාම හෝ වෙනස් ගෝත්‍ර එකට දැමීම සිදුවිය. සුද්දා බැලුවේ තම සූරා කෑමේ වාසිය පමණය. ඉන්දියාවේ භූගෝල විද්‍යාවට අනුව එය තනි රටක් ලෙස (ඇමෙරිකාව මෙන් පෙඩරල්) තිබිය යුතු වුවත්, එය රටවල් තුනකට කැඩීයාමට සැළැස්වීම ලෝක අපරාධයකි. ලංකා කොලනියද 1832 දී පහකට බෙදුවේ  මේ කුඩා දිවයිනේ භෞතික හා මානව භූගෝල විද්‍යාව  අමතක කර දමාය. ලංකාවේ භෞතික භූගෝල විද්‍යා හෝ වාරි කර්මාන්ත  සිතියම දෙස බලන්නෙකුට පලාත් නමයේ බෙදීම කෙතරම් අඥාන ක්‍රියාවක්දැයි සිතාගත නොහැකිද?  2021 දී ඥානසාර කමිටුවට මෙය රටේ පරිසර විද්‍යාවට අනුරූප වනසේ නිවැරදි කිරීමට නිර්දේශ කල හැකිය. එක රටක්-එක නීතියක් යන සංකල්පයේ පදනම එයය. මධ්‍යම කඳුකරයේ සිට වටේට ගලනා ගංඟා 103 ක් හා අවුරුද්දේ ඝෘතු අනුව හමන නිරිතදිග හා ඊසානදිග මෝසම් සුළං වලින් ලැබෙන වර්ෂාපතන ප්‍රමාණය හා  එය පතිතවන භූමි ප්‍රදේශය තීරණය වන, වෙනස්වන, දිවයිනක පරිපාලන ඒකක සීමා  නිර්ණය කලයුතු කෙසේද යන්න  පක්ෂ දේශපාලක කළුසුද්දන් තවමත් අවභෝධ කරගෙන නැත.

 මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් කලකට පෙර සංහිඳියා කොමිෂමටත්, මෑතකදී ව්‍යවස්ථා සම්පාදක කොමිටියටත් දන්වා ඇතත්, එහි ඉන්නා නීතීඥයින් අට දෙනා මීට පෙර මේ වැඩේ කල නීතීඥයින්ට වඩා වෙනස් පිරිසක් යයි සිතිය හැකිද? මෙහිදී ඇති ගැටළුව නම් මෙම කෝල්බෲක් පැරඩයිම් එකෙන් ගැලවීමට වෝඩ් මට්ටමේ සිට ජනාධිපති දක්වා බලය අල්ලාගෙන ඉන්නා නාස්ලණු නියෝජිත පිරිස සූදානම්ද යන්නය. මෙවැනි විප්ලවයක් කල හැක්කේ පක්ෂ දේශපාලන වංචාවෙන් ඇට්ටකුණානොවුන ජනාධිපති ගෝඨභය වැනි අයෙකුට පමණය. මේ නිසා ඥානසාර හිමියන්ගේ කොමිටියට ඇත්තේ ඓතිහාසික වගකීමකි. පරිසරයට අනුකූලවූ, භාෂා, ආගම්, අනුව නොවන පරිපාලන ඒකක ග්‍රාම් සේවා වසම් මට්ටමේ (මේවා වෝඩ් ඒකකද වන්නේය) සිට පිහිටුවා ගැනීමෙන් රටේ ප්‍රශ්ණ වලින් සියේට 70 ක් පමණම විසඳාගත හැකිය. එක රටක්-එක නීතියක් යන සංකල්පයෙන් අපේක්ෂා කරන්නේත් මෙය නොවේද? විවිධත්වයෙන් මතුවන එකමුතුවකක් සඳහා  (unity in diversity) භූමීය (spatial) පදනම සපයන එය, යහපාලන කාලයේ මනෝ ගනේෂන්ලාගේ හා මිසිස් චන්ද්‍රිකාලාගේ බොරු සංහිඳියා කතාවලට දිය යුතු, විද්‍යාත්මක හා දාර්ශණික, ජනහිතකාමී පිළිතුරය. තිරසර සංවර්ධනය යන සංකල්පය හා බෞද්ධ දර්ශණය අතර ඇත්තේ සුවිශේෂ ගහට පොත්ත වැනි බැඳීමකි.  කොරෝනා වසංගතය ලෝකයට ඉගැන්වූ එක් පාඩමක් නම් මිනිස් ශුභසාධනය සඳහා බෞද්ධ ජීවන රටාව කෙතරම් යෝග්‍යයද යනුය.

භූගෝල විද්‍යාව-නීතිය-බුද්ධාගම

ලංකාවේ වසන දමිළ හා ඉස්ලාම් ජනයාට ලෝකයේ වෙන කිසිම රටකදී ඔවුන්ට ලැබෙනවාට වඩා අයිතිවාසිකම් ඔවුන් වාසය කරණ මේ සිංහල රටතුල ඓතිහාසිකව ලබාදී තිබෙනවා යන්න අතිශයෝක්තියක් නොවේ. ටැමිල්නාඩ් හෝ අරාබි රටවලින් ඊට නිදසුන් ලබාගත හැකිය. ලංකාවේ තිබෙන්නේ ජනවර්ග අතර ඇති විෂමතාවයක් නොවේ (discrimination based on language or religion). එසේ බැලුවොත් ඉන්දියන් වතු කම්කරුවන් හා උතුරේ හීනකුලවලට අයත් යයි කියන ජනයා හැරුණු විට, රටේ සිංහල මහජාතියට වඩා හොඳ ජීවන තත්වයක් (living standard) සෙසු ජන වර්ග වලට ඇත. නමුත් නියම ප්‍රශ්ණය එය නොවේ. ප්‍රශ්ණය නම් ප්‍රදේශ වශයෙන්, ස්ථාන ගම්, ප්‍රාදේශීය සභා, දිස්ත්‍රික් (places, locations, villages) යනාදී භූමි ඒකක වශයෙන් රට පුරා දක්නට ලැබෙන විෂමතාවයය. මෙයට සිංහල, දමිළ, මුස්ලිම් කියා භේදයක් නැත (spatial inequality in resource distribution and equal access to opportunity). ස්වභාව ධර්මයෙන් ලබාදී ඇති විවිධත්වය හා සම්පත් (භූගෝල විද්‍යාව), දේශපාලකයින් විසින් අවභාවිතා කිරීමය (නීතිය). මෙම සංසිද්ධිය ට්‍රැජඩි ඔෆ් ද කොමන්ස් යනුවෙන් හැඳින්වේ..

ගම කබලෙන් ලිපට දමන දේශපාලනය

ආණ්ඩුව නමැති පක්ෂ දේශපාලන සංස්ථාව ගම ගොඩ නැඟීමට යයි නටනා නාඩගම් කොමිස් හා දූෂණ වලින් අවසාන වේ. ප්‍රේමදාස ජනාධිපතිගේ ගම් උදාව කටු නොකැරකෙන ඔර්ලෝසු කණු වලින් කලින් තිබුණු ගම තවත් විනාශ කලේය. නැටූ නැටුමකුත් නැත, බෙරේ පළුවකුත් නැත! සමෘධි ලාභීන් අඩුවෙනවා නොව වැඩිවෙන විට දේශපාලකයා හා නිලධාරියා ඉන් මෝඩ සුදියක් ලබයි. දුප්පතුන් හා පොහොසතුන් අතරත්, කොළඹ හා ගම අතරත් ඇති, ඇති-නැති පරතරය වැඩිවනවා මිස අඩු නොවේ. මෙම අර්බුදයට විසඳුම දේශපාලකයාට අයවැයෙන් මුදල් වෙන්කර දීම නොව, ජන සභා ක්‍රමයක් මඟින් ජනතාවට පාලන බලය මාරු කිරීමය. නිව්සීලන්තයේ මෙන් ජන සභා පරිසර ඒකක ලෙස භූගෝල විද්‍යාවට අනුව මායිම් කර ගැනීමය. පක්ෂ දේශපාලකයා ඉන් ඉවත් කිරීමය. පලාත් සභා මර උඟුල අහෝසි කිරීමය. මීට විරුද්ධවන්නේ ජනතාව නොව දේශපාලන හොරු රැළ්ය. ගැමි දිරිය නම් සාර්ථක ව්‍යාපාරය, දේශපාලකයින් විනාශකලේ, 1940 දශක වලදී කළුකොඳයාවේ ප්‍රඥාශෙඛර නාහිමියන්ගේ ග්‍රාම ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ හා අපරාධ මර්දන ව්‍යපෘතිය ඩි. බී. ජයතිලක හා ඩී ඇස්. සේනනායකලා විසින් කඩාකප්පල් කල පරිදිමය.

බල පිරමිඩය හා ධර්ම චක්‍රය

සර්වෝදයේ ආරියරත්න මහතා විසින් 1988 දී ලියන ලද, ‘බල පිරමිඩය හා ධර්ම චක්‍රය’ යන අගනා කෘතියේ  114 පිටුවේ ඇති සටහනක් මෙහි පහතින් කොපිකර ඇත. මා ලියන මීළඟ අවසාන ලිපියෙන් පෙන්වා දීමට අදහස් කරණ භූගෝලවිද්‍යා- නීතිය-බුද්ධාගම යන ත්‍රිත්වය මෙම සර්වෝදය රූප සටහනේ සැඟවී සිටී. එහි නීති වර්ග තුනක් සඳහන්කර තිබේ (ජන/ස්වභාව/ධර්ම). සම්පත් වශයෙන් එහි දැක්වෙන්නේ රටක භූගෝල විද්‍යාවය. රට-දැය-සමය ගම, වැව, දාගැබ යනාදිය මානව භූගෝල විද්‍යා අංගය. අනිත් අතට, බුදුදහම, පිරමිඩයේ තුන්වන ගෝලය ලෙස සෙසු ගෝල දෙකත්, සියළු පිරමිඩත් සම්බන්ධකරයි. ඊට පිටින් ඇති රවුමේ සංඝයා වහන්සේ ලොව වෙන කිසි රටක නැති ලංකාවේ මුරදේවතා සංකල්පය සනිටුහන් කරලන්නේය.

මීලඟ අවසාන කොටස: ලෝකයේ ප්‍රශ්ණ බුදු දහම අනුසාරයෙන් විසඳා ගත හැකිය- ඉන්දියාවේ ජනාධිපතිව සිටි අබ්දූල් කලාම්

බෞද්ධ ජනරජ ප්‍රවාදය – 46 වැනි කොටස- ‍ගිනි ඇති රටක්

November 29th, 2021

ආචාර්ය වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති

මිනිස් සත්ත්වයා අනෙකුත් සත්ත්වයන්ගෙන් වෙන්කොට විශේෂිතව සැළැකීමට අදාළ ප්‍රමුඛතම කරුණක් වනුයේ ගින්දර නිපැදැවීමට, භාවිතයට සහ ගින්නෙහි උපකාරයෙන් ආහාර පිසීමට දක්වන සමත් බව ය. ගිනි නිපදවා (දල්වා), තම අවශ්‍යතා වෙනුවෙන් එය කළමනාකරණය සඳහා දක්වන මෙම හැකියාව තුළින් මිනිස් ශිෂ්ටාචාර වර්ධනය වී තිබේ. ගින්නෙහි විශේෂිත බව බුද්ධ දේශනාව තුළ ද වර්ණනා කෙරී තිබේ. අංගුත්තර නිකායේ චතුක්ක නිපාතයට අයත් ආභා වර්ගයෙහි එන ආභා, පභා, ආලෝක, ඔභාස සහ පජ්ජොත යන සූත්‍ර දේශනා මේ සඳහා නිදසුන් වශයෙන් දැක්විය හැකි ය.

ස්වභාවික උපද්‍රව, වසංගත, කැරැළි කෝලාහල, සතුරු උපද්‍රව, වෙනත් කැළැඹීම් මැද ආහාර සුරක්‍ෂිතතාව තහවුරු කරගත හැකි ජාතිහු නො නැසී ඉදිරියට යති. කෘෂිකාර්මික කටයුතු සඳහා ප්‍රමුඛ අවධානයක් යොමුකොට ජනරජයේ ආහාර සුරක්‍ෂිතතාව තහවුරු කරගත යුතු බව මෙයට පෙර ලිපියකින් අවධාරණය කළේ එබැවිනි. සාමාන්‍ය, සාමකාමි කාලවකවානුවල දී යම් යම් ආහාර වර්ග ආනයනය කළ හැකි වුව ද ඉහතින් දක්වන ලද ආකාරයේ අස්ථාවරතා ඇතිවන විශේෂිත අවස්ථාවල දී මූලික ආහාර අවශ්‍යතා තම භූමිය තුළින් ම සළසාගැනීමට කවර ජාතියකට වුව සිදුවෙයි. එහෙයින් ආහාර සුරක්‍ෂිතතාව උදෙසා ප්‍රමුඛ අවධානය යොමුකිරීම ජනරජයේ ප්‍රධානතම වගකීමක් වෙයි.

කෘෂිකාර්මික කටයුතු මැනැවින් සිදුකළ පමණින් ආහාර සුරක්‍ෂිතතාව තහවුරු කළ නො හැකි ය. එයට අමතරව, ආහාර පිසීම සඳහා අවැසි ගින්දර පහසුවෙන් නිපදවාගැනීමට ඇති හැකියාව ද ජනරජය විසින් තහවුරු කළ යුතු වේ. ආහාර පිසීම සඳහා යොදාගනු ලබන දැල්විය හැකි වායු වර්ග ආනයනය කරන සහ ඒ සඳහා වෙනත් විකල්පයක් සූදානම් නැති වාතාවරණයක් තුළ ආහාර සුරක්‍ෂිතතාව පිළිබඳ ගැටලුව වෙනත් ස්වරූපයකින් ඉදිරියට ආ හැකි ය. එහෙයින් ආහාර පිසීම සඳහා වන ගිනි අවශ්‍යතාව තහවුරුකිරීමේ වගකීම ද ජනරජයට පැවැරෙයි.

ග්‍රාමීය ප්‍රදේශවල වසන ජනතාවට ඉතාමත් පහසුවෙන් දර භාවිතයට යොමුවිය හැකි ය. එසේ වුව ද, නාගරික ජනතාවට එම හැකියාව නොමැත. එහෙයින් එම ජනතාව ආනයනිත වායු වර්ග මත යැපෙමින් ආහාර පිසීමාදී කටයුතු සිදුකරති. එහෙත් විවිධ වූ හේතු නිසා මෙම ආනයන කාර්යයට බාධා එල්ලවිය හැකි ය. යුද කෝලාහල තත්ත්වයක් තුළ එම වායු වර්ග නිෂ්පාදනය සහ බෙදාහැරීම අඩාලවීම, ආනයනය සඳහා අවශ්‍ය විදේශ විනිමය පිළිබඳ ගැටලු ඉස්මතුවීම යනාදී හේතු නිසා මෙම ආනයන කාර්යය අඩාලවිය හැකි ය.

ජනතාවගේ ගිනි අවශ්‍යතා කාර්යක්‍ෂමව දේශීය වශයෙන් සපුරාගත හැකි නම් ඒ වෙනුවෙන් වැය කරනු ලබන විදේශ විනිමය ඉතිරි කරගැනීමට ද ජනරජයට හැකිවෙයි. තව ද, කුටුම්බ මට්ටමින් ගිනි නිපැදවීම කළ හැකි නම් වෙළෙඳපොළ බිඳවැටීම් අභිමුව වුව තම ආහාර අවශ්‍යතා සපුරාගැනීමට ජනතාවට හැකිවෙයි. මෙම ප්‍රවාදය තුළින් අවධාරණය කෙරෙන ස්ව-ශක්තිය වර්ධනය කරගැනීමේ අවශ්‍යතාවට ද මෙ කී කාර්යය අදාළ ය.

ජාතියේ ගිනි අවශ්‍යතාව කාර්යක්‍ෂම අයුරින් සපුරාලිය හැක්කේ දැනුම පාදක කරගත් විසඳුමක් මඟිනි. සෑම නිවසක ම සුලබව ඇති හෝ ඉතා පහසුවෙන් ලබාගත හැකි හෝ ද්‍රව්‍ය භාවිතයෙන් ගින්දර නිපැදවීමට සුදුසු ක්‍රම හඳුන්වාදීමේ දැනුම මේ සඳහා අදාළ වෙයි. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සෑම නිවෙසක ම පොල් කටු තිබේ. මෙවැනි දෙයක් භාවිතයෙන් දැල්විය හැකි කාර්යක්‍ෂම උදුන් හඳුන්වාදීම ඉතාමත් ප්‍රශස්ත විසඳුමක් වෙයි.

උක්ත කාර්යය කළ හැක්කේ ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් කෙරෙන පර්යේෂණ සහ ඒ ඇසුරින් හඳුන්වාදෙන නව නිර්මාණ තුළිනි. මෙය නිසැකයෙන් ම අදාළ කාර්යය සඳහා අවශ්‍ය දැනුම පිළිබඳ කරුණකි. මෙවැනි දැනුම හඳුනාගැනීම, එම දැනුම තවදුරටත් වර්ධනය කිරීම මේ සඳහා අත්‍යවශ්‍ය වේ. මෙයට අදාළ පර්යේෂණ සහ සංවර්ධන කටයුතු සඳහා උගතුන් සහ නව නිර්මාණකරුවන් පෙළැඹවීම, අවශ්‍ය අරමුදල් සහ අනෙකුත් උපකාර ලබාදෙමින් ඒ අය දිරිමත්කිරීම, ඉහළ කාර්යාක්‍ෂමතාවක් සහිත නිර්මාණ මහා පරිමාණයකින් නිෂ්පාදන කර වෙළෙඳපොළට හඳුන්වාදීම සඳහා අවශ්‍ය ව්‍යවසායකත්ව සංවර්ධන කටයුතු සිදුකිරීම ජනරජයේ විවිධ මට්ටම්වල දී සිදුකළ හැකි ය.

මේ අරභයා මුලින් ම කළ යුත්තේ මෙවැනි උදුන් නිර්මාණ සඳහා වන අවශ්‍යතාව අවධාරණය කර දැනුම සහ හැකියාව ඇති අය ඒ වෙනුවෙන් පොළඹවාගැනීම ය. එම පිරිස් දිරිගැන්වීම සඳහා වන නිශ්චිත ප්‍රතිපත්ති සම්පාදනය සහ අදාළ නිෂ්පාදන මාදිලි හඳුන්වා දී ඒවා ප්‍රචලිතකිරීම ඒ සමඟ ම සිදුකළ යුත්තේ ය. ග්‍රාමීය මට්ටමේ ජනතාව විසින් භාවිතා කරනු ලබන ප්‍රාථමික උදුන් වැඩිදියුණුකිරීම කෙරෙහි මෙන් ම ඒ වෙනුවට විකල්ප හඳුන්වාදීම කෙරෙහි ද අවධානය යොමු කළ හැකි ය. මෙම කිසිදු පර්යේෂණ කාර්යයක් සහ නිර්මාණ එක් වටයකින් අවසන් නොවන බව ද අවධාරණය කළ යුතුවෙයි. කාර්යක්‍ෂම ක්‍රම හඳුන්වාදිය හැක්කේ දීර්ඝ කාලයක් තුළ වර්ධනය කෙරෙන නිර්මාණවලිනි.

ආචාර්ය වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති

අපිට ආණ්ඩුවෙන් බැහැලා යන්න වුවමනාවක් නෑ, අපි හදාගත්ත ආණ්ඩුව, අපි හදාගත්ත ජනාධිපතිතුමා, ඇයි අපි දාලා යන්නේ?

November 29th, 2021

තිසර සමල් – අනුරාධපුර 

අපිට ආණ්ඩුවෙන් බැහැලා යන්න වුවමනාවක් නෑ, අපි හදාගත්ත ආණ්ඩුව, අපි හදාගත්ත ජනාධිපතිතුමා, ඇයි අපි දාලා යන්නේ?  මැතිවරණයට කලින්, ආණ්ඩු හදන්න කලින් දීපු පොරොන්දු වෙනුවෙන් ආණ්ඩුව මෙහෙය වීම තමයි අපේ බලාපොරොත්තුව යැයි ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂ ජාතික සංවිධායක රාජ්‍යය අමාත්‍යය දුමින්ද දිසානායක මහතා පැවසීය.

ඒ මහතා මේ බව ප්‍රකාශ කර සිටියේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂ අනුරාධපුර හොරොව්පතාන ආසන බල මණ්ඩලය අමතමින්ය. හොරොව්පතාන ආසන ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂ ආසන සංවිධායක වීරකුමාර දිසානායක හා හිටපු පළාත් සභා අමාත්‍යය හේරත් බංඩා යන මහත්වරුන්ගේ සංවිධායකත්වයෙන් කහටගස්දිගිලිය ප්‍රාදේශීය සභා ශ්‍රවණාගාරයේදී පැවැත්විණි. ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂ ජාතික සංවිධායක රාජ්‍යය අමාත්‍යය දුමින්ද දිසානායක,  හිටපු අමාත්‍යයවරුන් වන තිස්ස කරල්ලියද්ද, වීරකුමාර දිසානායක යන මහත්වරුන් එහිදී අදහස් දැක්වීය.අනතුරුව හොරොව්පතාන ආසන බල මණ්ඩලය, භික්ෂු, තරුණ, කාන්තා, ගොවි හා ගුරු ආසන සංවිධාන සඳහා නව නිළධාරීන් පත් කර ගැනීම සිදු කෙරිණි.

එහිදී අදහස් දැක්වූ රාජ්‍යය අමාත්‍යය දුමින්ද දිසානායක මහතා,

අද ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයට නැවත වතාවක් කලින් තිබුණ ඉල්ලුම ලැබිලා තියෙනවා.අපි බල මණ්ඩල පිහිටවලා ඒවායේ කියපු දේවල් මාධ්‍ය මගින් යන කොට අපිට පේනවා සමහරු වෙනත් උත්තර මේවාට දෙනවා.ඒ අයට මතක් කරලා දෙන්න ඕන, දුමින්ද දිසානායක ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ ජාතික සංවිධායක මිසක් වෙන පක්ෂයක ජාතික සංවිධායක නෙමෙයි.අපි ඉන්නේ සන්ධාන ආණ්ඩුවක, ඒ ආණ්ඩුවේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයත් ඉන්නවා, තවත් පක්ෂ ගොඩකුත් ඉන්නවා.අපි ආණ්ඩුවේ එකට වාඩි වෙලා හිටියට, එකට ඇමතිකම් කළාට මගේ වගකීම ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය ගැන කථා කරන එක, පක්ෂය ප්‍රථිසංවිධානය කරන කොට පක්ෂයේ අතීතය, වර්ථමානය හා අනාගතය ගැන කථා කරන එක,මම ආණ්ඩුවේ ඇමතිවරයෙක් වුණා කියලා, ආණ්ඩුවේ කොටස්කාරයෙක් වුණා කියලා මට පුලුවන්කමක් නෑ, ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ අනාගත ජයග්‍රහණ ගැන කථා කරන එක නවත්වන්න,මට පුලුවන්කමක් නෑ ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය අතීතයේ ලබපු ජයග්‍රහණ ගැන ආඩම්බරයෙන් කථා කරන එක නවත්වන්න,ඒ වගේම වර්ථමානයේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය අද ඉන්නේ මෙතන, හැබැයි අපේ බලාපොරොත්තුව අපේ ඉලක්කය අනාගත ජයග්‍රහණයක් කියන එක මට නොකියා ඉන්න පුලුවන්කමක් නෑ,ඒ අයට අමතක වෙන්න පුලුවන් දුමින්ද දිසානායක කවුද කියලා? හැබැයි දුමින්ද දිසානායක ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ ජාතික සංවිධායක කියන එක මතක් කරන්න ඕනකම තියෙනවා.ඒ නිසා අපේ කට නවත්වන්න කාටවත් පුලුවන්කමක් නෑ, අපි කාගෙන්වත් අවසර ගන්න ඕනෙත් නෑ, අපි කාගෙන්වත් අහන්න ඕනකමකුත් නෑ, අපි මේක කිව්වට කමක් නැද්ද කියලා.මේක ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ ආසන බල මණ්ඩලය ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ අනාගත ගමන තීන්දු කරන අඩිතාලම ගැනයි අපි කථා කරන්නේ.

සමහර කළබල වෙච්ච අයට අපි කියන්න ඕනකමක් තියෙනවා.කලබල වෙන්න එපා, අපි සන්ධානයේ ඉන්නේ ඒ සන්ධානයේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය කියලා කියන්නේ ඔය කථා කරන හැමෝගෙම මහගෙදර කියන එකත් නැවත නැවතත් පුන-පුනා අපි කියනවා.මහ ගෙදර අමතක කරන්න කාටවත් පුලුවන්කමක් නෑ,ඒ මහගෙදර වටිනාකම් ගැන කාටවත් අවතක්සේරු කරන්න පුලුවන්කමක් නෑ, ඒ මහගෙදර අතීතයේ ඉඳන් මේ රටට ලබා දුන් ජයග්‍රහණ පිළිබඳව ඒ අයට අඩු තක්සේරුවෙන් කථා කරන්න පුලුවන්කමකුත් නෑ,එහෙම කථා කරන අය ඉන්නවා නම් ඒ අය සැබෑම මහගෙදර සාමාජිකයෝද කියන එක අපට ප්‍රශ්න කරන්න වෙනවා.ඒ අයට උත්තර දෙනවාට වඩා අපිට කරන්න බොහෝ වැඩ තියෙනවා.

අපි ආණ්ඩුවේ ඉන්නකොට අපි ආණ්ඩුව ආරක්ෂා කරන්න බොහෝ කථා බහ කරනවා, අපි ආණ්ඩුව රකිනවා.මේ හැමදේම අපි කරනවා.හැබැයි ඒ වගේම තමයි ආණ්ඩුව වැරදි තීරණයක් ගන්නවා නම්, ඒ ගත්ත තීන්දුවෙන් මේ රටේ ජනතාවට යම් කිසි අපහසුතාවකට ලක් වෙන්න වෙනවා නම් අපි ආණ්ඩුවේ හිටියා කියලා අපිට කට වහගෙන ඉන්න පුලුවන්කමක් නෑ.ආණ්ඩුව හරි පාරට ගන්න එක, ආණ්ඩුව හරි පාරට යොමු කරන එක, ඒ වෙනුවෙන් නොපෙනන අයගේ ඇස් ඇරවන එක, ඒ වෙනුවෙන් හඬක් නඟන එක තමයි සන්ධානයේ ප්‍රධාන පක්ෂයක් වන, පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ 14 දෙනෙක් ඉන්න පක්ෂයක් විදිහට අපේ වගකීම වෙන්නේ.ආණ්ඩුව හරි පාරට ගැනීම වෙනුවෙන් අපි ඉස්සරලාම හඬ ඇතුලේ පාවිච්චි කරනවා.ඒ හඬට ඇහුම්කන් දෙනවාද කියලා අපි බලනවා.හැබැයි අපේ හඬට ඇහුම්කන් දෙන්නේ නැත්නම් මේ වගේ එළියේ කථා බහ කරන්න වෙනවා.එළියේ කථා කරලා හිත රිදෙයි කියලා හිතුවොත්, අවුලක් වෙයි කියලා හිතුවොත් අපිට අවුල- ප්‍රශ්නය ලෙහා ගන්න බැරි වෙනවා.එහෙම නම් අපිට ඕනකම තියෙන්නේ අපි ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහත්තයා එක්ක එකතු වුණේ, අපි සන්ධාන ගහගෙන එකට අත්වැල් බැඳන් ඡන්දේ ඉල්ලුවේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයක් විදිහට බොහෝ බලාපොරොත්තු ඇතිව, ඒ බලාපොරොත්තු පක්ෂයක බලාපොරොත්තු නෙමෙයි, රටක් දිනවන බලාපොරොත්තු.ඒ වෙනුවෙන් තමයි අපි අද කථා බහ කරන්නේ.

අපිට තව ප්‍රශ්න තියෙනවා ලිහා ගන්න, අපි ඒවා ඇතුලේ කථා බහ කරනවා. ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමන්ව ජනාධිපති කරන කොට අපි පොහොට්ටුවත් එක්ක සන්ධාන ගත වෙන කොට, අපි ගෝඨාභය මහත්තයා එක්ක හරි පොහොට්ටුව එක්ක හරි හොරෙන් ගිහින් අපි ඩීල් දැම්මේ නෑ, හොරෙන් ගිහින් අපි කථා බහ කරේ නෑ, අපි බොහෝම විවෘතව රටටම පේන්න, ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය විතරක් නෙමෙයි අපිත් එක්ක සන්ධාන ගත වෙලා ඉන්න පක්ෂ 14-15 ක් වගේ විශාල පක්ෂ සංඛ්‍යාවක් එක්ක මාධ්‍ය ඉදිරියේ අපි ගිවිසුම් ගත වුණේ,ඒ ිවුසුමේ තියෙන දේවල් අපි එළියට කිව්වා, ඒ ගිවිසුම් වල තියෙන්නේ ඇමතිකම් ගැන නෙමෙයි, වරදාන ගැන නෙමෙයි, ඒ ගිවිසුම් වල තියෙන්නේ රට හදන සුභවාදී වැඩ පිළිවෙල ගැන, ඒ වැඩපිළිවෙල සම්බන්ධවයි අපි ගෝඨාභය මහත්තයා එකක්යි, පොදු ජන පෙරමුණ එක්කයි එකතු වෙන්නේ.එහෙම නම් අපිට අයිතියක් නැද්ද සුභවාදී අරමුණක් වෙනුවෙන් එකතු වෙච්ච ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයට, ආණ්ඩුව ඇතුලේ අඩුවක් වෙනවා නම් ආණ්ඩුව වැරදි පාරක යනවා නම් ආණ්ඩුව කරන දේ වැරදි නම් වැරදි දේට වැරදියි නොකියා කියන්න වෙන වචනයක් තියෙනවාද? යන පාර වැරදි නම් ඒ පාර වැරදියි කියනවා ඇරෙන්න වෙන වචනයක් තියෙනවාද කියන්න.අපි වැරදි පෙන්නලා දෙන කොට රිදෙනවා වෙන්න පුලුවන් ඒ අය ගැසට් ගහන කොට තේරෙන්නේ නැද්ද ඒ වුණේ වරදක් කියලා.වරදක් නොවුනා නම් ගැසට් එකක් අනික් පැත්ත ගහන්න වුවමනාවක් තියෙනවාද? එහෙම නම් ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය විදිහට අපි ආණ්ඩුවේ කොටස්කාරයෝ වුණාට අපි, මේ ආණ්ඩුවේ අඩුපාඩු ගැන කථා කරන්නේ ආණ්ඩුවත් එක්ක බොහෝම ආදරයෙන්, සමහරු හිතන්න පුලුවන්  මේක ආණ්ඩුව විවේචනය කිරීමක්ද? මේ  බැහැලා යන්නද කථා කරන්නේ,නෑ අපිට බැහැලා යන්න වුවමනාවක් නෑ,අපි හදාගත්ත ආණ්ඩුව, අපි හදාගත්ත ජනාධිපතිතුමා, ඇයි අපි දාලා යන්නේ? අපිට ඕනකම තියෙන්නේ හදපු ආණ්ඩුව, මැතිවරණයට කලින් දීපු පොරොන්දු ටික, ආණ්ඩු හදන්න කලින් දීපූ පොරොන්දු ටික,වෙනුවෙන් ආණ්ඩුව මෙහෙය වීම තමයි අපේ බලාපොරොත්තුව.

මේ පොහොර අර්බුදයත් එක්ක අදටත් පොහොර ටිකක් ගන්න පුලුවන්කමක් නෑ, අද අපි ඉතාම කැමතියි මේ තීන්දුව ආපස්සට ගත්ත එක ගැන, අපි රසායනික පොහොර වෙනුවෙන් නෙමෙයි කථා බහ කරන්නේ.අපි කියන්නේ කාබනික පොහොර භාවිතයෙන් වස විසෙන් තොරව කරන වගාව ඉතාම හොඳයි, රසායනික පොහොර නවත්වනකොට අපට අවශ්‍ය කරන කාබනික පොහොර ටික දෙනවා නම්, ඒ ටික ගන්න තියෙනවා, ඒ ටික ලැබෙනවා  නම් අපි සූදානම් රසායනික පොහොර පැත්තකින් තියලා කාබනික පොහොර ටික ගහන්න.දැන් මේ තීණ්දුව අරන් කොච්චර කල්ද, අපේ කුඹුරු ටික දැන් සීසාලා වපුරලත් ඉවරයි.පළවැනි පොහොර වල කාලය පහු වෙලා.අදටත් අපිට ගන්න පොහොර නෑ,අදත් උදේ මං කථා කලා, අපිට නැනෝ නයිට්‍රජන් ලීටර් එක්ලක්ෂ හතලිස් දහසක් ඕන, හැබැයි දැනටත් අපිට ලැබිලා තියෙන්නේ ලීටර් හයදහස් හාරසිය ගානක් තව කොච්චර අපට ඕනද? අපි කිව්වේ මේ ක්‍රමවේදයේ අර්බුධය විතරයි, වැඩපිළිවෙලක් නැතිව, අවබෝධයක් නැතිව සැලැස්මක් නැතිව ක්‍රියාකිරීම නිසයි අපේ ගොවිමහත්වරුන්ට ප්‍රශ්නයක් තිබුනේ.හෙටත් පොහොර ටික තියෙනවා නම් ඒක රසායනිකද, කාබනිකද ප්‍රශ්නයක් නෑ, අපේ ගොවියෝ සූදානම් මේ ටික ගහලා වගා කරන්න.අපිට ගැටලුව තියෙන්නේ මේ හොයාගන්න සොච්චම් මුදලින් තමයි අවුරුදු කන්න වෙන්නේ, මේක නැති වුණොත්, අස්වැන්නට ආදායමක් නැති වුණොත් අවුරුද්දක් ජීවත් වෙන්න , අවුරුදු කන්න,  ළමයින්ට ඇඳුම් ටිකක් අරන් දෙන්න,  අලුත් අවුරුද්දට අලුතින් ජීවත් වෙන්න, අලුත් ගමනක් යන්න අපේ ගොවිමහත්වරුන්ට බැරි වෙනවා.අපේ ගොවි මහත්වරුන්ට තියෙන්නේ කාබනික වගාව නරකයි කියන ප්‍රශ්නයක් නෙමෙයි.යම් දෙයක් නවත්වනවා නම් ඊළඟට ගමන් කරන්න මොකටද කියලා අපිට පේන්න තියෙනවා නම්, දකින්න තියෙනවා නම්, විශ්වාසයක් තියෙනවා නම් අපි සූදානම් .

බඩඉරඟු ගොවීන්ට අපි රසායනික පොහොර මෙට්‍ර්ක්ටොන් 5000 ක් අපි වෙන් කර ගත්තා ඉතුරු වෙලා තිබුණ පොහොර වලින්.මේ සඳහා තීන්දුව අරගෙන දැන් මාස 1 ½ ක් පමණ වෙනවා, අපේ ගොවිමහත්වරු මුදල් බැඳලා, සති ගණන් බලන් ඉන්නවා.තාමත් ලංකාව ඇතුලේ ආයතනයක් සතුව තියෙන යූරියා ටික, ආණ්ඩුවේ ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ සිට ඇමතිවරු දක්වා තීන්දු කරලා, ලියුම් ගහලා, අනුමත කරලා, අවසර දීලාත් තාම ඒ කම්පැණියෙන් පොහොර ටික ගමට ගේන්න බැරි වෙලා තියෙනවා.ටී.වී එකේ රෑට මාධ්‍ය සාකච්ජා තියලා කිව්වට මේක බිමේ ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙන්නේ නෑ කියන පණිවිඩය තමයි අපි ආණ්ඩුවට කියන්නේ.

අපි සමහර වෙලාවට ගොවියෝ ගැන කථා කරන කොට සමහරු කියනවා අපි ගොවියොත් එක්ක දේශපාලනය කරනවා කියලා,අපි ඉතාමත් පැහැදිලිව කියන්න ඕන ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය කියලා කියන්නේ ගොවියෝ රකින පක්ෂයක් කියන එක අපි ඉතාමත් ආඩම්බරයෙන් කියනවා.අපිව මොන විදිහට හංවඩු ගහන්න හැදුවත් ඔව් අපි ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය ගොවියොත් එක්ක දේශපාලනය කරනවා.සඟ, වෙද, ගුරු, ගොවි, කම්කරු කියන පංච මහා බලවේගය තමයි අපේ හයිය.ගොවියොන්ට අඩුපාඩුවක්, අසාධාරණයක් වෙන කොට ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ අපි ඒ වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී ඉන්නවා කියන එක අපි ආඩම්බරයෙන් කියනවා, අපි අතීතයෙත්, වර්ථමානයේත් කරනවා, අනාගතයේදීත් ගොවියාට අසාධාරණයක් වෙන තැන අපි හිටගන්නවා.හැබැයි අපි හිටගන්නේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ ගොවියෝ වෙනුවෙන් විතරක් නෙමෙයි කියන එකත් අපි කියන්න ඕනකම තියෙනවා.අපි හිටගන්නේ මේ රටේ සමස්ථ ගොවි ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන් කියන එක ආඩම්බරයෙන් කියන්න ඕනකම තියෙනවා යැයි පැවසීය.

එහිදී අදහස් දැක්වූ හිටපු අමාත්‍යය තිස්ස කරල්ලියද්ද මහතා,

එක්තරා දවස දුමින්ද දිසානායක මැතිතුමාගේ නිවසට ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා ආවා.ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා දුමින්ද දිසානායක මැතිතුමා හමුවෙලා මට මේ කරන උදව්ව කවදාවත් මං අමතක කරන්නේ නෑ, මට සහයෝගය ලබා දෙන්න කියලා.”ඉල්ලීමක් කලා.ඒ වෙලාවේ දුමින්ද ඇමතිතුමා මගේ මූණ දිහාත් ටික වෙලාවක් බලන් ඉඳලා අවසානයේ තීන්දුවක් දුන්නා, අපි අනුරාධපුර දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ ඒ වගකීම භාර ගන්නවා කියලා දුමින්ද ඇමතිතුමා කිව්වා.එදායින් පස්සේ අපි වේදිකා ගානේ ගිහින් ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමන්ගේ ජයග්‍රහණය වෙනුවෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය කටයුතු කෙරුවා.අද ඉනිමඟ තියලා උඩට නැගලා ඉනිමඟට පයින් ගහන පිරිසක් අද දකිනවා.ඔය හැමකෙනෙක්ම රජකම් කෙරුවේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්සයට පිං සිද්ද වෙන්න.ජනාධිපතිවරු බිහි වුණා ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයට පිං සිද්ධ වෙන්න.අපි රජ කරන කොට ප්‍රධාන පක්ෂයක් විදිහට තමයි බලය කර ගෙන ගියේ.ජනාධිපතිවරයා පත් කර ගන්න, 2/3 ක බලයක් හදා ගන්න ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය විශාල පිටුවහලක් වුණා කියන එක මතක් කරලා දෙන්න ඕන, එදත් මම කිව්වා අපි තනියම තරඟ කරමු කියලා කිව්වා.මම නම් කියන්නේ ඉදිරියේ තියෙන සෑම මැතිවරණයකටම ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය පක්ෂයක් ලෙස තනියම තරඟ කරමු කියන ප්‍රකාශය මං කරන්න ඕනයැයි පැවසීය.

එහිදී අදහස් දැක්වූ වීරකුමාර දිසානායක හිටපු අමාත්‍යයතුමන්,

මේ වන විට දේශපාලනය නොහිතූ ලෙස උණුසුම් වෙමින් තිබෙනවා.ආණ්ඩුව වැටෙයිද කියලා ජනතාව නිතර අහනවා.ජනතාව අතර සැකයක් තියෙනවා.ආණ්ඩුවේ ඉන්න ඔලමොට්ටල හාදයොන්ට මේක තේරෙනවාද මං දන්නේ නෑ,ජනතාව හිතනවා මේක බ්‍රේක් ඩවුන් වෙයි කියලා.සමහර අය පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කථා කරන ඒවා දැක්කම මෙලෝ රහක් නෑ,ඒ ගොල්ල වෙනම ලෝකයක ජීවත් වෙන්නේ.ජනතාව ඉන්න බිම නෙමෙයි ඒ අය ඉන්නේ, කොහේ ඉන්නවාද කියලා හිතාගන්න බෑ,පහුගිය දවස් වල ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයටත් ගහනවා, අනෙක් පක්ෂ වලටත් ගහනවා, ආණ්ඩුව හදපු, මේක දිනන්න උස්සල තියපු හැමෝමට අනිනවා.ඇතුලේ ඉන්න මිනිස්සුන්ට ගහලා ගහලා මේක කොහෙටද ගෙනියන්නේ, මේ හාදයොන්ට පිස්සුද? මේ දේශපාලන ගමනක් නේ යන්නේ, මේ ආණ්ඩුවේ ඉන්න අය තාම ජීවත් වෙන්නේ 2018, මහින්ද සුළඟ ආවා, ඒ සුළං රැල්ලේ මේ ගොල්ල පාවෙනවා.ඒ ගොල්ල දන්නේ නෑ ඒ රැල්ලේ ආපු ගොවියා, කම්කරුවා, කාන්තාවෝ කොහෙද ඉන්න කියලා මේ අය දන්නේ නෑ.ජනතාව ඉන්නේ දැන් 2025 , ඒ අය බලං ඉන්නවා බංකර් හදාගෙන පොලු තියන් ඉන්නවා.මේ ගොල්ල ඒවා දන්නේ නෑ ශ්‍රී ලංකා එකටත් ගහනවා, රට දැන් සුරපුරයක් කියලා ෆුල් චූන් එකේ ඉන්නවා,කෘෂිකර්මාන්තය හොඳට කෙරෙනවා, බඩු මිල අඩුයි කියලා හිතාගෙන එයාලා අනෙක් පක්ෂත් තරහා කරගෙන යනවා.එහෙම නැත්නම් මේ අය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂටයි, ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂටයි ඇණලා හතර ගාතෙන් වට්ටවන්න හිතනවා.නැත්නම් වටේ ඉන්න මිනිස්සුන්ට බනින්න ඕනද? වට්ටලා වෙන කොහෙට හරි හේත්තු වෙන්නනේ තියෙන්නෙ.ඔය පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කෑගහන අය යන තැනකට හේත්තු වෙනවා.ඒ අයට හරි පුරුදුයි දණ නමස්කාර, මුඛය බිම තියලා අදෝ මුඛය උඩ තියාගෙන හරි පුරුදුයි.මේ අය ඕන කෙනෙක්ට දණ ගහලා වදිනවා.ඔය හැමෝම ජනතාව ඉන්න තැන ගැන හිතලා කටයුතු කරනවා නම් හොඳයි.ශ්‍රී ලංකා එකට බැන්නා කියලා රට හදන්න ගෙනාව වැඩපිළිවෙල දිනන්නේ නෑ,ඇත්තම කථාව මේ අයට කියන්න දේවල් නෑ, ඒ නිසා ලඟ ඉන්න එකාට කොනිත්තනවා.අර සමහර වෙලාවට නිකං ඉන්න බැරිකමට ලඟ තියෙන ගස් පතුරු ගහන්නේ ඒ වගේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා එක පතුරු ගහනවා.මේ අයට රටට කියන්න දෙයක් නැති නිසා දවසේ වොයිස් කට් එකක් මාධ්‍යයේ යන්න ඕන කියලා හිතලා ශ්‍රී ලංකා එකට බනිනවා.ශ්‍රී ලංකා එකට බැනලා මේ ප්‍රශ්නය ගොඩදාන්න බෑ, දවසින් දවස මේ ප්‍රශ්න පිරිහිලා වලපල්ලට යනවා.ඔය කරන වැඩෙන් ගමේ ඉන්න ශ්‍රී ලංකා කාරයත් ආණ්ඩුවට බනනින තැනට පත් වෙලා මේ ආණ්ඩුව තවත් වේගෙන් කඩා වැටෙනවා .ඒ නිසා ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය ප්‍රමුඛ නව සන්ධානයක් නිර්මාණය කරන්න කාලය ඇවිල්ලා තියෙනවා යැයිද පැවසීය.

මෙම අවස්ථාවට ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂ පළාත් පාලන නියෝජිතයින් ඇතුළු පාක්ෂිකයන් විශාල පිරිසක් සහභාගී වී සිටියහ.

‘‘දේශපාලනයේ සැඟවුණු කතා කියන කතා’’ ග්‍රන්ථය අග්‍රාමාත්‍යතුමාට පිළිගන්වයි

November 29th, 2021

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය

‘‘දේශපාලනයේ සැඟවුණු කතා කියන කතා’’ එහි කර්තෘ ගුණපාල තිස්සකුට්ටිආරච්චි මහතා විසින් අද (29) දින පෙරවරුවේ අරලියගහ මන්දිරයේ දී අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා වෙත පිළිගන්වනු ලැබීය.

රාජ්‍ය ඇමතිවරයෙක්, මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙක් ලෙස මෙන්ම රාජ්‍ය සහ අර්ධ රාජ්‍ය සේවයේ විවිධ තනතුරු දරමින් සේවයේ නිරතව සිටියදී ඇසූ පිරූ ශ්‍රී ලාංකීය දේශපාලනයේ සැඟවී ගිය ත්‍රාසජනක, රසබර  හා විවිධ සිදුවීම් පදනම්කර ගෙන ගුණපාල තිස්සකුට්ටිආරච්චි මහතා මෙම කෘතිය රචනා කර ඇත.

1981 වසරේ පැවති දිස්ත්‍රික් සංවර්ධන සභා මැතිවරණයේ දී හම්බන්තොට දිස්ත්‍රික් සංවර්ධන සභාවේ විධායක මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙක් ලෙස පත්ව 1989 වසරේ පැවති මහා මැතිවරණයෙන් හම්බන්තොට දිස්ත්‍රික්කයෙන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ප්‍රථම වරට තේරී පත්වූ ගුණපාල තිස්සකුට්ටිආරච්චි මහතා 1990 වසරේ දී පරිසර හා පාර්ලිමේන්තු කටයුතු රාජ්‍ය ඇමතිවරයා ලෙස පත්කළේය.

ගුණපාල තිස්සකුට්ටිආරච්චි මහතා කැලණිය විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ ජන සන්නිවේදන පිළිබඳ ශාස්ත්‍රවේදී ගෞරව උපාධිධාරියෙකි.

The complex issue of the origin of the Moors of Sri Lanka

November 29th, 2021

By P.K.Balachandran/Ceylon Today

Colombo, November 29: There is no doubt as to where certain Muslim communities in Sri Lanka, such as the Malays, Bohras, Memons and Pathans, came from. But theories on the origin of Sri Lankan or Ceylon Moors, who are the majority among Muslims in the island, are both varied and controversial.

Today, the Ceylon Moors emphatically claim that they are of Arab origin. But Sri Lankan scholar Ameer Ali says that they are of mixed origin in his paper in Asian Studies entitled: The Genesis of the Muslim Community in Ceylon (Sri Lanka): A Historical Summary.

Ameer Ali says that the Ceylon Moors were initially known by the Tamil name Sonahar and also by the Sinhalese name Marakkalaminusu. Some were known as Hambankaraya in Sinhala and Saamaankarar in Tamil, the former stemming from their arrival by Sampans (Malay boats) and the latter because they sold goods (Saamaan is Goods in Tamil). Colloquially, they were known as Tambi or Kakka.

Ameer Ali says the term Moor came from the Latin root ‘Mauri’ which referred to the people of the Roman province of Mauretania which included present-day Western Algeria and North-East Morocco. The Portuguese chronicler about Ceylon, Fernao De Queyroz, said that the Muslims of Ceylon were called ‘Mouros’ as they were from Muritania”.  Eventually ‘Mouros’ became ‘Moors’ under British dispensation.   

However, the Ceylon Muslims themselves adopted the term ‘Moor’ much later, due to a local political exigency at the end of the 19 th., Century. There was an urgent need to differentiate themselves from the Ceylon Tamils. In 1885 and 1888, the Tamil leader Ponnambalam Ramanathan floated the theory that Ceylon Muslims were not a distinct ethnic or racial group but were Tamils converted to Islam. If the government were to accept Ramanathan’s thesis, the Muslims would not be able to get representation in the legislature where the nominees were chosen on a communal basis. Muslims would have been subsumed under the category Tamils”. The term Moor, favored by the Muslim leaders, found its place in the Ceylon Citizenship Act in 1949.     

However, among Tamil speakers, the Ceylon Muslims are known as  Sonakar. It could be a Tamil pronunciation of the Arabic word Sunni” an Islamic sect. Tamil-speaking Muslims of both Ceylon and India call themselves Sunnattu jama’attar (Those who belong to the Sunni sect). There is an other theory that Sonaka is a Tamil corruption of the Sanskrit word ‘Yavana’ a term used for foreigners from the West.

Moors are also called ‘Marakkalaminusu’ or by the Tamil name Marakkayar which means people who came by or plied Marakkalam or wooden vessels. The Maraikkayars of South India trace their origin also to the Arabic term for boat, ‘Markab’.   

There is another theory which says that Muslims came to Tamil Nadu and Ceylon as refugees from Iraq in the 7 th. and 8th.Centuries AD. But pre-Islamic Arabs had connections with Ceylon much before that. Ameer Ali quotes Joseph Desomogyi to say that the Arab connection in the Indian Ocean goes back to the days of the Phoenicians. ” The Arabs traded between Madagascar and Sumatra via Ceylon as early as 310 BC.

But the most significant of all the references is that which Geiger quotes from the ancient Pali chronicle Mahavamsa; according to which in the fourth century BC, Anuradhapura, the Sinhalese capital, had near its western gate, a ground set apart for the Yonas (Yavanas or Sonakar) who were Arab traders.

Besides the Arabs, traders from Persia also had contacts with Ceylon before the birth of Islam. Just before the advent of Islam, Persians dominated the Indo-Arabian trade as intermediaries for the silk trade between China and the West”. And Ceylon was the entrepot for sea trade, between China and the Near East. The Moroccan traveler Ibn Batuta, who was in Ceylon in 1344 A.D, reported that King Aria Chakravarthi of Jaffna spoke Persian.

Indian Connection

On the Indo-Arab connection, historian K.M.Panikkar says that the similarity in the peculiar nature of the social organization in pre-Islamic Arabia and on the western coast of Southern India, especially in Malabar, facilitated the free mingling of the Arabs with the women of South-West India.”  He further says: it is reasonable to suppose that at least after the time of Caliph Omar, trade with Malabar was exclusively in the hands of the Moors.” After the  7 th., Century, Arab traders came in large numbers, married Indian women and settled as permanent communities.

The Mapilla (Moplahs) Muslims of Kerala and the Lebbes and Maraikkayars of the Coromandel coast are the descendants of these settlements. Ameer Ali notes that in Ceylon, many of the Moors in the 19 th., Century carried the name Lebbe or Maraikkar or both as part or parts of their full names (such as for example, Segu Lebbe Maraikkar Muhammad Ali Maraikkar and Ahamathu Lebbe Meera Lebbe). They spoke the Tamil language and even physically resembled the South Indian Muslims.

A majority of the 19 th. Century Moors in Ceylon must have been the descendants of the Maraikkayars of the Coromandel Coast (in Tamil Nadu) and particularly of Porto Novo, Nagore, Muttuppettai and Kayalpatnam,” he says.

In the 12 th. and 13 th., centuries, the Muslims in Ceylon had attained the highest degree of their commercial prosperity and political influence” in the island, Ameer Ali notes. This was also the period when the Muslims on the opposite coast had similar success in the economic and political spheres.  

Panikkar says that the rise of the Zamorin of Calicut (in Kerala) as the leading ruler on the West Coast of India in the 13 th. Century was possible partly because of the support of the Moorish settlers who  contributed so largely to the prosperity and power of his kingdom.” The Zamorin’s naval forces were under Muslim command, and it was with the help of these Muslim mariners, that he was able to defeat his enemies. The Zamorin’s Muslim fleet had come to the aid of Ceylonese kings in their fight against the Portuguese. Indo-Ceylon trade passed from the hands of the Hindu traders to those of the Muslims.

Amer Ali points out that it is significant that a tradition relating to the Muslim village of Beruwela on the west coast of Ceylon speaks of a colony of Muslims from Kayalpatnam in Tamil Nadu settling there towards the middle of the 14 th., Century.

Hence it is not unreasonable to conclude that Muslims from South India must have traded with and sometimes settled here in the coastal districts of Ceylon between the 12 th., and 13 th.,centuries. As a result of this influx from India, the strain of Persian and Arab blood in the community must have been gradually weakened as it happened in South India itself. Thus when the Portuguese arrived in Ceylon at the beginning of the 16 th., Century the port of Colombo had developed into a colony of Moors of Indian origin.”  

Because of Portugues and Dutch hostility, from the 16 th. to the 19 th, Century, until the British arrived in early 19 th. century, the influx of Muslims from India on the Ceylonese West coast was limited. But the East coast was open as Portuguese power there was weak. This enabled the Ceylon Moors to trade with the East Coast of India freely.

It is evident that the majority of the Moors who lived in Ceylon at the beginning of the nineteenth century were the descendants of those Indian Muslims who came centuries earlier and who were themselves of mixed origin, while a minority was of either Arab or Persian descent amongst whom some had come long before Islam was born and some thereafter,” Ameer Ali concludes.

Sri Lanka kitchens blow up as gas crisis deepens

November 29th, 2021

Courtesy MailOnline

Sri Lankan consumers have faced serious LPG shortages in recent months

Sri Lanka is investigating a sharp rise in kitchen explosions caused by cooking gas that have reportedly killed at least one person and wounded dozens of others, parliament heard Monday.

The island is in the grip of an economic crisis with serious shortages of fossil fuels and other essential goods because of depleted foreign currency reserves.

Opposition lawmakers have blamed increased concentrations of propane in liquified petroleum gas (LPG) cylinders used for cooking, relative to the more expensive butane.

The government is now probing LPG supplies after a dozen blasts linked to kitchen stoves, consumer affairs minister Lasantha Alagiyawanna told parliament.

“During a short space of time there has been a very sharp increase in gas accidents,” he said.

“We don’t want to have 10 to 15 homes blowing up daily, so I have ordered an investigation.”

An official in Sri Lanka’s consumer affairs agency, who asked not to be named, told AFP that higher concentrations of propane were increasing pressure on LPG cylinders, causing leaks that led to explosive fires.

State-run gas agency Litro has denied changing the proportion of butane and propane in domestic gas cylinders, instead blaming poorly maintained stoves and faulty pipes.

Local media reports said a 19-year-old woman was killed after a gas cylinder leaked and exploded in Sri Lanka’s east last week.

Police have denied the death was due to a gas leak.

Consumers have faced serious LPG shortages in recent months with authorities struggling to find foreign exchange to finance gas and crude oil imports.

Sri Lanka’s only oil refinery shut for the first time in its 52-year history this month because it could not source dollars to import crude.

The island’s economy shrank last year as the pandemic took hold and tourism nosedived.

A resulting foreign exchange shortage prompted authorities to shore up Sri Lanka’s trade imbalance with a broad ban on imports, including some food and agricultural products.

That decision eventually sparked food shortages, with supermarkets rationing rice and the price of some staples doubling earlier this month.

Traders millers rule the roost in rice mafia

November 29th, 2021

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Prices of rice are seen displayed

  • With the CAA announcement of the extraordinary gazette, the price of rice hiked to 130 rupees
  • Former Director of the Department of Agriculture Department K. B. Goonarathne underscores the possibility of selling Nadu at 90 rupees a kilo
  • If the Government can grant concessions to the millers for milling and transporting rice Nadu could be sold at 90 rupees a kilo
  • When the PMB delays buying paddy private traders have the opportunity to buy paddy 
  • Now farmers have no paddy at all because they have sold every stock to private traders
  • The mill in Pallewatta, Hasalaka, which is the best mill in South Asia, has been left to decay
  • Since these traders made their purchases at higher prices they have to sell rice at high prices
  • 15000 metric tons of rice has been imported so far

The Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) issuing a gazette on September 2 announced that a maximum retail price for rice would be imposed to regulate the increasing price of rice. The gazette was issued on the orders of Consumer Affairs Authority (CAA) Chairman Maj. Gen. D. M. Shantha Dissanayake under Section 20(5) of the Consumer Affairs Authority Act No 09 of 2003 imposing a price of 125 rupees for a kilo of Keeri Samba, 103 rupees for red and white Samba, 98 rupees for white and red Nadu and boiled Samba and 95 rupees for white and red raw rice. 


However rice was not available in the market at those prices. The selling price of a kilo of Nadu rice which was made 115 rupees subsequently started to rise as a result. The Cabinet decided to import hundred thousand metric tons of rice on September 28 to regulate the price of rice. However the Government later decided to remove the maximum Retail Price (MRP) for rice issuing gazette no 2247/16. With the CAA announcement of the extraordinary gazette, the price of rice hiked to 130 rupees.

“The price of rice would be controlled in the coming two weeks as the Government is importing rice. Even though the Government withdrew from regulating the price of rice it does not mean that we will allow for any price increase which would be unfair for the consumer –  Lasantha Alagiyawanna State Minister

Even though the Government said that 15000 metric tons of rice had been imported so far that does not seem to help regulate the price of rice. The price of Nadu has increased up to 140 rupees a kilo. While several parties are accusing the Government of being unable to regulate the price of rice former Director of the Department of Agriculture Department K. B. Goonarathne has pointed out the possibility of selling Nadu at 90 rupees a kilo. Paddy is cultivated annually in around nine hundred thousand hectares during the Maha season and five hundred thousand hectares in the Yala season with a total of 1.4 million hectares being cultivated. A farmer has to bear a cost of 125,000 rupees to cultivate paddy within a hectare and it can further be reduced by 30,000 rupees when using his labour and handwork. The harvest amounts to 4500 kilos of paddy per hectare. If the harvest is sold keeping with the Government regulated prices an income of 270,000 rupees can be generated. However there are several conditions and steps to that process such as retaining 14% of wetness, transporting paddy to the buying area, storing paddy in bags provided by the Paddy Marketing Board (PMB). Other than that receiving money might be delayed and farmers would have to remain in queues. Therefore farmers are unwilling to give paddy to the PMB,” said Goonarathne who added that even if the farmers supply PMB with paddy what is received limited.
Large-scale paddy traders commence buying paddy less than at the state guaranteed prices with the commencement of harvesting. When the PMB delays buying paddy- despite the presence of state guaranteed prices- imposing their conditions, private traders have the opportunity to buy paddy at low prices. When the Government begins purchasing paddy the large-scale traders increase the price of paddy. The Government does not purchase all the stocks at high prices, but merely pretends to buy and makes plans to regulate the price of paddy. The Government bought paddy this time at a price ranging between 38-48 rupees. Most farmers had sold paddy during the last season at a price low as 48 rupees. These traders who buy stocks of paddy at low prices tell everyone that paddy was purchased at 60-80 rupees. Millers who buy paddy at a low price do not take the stocks straight to stores and instead store them in farmers’ houses and release them to the market whenever necessary. Now farmers have no paddy at all because they have sold every stock to private traders. However the PMB and the Government claim that farmers are earning a healthy income at present by selling paddy at 60-80 rupees per kilo. Farmers do not earn the stipulated profit. The paddy stocks belong to private traders and large scale millers. Private traders profit by selling paddy stocks at prices ranging from 60-90 rupees after purchasing the paddy stocks from farmers at a buying price ranging between 38-48 rupees. Since these traders made their purchases at higher prices they have to sell rice at high prices. Hence they profit excessively from both paddy and rice, said Goonarathne. 

“The Government knows well about this mafia and will not take any steps to put an end to that. The Government itself is engaged in a fraud. People were deceived using the media when the state claimed that paddy stores were being raided. The fine for those who sell rice at higher prices was increased to 100,000 rupees. However the law was not enforced – K. B. Goonarathne former Director of the Department of Agriculture Department 

The Government knows well about this mafia and will not take any steps to put an end to that. The Government itself is engaged in a fraud. People were deceived using the media when the state claimed that paddy stores were being raided. The fine for those who sell rice at higher prices was increased to 100,000 rupees. However the law was not enforced. In the end the price regulating gazette became a joke,” Goonarathne said.


Selling paddy at 48 rupees was profitable for farmers and they were quite satisfied. They earn an income of 216,000 rupees from a hectare by selling paddy at 48 rupees. A kilo of Nadu paddy produces 65% of rice which amounts to 650 grams of Nadu rice. 64% of raw rice, 63% of Samba, 61% of Keeri Samba can be produced similarly. Around 1.4 kilos of paddy is required to produce a kilo of rice. The machinery expenditure and other expenditures to produce a kilo of rice is considerably less. Goonarathna said that the cost of transporting rice is calculated at 2 rupees per kilo.


The production of rice costs 95 rupees per kilo when paddy is bought at 60 rupees a kilo. But Nadu is sold in the market at 140 rupees a kilo. If the Government can grant concessions to the millers for milling and transporting rice, Nadu can be sold at 90 rupees a kilo. If the guaranteed price for paddy is 50 Rupees, rice can be produced at 80 rupees a kilo and can be issued at 90 rupees a kilo; guaranteeing an extra profit of 10 rupees. If the Government can bear the cost of milling and transporting rice and price of rice can be regulated and the rice mafia could be defeated. Goonarathna said that imposing a guaranteed price on rice as similar to paddy during harvesting can help regulate the price of rice. 

State-owned mills left to decay

The Government only has to follow a simple procedure to break the rice monopoly. I have informed the officers of the Ministry of Agriculture, but all that was in vain. The rice mafia can be defeated by giving farmers’ associations under the Department of Agrarian Development milling machines at a concessionary price and by allowing them to operate their associations. There should be a procedure to strengthen small-scale mills in the country to halt the rice mafia which is operated by around ten large scale mills. The Government should establish state mills in areas such as Ampara, Batticaloa, Anuradhapura, Kurunegala, Hambantota and Mahaweli. There is no need to have new mills, but instead the state-owned mills left to decay should be taken in for use again. The PMB mill in Ampara can be reused. The mill in Pallewatta, Hasalaka, which is the best mill in South Asia, has been left to decay. Sathosa has a mill which can produce 100,000 kilos of rice per day. None of these mills are operating at present. Milling the paddy stocks purchased by the PMB using them can benefit the Government. The Government has closed down those mills and are using the service of private millers to mill state owned paddy stocks. 

“Even if the Government says that paddy would be bought at 50 rupees that does not happen. Large scale millers increase the price of rice claiming that they had purchased paddy at high prices. If the paddy purchasing price and the price of rice can be regulated rice can be sold at 90 rupees a kilo. The Government is allowing large scale millers to carry out a rice mafia – B. A. Susil Jayatissa Badulla District Cooperative Paddy and Rice Producers Society Ltd President

The rice control price since 2013 had been 68 rupees and it had remained unchanged for years. But it has changed now. A total of 15,770,285 kilos of rice were imported in 2020 incurring an expense of 1,936,087,679 rupees. The rice requirement for this year was 2.36 million metric tons and the expected rice production was 5 million metric tons. The expected harvest in the Yala season from 500,306 hectares was 20,774,721 metric tons and during the Maha season it was 360,000 metric tons from 800,000 hectares. It is questionable whether the expected targets could be met in the Maha season given the fertilizer crisis.” he added. 


Speaking regarding this issue the Badulla District Cooperative Paddy and Rice Producers Society Ltd President B. A. Susil Jayatissa said that Nadu paddy is sold at 80 rupees a kilo and Samba paddy at 90 rupees a kilo. Now farmers have no paddy. Even if some have paddy that is just a small amount. Small millers were not given money to purchase paddy after the regulated price was removed. Large scale millers possess paddy now. They buy paddy at 35 rupees during harvesting. Even if the Government says that paddy would be bought at 50 rupees that does not happen. 


Large scale millers increase the price of rice claiming that they had purchased paddy at high prices. If the paddy purchasing price and the price of rice can be regulated rice can be sold at 90 rupees a kilo. Wet paddy was purchased during the previous season in Ampara at 38 rupees and dry paddy at 42 rupees. The Government is allowing large scale millers to carry out a rice mafia. They said rice could be issued at 110 rupees per kilo as the wholesale price and 115 rupees as the retail price after buying paddy at 62.50 rupees a kilo. But the the price of Nadu had gone up to 140 rupees within a month.


Now traders have paddy which they have bought at 55-60 rupees. They sell Nadu at 80 rupees, Samba at 90 rupees and Keeri Samba at 100 rupees a kilo. Farmers sold their paddy at 38-60 rupees per kilo. Farmers do not earn any profit. Consumers are also exploited. The Government is helping the rice mafia. The traders released rice at a wholesale price of 110 rupees a kilo produced from paddy bought at less than 55 rupees. Those paddy stocks were purchased during the previous season at a low price. But the traders said that paddy was bought at 62.50 rupees. It is true that some stocks were purchased for that price. This season’s paddy has not been milled yet. They are trying to show that all the stocks were brought at higher prices. Small-scale millers cannot sell rice at 110 rupees a kilo after purchasing paddy at 62.50 rupees. 

“The current price of paddy is 70-80 rupees. We bought paddy at 55-56.50 rupees a kilo. We did not increase the price of paddy competitively. When private traders buy paddy at high prices, farmers earn a profit. We should not interfere as a Government when farmers earn a good price for their paddy but we should interfere only when they get a lesser price, – Duminda Priyadarshana PMB Vice-Chairman”

We have no chance in this competition. The programme on buying paddy through District Secretaries was also discouraged. We are not given loans or the loans we have applied for are delayed. By the time we get money to purchase paddy, large-scale farmers would have already bought paddy at a low price. They also increase the price of paddy and as a result we fail to buy paddy. Even if we buy paddy at those prices, we cannot issue rice at low price. If the Government can at least grant concessions covering milling and transport fees we can sell rice at 90 rupees a kilo. Small-scale millers have withdrawn from buying paddy and producing rice. The Government is not offering any concession. Even if a concession is given it is delayed. Most of the small-scale mills have closed down. Some are used to make coconut fiber. In some mills the buildings have been flattened and the lands are sold in lots. This is the present situation.” Jayatissa  added. 
When inquired on this matter Dudley Sirisena, a major rice producer in the country, turned down a request to talk to the media.


PMB Vice-Chairman Duminda Priyadarshana said that 1.6 kilos of paddy is required to produce a kilo of rice. When paddy is bought at 50 rupees a kilo the cost of rice production is 80 rupees. 9-10 rupees are spent on milling and on other expenses. A mill has to spend 90 rupees to produce a kilo of rice with 2 rupees set aside for transportation. Wholesale traders sell rice at three rupees more than the actual price and the retail traders make a profit of more than two rupees which results in a total profit of around 10 rupees being made. It is unthinkable to sell rice at 90 rupees a kilo after purchasing paddy at 50 rupees. The PMB has never had mills. The one in Ampara is used to store paddy. Our paddy is also milled in private mills. If we milled them, it would cost 8-10 rupees. But Nadu is milled at 4.50-5 rupees a kilo. When small and medium scale millers do not have paddy, we mill the stocks we have and release them to the market; usually in December. Raw rice is milled at 2.50 – 3.00 rupees a kilo and if we were to do that it would cost us 5-6 rupees.


The current price of paddy is 70-80 rupees. We bought paddy at 55-56.50 rupees a kilo. We did not increase the price of paddy competitively. When private traders buy paddy at high prices, farmers earn a profit. We should not interfere as a Government when farmers earn a good price for their paddy but we should interfere only when they get a lesser price. If the rice price is regulated properly, the paddy price would not have increased like this. Paddy is no longer available at 55-60 rupees in the country. Nadu Paddy is priced above 70 rupees a kilo. That is why the price of rice has increased. 


15000 metric tons of rice has been imported so far. Rice is issued at low prices through Sathosa. The Government has given concessions to millers when they obtain loans and pay tariffs. Yet the price has increased. A price hike is good for farmers, but it affects the consumers. The price of paddy has increased owing to the competition between millers. 35% of the harvest would be obtained during the Yala season and 65% during the Maha season. Farmers did not sell paddy given the fertilizer crisis. There was a price hike for purchased paddy and the price of rice is decided upon relatively. The price of rice has increased at present because paddy is bought at high prices. If concessions are to be given to control prices of rice to whom should they be given? Both farmers and millers are given concessions.


The CAA imports rice and regulates the price. If a regulated price can be imposed on rice similar to paddy, there will be a solution to this matter,” said Priyadarshana. 
Our attempts to contact the CAA Chairman Major General D. M. Shantha Dissanayake were futile. 
Speaking regarding these issues State Minister of Cooperative Services, Marketing Development and Consumer Protection, Lasantha Alagiyawanna said that the price of rice had increased amidst the presence of a regulated price. The price of rice was subject to a hike as the price of paddy, which was at 32 rupees, increased to 70 rupees. The price of rice would be controlled in the coming two weeks as the Government is importing rice. Even though the Government withdrew from regulating the price of rice it does not mean that we will allow for any price increase which would be unfair for the consumers.


Small-scale millers do not have facilities to dry wet paddy. We have made plans to provide them with those facilities. The plans for that are underway. Our plan is to protect the small and medium-scale millers who consist 65% of the total number of millers. Around 400 small and medium-scale millers have faced difficulties in repaying bank loans. They do not get any more bank loans. We cannot interfere in this regard. But we have given concessions to those who have been unable to pay back loans on time by decreasing interest rates. These millers are in difficulty as rice was imported by the previous Government during harvesting. I have interfered in matters regarding unfair price hikes as the Consumer Protection Minister to protect the consumers. It was proved recently that gazettes cannot regulate prices. Several large-scale millers are influencing the price of rice. Therefore we imported rice to control the price of rice. Nadu is sold at 99 rupees a kilo at Sathosa outlets. The price of rice would eventually go down.” the state minister said.

Different types of rice sold at the market

Are POLITICIANS WAITING FOR DISASTERS TO HAPPEN?

November 29th, 2021

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The ferry tragedy in Kinniya on November 23 and the current fertilizer crisis are two cases in point that are sufficient to explain how authorities in Sri Lanka view issues affecting the ordinary people and how they save their skin putting the blame on the people themselves, when things end up in disasters.


The ferry service in Kinniya has been run by a private operator subsequent to the laying of foundation stone for a bridge across Kurinchankerny lagoon. According to Rural Roads and other Infrastructure State Minister Nimal Lanza prior to the commence of construction of the bridge people in the area had used boats to cross the lagoon. And the previous government had laid foundation stone for a bridge and according to State Minister, the current government had laid foundation stone again in April this year to commence the construction work of the bridge.
With that the people had been given a three and a half km long temporary road to use until the bridge is constructed. The Minister says that Road Development Authority (RDA) had turned down requests made by the Kinniya Pradeshiya Sabha and Kinniya Urban Council to operate a ferry service and a barge respectively as they were not safe. However, the Chairman of the Kinniya Urban Council had given permission for the ferry service on his own and the operator had transported the passengers even without life jackets which ultimately claimed seven lives.


Six people including four school children had died and 20 others injured instantaneously when the ferry carrying as many as 35 people capsized in the lagoon. And the Authorities first arrested the owner and the two operators of the ferry and later arrested the Chairman of the UC. Now the politicians are talking politics over the incident while there are unanswered questions related to the incident. 


With the initial refusal of permission by the RDA for ferry service and barge service, it seems that the RDA is the authority that has to grant permission for such services. Yet, when the UC Chairman overruled the RDA’s decision by granting permission for the ferry service, the RDA which earlier decided that it was unsafe, turned a blind eye to it, while its officials and employees were around, constructing the bridge. The government politicians who are now attempting to take political mileage from the tragedy too were unmoved. It was as if they let the tragedy to happen to take swipe at the Opposition. If the mishap did not occur, the illegal” and unsafe” ferry would have still been carrying hundreds of passengers each day across the lagoon under the very nose of the RDA officials.
This is not the first incident of the sort. A single prior incident should have been an eye opener to the politicians and the relevant officials to see similar dangers around the country. Also there are hundreds, if not thousands of such dangerous services” across small rivers and streams around the country which are called Sangili Palama,” Wel Palama” or Edanda” where thousands of people including children risk their lives, without drawing the attention of politicians who are waxing eloquent on development. They will only find scapegoats when a tragedy occurs.
One does need to travel to all 14,000 Grama Niladhari divisions to find out how people in rural areas cross rivers and streams or what the schools in those villages lack. It must be recalled that President R.Premadasa ordered to construct 752 bamboo gates at every unprotected railway crossings in the country following a train-bus collision at Ahungalla on January 17, 1989. It might not be a proper solution and President Premadasa might not have looked at every problem in that way, but it stresses the need to look at the bigger picture through a single incident. 
Take the fertilizer fiasco. When the government faced with the dollar crisis, it all of a sudden in May banned the importation of chemical fertilizer, claiming that agro-chemicals are hazardous to the health. When the farmers started to agitate demanding fertilizer, authorities blamed the Opposition for inciting the farmers. When they realisd the folly of banning fertilizer following many farmers deciding to refrain from farming and the destruction of vegetable for want of agro-chemicals, they decided to allow the private sector to import chemical fertilizer. The end result was farmers losing the fertilizer subsidy, apart from the destruction of crops across the country.
The leaders of the country, if they are true to the masses who voted them to power must realize that the officials and the politicians around them always attempt to save their skin and in most cases take advantage of any disaster. Hence, the leaders must develop a strategies and mechanisms to look at the problems from the standpoint of the people and find solutions with the help of experts. In short, feel the issues like people and solve them with experts.

747 coronavirus cases reported and 23 deaths confirmed in Sri Lanka today

November 29th, 2021

Courtesy Adaderana

The Ministry of Health says that another 206 persons have tested positive for Covid-19 pushing the daily count on fresh cases detected to 747.

The new cases include two returnees from overseas while the rest are associated with the New Year Covid-19 cluster. 

This brings the total number of coronavirus cases registered in Sri Lanka thus far to 563,267.

Presently approximately 8,899 infected patients are undergoing treatment across the island. 

The Director General of Health Services has confirmed another 23 coronavirus related deaths for November 28, increasing the country’s death toll due to the virus to 14,328.

The deaths confirmed today include 16 male patients and 07 females. Four of the victims are between the ages 30-59 years while the remaining nineteen are aged 60 years and above.  

SLPP general secretary’s stern message to govt’s allied parties

November 29th, 2021

Courtesy Adaderana

The General Secretary of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) Sagara Kariyawasam says that any allied party of the government which cannot work as an alliance and according to the President’s policy statement, should leave the ruling alliance.

Speaking at a media briefing held today (29), he said that criticizing the government when there is any issue with a policy decision is unacceptable. He said that what the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) is doing at this moment is akin to ‘fishing in shallow water’.

The SLPP parliamentarian further charged that if the country’s transition to organic fertiliser had been successful, former President Maithripala Sirisena would have been the first to come out and say that he started it first.
 
However, when it goes wrong, they speak against it,” he said, adding that this is something that should not happen in alliance politics.

If a certain party thinks that they cannot conform to the principles of the Vistas of Prosperity and Splendour policy statement, what it should do is leave.”

SRI LANKA NEEDS A UNITED ADMINISTRATION WITHOUT POLITICAL PARTIES

November 28th, 2021

BY EDWARD THEOPHILUS

Political parties emanated with a variety of policies for transforming political administration from dominion or totalitarianism to a parliament rule as a symbol of democracy. A parliament rule comprises representatives of people who may be elected by the votes of the people. Democracy is a complicated word with different applications.  

Party politics in Sri Lanka have done many harmful activities to the country than innovating good policies for the benefit of the people. It is the reality of Sri Lanka, but in many countries, parliaments have braced the development and supported the role of political parties. It needs to rethink the role of political parties in Sri Lanka considering harms done to the community. To maintain democracy, does it need political parties? Democracy in Old Greece maintained without political parties and democratic way. If people think they want to see the country as an economically developed nation, are political parties an essential requirement?  It needs a broader evaluation on whether political parties have been contributed to the progress of the country or they contributed to destroying the opportunities.

The history of political parties goes back centuries and during the long history, many traditions and values have been added to political parties in many countries and political parties worked together in many instances when a country needed the unity of people. However, political parties in Sri Lanka have been working in a misguided policy framework and aimed to achieve a saying that the Queens’ opposition would be the alternate government. For example, in the last stage of LTTE war the unity was essential condition but political parties played politics at that stage. The idea of alternative government was a popular view of Sir Ivor Jennings. Since independence in 1948, it has been proved that party politics in the country has created many problems in the country and many development projects either halted or eliminated.  

The traditions and values of political parties are based on the philosophy of originators and when people are practically concerned with the policies of the party providing benefits to people, the usual practice was changing the policy structure of the party and it was done by a joint effort of members. The main question regarding Sri Lanka is that has been the political party system critical for a long time supporting for the achieving the dream of people? The answer is neither the objectives of originators of political parties have been achieved by the operating of political parties in the country.

If people want to convert the country to a developed nation, the view of the common people is to work unitedly without political differences in parties. Despite uniting people or working together political parties are a way of dividing people. Many people of Sri Lanka consider that political parties have not worked to convert the country to a developed nation because they have been worked like a virus that spread and suffers people in society. It is vicious than the covid 19.

It is observable in many democratic countries that the expected and visible changes have been incurred by the result of operating political parties, and the experience in Sri Lanka shows the party politics supported to generate benefits to so-called lower grade people until 1956, now it could evaluate that political parties have been creating and promoting politics that support to families instead of society.  Political parties are not ready to honestly talk about the truth and make a political field without parties. In fact, political parties are screens that are cover corruptions of powerful individuals of parties.

As the Sri Lankan ambassador to India recently stated the wealth production will be the way to achieve the developed status and it should not be a situation that creates controversy in the country. What is the meaning of wealth production? It is a process that everybody in the country should take part in the wealth production process and the participation of each person without differences is vital to achieving the purpose. It is a capitalist system that contradicts the politics of the party system in a democratic framework.

The political parties in the country have been promoting negative attitudes against wealth production and promoted attitudes among people resisting wealth production and cultivated a vicious psycho against the process of wealth production. Since the second decade of the 19th century, the beginning political parties adopted a system of protesting, and it shows that political parties have become disgusting without changes in society as they preached to people.

The other negative aspect of political parties is they try to claim ownership of various activities completed in the country. For example, the war victory against LTTE, the nationalization of private enterprises, and many activities are claimed political parties ignoring that funds for the changes invested from the government that are belong to public. In many countries, before implementing many activities, they were policies of political parties, and after the implementation, they become national activities, but in Sri Lanka, political parties claim every activity owned by them. The mentality of political party leaders is always wrong, and the hidden intention is to be highlighted all government work in a society in party leaders’ name rather than working to achieve policy objectives and many role players in political parties in Sri Lanka were crooks or mentally affected people or manipulators of issues.      

There are many limits to the development and growth of the country, and political parties don’t talk about the limits and work to attenuate issues. Although the limits are constraints to development, political parties attempt to convince the public that political parties could do everything that people expect, but no political party has developed workable policies to develop the country and the operational pattern of political parties showed that there were individuals who have a hidden agenda rather than working within limits. After independence, it showed that hidden agenda was corruption and making money giving publicity for government work.

Many political parties have no democracy in party management and the operational pattern shows that few persons in parties work to achieve hidden agendas that are massively related to personal wealth making by corrupt practices. For example, accelerated Mahaweli Project, the Greater Colombo Economic Zone were used to make money for politicians. In this situation, what is the use of political parties to cheat people or the country? During the reign of Kings and Queens, cheating people was not an aim of political leaders.

The visible atrocious nature of the history of political parties in Sri Lanka was the beginning of parties with a group of people who have common values and aims, but later, the political parties became enhancing family assets ignoring the party objectives. All Sinhala, Tamil, and Muslim political parties later became enlarge family assets, UNP, SLFP, TC, FP, MC, and SLPJP became family assets, and the ownership of family ligature became a division of the country. The Pandora discovery indicates that how did Mr Paskaraslingam misused the office and party relationship to undue enrichment. In other countries, this situation is reflected, but the strong organizational structure of the political parties such as in the USA, UK, Japan, and Canada forced them to abandon the family ligature. Why the family gentry is abandoned, it is no other reason, than achieving undue enrichment for families that worked to begin political parties.

In this situation, Sri Lanka needs to unite against party-based politics and develop common policies that are acceptable to people without racial, religious, and caste dictions. Before the 1970 election, left political parties with SLFP developed a common program of policies, however, it was not a success because UNP was out of the common program.

All organizations that are not related to political parties need to press political parties to dissolve parties and to develop a common program. It shouldn’t be hidden political parties such as JVP and other political parties.

ERASING THE EELAM VICTORY Part 27 B3

November 28th, 2021

KAMALIKA PIERIS

The Tamil Separatist Movement said that the north and east of Sri Lanka was the homeland of the Ceylon Tamil. The historical reasons for this were examined and dismissed by KM de Silva and GH Pieris in two writings dated 1995 and 1991 respectively.  

These two writings completely demolished the homeland argument and there was no challenge to their writings. Among other arguments they debunked the fictional construction of a Tamil homeland based on the now infamous Cleghorn minute.

The    two writings are

  • K.M. de Silva (2013) ‘Traditional Homelands’ of the Tamils: Separatist Ideology in Sri Lanka: A Historical Appraisal 1st pub 1995. 3rd Rev. Ed. International Centre for Ethnic Studies, Kandy. 
  • G.H. Peiris, ‘An Appraisal of the Concept of a Traditional Homeland in Sri Lanka’ (1991) Ethnic Studies Report IX (1).

Welikala observed that the absence of precisely demarcated boundaries to the homeland has created difficulties for the Tamil territorial claim as a legal and constitutional proposition. This is evidenced in the shifting nature of the territorial claim. The Federal Party’s founding manifesto in 1949 merely stated, The Eelam Tamils are a nation of their own, they have a homeland of their own.”

Resolution No. 1 at its First National Convention in 1951 asserted Tamils’ territorial habitation of definite areas which constitute over one-third of this Island,” but nevertheless called for a plebiscite to determine the boundaries of the linguistic states” of the future federation.

 It was more specific in the Memorandum and Model Constitution submitted to the Constituent Assembly in 1971, which set out a federal scheme for the future republican constitution. This proposed that, The Northern Province and the Trincomalee and Batticaloa Districts of the Eastern Province will form one Unit. This will be a Tamil majority State. The Ampara District [in the southwest end of the Eastern Province] will form a Muslim majority State.”

 In the Vaddukoddai Resolution of 1976, which registered Tamil nationalism’s paradigm shift from federalism to secessionism, the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) identified the Northern and Eastern Provinces as the territory of the future state of Tamil Eelam. Since then, Tamil nationalists have generally put forward the Northern and Eastern provinces as their homeland.

Amused critics want to know is there any other ethnic group which has two homelands, one in India and another in Sri Lanka. In a TV interview S.L. Gunasekera stated that if the Tamils had being the original settlers of Sri Lanka then they would not be holed up in Jaffna which is the most arid part of Sri Lanka. They would have been in salubrious areas. Secondly if they were the original settlers why are they a numerical minority now? 

Jaffna was initially, Sinhala speaking. Jaffna was populated by Sinhalese in the ancient and medieval period. The evidence is still there in cattle branding and in place names.  Historian P.A.T. Gunasinghe says that the place names of Jaffna only make sense if they are seen as translations of Sinhala names. He points out that ‘vil” means ‘bow,’ and ‘pay’ means ‘net’ in Tamil. Therefore names like Kokuvil and Manipay only make sense when they are seen as the Tamilisation of the Sinhala words Kokavila and Mampe. Valikamam and Vimankam are meaningless in Tamil, but make sense if the villages originally bore the Sinhala names of Valigama and Vimangama. Some place names like Polvattai refer to the Sinhala used in 14th century.  (continued)

ERASING THE EELAM VICTORY Part 27 B2

November 28th, 2021

KAMALIKA PIERIS

Language became an important element in the formation of new states in Europe in the 19th century. The emphasis was to be on the mother tongue, the language spoken in the home. The first International Statistical Congress of 1853 raised the question of including language in the    Census and the 1873 Congress recommended that language be included. Analysts observed that asking such a question would itself generate linguistic nationalism. It forced people not to select just a nationality, but a nationality connected to language.

Hobsbaum pointed out that in Europe national language was almost always an artificial construct. Most of the time people spoke dialects, not standardized language. French was the language of administration from about 1853 but even in 1789 it was spoken mainly in the central regions. It was not spoken at all in the north and south of France. Only 18% spoken high French. The same applied to German and Italian. In Germany there was High German which included local dialects such as Schwabisch. When Italy was formed only 3% spoke sophisticated Italian. Israel rejected Yiddish and created a new variant of Hebrew as the national language  of Israel.

Language was thereafter used as a unifying and emotional symbol of these new nation states of Europe. The Tamil Separatist Movement latched on to this.   The Tamil Separatist Movement announced The Tamil-speaking people in Ceylon constitute a distinct nation with its own language.  

The Jaffna Peninsula was a part of the Rajarata during the Anuradhapura kingdom. It was known as Nagadipa. The language was Sinhala. The Tamil language was introduced to Jaffna much later, in the 18th and 19th centuries. Landless, low caste laborers, from Tamilnadu, were brought into Jaffna Peninsula by the Dutch and British in the 18 and 19 century to work on the tobacco plantations in Jaffna. The Tamil settlements in Jaffna started then.  It is unlikely that they were Tamil scholars.

The Tamil language was entrenched in Jaffna by the American Missionaries who descended on Jaffna in 1816. The American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, based in Boston, started Christian missionary operations in Jaffna in 1816.   They encouraged Tamil studies with special emphasis on Tamil literature. They wanted also to upgrade the Tamil language used by the inhabitants of Jaffna.

The American Mission in Boston therefore wanted all subjects taught in Tamil in the mission schools of Jaffna.  Batticotta seminary, Vaddukoddai, the flagship school of the American Mission, placed much emphasis on Tamil language and literature. Tamil composition was encouraged   and there were exams on Tamil studies. Batticotta set up a Tamil class in 1828 to train Tamil teachers.  The Batticotta seminary, it is held, was responsible for the emergence of a Tamil intellectual elite and a Dravidian identity   in Jaffna.

The teachers were American. Christian missionaries trained in biblical Hebrew arrived and began learning Tamil, observed Shulman.  There was G.Dashiel for Sanskrit and P.K.Haselltine for Tamil.   H.R.Hoisington, a graduate of Cambridge University, who arrived in 1836, and became principal in 1845, mastered Tamil and Sanskrit, [presumably after he arrived in Jaffna]  A system of Tamil shorthand for the Tamil language was invented by Rev Fr P Dunne, principal of St Patrick’s College(1889-1901)   in 1900, he published a concise Tamil – English Dictionary.

Ancient Tamil texts were printed for the first time in the Mission press in 1835.    The Mission started a newspaper ‘Morning Star’ in 1841. It had four pages, two each in English and Tamil. In 1853 there was the ‘Vithyatharpanam’ with two equal sections in Tamil and English. 

Arumuka Navalar (1822-1879) was known for reforming Hinduism, not Tamil language   but he contributed to the revival of Tamil by making Tamil the language of the Saivite revival. He promoted literacy and Tamil studies. This was an important contribution to the development of modern Tamil studies both in Ceylon and South India, said K.M. de Silva. He was one of the early adaptors of modern Tamil prose, introducing Western editing techniques. He adopted a simple and lucid style of Tamil prose writing, added de Silva.

According to information held on the internet, Arumuga Navalar produced approximately ninety-seven Tamil publications of which twenty three were original writings. There were also forty   edited versions of works on grammar, literature, liturgy, and theology that were not previously available in print, as well as eleven commentaries. Commentaries on grammars included Kandihai Urai on the Nanool.  With this ‘recovery, editing, and publishing’ of ancient works, Navalar laid the foundations for the recovery of lost Tamil classics.. However, Jane Russell stated that Tamils were not conversant with classical Tamil even at 1946.

The Tamil language, in the meanwhile was in difficulties in its home state of Tamilnadu. By the end of the 14th century, Tamil had lost its dominant position in Tamilnadu. Tamil never regained that sovereign position.

Around 1364, the Tamil kingdom in South India was conquered by the Vijayanagara kingdom of Karnataka.  Tamil kingdom was thereafter administered by Vijayanagara officials from present day Andhra Pradesh.  Tamil was displaced by Telegu, the language of Andhra Pradesh. The kingdom was thereafter administered in Telegu. The Nayakkar kings of the Udarata kingdom who came from Tamilnadu spoke Telegu, not Tamil and were known as Andhras.

The Tamil kingdom later splintered into small, weak kingdoms, known as the kingdoms of Madura, Trichinopoly, and Tanjore, with Madura going under the Muslim Nawab of Arcot in 1734.  Telegu continued to dominate. There was a Telegu literature in Madras in the 19th century  and the British   rulers recognized Telegu. Telegu manuscripts numbering 3335 collected during British rule were sent to Hyderabad in 1960.

The Tamil language was rescued and re-instated in Tamilnadu by the Christian missionaries who arrived in Tamilnadu from the 17th century onwards .They had to learn Tamil to convert the natives to Christianity and in the process they helped to revive Tamil language and literature.

The leading personalities in this were two Italian Jesuit priests, Roberto de Nobili (1606-1656) and Constanzo Beschi (1680-1742) also German Lutheran priest B. Ziegenbalg (1682-1719). They collected Tamil manuscripts,   made translations and compiled grammars. G.U.Pope (1830- 1857) a Wesleyan priest, translated many Tamil texts into English and British Civil Servant F.W.Ellis (1810-1819) made a large collection of Tamil manuscripts. Rev. Robert Caldwell introduced the notion of a separate group of Dravidian languages in his  ‘A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, ‘(1856).

Madras also had it native researchers, notably Caminat Aiyar, who spent a good part of his life scouring the Tamil country for more manuscripts and editing them. Caminat Aiyar brought to light ancient, largely forgotten master works of Tamil literature.

The British administration in Madras helped in the recovery of Tamil. From 1820 onwards they supported the campaign to foster and reform Tamil language and literature. Publications of lost classics was a valued colonial period activity, observed Shulman. Language teachers were given secure jobs. The first section of Tolkapiyam was published in 1847 in Madras. But most of the manuscripts found could not be dated.  Some would have been recent, said Shulman. 

Rev. P.Percival (Wesleyan then Anglican) was appointed first Professor of Vernacular Literature at Madras University in 1857. He knew both Tamil and Telegu. The first section of Cilapattikaranam was printed by Bower and Muttiaya Pillay in 1868 and was part of the curriculum for students of Tamil in government colleges.

The American mission in Jaffna   went to Tamilnadu to help revive the Tamil language there. Tamils scholars trained at Batticotta were sent to help upgrade Tamil literature in Madras. The very early texts had gone out of circulation by the middle of the 19 century and were in need of ‘recovery. Manuscripts of Manimekalai, Cilapattikaranam for instance were missing. A bundle of palm leaf manuscripts were discovered in the library of the Tiruvavatutirai mutt in 1883.

The Jaffna Tamil who was most active in this was C.M. Thamotharampillai (1833-1901) Thamotharampillai learnt Tamil under his father, a first generation Christian, who had briefly attended Batticotta. Thamotharampillai also studied at Batticotta where he did a Tamil translation of the Book of Genesis from the Bible. He graduated from Batticotta in 1852.

Thamotharampillai advertised in Madras for Tamil manuscripts, obtained them, edited and published them, using his earnings to do so.  He collated manuscripts, noting variant readings. He published around 13 Tamil manuscripts including ‘Veerasoliyan’. He published several works which were considered lost, where only parts of the manuscripts   were found in olas here and there.  These included ‘Ilakkana vilakkam’   and, more importantly, the third part of Tholkayam, the ‘Porulathikaram.’ Thamotharampillai ‘searched high and low’ and brought this manuscript to light in 1885.

He handed over manuscripts that he was not using to others to process. Thamotharampillai’s contribution to the Tamil language in discovering and publishing lost manuscripts is well recognized in Tamilnadu.

In Sri Lanka, on the other hand,   Sinhala maintained its status as a sovereign language up to 1815. Sinhala continued in use thereafter, throughout British rule.  Sinhala literature and Sinhala grammar were carefully preserved and looked after by generation after generation of bhikkus and laymen during this period. Complete manuscripts of major Sinhala writings, such as Mahavamsa, Jataka pota, Vittipot, and   Kadaimpot were available in plenty, in good condition, in personal and temple collections in the 1930s. Unlike Tamil,  Sinhala language, Sinhala grammar, Sinhala literature did not collapse.No outside intervention was needed. The Christian missionaries only had to prepare Sinhala-English dictionaries for their own use.

Rasmus Rask (1787-1832) was a Danish specialist on languages. In 1816, Rask left Denmark to learn about languages in the East and to obtain manuscripts for the Royal Library, Copenhagen. He went to Sweden, Finland, Russia, Persia,   India and then Ceylon. Godakumbura says that Rask learnt Sinhala in the three months he stayed in Madras. From Madras Rask arrived in Jaffna in November 1821 and learned Sinhala from C.E.Layard, the CCS officer stationed there, using the Sinhala version of the New Testament of the Bible. He came down to Colombo and collected   Sinhala manuscripts to take back to Denmark. There is no mention of Tamil.

The fact that Rask did not study Tamil, though he was in Madras and Jaffna, indicates that Tamil did not have a high position at the time. The South Asian collection of the Royal Library, Copenhagen, today has 1127 manuscripts in Sanskrit, 310 in Pali, 169 in Sinhalese, 97 in Tamil, and 13 in Urdu.  It has 2640 printed books in Sanskrit, 860 in Hindi, 690 in Urdu and 180 in Sinhalese. There is no mention of Tamil.

The Tamil Separatist Movement declared that the Tamil language had an unsurprised classical heritage. The Ceylon Tamil of the British period held that there was a wonderful Tamil literature. Tamil is seen as the classical language which produced the oldest literature of the Dravidian languages, they said.

Ceylon Tamils announced that Tamil is one of the longest-surviving classical languages in the world. It was described it as “the only language of contemporary India which is recognizably continuous with a classical past.” The variety and quality of classical Tamil literature has led to it being described as “one of the great classical traditions and literatures of the world”.

In Sri Lanka, Simon Casie Chetty produced ‘The Tamil Plutarch’ (1859) A Summary Account of the Lives of the Poets and Poetesses of Southern India and Ceylon. In this book Casie Chetty said that Tamil is peculiar to part of India, which was formerly under Chera, Chola and Pandiya kings and of those of the eastern and northern provinces of Ceylon.

 Tamil occupies the most distinguished rank. It is one of the most copious, refined, and polished languages spoken by man. Few nations on earth can perhaps boast of so many poets as the Tamils. Poetry appears to have been the first fixed form of language amongst them; they have not a single ancient book that is written in prose, not even the books on medicine. There were three different Sangams, or Colleges at three different periods, for the promotion of literature, concluded Casie Chetty.

But the reality is different. Actually, we don’t even know the original name for the two greatest Tamil literary works – Tolkappiyam (just means “an ancient classic”) and Thirukural (“divine verses”), said analysts. Like most of Indian history, we just know these things from secondary works written by others, but a lot of things are unknown. The Sangam texts were lost or became irrelevant in the mediaeval times and came to be rediscovered in the 19th century.

Today, Hindi and English are the two official languages of India .In Tamilnadu, the home of the Tamil language, Tamil   ranks third, below Hindi and English. The rank order of the most spoken languages in India is Hindi, Bengali, Telegu, Marathi and Tamil.

Tamil is recognized as an official language only in Sri Lanka and Singapore.  Tamil is   recognized as a minority language in South Africa, Malaysia and Mauritius. Tamil is used as one of the languages of education in Malaysia, along with English, Malay and Mandarin. (Continued)


Copyright © 2026 LankaWeb.com. All Rights Reserved. Powered by Wordpress