For first time in history, Sri Lanka has no Prime Minister or Council of Ministers

December 4th, 2018

 Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Colombo, December 4 (newsin.asia): For the first time in the history of Sri Lanka, the country has no Prime Minister or a Council of Ministers. Given the deep seated conflict between President Maithripala Sirisena and ousted Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, the stalemate over who should be Prime Minister is not likely to end anytime soon.

After the Court of Appeal on Monday stayed the functioning of Mahinda Rajapaksa as Prime Minister and his colleagues as ministers, Rajapaksa and his ministers had stopped attending  office.

All government work is now being done by President Maithripala Sirisena with the help of the Secretaries of the various ministries.

V.Anandasangaree, a very senior Tamil politician who was MP for Kilinochchi in the 1960s and is currently leader of the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) said: Never has anything like this happened before.”

For first time in history, Sri Lanka has no Prime Minister or Council of Ministers

Government Boycotts Parliament

In another first in post-independence Sri Lankan political history, parties in the government have been continuously boycotting parliamentary settings, saying that the Speaker has unconstitutionally declined to recognize the Rajapaksa regime as a legitimate government duly appointed by President Sirisena.

If the Speaker (Karu Jayasuriya) does not recognize us, we do not recognize the Speaker either,” said Udaya Gamannpilla a government MP.

On November 29, the opposition presented to parliament a motion to deprive the Office of the Prime Minister of public funds. It passed this by a majority of 123 votes, but in the absence of government MPs and ministers.

Education Minister Dr Wijeyadasa Rajapakse did attend the sitting, but after making a special address, quit the House before voting.

On November 30, a motion submitted by the opposition United National Front (UNF) to curtail funds to cabinet ministers, deputy ministers and state ministers, was passed in parliament with 122 MPs voting for it. But this too was done in the absence of ministers and government MPs,  who had declared a boycott of parliament earlier.

On December 5, at the request of President Sirisena, the opposition is to move its third Motion of  No Confidence against the government of Rajapaksa in which the electronic voting machine will be used. But the ruling United Peoples’ Freedom Alliance (UPFA) has said that it will boycott parliament on this occasion too.

Cases in Supreme Court

On Tuesday, Rajapaksa’s lawyers filed an appeal in the Supreme Court against an interim order issued by the Court of Appeal restraining Rajapaksa and his cabinet from functioning as Prime Minister or Ministers.

The court had stayed their functioning  till the case is adjudicated. Notices sent in this connection were made returnable on December 12.

The 122 MPs who had signed the Writ of Quo Warranto petition against Rajapaksa’s holding office as Prime Minister, had been named as respondents in the appeal.

The appeal states that the interim order issued by the Court of Appeal was unconstitutional as the Court of Appeal had no authority to issue such orders. According to the constitution only the Supreme Court could take up constitutional matters such as this, Rajapaksa’s lawyers contended.

The lawyers requested the Supreme Court to issue an order declaring the interim order of the Court of Appeal as unlawful and sought an interim order preventing the implementation of the Appeal Court’s order until the hearing on the appeal was concluded.

Case on Dissolution

The Supreme Court is already hearing a case filed by opposition MPs questioning the dissolution of parliament by a Presidential gazette on November 9.

The opposition contends that parliament could not be dissolved when the present House had not completed four and a half years or had not asked for dissolution by a resolution passed by a two third majority.

Moreover, the then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe had the support of 122 MPs out of a total House membership of 225 which was a comfortable  majority.

Hearings on this case began on December 4 and will continue till December 6. A ruling is expected on December 7.

Three Member Bench Expanded To Seven

However, since the original three-judge bench had been expanded to a seven-bench court, and since Rajapaksa’s appeal against the Court of Appeal’s stay is also to be adjudicated, the Supreme Court’s ruling may be delayed by a few days, lawyers felt.

Till then, the government benches” occupied by the Sirisena’s UPFA and Rajapaksa’s Sri Lanka Podujana Peramna (SLPP) will be empty.

Supporters of ousted Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe say that the President should immediately appoint him as Prime Minister and ask him to form a cabinet to run the country to end the constitutional impasse.

But President Sirisena has categorically said that he will not appoint Wickremesinghe even if all the 225 MPs sign a petition asking for his appointment.”

No Mediator

Since this is the President’s stand and the opposition is equally adamant about putting up Wickremesinghe and none other MP, there is a deadlock, a logjam which can be cleared only by a mediator acceptable to both sides.

But there is no mediator in sight. The four Mahanayakas or the top most Buddhist monks in Sri Lanka could fill the bill. But they appear to be reluctant and are politically divided too.

Ball in Supreme Court

However, the Supreme Court’s rulings in the two cases before it could resolve the issue.

If the court upholds the dissolution of parliament, the elections to follow will determine what should be done. But on the other hand, if the dissolution is declared unconstitutional, the ball will be back in the highly contentious political court.

(The featured pictured at the tops shows Mahinda Rajapaksa, Ranil Wickremesinghe and President Maithripala Sirisena. Photo: Daily Mirror)

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SRI LANKA NEEDS NEW CONSTITUTION AFTER NEXT GENERAL ELECTION

December 3rd, 2018

BY EDWARD THEOPHILUS

The current constitutional crisis in Sri Lanka clearly indicates that the existing constitution has created an instability to the country.  The nature of this instability is that country cannot govern as the way people expect and cannot implement economic and social policies to gain prosperity to people.  In fact, current constitution is good for lawyers to make arguments and make gossips, jokes and fabrications for publics and politicians to refrain from their responsibilities to people playing in political platforms misleading voters.  In this environment it clearly indicates that the constitution does not work as a viable instrument to govern the country.

When Sri Lanka gained independence in 1948, a constitution drafted by British rulers was received, which was based on parliamentary democracy and was a unitary government.  Many shortcomings were in the constitution, but it was difficult to amend due the requirement of two third approval of the parliament.  The election held in 1970 provided two third majority of the parliament and the constitutional council appointed by the parliament produced a new constitution, which was within parliamentary democracy, but it introduced the concept of republic with executive authority to the president.  After 1977 election, the elected government introduced a new constitution in 1978, which based on executive presidential system within a unitary framework.

The presidential power in 1978 constitution was supreme and the authority of the parliament limited to legislative council (parliament) with approval of the president. With the constitution in 1978, a constitutional court established with a view to interpret and make judgements on constitutional matters, but later the role was shifted to the Supreme Court, which is a busy institution that needs to consider large volume of cases in the country.  The experience indicates that Sri Lanka needs a new constitution as well as a constitutional court to interpret and make decisions on the constitutional cases.  When the decision-making authority given to the Supreme Court, it would be an additional pressure to the Supreme Court and with a new constitution, the establishment of permanent constitutional court is essential.

After 1978 presidential constitution within unitary framework, several amendments were introduced from 1978 to today, but they were with many errors and omissions and such amendments were motivated by political ideologies and racial purposes.  The major weakness of the constitution was that it doesn’t encourage to consider people as a one nation and it also encourage to consider constitutional matters on communal basis.  This situation has motivated to divide people and complicated the governance and allowed outside forces to put hands on Sri Lanka’s matter.  As a result, there is an instability in the country.

To resolve these problems, Sri Lanka needs a new constitution, which should be drafted by a wide, knowledgeable drafting committee without political interest.  So far it was reflected that constitutional decisions and matters were handled by political and communal supporters, who destroyed the fundamental wish of the people.

To achieve this purpose, political parties need to clear give a promise to voters in the next general election and need to get public approval for drafting and approval of a new constitution.

Next essential requirements are banning or crossover in the parliament of elected members and criminalizing the behaviour of elected members accepting bribery style payments to change political party for various purposes.  If there is effective legislation to control these two points, it would not difficult to treat the parliament of Sri Lanka is clean place.

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Mahinda to file appeal with Supreme Court against interim order

December 3rd, 2018

Courtesy Adaderana

Mahinda Rajapaksa says that they will file an appeal before the Supreme Court against the interim order issued today by the Appeals Court as they do not agree with it.

The Court of Appeal today issued an interim order preventing Mahinda Rajapaksa and his cabinet from holding office.

This was after the court decided to proceed with hearing a Writ of Quo Warranto petition signed by 122 legislators that challenges Rajapaksa’s authority to hold office after he lost two no-confidence votes last month.

The judge issued the interim order against Rajapaksa and his cabinet, and asked them to appear in court on Dec. 12 to explain on what basis they hold office.

However, issuing a press release today, Mahinda Rajapaksa said that they do not agree with the interim order issued by the Court of Appeal.

He said that they are currently working on an appeal which will be filed against it with the Supreme Court at the earliest tomorrow morning (4).

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Save the country from TNA’s treachery – Part III

December 3rd, 2018

BY : A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA

The TNA which was not concerned at all about the affairs of Sri Lanka however played a prominent role like the JEPPOs when there was an issue that could destabilize peace and harmony in the country.  It hailed the Sri Lankan government’s mobilisation of the military to suppress strike action by Ceylon Petroleum Cooperation (CPC) workers. TNA’s treacherous  leaders Sambandan and Sumanthiran accused the strikers of attempting to bring down the government.

During the parliamentary debate, on this strike issue Sambandan attempted to present the government’s crackdown as democratic” while denouncing the strike as anti-democratic.” Echoing Ranil Wickremesinghe’s denunciations of the striking workers, in line with his anti-working-class policies Sambandan shedding crocodile tears said the unions had crippled fuel distribution and the essential services order was necessary to guarantee fuel supply peacefully to the people without any impediment.

Sambandan claimed the strike was part of a conspiracy” organised by a group of opposition MPs led by former President Mahinda Rajapakse. He warned the oil workers: saying that they cannot topple the government through strikes.” He repeatedly urged the government to take bold decisions” to suppress workers’ struggles.

Political analysts point out that TNA is a latter day shylock” who ruthlessly exploited Ranil’s weakness and extracted huge concessions harmful to the country in extending their support to the NCM against Ranil in April. These analysts also point out that once it became apparent that the proposed NCM against Ranil was a tripartite plot hatched by Anti-UNP elements, Sections of the SLFP led by Sirisena and the Sri Lanka Podu Jana Peramuna (SLPP) the TNA hierarchy began to get perturbed and  these sentiments got further exacerbated when media reports speculated that Sirisena was having plans of replacing Ranil with Karu Jayasuriya as a stop gap measure, and bring in ex – Defence secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa to Parliament on the National list and then replace Karu Jayasuriya  with Gota as premier. Apart from terminating the Constitution reform process, as per them the TNA felt such an axis would result in the country regressing backwards and negate the limited progress achieved by them since 2015.

This 85-year-old terrorist grandpa is the senior most Tamil leader in Parliament today and is on the terminal journey to the hell and he deserves to be sent in this final journey through Welikada or Jaffna prisons in punishment for his treachery to this peaceful country.

.He has participated in almost every attempt to bring about a negotiated settlement to the Tamil national question over the past 40 years since 1977. Currently he has fully involved himself with the Constitutional assembly and in the formulation of a new constitution. He has dedicated himself to the task of achieving political equality for Tamils in the Island through this envisaged federal and secular constitution. Sampanthan has hitched the TNA wagon to the new Constitution currently being stalled with Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa being appointed as the Prime Minister.

Sampanthan realises and recognizes that among the active frontline Sinhala political leaders only Ranil Wickremesinghe has shown keen and genuine interest in bringing about a lasting settlement of the Tamil national question although in the perspective of majority Sri Lankans such a question does not exist.

The neo liberal, foreign servile butterfly leader Ranil Wickremesinghe is indispensable to Sampanthan’s vision and political goals. There is a convergence and identity of interestbetween both. In recent times the TNA leader has been somewhat miffed with Ranil for the tardy progress on the Constitutional front ever since the interim report of the steering committee was released. These feelings however have paled into insignificance with Ranil being toppled and replaced. Despite all his shortcomings and faults, Ranil Wickremesinghe remains the best choice of what is available for Sri Lankan Tamils. For TNA leaders like Sampanthan and Maavai” Senathirajah it was a case of Hobson’s choice and there was no alternative to Ranil whose  unseating was certain to paralyse the political quest of a new power-sharing Constitution.

There was another reason for the TNA to support Ranil. The TNA has been closely associating with India and other western nations like the USA, Britain, Canada and Norway to help bring about a political settlement and ethnic reconciliation in Sri Lanka. Most of these despotic nations were also of the view that it was politically important and imperative to ensure the continuation of Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister. President Sirisena’s re-alignment with the Rajapaksas has jarred and jolted the so-called minority group (20 out of nearly 200) international community which now regards Ranil as the sheet anchor of the present Govt. Replacing Ranil with another – least of all a member of the Rajapaksas – was not to be countenanced.

The TNA being on the same political wavelength concurred with this perspective.They say however there are some hitches. One of the TNA constituents the EPRLF had pulled out of the configuration prior to the local government elections and had contested against the TNA in the polls. Of the two EPRLF MP’s Dr. Sivamohan remained with the TNA but Siva Shakthi Anandan was out of the TNA and kept away from the TNA parliamentary group. Thus, the TNA which had 16 MP’s earlier had been reduced to 15. The EPRLF said it would arrive at its own decision after discussing with Wickremesinghe. The other TNA constituent was the TELO which also had two MP’s. The TELO met separately and had decided that it would abstain from voting. The third TNA constituent PLOTE’s position was also uncertain and unknown as the leader Dharmalingam Siddarthan was undergoing the traditional period of mourning after the death of his mother. Mrs. Dharmalingam was the widow of former ITAK and TULF MP for Uduvil and Manipay V. Dharmalingam. The much respected, left-leaning Dharmalingam who served as MP from 1960 to 1983 was killed by the TELO along with Ex – MP Aallalasundaram in 1985.

Speculative reports appeared in sections of the Tamil media that there were serious differences of opinion among TNA parliamentarians about supporting Wickremesinghe. Although the TNA leadership had taken a policy decision in late March to oppose the No confidence motion, it appeared that there was no unanimity among MP’s. The TNA was apparently divided on this and the chances of a bloc vote being delivered in support of Ranil seemed to be slim if not remote. This made the TNA somewhat apprehensive on the question and when the media tried to find out what the party position on the NCM a definite answer was not forthcoming. The question was evaded with the announcement that the TNA would decide on its stance on the eve of the NCM vote.

It was against this backdrop that  13 MP’s of the TNA met on the morning of April 3rd in  Colombo. Not all members of the TNA parliamentary group were favourable to the idea of supporting Wickremesinghe. Some felt that the TNA should not interfere in what was essentially an intra-Sinhala dispute. They opined that the TNA should abstain from voting. Others of a more pro-tiger disposition wanted to keep away from voting so that Ranil would suffer his come-up pence, A few were of the view that Ranil was certainly going to lose with or without TNA support and therefore it would be better to not vote against and lose out in the end. Interestingly none of the TNA parliamentarians wanted to support the No Confidence motion against Wickremesinghe. They only wanted the TNA to abstain and not support Ranil. Voting for the NCM was firmly ruled out.

TNA leader Sampanthan however took a different view and expounded it powerfully. He told the MP’s how important it was for Ranil to remain as Prime Minister for resolving the ethnic problem and that his removal may result in the return of the Rajapaksas. The possibility of a Rajapaksa return had a dam effect on many of the TNA MP’s. Still there were some misgivings and fiery exchanges of words. Among those dissenting initially were MP’s

Selvam Adaikkalanathan, Iruthayaraj Charles Nirmalanathan ,S. Shritharan and E.Saravanabavan. MP’s Senathirajah and Sumanthiran endorsed Sampanthan’s position and argued in favour of supporting Ranil. The discussions were rather heated at times and at one-point Sridharan pointed out to Sampanthan in an insulting manner that he had got more votes in Kilinochchi than Sampanthan in Trincomalee.

Finally, the inner -party discussions ended with all MP’s agreeing that the TNA should support the PM by voting against the NCM. However, some MP’s now felt   that they should extract some concessions from the Prime Minister in return for supporting him. It was pointed out that the UNP Jaffna MP Ms. Vijayakala Maheswaran and some UNP organizers had been given a quota” in job appointments whereby they were able to provide employment to their supporters. Some TNA MP’s wanted to demand such quotas from the PM.

Principled Position Based on Higher Ideals

A visibly angry Sampanthan rejected this suggestion saying he would not subscribe to this course of action. He said the TNA position on this was that the present Govt under this Prime minister should continue in order to implement the democratization and Constitution making process. Several other MP’s including Senathirajah and Sumanthiran also rejected this suggestion saying this amounted to asking for political patronage”. Sampanthan pointed out that the TNA was taking a principled position based on higher ideals and should not stoop down to the level of exchanging votes for jobs. This viewpoint was accepted with a compromise. It was suggested that the TNA parliamentarians should meet the Prime Minister directly and inform him of their decision to support him. However, they would air their grievances about the slow progress in constitution making, release of Tamil détentes, return of lands and other issues to Wickremesinghe and seek a guarantee that he would provide redress.

A delegation of TNA parliamentarians led by Sampanthan therefore called upon Wickremesinghe and explained the position. The MP’s outlined their grievances and sought a guarantee from Wickremesinghe that he would address them in due course. Most of the matters raised were not new with some being issues of discussion from the time this Govt came into being. A common thread in the grievances was the lack of speed and not enough being done to address concerns. The issues raised were categorised into ten main points. They were as follows –

1.Expediting the political discussions to bring about a negotiated settlement
2.Renewing the dormant Constitution making process to enact a new Constitution.
3.Hastening the return of lands in the North-east occupied by the armed forces back to the civilian owners.
4.Speedy release of all Tamil political détentes
5.Tracing the whereabouts of Missing persons and those made to disappear during the war
6.Greater employment opportunities for youths in the North and East
7.Giving preference to people already resident in the areas over non -residents when making  Go vt service appointments in the North and East
8.Appointment of Tamil -speaking administrators in Tamil speaking divisions in the North and East
9.Prioritising development projects being undertaken by the Northern and Eastern provincial councils
10.Giving top consideration to proposals made by MP’s of the North and East when launching development projects in those areas.

 

 Understanding Reached Without a Formal Agreement

As stated earlier there was nothing new or problematic in these proposals and the Prime Minister had no difficulty in agreeing to them. The ten categories of issues discussed were itemised into twelve points and put on paper. Two of the points raised had been broken up into two thereby increasing the number to twelve.,\ Ranil Wickremesinghe placed his signature along with a few lines indicating that he had taken due note of the points mentioned and that he would guarantee speedy implementation of those proposals. He said that he would refer to them in his parliamentary speech and asked Finance minister Mangala Samaraweera who was present to elaborate more on the issues raised in his speech. Samaraweera consented. Thereafter a satisfied TNA departed having reached an understanding with the Prime minister and obtaining assurances without entering into any formal pact or forging a UNP- TNA agreement.

However, the TNA felt that as a matter of courtesy they should inform President Sirisena also of their decision to vote against the no confidence motion. TNA leader Sampanthan and Deputy -leader Senathirajah sought an appointment and met with President Sirisena. They told the President that the TNA wanted the present Govt to continue with the same Prime  Minister for the 2015 Mandate to be implemented and promises fulfilled. Sirisena was non-committal. After informing the president about the NCM the TNA leaders also complained about irregular land settlement practices under the Mahaweli development scheme in  Mullaitheevu district. Sirisena who is the Mahaweli development minister promised to investigate the problem and resolve it.

What the TNA did not know at the time they met the President was that Maithripala Sirisena had earlier reacted strongly against the notion of TNA supporting Wickremesinghe against the NCM. When a UNP delegation had called on him, President Sirisena had said that if the NCM were to be defeated with the help of TNA votes it would not go down well with the Sinhala people. Minister Mangala Samaraweera had then retorted by asking Sirisena why it was wrong to get TNA votes in Parliament against the NCM when Sirisena had obtained millions of Tamil votes mobilised by the TNA to win the Presidential contest against Mahinda Rajapaksa in 2015/. The president was silent. Later in Parliament the TNA’s MA Sumanthiran was to refer to this incident in his speech but there has been no response from the President so far.

D-day dawned on April 4th. All 15 TNA parliamentarians including the bereaved Siddharthan met in the morning where Sumanthiran read out once again the 12 points discussed with Prime Minister Wickremesinghe in English and translated them into Tamil for the record. All MP’s then pledged that they would vote against the no confidence motion. TELO leader Selvam Adaikkalanathan noted that the TELO would vote against the NCM though his party central committee had unanimously decided to abstain. When Parliament commenced Sampanthan outlined the TNA position succinctly in his speech and emphasised why the party was voting against the NCM.

At voting time all 16 MP’s elected from the TNA in 2015 voted against the NCM. This included the EPRLF’s Sivasakthy Anandan also. The motion was defeated by 46 votes. The voting once again revealed that the minority ethnicities of the Island were solidly behind Ranil Wickremesinghe.

The Tamil National Alliance can take justifiable pride in voting against the no confidence motion. It was the TNA decision that removed uncertainty and tilted the decision in the Premier’s favour. It was after the TNA decision that President Sirisena realising the NCM battle was lost backed out and asked the SLFP to abstain from voting. It was the TNA decision that thwarted the conspiracy within UNP ranks to vote against their leader. It was also the TNA decision that convinced the fence sitters among Muslim parties to decide firmly on voting against the NCM instead of abstaining. Once it became known that the TNA was firmly behind Wickremesinghe , it was obvious that the NCM would be defeated and this impacted on the voting stances of undecided parties and MP’s. Also, it was the TNA support which helped Ranil Wickremesinghe greatly to exceed the magic number of 113 by nine more votes.

It remains to be seen whether Ranil Wickremesinghe would be able to function as an effective prime minister in the future despite proving he has the confidence of the majority in Parliament. It is patently clear that President Sirisena is yet opposed to his Prime Minister. This is likely to result in further friction or paralyse the administration. Although the TNA voted on the basis that retention of the Prime minister and Govt were necessary to implement the 2015 mandate including the promulgation of a new Constitution , it is highly unlikely that such an eventuality would come to pass

What is likely to happen or not happen in the future is in the realm of the unknown. Ranil Wickremesinghe has withstood and overcome a tripartite conspiracy to topple him from his post. The minority political parties especially the TNA have played a constructive role in helping the Premier to defeat the no confidence motion. The TNA has demonstrated that it is a political party that will not shirk its duties despite racist intimidation to do what is right and ensure the stability and continuity of an elected government. The decision has been based on principle rather than expediency. Reports said that it is very probable that the TNA will be severely criticised by those supportive of the NCM, but the party seems to be feeling proud that it has done the right thing and saved Ranil Wickremasinghe from falling into disgrace.

(To be continued)

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HE Mahinda Rajapaksa – An Opinion of a Non-Sri Lankan Citizen

December 3rd, 2018

Prof. Hudson McLean

Governor Generals, Presidents and Prime Ministers in Ceylon / Sri Lanka have come & gone.

I was a youth, an under-age driver, at the Orient Club, Colombo 7, the morning when General Sir John Kotalawala lost the election to SWRD. Furious Sir John simply called Ananda Tissa-de Alwis and gave a thundering kick to his back-side.  No one was shocked. That was Sir John, the aristocratic arrogant British trained military officer.

When Sir Oliver Goonetilleke, the Governor General of Ceylon appointed W. Dahanayake as Prime Minister when SWRD was assassinated, he suggested that the Beira Lake might have Gondolas, if Ceylon imported a pair for breeding.

When I met Esmond Wickramasinghe, Legal Eagle, the Press Baron, King-maker, (father of Ranil) in his dimly-lit library in Colombo, he was in doubt if his son Ranil would ever lead Sri Lanka or Ceylon. The old man knew that Ranil had his limits.

Of all the Presidents & Prime Ministers of Sri Lanka I met, in my time of life, I would not hasten to nominate, in my humble opinion, the best out of the lot, Numero Uno – HE Mahinda Rajapaksa, followed by late HE Ranasinghe Premadasa.

I hope the citizens of Sri Lanka hedge their bets on HE Mahinda Rajapaksa, and get the political campaign to get the greedy politicos to put the country FIRST before their luxuries of life, in their list of priorities.

I also wish that the Sri Lankans put past the old Colonial Terminology of “Kalu Sudda”, Race, Colour, Religion, Tamil & Marakkala, and just treat each and every son of Sri Lanka with the same measure of rice.

May Blessings of Your Chosen God Shower Upon You!

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The Independent Interactive Voice of Sri Lanka on the Internet.

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No new  Presidential hopefuls could  equal the experience, determination and sincere patriotism of Mahinda Rajapakse.

December 3rd, 2018

By Charles S.Perera

The young Minister of  President Francois Holland Emmanuel Macron at 39 contested the 2017 French Presidential election on his own without the backing of the recognised Socialist or Republican parties  to win  the Presidential election with the resounding majority of 62 percent. He has influenced at least two not so young persons without a political background to announce that they would be  candidates for the Sri Lanka Presidential election of 2020.

But President Emmanuel Macron who swam into French Presidency in the  flood waters of hope  and enthusiasm of the French population , has become today the  most unpopular President,  and  the same people who with overwhelming enthusiasm hailed him  as the  President of France in 2017 have risen up today from all classes and professions, from all over France wearing yellow jackets calling him for goodness sake to resign.

It was a short lived marriage between a non-political inexperienced politician as a President  and the people who had lot of hope for a new comfortable experience of  life under a new President with new ideas,  which seem to be ending as suddenly as it rose.

What lesson does  this give to Sri Lanka. The people cannot place hope on political leaders , without political experience, nor with those who talk a lot looking for benefit of power for themselves, and others without lack of love and sincere patriotism to shamelessly rob the country to  build their own lives and those of their kith and kin.

The UNP and its partners may have political experience but we saw in the past three years where their political experience has led the country.  JVP make lot of noise and make lot of promises, can people hope they will do what they promise or despite their ideas once they come to power will the people of Sri Lanka face the same deception of the French people who voted  for untried promises which fell like logs into a flowing river.

Sri Lanka is not a virgin damsel, but an experienced mature old woman  who had gone through 2600 years or  more of a life through a glorious a past, followed by dependence and misery.  Sri Lanka today is capable of taking her destiny into her own hand , if it is entrusted to a capable experienced and already tried political leaders, without depending  on the rich and powerful, but with wisdom and serenity to accept what is good,  rejecting  what is bad to find the middle path of development into which we were introduced  first by the wisdom of a wise woman Sirimavo Bandaranayake who took the path of non-alignment.

Sri Lanka though became independent of colonialism seventy years ago, it began  tasting real independence with SWRD Bandaranaike in 1956, and after that we groped between hope and deception until we found in 2005 a real patriot with experience, determination and patriotism  who first saved us from  certain division and destruction by the  evil force of terrorism which lasted for thirty years with considerable loss of life, psychological loss of a will to exist, made to live stressfully under fear of a lurking death.

Developing countries as opposed to the countries of the West, are hampered in their development  by the constant interference by the West and making their own plans  of development for our countries. If we step out of their planned development processes  the price we may have to pay is immeasurable. This process is to a great extent supported  by our own politicians as we saw in the past three years, and to get out  of the clutches of  the West is not an easy task.

Many developing countries, like Iran, Guatamala, Chile, Congo, Iraq, Libya are a few victims of the Western trap.  Therefore , we have to be careful selecting the correct politicians who are capable to take the risk to swim amoung  whales to take the country to the correct destination.

It is there that political experience, determination and devoted patriotism count. For seventy years since independence we could not find  a correct political leadership, and through out a period of ruthless terrorism our political leaders did not have the vision,  courage and determination to end  the canker  of terrorism, until in 2005 the people elected Mahinda Rajapakse as the President of Sri Lanka.

Of course, those self interested politicians greedy to hold on to power, and those who yearn for English educated West imitators  as politicians  oppose Mahinda Rajapakse and his way of governance to give the West  the necessary power to use Sri Lanka to suit their political strategies.

Sri Lanka has  a strange Judiciary, with a questionable independence. The Judges are after all men. And to what extent can one expect them to have the ability to think  independently not like an ordinary  man,  but as  a Judge ? 

We have an example of a retired Supreme Court Judge Wigneswaran the Chief Minister of the NPC whose attitude as man out of his judicial training is utterly questionable. We cannot even believes such a man as Wigneswaran had been a Judge of the Sri Lanka Sureeme Court. He is a racist and concocts falsehood to separate communities.

Judging judges taking Wigneswaran as  an example make us fear who we really have as Judges. A retired judge who become an ordinary man should have, justice , fairness and  mental collectedness built in him to take correct independent decisions.

Recent Judgements coming one after another , make one really begin to wonder what is in the minds of the Sri Lanka Judges . Is it justice  and rendering  fair and independent judgement in their mind or  an effort to please those who are powerful and accrue to them selves applause for judgements considered independent by them,  even though their seem to have no logic in their judgements.

The first judgment withheld a gazette notification dissolving the parliament to hold elections without considering the consequences the judgement would lead to,  if the Parliament is allowed to sit two weeks during the interim judgment until a judgment is given.

The second is no better than the first, because it  withholds the work that had been under taken by a Prime Minister and his Cabinet duly appointed by the President to redress the people who had been suffering under decisions taken by a West Oriented Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasinghe  and a visionless cabinet of Ministers, proved to have mismanaged the finances of the Country, for nine whole days making Sri Lanka function without a Government. All that smells litro gaz.

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Talks fail between President and UNF leaders

December 3rd, 2018

Courtesy Adaderana

The second round of discussions between President Maithripala Sirisena and representatives of the United National Front (UNF) ended unsuccessfully, according to UNP MP Lakshman Kiriella.

Speaking to reporters following the meeting held at Presidential Secretariat, he said that the President had insisted that the premiership will not be given to UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe.

The meeting between the President and UNF leaders was initially slated to be held yesterday, but was pushed to 8.00 p.m. today (3).

The first round of talks between the President and the UNF, which also failed to see any agreement being reached, was held on Friday (Nov. 30).

During a discussion with Speaker Karu Jayasuriya on Thursday, the President had agreed to meet with the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and the UNF leadership to find an immediate and amicable solution to the prevailing political crisis in the country.

Meanwhile the Court of Appeal today temporary halted Mahinda Rajapaksa and his Cabinet from functioning in their positions in response to a petition filed by 122 legislators against the disputed government.

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රජ කාලයෙන් පසු පළමු වතාවට ලංකාවේ රාජාණ්ඩුවක් බිහිවේ..

December 3rd, 2018

 සරත් කලුගමගේ සංවිධායක රටට හෙටක් – සමාජ සත්කාරක වැඩසටන

රටට හෙටක් සංවිධානය විසින් නිකුත් කරන ලද මාධ්‍ය නිවේදනයක් මෙහි දැක්වෙයි.

අභියාචනාධිකරණය විසින් නිකුත්කරන ලද අතුරු තහනම් නියෝගය නිසා සිංහල රජ කාලයෙන් පසු පළමු වතාවට ශ්‍රී ලංකාව රාජාණ්ඩුවක ස්වරූපයට පත්ව ඇත.

මෙම තහනම් නියෝගය නිසා එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය  ප්‍රමුඛ විපක්ෂයට සිදුව ඇත්තේ ගහෙන් වැටුණු මිනිහාට ගොනා ඇන්නා වැනි දෙයකි. අතුරු තහනම් නියෝගය මගින් අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා ප්‍රමුඛ කැබිනට් මණ්ඩලයේ කටයුතු එම නඩුව අවසන් වනතුරු  අත්හිටුවා ඇත. ඒ අනුව රාජ්‍ය නායකයා ලෙස රාජ්‍ය පවත්වාගෙන යාමේ අභිමතානුසාරී බලය අවසන් වශයෙන් පැවරෙන්නේ විධායක ජනාධිපතිවරයා හටය.

රජ කාලයෙන් පසු පළමු වතාවට ලංකාවේ රාජාණ්ඩුවක් බිහිවේ..

අභියාචනාධිකරණය ට නඩුවක් ගොනු කරමින් අතුරු තහනම් නියෝගයක් නිකුත් කරවා ගැනීම නිසා අදාල නඩුව අවසන් වන තුරු අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයකු පත් කරන්නැ’යි ජනාධිපතිවරයාගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටීමට ද මේ නිසා එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය ප්‍රමුඛ විපක්ෂයට අවස්ථාව  උදා නොවෙයි.

අනෙක් අතින් මෙම නියෝගය නිකුත් කර ඇති නිසා පාර්ලිමේන්තුව රැස්කිරීම ඉබේම අත්හිටවෙන්නේය. ආණ්ඩුවක් නොමැතිව විපක්ෂයකින් පමණක් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවක් පවත්වාගෙන යා නොහැකිය. ආණ්ඩුව පාර්ලිමේන්තුව සභා වාර වර්ජනය කිරීම වෙනම කරුණ කි. එහෙත් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව රැස්වීම සඳහා ආණ්ඩුව සහ විපක්‍ෂය නමැති ආකෘතිය අවශ්‍ය වේ. නීතිය, රීතිය,භාවිතය සහ සම්ප්‍රදාය අනුව සැලකීමේදී ආණ්‌ඩුව නොමැතිව විපක්ෂයකින් පමණක් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවක් රැස් කළ නොහැකි ය. මක්නිසාදයත් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව රැස්කර වන්නේ රට කරවීම සඳහා වන හෙයිනි.  රට කරවන ආණ්‌ඩුවේ ක්‍රියාකාරීත්වය අත්හිටුවා ඇති හෙයින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව රැස්කිරීම ඒ අනුව ඉබේම අත්හිටවෙන්නේය.

එසේම,මෙම නියෝගය මෙසේ තිබියදී දැනට ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ විභාග වන නඩුවේ තීන්දුව අනුව මහ මැතිවරණයක් ප්‍රකාශයට පත් වුවහොත් හෝ ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ මුක්තිය මත ජනමත විචාරණයක් ප්‍රකාශයට පත් වුවහොත් හෝ එම කුමන මැතිවරණයක් වුවද පැවැත්වෙනු ඇත්තේ සියලු පාලන බලතල ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමේ නිසි බලධාරියා ලෙස ජනාධිපතිවරයා යටතේ ය.

ඒ අනුව මෙම නඩුව ගොනු කිරීමම එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය ප්‍රමුඛ විපක්ෂය විසින් සිදු කර ගත් බරපතල ගණයේ අත් වැරැද්ද කි.

එබැවින් මෙවැනි නඩු ගොනු කිරීම සඳහා මෝඩ තකතීරු නීති උපදෙස් එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය ප්‍රමුඛ විපක්ෂයට ලබා දෙන්නේ කවුරුන් විසින් දැයි ඔවුන්ගේ පාක්ෂිකයන් විසින් ප්‍රශ්න කරනු නොඅනුමානය.

කෙසේ වෙතත් එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය ප්‍රමුඛ විපක්ෂය විසින් රට වලපල්ලට දක්කාගෙන යාම අරමුණු කරගෙන ගත් මෙම පියවර නිවැරදි කොට ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී ආණ්‌ඩුව නැවත ස්ථාපිත කිරීම සඳහා ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය වෙත ඇපෑලක් ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා ප්‍රමුඛ ආණ්‌ඩුව  තීරණය කිරීම ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය අගයන ජනතාවගේ සතුටට කරුණකි.

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රටට හෙටක් – සමාජ සත්කාරක වැඩසටන

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අභියාචනාධිකරණය විසින් ලබා දුන් අතරුතහනම් නියෝගයට අපි එකඟ නොවන්නෙමු.-මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ

December 3rd, 2018

මාධ්‍ය නිවේදනය මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ

කැබිනට් මණ්ඩලය අත්හිට වූ බව ප්‍රකාශ කරමින් අද දින අභියාචනාධිකරණය විසින් ලබා දුන් අතරුතහනම් නියෝගයට  අපි එකඟ නොවන්නෙමු.

එයට එරෙහිව හෙට දින ආරම්භක පැයේදීම ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය වෙත අභියාචනයක් ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට මේ මොහොතේදී අපි කටයුතු කරමින් සිටින්නෙමු.

ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව අර්ථ නිරූපනය කිරීමේ සහ ඊට අදාල අවසානාත්මක තීන්දු තීරණ ගැනීමේ පරම අයිතය ව්‍යවස්ථානුකූලව පැවරී ඇත්තේ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයට බව අපි නැවතත් අවධාරණය කරන්නෙමු.

රටෙහි දේශපාලන ස්ථාවරභාවය ආරක්ෂා කිරීම සඳහා වූ අරගලය එනම්, මහමැතිවරණයක් හරහා මහජනතාවගේ මතය දිනා දීම සඳහා වූ වැඩපිළිවෙල වෙත මෙම තීරණාත්මක මොහොතේදී ඔබගේ කැපවීම වඩාත්  අවශ්‍ය වන බැවින් ඒ සඳහා කැපවන ලෙස ද අපි ඔබගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටිමු. 

මව්බිමට ඇති ආදරය ද, නීතියට ඇති ගෞරවය ද දේශප්‍රේමී දේශපාලනයට ඇති අවංකභාවය ද පෙරදැරිව මේ තීරණාත්මක මොහොතේ සාමකාමීව, ධෛර්ය සම්පන්නව සහ වගකීම් සහගතව ඔබ ඔබගේ යුතුකම් රට වෙනුවෙන් ඉටු කරනු ඇතැයි අපි අපේක්ෂා කරන්නෙමු.

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Ranjan issued notice over contempt charges

December 3rd, 2018

Courtesy Adaderana

The Supreme Court today issued notice on UNP MP Ranjan Ramanayake to appear before the court on December 07 over contempt of court charges.

The court issued notice on the parliamentarian when the case was taken up before a judge bench chaired by Chief Justice Nalin Perera.

This is in order to determine through a hearing whether the MP can be charged with contempt over the recent comments he had made to the media.

The Supreme Court had previously notified the Attorney General to appear at the court on December 7 to assist the country when the case is taken up.

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Interim order issued preventing PM and Cabinet from functioning

December 3rd, 2018

Courtesy Adaderana

The Court of Appeal today issued an interim injunction order restraining Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa and his Cabinet from functioning until the hearing of the Writ of Quo Warranto filed against them holding office is concluded.

The court fixed dates from December 12 to proceed with the hearing of the petition while notice was also issued on the 49-member Cabinet including Prime Minister Rajapaksa to appear before the court on that date.

Delivering its decision following a lengthy consideration process, the interim order was issued by a judge bench comprising of Court of Appeal President Justice Preethi Padman Surasena and Justice Arjuna Obeysekara.

Accordingly, the court granted leave to proceed with the Quo Warranto petition and issued notice on the respondents to appear before the court and give testimonies.

The court said that the interim order will be in effect until the hearing of the petition concludes.

The Appeals Court today concluded the consideration of the Writ of Quo Warranto which filed by 122 Members of Parliament including members of the UNF, TNA, JVP, SLMC and ACMC.

Consideration of the Writ of Quo Warranto resumed before the Court of Appeal for the second day this morning while the court’s decision whether to grant leave to proceed with the petition or not was to be announced at 3.00 p.m. today (Dec. 3).

The application was also taken up for consideration on November 30 while Rajapaksa’s lawyers had requested the Appeals Court to dismiss the Writ of Quo Warranto on that day.

Parliamentarians who filed the Quo Warranto petition say that Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa has no parliamentary majority and the speaker too has confirmed this.

As a result, the petitioners claim that Mahinda Rajapaksa is not legally entitled to hold office of Prime Minister under the 19th Amendment of the Constitution.

Hence, the petitioners have appealed to the Court of Appeal to nullify the appointment of Mahinda Rajapaksa as the Prime Minister and the Cabinet ministers, as per the provisions of the Constitution.

The petitioners have been named Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa and 48 others as respondents of the case.

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මාව අඩි 06ක් පොලව යට වලලන්න මහින්ද කුමන්ත‍්‍රණ කලේ නෑ.. ඒව දේශපාලන වේදිකාවේ කතා පමණයි.. මාව මරන්න කුමන්ත‍්‍රණය කලේ රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහයි..- ජනපති මෛත‍්‍රී

December 2nd, 2018

lanka C news

සිදු වූ දේශපාලන වෙනසත් සමඟ රට අරාජික අස්ථාවරභාවයකට පත්ව තිබෙනවා කියන චෝදනාවෙන් ඔබට ගැලවිය හැකිද?

කවුද එහෙම කියන්නෙ? රට අරාජික වෙලත් නෑ. අස්ථාවර වෙලත් නෑ. රටේ මිනිස්සු දෛනිකව තමන්ගෙ රස්සාවල් කරනවා. ව්‍යාපාර කටයුතු ටික කරනවා. ගැටුම් අර්බුදයක් නෑ. සියලු සේවාවන් සාමාන්‍ය පරිදි රටේ සිදුවෙනවා. අස්ථාවරයි. අරාජිකයි කියන ඒවා දේශපාලන වචන විතරයි.

නමුත් ඔක්තෝබර් 26දා ඔබ ගත් තීරණය හා සිද්ධි දාමයට අනුව එහි මූලික වගකිවයුත්තා ඔබයි. මෙවැනි තීරණයක් ගන්න බලපෑ ආසන්නතම හේතුව මොකක්ද?

රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහට ඕනෑ විදියට රට විනාශ කරන්න ඉඩ දෙන්නද මට කියන්නේ. වංචා, දූෂණ, හොරකම, රට පාවලා දෙන වැඩ කරන තුරු මං බලා සිටිය යුතුද?

ඒවා වළක්වපු එකද මං කළ අස්ථාවරකම? මේ අර්බුදය නිර්මාණය කරලා තියෙන්නෙ රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ.

මේක මේ දවසක දෙකක අර්බුදයක් නෙවෙයි. පසුගිය අවුරුදු 3 තුළ තිබූ අර්බුද රහස් නොවේ. කැබිනට් මණ්ඩලයේ ගැටුම්, ඉන් බාහිරව ඇති වූ දේවල්, ඝාතන කුමන්ත්‍රණ, හොරකම්, දූෂණ පාවාදීම් මේවා එක්ක ඒවයේ ප්‍රතිඵලය මේ.

මාව අඩි 06ක් පොලව යට වලලන්න මහින්ද කුමන්ත‍්‍රණ කලේ නෑ.. ඒව දේශපාලන වේදිකාවේ කතා පමණයි.. මාව මරන්න කුමන්ත‍්‍රණය කලේ රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහයි..- ජනපති මෛත‍්‍රී

රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ අගමැතිකමින් ඉවත් කරන්න ඔබට බලපෑ ආසන්නතම කාරණය කුමක්ද?

ආසන්නතම හේතුව ඝාතන කුමන්ත්‍රණය.

මෙම ඝාතන කුමන්ත්‍රණය හෙළි කළ නාමල් කුමාර නමැත්තා කිව්වා ඔබයි ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතායි එකතු වෙලා දේශපාලන සන්ධානයකට යන්න හදපු හින්දයි මේක ආවේ කියලා. එවැනි සාකච්ඡාවක් තිබුණද?

ඒක නාමල් කුමාරගෙන් තමයි අහන්න ඕනෙ.

නමුත් ඝාතන කුමන්ත්‍රණ කතාව ඇත්තක් නම් මේ ප්‍රකාශයත් ඇත්තක් විය යුතුයි නාමල් කුමාරට අනුව?

එහෙම කාරණයක් මං දන්නෙ නෑ.

මේ ඝාතන කුමන්ත්‍රණයට අදාළ නීතිමය ක්‍රියාමාර්ග වේගවත් නෑ කියලා ඔබ පිළිගන්නවාද?

ඔව්. ඔව්. ඒකට බාධාවන් රාශියක් තියෙනවා.

කවුද ඒ බාධාවන් පිටුපස සිටින්නෙ?

ඒ පාර්ශ්වවල අය තමයි. ඒ අය ඉවත් කරන්නත් මේ අලුත් තීන්දු තීරණ ගන්න වුණෙත් ඒ බාධාවන් නිසා.

ඔබ පොලිස්පතිවරයාටත් මේ ගැන ඍජු චෝදනාවක් එල්ල කරනවා?

ඔව්. පොලිස්පතිවරයාත් මේකෙ වගකිවයුත්තෙක් කියලා සාක්ෂිවලින් කියනවනේ. ප්‍රකාශ අරගෙන තිබෙනවා. එයා ඇයි ආයුධ නිකුත් කෙරුවේ. නාමල් කුමාරගේ කැසට් පටයේ හඬ සැකසහිතයි කිව්වෙ කොහොමද කියන ඒවා ඔහු කිවයුතු දේවල් නෙවෙයි.

ජනාධිපතිවරයා ඝාතන කුමන්ත්‍රණයක් එල්ල වුණාම පරීක්ෂණයක් නැතිව ඒක සැක සහිතයි කියලා කියන්න පුළුවන්ද අයි.ජී.පී. කෙනකුට?

පොලිස් පරීක්ෂක නිශාන්ත සිල්වාගේ මාරුව සිදුවුණේ ඔබේ අනුදැනුම මත කියලා යම් පාර්ශ්ව දෙකකින් ලිපි දෙකක් එළියට එනවා?

ඒ ගැන අයි.ජී.පී.ට විරුද්ධ පරීක්ෂණයක් කරනවා. පොලිස් කොමිසමට ඒ පැමිණිල්ල ඉදිරිපත් කරන්න සූදානම්.

ඔබ නව අගමැතිවරයෙක් පත් කරනවා. අනතුරුව පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවා හරිනවා. බහුතරය තිබෙන බවත් ප්‍රකාශ කළා. ඇයි එහෙනම් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවා හරින්න තීරණය කළේ?

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මැතිවරණය අපි කල් තැබුවේ අය – වැය හදාගන්න ඕනෑ නිසා. ඒ අතර පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ආණ්ඩුව නැතිවනේ අනෙක් පාර්ශ්ව යෝජනා සම්මත කරන්න පටන් ගත්තෙ. ආණ්ඩුවක් නැතිව පාර්ලිමේන්තුවක් පවත්වාගෙන යන්න බෑ. ආණ්ඩුවක් නැති තැන පාර්ලිමේන්තු කටයුතු කරගෙන යෑම ප්‍රශ්නයක්.

බහුතරය තිබෙනවා කිව්වට අදටත් ඔබ පාර්ශ්වයට බහුතරය නැහැ නේද?

ඇයි මං කියලා තියනවනේ ඉලෙක්ට්‍රොනික් සිස්ටම් එකෙන් විශ්වාසභංග යෝජනාවට ඡන්ද අරන් පෙන්වන්න. එතකොට බහුතරය පේනවා. ඊළඟට මාව සම්බන්ධ කරලා තියෙනවා පළමුවැනි විශ්වාසභංග යෝජනාවේ ජනාධිපති ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවට පටහැනිව කටයුතු කරලා කියලා. ඒක මං පිළිගන්නෙ නැහැ. මං කියලා තියෙනවා ඒවා අයින් කරන්න කියලා. ඒවා දැන් අයින් කරලා තිබෙනවා.

ඔබ පාර්ශ්වය කථානායකවරයා ප්‍රබල විවේචනයට හසු කරන්නේ 113 බහුතරය නොමැතිකම වසා ගැනීමට නේද?

මම කථානායකතුමාව විවේචනය කරන්නේ නැහැ. ඒ මන්ත්‍රිවරු හා ඒගොල්ලො අතර තියෙන ප්‍රශ්න. කථානායකතුමාව එහෙම විවේචනය කිරීමේ අවශ්‍යතාවක් මට නැහැ.

කථානායකවරයාගේ ක්‍රියාකලාපය ගැනත් ඔබට යම් හෝ චෝදනාවක් නැද්ද?

කථානායකවරයා 14 වැනිදා විශ්වාසභංග යෝජනාවක් ක්‍රියාත්මක කළ යුතු ස්ථාවර නියෝග ඒ විදියටම අනුගමනය කළා නම් ඔය ප්‍රශ්නය එන්නෙ නැහැ. එසේ නොකිරීමනෙ දිගටම ගැටුම් ඇති කරන්න බලපෑවේ.

ර්ණීපඤඥප ර්ථීචනඥප න්‍යාය පත්‍රයට දාලා ඒ දින ගණන ඇතුළත් කරලා ගන්න තිබුණා. දැන් ඒවා හුඟක් සමනය වෙලා තිබෙනවා.

ඔබ විදෙස් මාධ්‍යවේදීන්ට කිව්වා විශ්වාසභංගය ක්‍රමානුකූලව ආවොත් බහුතරය ක්‍රමානුකූලව පෙන්නුවොත් මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා සුදුසු ක්‍රියාමාර්ගයක් ගනු ඇතැයි කියලා ඔබ බලාපොරොත්තු වන බව.

ඔබ කුමන අදහසින්ද මේ ප්‍රකාශය කෙළේ?

මං කියන්නෙ බහුතරය තියෙන පැත්තට ආණ්ඩුව දෙන්න ඕනෑ. ඒක ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවට එකඟව කළ යුතු දෙයක්.

මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා අගමැතිකමින් ඉල්ලා අස්වෙයි කියා ඔබ බලාපොරොත්තු වෙනවද?

නෑ. ඉතින් ඒක එතුමා ගන්න ඕනෑ තීරණයක්. පළමු දේ එතුමාගේ පැත්ත බහුතරය හදාගන්න ඕනෑ. එතුමාගේ පැත්තෙ බහුතරය හදාගන්න බැරි නම් එය අනෙක් පැත්තට යනවා. බහුතරය තියෙන්නෙ මොන පැත්තෙද ඒ පැත්තට ඒ අයිතිය දීම ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී ලක්ෂණයක් මෙන්ම ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුකූල දෙයක්.

එවිට නැවත ඔබ සමඟ කටයුතු කිරීමට පැමිණෙන්නේ එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය ප්‍රමුඛ එක්සත් ජාතික පෙරමුණ. මෙච්චර විවේචන එල්ල කරලා කොහොමද නැවත එජාපය සමඟ මෛත්‍රි පෑහෙන්නෙ?

එහෙම අවස්ථාවක් ආවොත් ඒ අය ගෙනැල්ලා සාකච්ඡා කරනවා.

නමුත් ඔබ ඍජුවම ප්‍රකාශ කළා නැවත වරක් අගමැති ලෙස රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ පත් නොකරන බව?

නෑ. නෑ. රනිල් නැවත අගමැති ලෙස කෙසේවත් පත් කරන්නේ නැහැ.

දැනට පෙනෙන්නට තිබෙන කරුණුත් සමඟ යම් හෙයකින් එජාපය බහුතරය පෙන්වා නැවත අගමැති විය යුත්තේ රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ කියලා එජාප පාර්ශ්වයම යෝජනා කළොත් ඔබේ ඔය තීරණය බල රහිත වෙනවා නේද?

බහුතරය පෙන්වා අගමැතිකම් ගන්න ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ කොහෙවත් සඳහනක් නැහැ.

ඒ කියන්නේ නැවත අගමැතිවරයෙක් පත් කිරීමේදී ඒ තීරණයත් පැහැදිලිවම ඔබ අතේද?

පැහැදිලිවම. ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ තියෙනවා ජනාධිපතිවරයාත් කැමැති කෙනා තමයි අගමැති ධුරයට පත් කරන්නේ කියලා.

කථානායක කරු ජයසූරිය ස්ථාවර නියෝගවලට පටහැනිව ක්‍රියාකළා නම් පාර්ලිමේන්තු ක්‍රමවේදය අනුව ඔහුට එරෙහිව විශ්වාසභංග යෝජනාවක් ගෙන ආ හැකියි.

තැන තැන ‍ෙදාස් පවරනවා හැර ඔබේ පාර්ශ්වය එවැනි ක්‍රියාමාර්ගයකට නොයන්නෙම එවැනි විශ්වාසභංගයක් ඉදිරිපත් වුවහොත් පරාජය වන බව දැනගෙනද?

කථානායකවරයා ස්ථාවර නියෝග කඩකර නැහැ. ස්ථාවර නියෝග අනුව ඡන්ද විමසන ක්‍රම 3ක් තිබෙනවා. ඒ මන්ත්‍රිවරුන්ගේ හ¾ඩින් බහුතරය බැලීම. නමුත් මම යෝජනා කළේ මේ වගේ ආණ්ඩුවක් වෙනස් වන, ආණ්ඩුවක් පත්වන බරපතළ ගැටලුකාරී අවස්ථාවක එහෙම හ¾ඩින් නෙවෙයි මන්ත්‍රිවරුන්ගේ නමින් නැති නම් ඉලෙක්ට්‍රොනික් සිස්ටම් එකෙන් ඡන්ද ගැනීම.

ඔබ මේ තීරණය ගන්නේ රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා සමඟ තිබෙන පෞද්ගලික කෝන්තරයකටද කියලා කෙනෙක් චෝදනාවක් කළොත්?

එහෙම චෝදනාවක් කරනවා නම් ඒ මෝඩයෙක්.

නමුත් ඔබ සජිත්ට හා කරුට අගමැතිකම ලබා ගන්න කියලා යෝජනාවක් කළා. ඔවුන් භාරගත්තේ නැහැ.

ඉන් පැහැදිලි වෙන්නේ ඔබට ගැටලුව තිබෙන්නේ රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ සමඟ මිස එජාපය සමඟ නෙවෙයි කියලා?

රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහගේ ආර්ථික දර්ශනය සහ දේශපාලන දර්ශනය මේ රටට කිසිසේත්ම ගැළපෙන්නේ නැහැ. කාරණය තමයි ඒක. දේශීය කර්මාන්තයට සලකන්නේ නෑ. කෘෂිකර්මාන්තයට සලකන්නේ නෑ. එයා කරන ඉඩම් ගනුදෙනු, ආයෝජකයන් සමඟ කරන ගනුදෙනු දූෂිතයි. මේ වගේ කරුණු ගණනාවක් තිබෙනවා.

සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස සහ කරු ජයසූරිය අගමැතිකම භාරගන්නැයි කළ ඔබේ ඉල්ලීම ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කළේ ඔබ ගැන ඇති අවිශ්වාසයටද?

මං ගැන ඇති අවිශ්වාසයකට නෙවේ. රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහට තියෙන බය නිසයි.

දැන් ඒ තත්ත්වය වෙනස් වෙලාද?

ඒක මම දන්නේ නෑ. ඒක දන්නේ ඒ ගොල්ලෝ.

අගමැති යෝජනාව එජාපයේ ප්‍රබලයන් දෙදෙනාම ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කළ පසු ඔබේ තුන්වැනි තේරීම වන්නේ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ. කොහොමද මේක අපි ගළපන්නේ. මොකද්ද හේතුව?

ඔව්, ඉතින් වෙන කෙනෙක් නැති හින්දනේ.

ඔබට අනුව 2015 ජනවාරි 8න් පසු පොළොවෙන් අඩි 6ක් පහළට බස්සවන්න හිටපු මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ අද ඔබට කොහොමද විශ්වාසවන්ත වුණේ? ඔබේ මේ ප්‍රකාශය ජනතාවගේ ඔළුවලට තදින්ම කාවැදුණා?

ඒවා ඉතින් දේශපාලන වේදිකාවල කියපු දේවල්නේ. මේක මේ පැහැදිලිවම අහුවෙච්ච කුමන්ත්‍රණයක්නේ.

මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂත්, රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහත් දෙදෙනාටම ඔබව ඝාතනය කරන්න වුවමනාව තිබුණා නම් මේක හරියට ඉඟුරු දීලා මිරිස් ගත්තා වගේ වැඩක්නේ ජනාධිපතිතුමා?

මාව ඝාතනය කරන්න මේ අය සැලසුම් කළේ නෑ.

එවැනි සැලසුමක් නොතිබුණා යැයි ඔබ පැවැසුවත් 2015 ජනවාරි 8න් පසු ඔබ කළ ප්‍රකාශය ඉතා බරපතළයි?

ඒවා මැතිවරණ ව්‍යාපාර තුළ වෙන දේවල්.

හරි. එහෙනම් මම ඔබෙන් මෙවැනි ප්‍රශ්නයක් අහනවා. 2015 මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂට පක්ෂව ලක්ෂ 57යි. ඔබට පක්ෂව ලක්ෂ 62යි. ඒ අනුව ඔබට ලක්ෂ 57ක් විරුද්ධ වෙද්දී ලක්ෂ 62ක් මහින්දට විරුද්ධ වුණා.

අද රාජපක්ෂ සිරිසේන එකට හිඳීම අර ජන වරමට කළ පයින් ගැසීමක්. මේ සදාචාරාත්මක ප්‍රශ්නය ඔබට දැනෙනවාද?

ඒ ජනවරම පෙබරවාරි 10දා ඉවර කළානේ. පළාත් පාලන ඡන්දෙදි රටේ ජනතාව එය පෙන්නුවා.

ඒ කියන්නේ රාජපක්ෂ-සිරිසේන දැන් පෑහෙනවාද?

ඒක තීන්දු වෙන්නෙ අනාගතයේ. වැඩ කරගෙන යෑම තුළ. කසාදයක් බැන්දත් ඕක දවසින් දෙකෙන් කියන්න බැහැනේ. කාලයක් යද්දී තමයි බබාලා හම්බ වෙලා පිළිවෙළක් වෙන්නේ.

රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ සම්බන්ධයෙන් ඔබට තිබූ තවත් ප්‍රබලතම විවේචනයක් තමයි ඔහු විද්‍යාත්මක පදනම මත අමාත්‍යාංශ පත් කිරීමට එකඟ නොවීම. නමුත් ඔබ ඒ මොහොතේ හෝ දැන් හිටපු අගමැතිවරයාට ‍ෙදාස් පවරනවාට වඩා ඔබේ විධායක බලතල අනුව ඊට ක්‍රියාමාර්ග ගැනීමේ බලය තිබුණා නේද?

ඒ කියන්නේ මේ ගිය ඔක්තෝබර් 21දා ගත වෙලා එය පළමු සතියේම නොකළේ ඇයි කියලා ඔබ අහන්නේ.

නෑ මම අහන්නේ ඊට පෙර පත් කළ අමාත්‍යවරු හා අමාත්‍යාංශ ගැන?

නෑ නෑ. ඔබ කියන්නේ මේක ගැන. ඔබ කියනවා මගේ විධායක බලතල පාවිච්චි කරන්න තිබුණා එවැනි දේකට කියලා. මං අවුරුදු 3ක් විධායක බලතල පාවිච්චි කළේ නැහැ. එයා කරන වැරැදි වැඩත් එක්ක, ගැටුම් එක්ක දිගටම ගියා.

ඒකට හේතුව ආණ්ඩුව පෙරළෙයි කියන බයද?

ඒකට හේතුව මගේ ඉවසීම. ඉවසීම සහ කළගුණ සැලකීම.

19 වැනි සංශෝධනය හරහා ඔබේ විධායක බලතල අඩු කරගැනීම ගැන ඔබ අද පසුතැවෙනවා වගේ?

මගේ කිසිම පසුතැවීමක් නැහැ. බලය කියන එක යන්න ඕනෑ සුදුසු මිනිස්සු අතට. මම මගේ බලය දුන්නට ඒ මගේ බලය ගිය තැනනේ මේ වැරැදි කරන්නේ. ජනාධිපති ධුරයේ තිබුණු බලය දුන්නේ ව්‍යවස්ථාදායක සභාවට හා අගමැතිවරයා ඇතුළු පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට. මගේ තිබුණු ඒ අසීමිත බලය දුන්නම ඒ බලයෙන් වැරැදි වැඩ කරලා තියෙනවා. දූෂණ වංචා, පාවාදීමේ රාශියක් සිදුවී තිබෙනවා.

රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ ඇතුළු ආණ්ඩුවේ දූෂණ ගැන සෙවීමට කොමිසමක් පත් කරන්න ඔබ සූදානම් කිව්වා. නමුත් මීට පෙර ඔබ පත් කළ කොමිෂන් තුනෙන් දෙකක වාර්තා පමණක් නිකුත් වෙලා. ඔය කියන කොමිසමටත් ඒ සෙතේම වෙයිද?

නෑ. අනික් ඒවයේ වැඩ කෙරෙමින් පවතිනවනේ.

නමුත් ඒවා මන්දගාමියි කියලා ඔබට හිතෙන්නේ නැද්ද?

මන්දගාමී කළේ ඔය රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ. ඒ අය අතේනෙ පොලිසිය, අධිකරණය, නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව ඔක්කොම ඒ අය අතේ. ඒ නිසා ඒ අය තමයි ඒවා මන්දගාමී කරලා, කඩාකප්පල්කාරී කරලා බාධා කළේ.

ඔබ විසින්ම පත් කළ බරපතළ වංචා දූෂණ සෙවීමේ කොමිෂන් සභාවේ නඩු 33ක් තිබෙනවා.

එහි බහුතරයක්ම තිබෙන්නේ මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා ඇතුළු කණ්ඩයමට අද ඒ සියල්ල ඔබ වටේ. වංචනිකයන්, දූෂිතයන් සමඟ මා නැහැ කියලා ඔබ කිව්වත් මොනවද මේ වෙන්නේ?

දැන් ඒ වර්තා භාරදීලා අවුරුද්දකට වැඩියිනෙ. කෝ රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහත්තය මොකද කළේ. අන්න ඒක තමයි මේ රටේ ජනතාව තේරුම් ගන්න ඕනේ.

ඒ දූෂණ චෝදනා එල්ල වී සිටින පිරිස ඔබ ළඟ සිටියත් ඔවුන්ට එරෙහිව නීතිය ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙයි නේද ජනාධිපතිතුමා?

ඔය හැම දෙයකටම යම් යම් තනතුරු වගකීම් තියෙනවානේ. අධිකරණයෙ ඉන්න අය අධිකරණයෙ. ජනාධිපතිවරයා ජනාධිපතිගේ වගකීම්. ඇමැතිවරු ඇමැතිවරුන්ගේ වගකීම්. එතකොට ඒ ආයතන භාරව ඉන්න අය ඒවා කරන්න ඕනෑ. මම කොමිෂන් සභා පත් කළා. පරීක්‍ෂණ කරලා වාර්තාව ගත්තා. ඒ වාර්තාව ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීම ඒ අදාළ ආයතනවලට භාරයි. ඒ වගේ ඔක්කොම හිටියෙ රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහත්තයාගේ ඇමැතිවරු.

එයාගේ නායකත්වයෙන්, ඒවා නොකෙරුණාට ඒ සම්පූර්ණ වගකීම එයාගෙ. අර්බුදයෙ නිර්මාතෘ රනිල්.

ඒ වගේම ඔබව ඝාතනය කිරීමට අදාළ කුමන්ත්‍රණයට තමාත් සම්බන්ධ නම් පැය 48ක් ඇතුළත පොලිස්පතිවරයා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ගෙන්වා ප්‍රශ්න කරන්න කියලා ඇමැති සරත් ෆොන්සේකා අභියෝග කළා?

මොකක්ද මේ මෛත්‍රි – ෆොන්සේකා ගැටුම?

අනේ සරත් ෆොන්සේකයි මායි අහසයි පොළොවයි වගේනේ. එයා තීන්දු තීරණ ගන්න විදිය, මම හිතන විදිය බොහෝම වෙනස්නේ. එයා කරන දේවල් මං කරන්නේ නෑ.

ඇමැති ෆොන්සේකාත් මේ ඝාතන කුමන්ත්‍රණයට සම්බන්ධ බවද මේ කියන්නේ?

නාමල් කුමාර කියනවානේ ෆොන්සේකාත් ඊට උදවු කළා කියලා. ඒවා පරීක්‍ෂණවලින් ඉදිරියට එයි.

ඒ සම්බන්ධව ඔහු අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීමක් හෝ ප්‍රශ්න කිරීමක් සිදුවෙනවාද?

ඒවා පරීක්‍ෂණ නිලධාරීන්ගේ වැඩක්. ඒවා මට අයිති කාරණා නෙවේනේ.

ඔය ඝාතන කුමන්ත්‍රණයට අදාළව පසුගිය දින කිහිපය තුළ සිදුවූ පරීක්‍ෂණ ගැන ඔබ සෑහීමකට පත්වෙනවාද?

ඔව්. දැන් එහි ප්‍රතිඵලයක් විදියටනේ අයි.ජී.පී. එහෙම ඇවිත් ප්‍රකාශයක් දුන්නේ.

ප්‍රබලම මාතෘකාවට ලක්ව තිබූ මහ බැංකු බැඳුම්කර ගනුදෙනුවට අදාළව ඉදිරි ඉක්මන් ක්‍රියාමාර්ග ගනීවි යැයි ජනතාව බලා සිටිනවා?

ඔව් ඉතින්. යූ.එන්.පී.ය. ඒ පරීක්‍ෂණවලට හුඟක් බාධා කළා.

මා මීට පෙර ඔබ සමඟ කළ සම්මුඛ සාකච්ඡාවේදීත් ඔබ කිව්වා බැඳුම්කර පරීක්‍ෂණවලට ඉහළින් බාධා කියලා. අදත් ඒ බලපෑම් තිබෙනවාද?

නෑ. නෑ. දැන් මට බලපෑම් නැහැ.

ඒ කියන්නේ කඩිනම් ක්‍රියාමාර්ග ගත හැකියි කියන එකද?

ඒ පරීක්‍ෂණ දැනට කෙරෙමින් පවතිනවානේ.

ඔබේ කැබිනට් මණ්ඩලයේ හිටපු ඇමැතිවරුන්ම කිව්වා ඒ බැඳුම්කර වාර්තාව අනුව රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ ඉන්න ඕනෑ හිරේ.

නමුත් ඔබේ මැදිහත්වීමෙන් තමයි රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහගේ නම ඒ වාර්තාවෙන් ඉවත් වුණේ කියලා?

කවුද කියන්නේ.

ඇමැති එස්.බී. දිසානායක ඇතුළු පිරිසක් ඒ බව පැවැසුවා?

මං දැක්කෙ නෑ. ඔය කඩපිල්වල, බස්වල යන ගමන් කතා කරන ඒවට මං උත්තර දෙන්නෙ මොකටද?

කඩපිල්වල නෙවෙයි ජනාධිපතිතුමා ප්‍රසිද්ධ මාධ්‍ය ඉදිරියේ මේ බව කියන්නේ?

මාධ්‍යවලත් දාන්නෙ ඒ වගේ දේවල්නේ. වටිනාකමින් අඩු ඒවනේ වැඩි හරියක්ම මාධ්‍යවල යන්නේ. මිනිසුන්ට හොඳට කියවන්න පුළුවන් ඒවා පළ වෙන්න ඕනෑ. හොඳ ශාස්ත්‍රීය ලිපි වගේ ඒවගෙන් පත්තර පුරවන්න ඕනෑ. නාන තොටුපොළවල්වල කියන ඒවා වැඩක් නෑ. ඒවා කියලා ඒ අය නාගන්නවා.

ඒ අය වාඩි වෙන්නේ ඔබව නියෝජනය කරමින් නේද?

නෑ… නෑ… මං නියෝජනය කරන්න මං කාටවත් ඉඩදීලා නෑ.

එස්.බී. දිසානායක ඇමැතිවරයාම කිව්වා නේද පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවා හැරීමට අදාළ ගැසට් නිවේදනය අහෝසි කරන්න කියලා. එය අහෝසි කිරීමේ හැකියාවක් තියෙනවාද?

මං ඒ ගැන බැලුවේ නැ.

උසාවි නියෝග අනුව පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවා හැර මැතිවරණයකට යෑමට සිදුවුණොත් මොකද කරන්නේ?

එහෙම වුණොත් මැතිවරණයකට යා යුතුයි. නමුත් ඒ ගැන තවම සාකච්ඡා වී නෑ. තිබූ සාකච්ඡා උසාවි ගිය නිසා නැවතුණා.

ඔබ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවා හැරීමට අදාළ තීරණය ගත්තේ රාජපක්‍ෂ හෝ කවුරුන් හෝ බහුතරය ගැන විශ්වාසය තබන්න කියලා කළ ඉල්ලීමකටද?

රාජපක්‍ෂ කියන්නෙ කණ්ඩායමක්නේ. ඒවාහි විශ්වාසය හා වගකීම ඔවුන් භාරගත්තා.

මේ සිදුවීම සමස්තයක් ලෙස ගත්තම මෙය කුමන්ත්‍රණයක් මිස ඕපපාතිකව සිදුවූ දෙයක් නෙවෙයි කියලා ප්‍රබල චෝදනාවක් තිබෙනවා?

මුල සිට කුමන්ත්‍රණයෙ හිටියෙ රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ. 2015 සිටම.

නමුත් මේක මෛත්‍රි – මහින්ද කුමන්ත්‍රණයක ප්‍රතිඵලයක් බවටයි චෝදනා එල්ල වෙන්නේ?

ඕවා කියන්නේ යූ.එන්.පී. කාරයෝනේ.

එතකොට මේ තීන්දුව ගන්න ඔබ කොපමණ කලක් ගත්තද?

සති දෙකයි.

සති දෙකෙන් තීරණයකට එළැඹුණා. ඔබට මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා ඒ තරමට විශ්වාසද?

ඒක ඇති වෙන්නේ වැඩකිරීම තුළ.

පවුල පෝෂණය කරන රාජපක්‍ෂට මෙවර මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන රැවටුණු බවයි ඇතැමුන්ගේ මතය. මොකද ඔබට හිතෙන්නේ?

ඔය මත හරියට වලාකුළු වගේ. උදේට එකයි. හවසට එකයි.

ඒ කියන්නේ ඔබ රැවටුණේ නෑ කියලද?

අපෝ නෑ. රැවටෙන්න මං බබෙක් යෑ.

මේ යන විදියට අගමැතිවරයෙක් පත් කරගන්නෙ කොහොමද?

ඒක බැරි වෙන්නෙ නෑ. හැබැයි කොරහෙ කිඹුල්ලු දකින්න ඕන නෑ.

රටේ හැම ක්‍ෂේත්‍රයක්ම ඇස් පනා පිට බංකොලොත් වෙද්දී ඔබේ මේ පිළිතුරු අනුව මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන හරි සැහැල්ලුවට ඉන්නවා කියලා කිව්වොත්?

එකක් තමයි රට අරාජික වී හෝ බංකොලොත් වී නෑ. මං ඉන්නෙ සැහැල්ලුවෙන් තමයි. කොහෙද බංකොලොත් වෙලා තියෙන්නේ? උසාවියෙ නඩු අහනවා නම් අමාත්‍යාංශවල වැඩ කෙරෙනවා නම්, මිනිස්සු රස්සාවට යනවා නම්, දරුවෝ පාසල් යනවා නම්, ගෙවල් ‍ෙදාරවල්වල පෞද්ගලික ජීවිත හොඳට ගෙවෙනවා නම් කොතැනද අරාජිකත්වයක් තියෙන්නේ?

ඔබ පත් කළ නව ආණ්ඩුවට මාසයකට අධික කාලයක් ගත වෙලා. නමුත් තානාපතිවරුන් හෝ ජාත්‍යන්තරයෙන් මෙය පිළිගැනීමකට ලක් වී නෑ.

කලින් තිබූ ජාත්‍යන්තර පිළිගැනීම නැති බව ඔබ පිළිගත යුතුයි නේද?

එහෙම නොපිළිගැනීමක් වී නැහැ. මං තානාපතිවරු කොච්චර මුණ ගැහිලා තියෙනවද මං එකවරෙක පමණක් ලංකාවේ තානාපතිවරු 65ක් 70ක් විතර මුණගැසුණා. වෙන වෙනම හුඟක් අය හම්බ වෙලා තියෙනවා. උව් ඛ්ධභදබපර ඤඪපඥජබධප මං මුණගැසුණා.

ඔබ සමඟ තානාපතිවරු සාකච්ඡා කළත් නව ආණ්ඩුව ජාත්‍යන්තරය විසින් පිළිගන්නේ නැහැ නේද?

කවුද එහෙම චෝදනා කරන්නේ?

ඒ කියන හෝ දකින ගැටලු විසඳෙයි. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවල ගහගන්නවා. බැන ගන්නවා. ඒක සිද්ධ වෙන්නේ මේ රටේ විතරද? ඉන්දියාව, ජපානය, ඇමෙරිකාව, රුසියාව දිහා බලන්න. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ගහගන්න විදිහ. එළව එළවා ගහනවා. අත පය කඩන්නේ.

ඔබ අනෙක් රටවල් සමඟ පාර්ලිමේන්තු ක්‍රියාවලියන්් සංසන්දනය කරන්න උත්සාහ කළත් පසුගිය දින කිහිපය තුළ මෙරට සිදු වූ මිරිස් කුඩු ප්‍රහාර, පිහි, පුටුවලින් පහරදීම්වලට එරෙහි ක්‍රියාමාර්ගයක් නොගන්න අදහසින් ද සිටින්නේ?

ඒවාට ඉදිරි ක්‍රියාමාර්ග ගන්න ඕනෑ. කථානායකතුමා පොලිසියට දන්වලා ඒ ක්‍රියාමාර්ග ගන්න ඕනෑ. මොන පක්‍ෂයක වුණත් පක්‍ෂ භේදයකින් තොරව ඒ අයට විරුද්ධව නීතිය ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙන්න ඕනෑ.

මහ මැතිවරණයකට යන එක තීරණය වන්නේ ශේ‍ර්ෂ්ඨාධිකරණ තීන්දුව මත. නමුත් ඔබ ගත් තීරණය හරිද නැද්ද කියලා උරගා බලන්න නම් ජනතාව ඉදිරියට ගොස් ජනාධිපතිවරණයකට යා යුතුයි කියන අදහසට ඔබ එකඟද?

මොකටද එච්චර මෝඩ වැඩ කරන්නේ. තව අවුරුද්දක් තියෙනවානේ.

ඔබ ව්‍යංගයෙන් කිව්වේ කලින් ජනාධිපතිවරණයක් තියලා රාජපක්‍ෂ කරගත්තු මෝඩකමින් පාඩමක් ඉගෙන ගත්තා වගේ අදහසින් නේද?

මම දන්නේ නෑ ඉතින් ඒවා හිතන අය හිතා ගන්න ඕනෑ. (මහ හ¾ඩින් සිනා)
මේ දෝලනයත් එක්ක ලබන වසරේ ජනවාරි වෙන විට රටේ කුමනාකාරයේ ආණ්ඩුවක් තියෙයිද ඔබ දකින ආකාරයට?

අද වගේම එදාටත් රටේ මිනිස්සු කරදරයකින් තොරව වැඩ කටයුතු කර ගෙන යයි.

නමුත් ලබන වසරට අය-වැයක් ගැන කිසිදු කතා බහක්වත් නෑ. ඔබට මේ තරම් සරලව පිළිතුරු දිය හැකියිද?

ඒවා කලබලයකින් තොරව වෙයි. රටේ ජනතාව කලබල නොවී වැඩ කටයුතු කරගෙන යන්න. ඒවා ඒ මැති ඇමැතිවරු, පාර්ලිමේන්තුව, ආණ්ඩුව, ජනාධිපති, අගමැති ඒ ඒ ප්‍රශ්න විසඳනවා. අනවශ්‍ය භීතියක් හදාගන්න ඕනෑ නෑ.

ඡන්ද අද තීරණය කර හෙට තියන්න බෑ. නමුත් තව හරියටම ඉතිරිව තිබෙන්නේ දින 29යි. ජනවාරි සිට රාජ්‍ය වැටුප් වෙන් කිරීම ඇතුළු කාරණාවලට පිළිතුරක් දීම ඔබේ සෘජු වගකීමක්?

ඔව්. දෙසැම්බර් මාසේ තව එහෙම්මම තියෙනවනේ.

අද වන විට දින 2ක් ගත වෙලා. මේ ඉතිරි දින 29 තුළ ඊට කඩිනමින් ක්‍රියා මාර්ගයකට ඔබ අවතීර්ණ විය යුතුයි නේද?

ඔව්. දෙසැම්බර් මාසය වන විට ඔය ප්‍රශ්න සියල්ල විසඳෙනවා.

ඔබ දිගින් දිගටම කියපු දෙයක් තමයි ඔබේ කාලේ බෙදුම්වාදයට හෝ ත්‍රස්තවාදයට ඉඩ නොදෙන බව. විපක්‍ෂ නායක සම්පන්දන් කිව්වා ඔක්තෝබර් 26දාට පසු ඒ මර්දනය කර තිබූ දේ හිස ඔසවන්න පුළුවන් කියලා. පසුගියදා මහවිරු සැමරුම උතුරේ තිබුණටත් වඩා මහ ඉහළින් සැමරුවා. මොකක්ද මේ සිදුවෙන්නේ?

මහවිරු දිනය හැමදාම පවත්වන්නේ ඒගොල්ලෝ. රාජපක්‍ෂ මහත්තයගේ ආණ්ඩු කාලෙයේදීත් මහවිරු දිනය සැමරුම් සිදුවෙනවා. ඒවට අනවශ්‍ය ගැටුම් හදාගන්න ඕනෑ නැහැ. ඒ තුළ සාමය කඩවීමක් වෙන්නේ නැහැ.

පසුගිය 28 වැනිදා රටේ ඉහළම හමුදා නිලධාරියා අත්අඩංගුවට පත් වෙනවා. ගොඩනැඟී තිබූ මතය අනුව රණවිරු දඩයමද මේ අඛණ්ඩව සිදුවෙන්නේ?

මේක අධිකරණයේ තිබෙන කාරණයක් නිසා දැනට මං මොකුත් කියන්නේ නැහැ.

නමුත් මේ සිද්ධියත් සමඟ ඔහු තවදුරටත් තනතුරේ රැඳීම සුදුසුද?

සැකපිට අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන තිබෙනවා. ඒ හැර චෝදනා පත්‍රයක් නෑ. ඔහු වැරදිකාරයෙක් වෙන්න ඕනෑ. ඒ වනතුරු තීරණයක් ගන්න බැහැ.

2020 ජනවාරි 8දා වන තුරු ජනාධිපතිවරණයට කාලය තියෙනවා. ඉන් පසු ඔබේ දේශපාලන ජීවිතය කුමක් වෙයිද?

ඒක ඉතින් එතකොට බලමු. තව අවුරුද්දක් තියෙනවා.

ඔබට තව වැඩ කොටසක් තිබෙන බවත් කිව්වා?

ඔව්. වැඩ හුඟක් තියෙනවා කරන්න. තනතුරු තිබුණත් නැතත් රට වෙනුවෙන් කරන්න වැඩ රාශියක් තියෙනවා.

ඉදිරියේදී මැතිවරණයට තරග කරන්න බලාපොරොත්තු වෙන්නේ කොහොමද කියන ප්‍රශ්නයක් තිබෙනවා. මොකද ඔබ මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ අගමැති ලෙස පත් කර දින කිහිපයක් ගත වෙන්නටත් මත්තෙන් ඔබේ කණ්ඩායමේ බහුතරයක් පොහොට්ටුවේ සාමාජිකත්වය ගත්තා. මේක කිසියම් ආකාරයේ කනේ පහරක් නේද?

මගේ කවුරුවත් පොහොට්ටුවේ සාමාජිකත්වය ගත්තේ නෑ. ඒක ඒගොල්ලන්ගේ පක්‍ෂයේ වැඩක්නේ. පක්‍ෂවල අය තම තමන්ගේ වැඩ කරගන්නවා. වෙන ගෙවල්වල තියෙන කුණු ඇයි අපි හොයන්නේ. කාගෙවත් ඉඩමක මල් පිපෙයි. ඒ ඉඩමේ කුණු වැටෙයි. පොල් හැලෙයි. ඒ ඉඩම්වල කුරුල්ලෝ පියාඹයි. අපිට තියෙන්නේ අපේ ඉඩම, වත්ත බලා ගැනීම.

ලංකා ඉතිහාසයේ පළමු වතාවට ආණ්ඩු පක්‍ෂයක් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව වර්ජනය කළේ මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන ජනාධිපතිගේ ආණ්ඩුවෙන්. මොකද හිතන්නේ?

ඔව්. ඉතින් ඕවා පොත්වල ලියැවෙයි. ඒ හැර මොනවද ඕවා.

බොදු බල සේනා සංවිධානයේ මහ ලේකම් ඥානසාර හිමියන්ට ජනපති සමාව දෙන්න කියලා බොහෝ පාර්ශ්වවල ඉල්ලීමක් තියෙනවා. ඔබ කවද්ද මේ ගැන තීරණයක් ගන්නේ?

මට ඒ ඉල්ලීම් ඇවිත් තියෙනවා. ඒවා මා නීතිපතිවරයාට යවලා තියෙනවා. ඒ හැර ඒ ගැන මට තවම මොකුත් කියන්න බෑ.

එතකොට දුමින්ද සිල්වා හිටපු මන්ත්‍රිවරයාට ජනපති සමාවක් දෙන ලෙස ඉල්ලීමක් ඇවිත් තියෙනවද?

නෑ. එවැනි ඉල්ලීමක් ලැබිලා නෑ.

එවැනි ඉල්ලීමක් ආවොත් ඔබ ඒ ගැන සලකා බලනවාද?

ඉල්ලීමක් නැතිව මට ඒ ගැන මොකුත් කියන්න බැහැනේ.

නැවත මහ මැතිවරණ මාතෘකාවට යනවා. ඉදිරි මැතිවරණයේදී ඔබේ දියණිය චතුරිකා සිරිසේන පැමිණීමට නියමිත බව කිය වෙනවා?

ඒක එයාගෙන් තමයි අහන්න ඕනේ. ඔය ළමයින්ගේ ඒවා මං දන්නේ නෑ.

නමුත් ඔබේ නායකත්වය යටතේනේ ඇය එනවා නම් එන්නේ?

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මැතිවරණයක් එන්න එපැයි ඒක බලන්න.

මේ සම්පූර්ණ දේශපාලක ක්‍රියාවලිය තුළ කඩිනම් මැතිවරණයකට යා යුතු බව ඔබ පිළිගන්නවාද?

ඔව්. මේ අර්බුද විසඳෙන්න නම් කඩිනම් මැතිවරණය තමයි හොඳ.

අවසන් වතාවට ඔබට මොනවද ජනතාවට යා යුතු පණිවුඩයක් තිබෙනවාද?

ජනතාවට සුදුසු දේශපාලනඥයන් හඳුනා ගැනීමේ වගකීම තියෙනවා. දූෂණයට, වංචාවට, හොරකමට, නාස්තිය නැති, පාවාදීම්වලට නැති අය තෝරා පත් කර ගැනීම ඉතා වැදගත්. අද ලංකාවේ දේශපාලකයන් බහුතරයක් දූෂිතයි.

සංවාදය – අනුරාධා හේරත්

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ලංකාවේ පොල්පොට්

December 2nd, 2018

මේඝනාද උපුටාගැණීම  මව්බිම

1993 මැයි 1 මේ රටට වගේම යූඑන්පී පාක්ෂිකයන්ට විශේෂයෙන් අමතක නොවන දවසකි. ඉන්ද්‍රඛීල සේ නොසැලී සිටි යූඑන්පී ප්‍රබල නායකත්ව බල කණු කඩා වැටීමේ ආරම්භය සනිටුහන් වුණේ එදා ය. මරාගෙන මැරෙන කොටි ප්‍රහාරයකින් ජනපති ප්‍රේමදාස මහ දවල් මහ පාර මැද ඝාතනය වුණේ ය. ප්‍රේමදාස ඝාතනයෙන් පසු යූඑන්පී නායකත්වයේ වගකීම භාර ගන්න නියම වුණේ සිරිසේන කුරේට ය. ඒත් සිරිසේන කුරේ නායකත්වය භාර ගැනීම ඒ වෙලාවේ ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කර, රනිල්ට ඒ සඳහා අවස්ථාව දුන්නේ ය.

රනිල්ට යූඑන්පී නායකත්වය ලැබෙන්නේ එහෙම ය. නායකත්වය ගත්ත ගමන් රනිල් ඉස්සෙල්ලාම ගහන්නේ ප්‍රේමදාස පවුලට ය. ප්‍රේමදාස පවුලේ දේශපාලන අංකුරය වූ සජිත්ට සංවිධායකකමක් වත් නොදී පල නොකියා පලා බෙදුවේ ය. හැබැයි රනිල්ට වැඩිකල් රඟන්න හැකි වූයේ නැත. යූඑන්පීයේ ඊළඟ නායකත්ව බල කණුව ගාමිණි දිසානායක ඉදිරියට ආවේ ය. ගාමිණිගේ රැස්වලට රනිල් පැත්තකටම විසිවුණේ ය. යූඑන්පියේ ජනපති අපේක්ෂකයා වුණු ගාමිණි ඉස්සෙල්ලාම කළේ ප්‍රේමදාස මැතිනිය මුණගැහෙන එක ය. ජනපති ප්‍රේමදාසට එරෙහිව ලලිත් සමඟ කැරලි ගැසීම ගැන ගාමිණි, ප්‍රේමදාස පවුලෙන් සමාව ඉල්ලුවේ ය. ප්‍රේමදාස දියණිය දුලාංජලී ‍ෙදාස් කියද්දිත් ගාමිණි ඇහුවේ “මගෙන් මොනවද කෙරෙන්න ඕන” කියා ය. සජිත්ගේ පිටට තට්ටුවක් දැමූ ගාමිණි, සජිත්ට මැද කොළඹ යූඑන්පී සංවිධායකකම යෝජනා කළේ ය. මැද කොළඹ ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කළ සජිත් හම්බන්තොට සංවිධායකකම ලබා ගත්තේ ය. රනිල් පස්ස පැත්තට පයින් ගසා ‍ෙදාට්ට දැමූ සජිත්ට ගාමිණි දේශපාලන අත්පොත කියැ වූයේ එහෙම ය.

ප්‍රේමදාස ඝාතනය කළ කොටි වැඩි කලක් යන්නට මත්තෙන් ඊළඟ යූඑන්පී බල කණුවටත් කුරුමානම ඇල්ලුවේ ය. යූඑන්පීය ජයග්‍රාහී මාවතේ ඇදගෙන ගිය ගාමිණි රටේ නායකත්වය පෙනි පෙනී සිටියදී 1994 ඔක්තෝබර් 24 වැනිදා තොටළඟදී මරාගෙන මැරෙන කොටි ප්‍රහාරයකට ලක්වුණේ ය. යූඑන්පීයේ නායකත්ව බල කණු දෙකක්ම කඩාගෙන වැටුණේ එහෙම ය. ගාමිණි සමඟ යූඑන්පී නායකත්වයට සටන් වැදී කෘත්‍යාධිකාරියේ ඡන්දෙන් පැරදී පැත්තකට වුණු රනිල්ට මෙවර සටනක් දෙන්නට කෙනෙක් සිටියේ නැත. රනිල් නැවතත් නිතරගයෙන්ම යූඑන්පී නායකත්වය අතට ගත්තේ ය.

ගාමිණි සජිත්ට හම්බන්තොට යූඑන්පී සංවිධායකකම දුන්න එකට කිපිලා හිටිය රනිල් ඉස්සෙල්ලාම කළේ මර්වින් සිල්වාව සම සංවිධායක කරලා තිස්සට දාපු එක ය, මර්වින්ව තිස්සට දාලා මර්වින් ලව්වා සජිත්ට ගස්සවපු එක ය. සජිත්ට හම්බන්තොට තනි සංවිධායකකම ලැබෙන්නේ මර්වින් රනිල් අතෑරලා චන්ද්‍රිකා ගාවට ගිය පසු ය. එදා ගාමිණිගේ මරණයෙන් පසු, පිනට ලැබුණු නායකත්ව පට්ටම මේ වන තෙක් අත් නොහැරිය රනිල්, මේ වන තෙක් ම ගාමිණිට එකතු වුණු එකේ තරහ සජිත්ගෙන් පිරිමහන්නේ ය. පුදුමේ කියන්නේ… මේ ටික නොතේරුණා වගේ සජිත් තාමත් රනිල්ට වන්දිභට්ටකම් කරන එක ය.

රනිල් යූඑන්පී නායකත්වයට පත්වෙලා තියපු පළමු ඡන්දෙන්ම චන්ද්‍රිකාට පැරදුණේ ය. 2001 මහ ඡන්දෙන් ආසන 109ක් දිනා එස්.බී.ලා මහින්ද විජේසේකරලා එකතු කරන් ගහපු ගේමකින් අගමැතිකම ගත්තේ ය. ඒ අගමැතිකම අවුරුදු 2කට වඩා තියාගන්නට රනිල්ට පුළුවන් වුණේ නැත. 2005දී මහින්ද සමඟ තරග වැදුණු රනිල් ආයෙත් පැරදුණේ ය. තමන්ට කවදාවත් තනිවම දිනන්න බැරි බව තේරුම් ගත්තු රනිල් 2010දී අනුර එක්ක එකතු වෙලා ෆොන්සේකා ඉස්සරහට දමාගෙන, ෆොන්සේකාගේ කර උඩින් ගිහින් අගමැතිකම ගන්න ගේමක් ගැහුවේ ය. ඒකත් හරි ගියේ නැත. ඊට පස්සේ 2015දී පොදු අපේක්ෂක මෛත්‍රිගේ කරපිටින් ගිහින් අගමැතිකම අරන් ආණ්ඩුවක් හදා ගත්තේ ය. ඒ ආණ්ඩුවෙත් යටිකූට්ටු ගේම් ගහන්න ගිහින් මෛත්‍රිට මාට්ටු වෙලා ඉල්ලාගෙන කෑවේ ය.

කිසිදා හරි විදියට ඡන්දයක් දිනන්න රනිල්ට බැරි ය. ඉතිහාසයේ ඉඳන්ම රනිල්ට කරන්න පුළුවන් එකම දේ ගේම් ගහන එක විතර ය. ප්‍රභාකරන්යූඑන්පී බල කණු එකින් එක වට්ටද්දී ඉතුරු වුණේ රනිල් විතර ය. ප්‍රභාකරන්ට ඕන වුණේ යූඑන්පීියේ කොන්ද පණ තියෙන නායකයන් ටික මරා දමන්න විතර ය. රනිල් යූඑන්පී නායකත්වයේ සිටීම කවදත් ප්‍රභාකරන්ට වාසිදායක වුණේ ය. ප්‍රභාකරන් නැතත් රනිල්ලා, කිරිඇල්ලලා දැන් සුමන්තිරන්ලාගෙ ඉත්තෝ වෙලා ය. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී කිරිඇල්ල ළඟටම ඇවිත් සුමන්තිරන් කෑගහලා ගියේ ඒක ය. ඒ කියන්නෙ යූඑන්පීය දැන් වැඩ කරන්නේ කොටි හිතවාදී සුමන්තිරන්ලාගේ න්‍යායපත්‍රයටද කියා කියන්නට දන්නේ නැත.

රනිල් සජිත්ලා වගේ අයට යූඑන්පී නායකත්වයට එන්නට කවදාවත් ඉඩ දෙන්නේ නැත. මෛත්‍රි කිව්වා වගේ රනිල්ගේ සමනල කල්ලිය ඇරෙන්න වෙන කාටවත් පක්ෂ නායකත්වයට ළං වෙන්නට බැරි ය. රනිල්ගේ කැපිලිවලට හොඳම සාක්ෂිය හේමන්ත එගොඩවත්ත ය. 1997දී තරුණ තරුණියන්ට පක්ෂයේ ඉහළට එන්න කියා රනිල් ජාතික යොවුන් පෙරමුණ බිහි කළේ ය. පක්ෂයේ තරුණ තරුණියන්ගේ වැඩි කැමැත්තෙන් යොවුන් පෙරමුණේ ප්‍රථම ජාතික ලේකම් වුණේ හේමන්ත එගොඩවත්ත ය. 1998දී තමන්ට ඕන විදියට යොවුන් පෙරමුණේ නිලතල හසුරුවා ගන්න ඕන නිසා රනිල් කළේ ඡන්ද ක්‍රමය අහෝසි කරලා නිලතල පැවැරීමේ බලය තමා අතට ගන්න එක ය. පක්ෂයේ තරුණ කණ්ඩායම දෙකට කැඩුණේ ය.

1. පක්ෂයට දරදිය අදින, පක්ෂය වෙනුවෙන් කැපවෙන කණ්ඩායම.

2. රනිල්ට කඩේ යන සමනල කණ්ඩායම.

රනිල්ට එරෙහිව පළමු වෙඩිල්ල පත්තු වුණේ යොවුන් පෙරමුණෙන්ම ය. 1998 ජාතික යොවුන් පෙරමුණු නිලවරණයේදී සජිත්, නවීන්ගේ උදවු සහිත හේමන්ත එගොඩවත්ත ඇතුළු යොවුන් පෙරමුණු කණ්ඩායමේ දැඩි ශක්තිය හමුවේ රනිල් පසුබැස්සේ ය. ඡන්දයක් තිබ්බොත් පරාද වෙන බව දැනගත් රනිල් බැරිම තැන බදුල්ලේ බොරලන්ද ගමේ ගොවි පවුලක උපන් ආනන්ද ප්‍රියනාත්ට යොවුන් පෙරමුණේ ජාතික ලේකම්කම දුන්නේ ය. හැබැයි අවුරුද්දක් යන්නට කලින් රනිල්ගේ කැමැත්ත වූ අකිල යොවුන් පෙරමුණේ ජාතික ලේකම්කමට පත්කර ගැනීමට රනිල්ට හැකි වුණේ ය.

රනිල්ගේ ගේම් ඉතිහාසය එහෙම ය. රනිල්ලා වගේ අයට මේ රටේ ජනතාවගේ හදගැස්ම තේරෙන්නේ නැත. මේ රටේ මුල් බැසගත් සංස්කෘතිය, මිනිසුන්ගේ සිතුම් පැතුම් රනිල්ලා වගේ අයට ගෝචර නැත. රනිල්් දන්නේ ගේම් ගහන්න විතර ය. රනිල්ට හැමදාම ගෝචර වුණේ කොළඹ හතේ රෝයල් පැලැන්තිය විතර ය.

ඒකට හොඳ උදාහරණයක් මා අසා ඇත. 2002-2004 රනිල්ගේ ආණ්ඩුව කාලේ චීන සංචාරයකදී සිය බිරිය මෛත්‍රි සහ තවත් යූඑන්පී ප්‍රබලයකුගේ බිරියක් සමඟ උදෑසන ආහාරය ගනිමින් සිටියදී රනිල් මෙසේ පවසා තිබේ. “අපේ මිනිස්සුන්ට සොසේජස්, බේකන් දෙන්න ඕන. එදාට තමයි රට දියුණු වෙන්නේ.” එය ඇසූ යූඑන්පී ප්‍රබලයාගේ බිරිය මෙසේ කියා තිබේ “අන්කල් ලංකාවේ මිනිස්සුන්ගේ ප්‍රධාන ආහාරය බත් නේද? ඒක අපේ සංස්කෘතියත් එක්ක බද්ධ වෙච්ච දෙයක් නේ ද?” එය ඇසූ රනිල් මෙසේ පිළිතුරු දී තිබේ “මේ රටට හෙණ ගහලා තියෙන්නේ බත් කන නිසා. බත් කන එක නවත්වන්න ඕන.”

1994 ගාමිණිගේ මරණයෙන් පසු, පිනට ලැබුණු නායකත්ව පට්ටම මේ වන තෙක් රනිල් අතහැරියේ නැත. ඒ අතින් ගත්තාම රනිල්ගේ ගේම් දිහා බැලුවාම මතකයට නැඟෙන චරිතයක් ඇත. ඒ පොල්පොට් ය. හාවඩ් සරසවිය හෝ පේරාදෙණිය විශ්වවිද්‍යාලය වැනි සරසවියකින් රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ චරිතය සහ පොල්පොට් චරිතය ගැන නිබන්ධනයක් කළහොත් ඔවුන් දෙදෙනාගේ සමානකම් හරියට බලාගත හැකි ය. තනි බලයක් අතට ආවොත් ලෝකයේ ඊළඟ පොල්පොට් වෙන්නේ රනිල් ය.

 

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PRESIDENT MAHINDA RAJAPAKSA IS A STATESMEN. HIS FAMILY BELONGS TO THAT CLASS – 2

December 2nd, 2018

By Noor Nizam – Peace and Political Activist, Political Communication Researcher, SLFP/SLPP Stalwart and Convener – “The Muslim Voice”, December 2nd., 2018.

The Rajapaksa family is Stronger than the Sigiriya Rock. If they have not done wrong and no harm to others, they will come out of this sooner or later. Loyal SLFP/SLPP stalwarts and party supporters, sympathizers and voters will always stand by President Mahinda Rajapaksa. The “Special Statement” Hon. Mahinda Rajapaksa made to the nation today is of paramount value at this moment of our political history. It should be a guiding light to the common man and voters of the nation. The treachery of the minority opportunitist Tamil and Muslim leaders and their parliamentarians has deprived the country of establishing/accepting a stable and constitutional government since October 26th., 2018. Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa explained to the nation the true political situation and has been very clear to state that the need of the hour is a “GENERAL ELECTION”. It is well appreciated that PM Mahinda Rajapaksa has also stated earlier that he will not resign from the office of PM untill a permanent resolution to the crisis is found, but will admister the country accordingly.

President Mahinda Rajapaksa should at least now understand who the backstabbers” from within the SLFP, the Minority tamil speaking political parties and those who surrounded him at his peak of power, in the run-up to the presidential and general elections in 2015, who conspired to defeat him were. Today, again they have grouped together with the support of the Western powers and the EU nations, including Norway, Canada, the US, Germany and the local NGO vultures to repeat what they did in 2015.

He should have also known who the political cut-throats of the Muslim and Tamil communities are. President Mahinda Rajapaksa should never, never, never ever tolerate them in the future. In politics these things happen.

This happened to late Madam Sirimavo Bandaranike, to J.R. Jayawardene, to Kamraj, to Mujibu Rahuman, to Zulfikar Ali Butto, Mushraff and many other leaders who were loved by their people.

There near kith and kin became victims of their opponents, both political and otherwise.

Yet they came back or their next of kin came back to power by the grace of God AllMighty as long as they were clean. It is only a matter of time. Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa should not waver and should hold to his stand rigid politically. The 72% Sinhalese people and all citizens, Muslims, Tamils, Burghers, Malayas who love our “MAATHRUBOOMIYA” will support him fully at the next General elections and the Presidential candidate Hon. Mahinda Rajapaksa will name to contest the Presidential Elections, if it may be so.

 

 

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Professor Jayadeva Tilakasiri – A Farewell Tribute

December 2nd, 2018

Senaka Weeraratna(Hony. Secretary, German Dharmaduta Society)

The Funeral of Emeritus Professor Dr. Jayadeva Tilalaksiri was held at the Mount Lavinia Cemetery, in the afternoon of Saturday December 01, 2018.

The remains of Professor Tilakasiri were cremated in the presence of several senior (retired) Professors, close relatives and friends.

The Pansakula ceremony was earlier conducted at the Mahinda Funeral Parlour, Mount Lavinia. It was followed by several funeral orations. Among the speakers were Emeritus Professor J.B. Dissanayake, Professor Walter Marasinghe, Mr. Senaka Weeraratna, Attorney –at –Law and Hony. Secretary, German Dharmaduta Society, and Mrs. Seetha Dehigaspitiya among others.

Emeritus Professor K.N.O. Dharmadasa, Emeritus Professor Jayasiri Lankage, Lieutenant Commander (Retd.) Somasiri Devendra, Major – General Sardha Abeyratne and Deshabandu Sirisumana Godage (leading Book Publisher) were among those present.

The funeral oration delivered by Mr. Senaka Weeraratna (Hony. Secretary, German Dharmaduta Society) is set out below:

Ven. Sirs, friends and relatives of the late Professor Jayadeva Tilakasiri, members of the German Dharmaduta Society, ladies and gentlemen

We are gathered here today to say farewell to one of the most eminent men in our society.

The late Professor Jayadeva Tilakasiri was one of the foremost Indologists of Sri Lanka. He held the chair in Sanskrit at the University of Peradeniya from 1968 to 1982. During his 36 year period of service at this University he also became well known as a scholar and promoter of then traditional art of puppetry in Sri Lanka.

Jayadeva Tilakasiri was born in Galle in 1921, and had his early education at Mahinda College, Galle from 1927 to 1938. He was 97 years old when he passed away on November 28, 2018.

It was at Mahinda College that he was first introduced to the study of Sanskrit and Pali by several learned Buddhist monks and Mr. U.G. Handy who had developed a great reputation as a teacher of Pali and Buddhism at Mahinda College.

It was mainly the influence of these teachers that created an abiding interest in the study of Sanskrit, Buddhism and allied subjects in young Jayadeva, although the first steps in the study of Sanskrit were taken by him quite early in life under the parental directive that he should daily learn and recite a given number of stanzas from the Sataka texts and thus imbibe their richness.

In 1939, Jayadeva gained admission to the University College in Colombo, which became the first independent University of Ceylon, in 1942. Jayadeva opted to study Sanskrit and Pali, which he did under the guidance of redoubtable teachers such as G.P. Malalasekara and in particular, O.H. de A Wijesekera, who soon became his mentor. Mention must also be made of a self- made classical Sanskrit scholar of Galle, Mr. H.A. Wimalaratna, who had given Jayadeva a sound grounding in Sanskrit prosody and poetics as well as in Paninian grammar.

Jayadeva passed out, in 1943, with the first batch of Arts graduates of the University of Ceylon, securing First Class Honours, and one year later i.e. 1944, he was appointed as an Assistant Lecturer in the newly created Department of Sanskrit.

In the mid – 1940s, Jayadeva proceeded to England to read for the Ph.D. degree at the School of Oriental and African Studies of the University of London, which he obtained in 1949, by submitting a thesis on Sanskrit literature, which was later published under the title “Kalidasa’s imagery and the theory of poetics”. It had great relevance to Sinhala Classical Poetry.

Jayadeva Tilakasiri succeeded Prof. O. H. De. A. Wijesekera, and served as the Professor of Sanskrit at the University of Peradeniya from 1968 to 1982 and rendered a significant service to enhance Sanskrit scholarship in Sri Lanka and to deepen our understanding of traditional arts and crafts including puppetry and handicraft. The scope of his works on Sanskrit ranges from Sanskrit grammar to poetical and scientific literature, while many of his works are included in the prescribed readings for university students on Sanskrit, Indian History, Indian Philosophy, Fine Arts, and Sinhala literature.

Jayadeva served as President of the German Dharmaduta Society (GDS) for about 5 years commencing from year 2005 taking over the duties from Dr. Granville Dharmawardena. He was succeeded by Dr. Manel Lakdivdas. Jayadeva was the last surviving founder member of the German Dharmaduta Society which was founded by Asoka Weeraratna on September 21, 1952. He attended the first meeting of this Society.

Jayadeva was a close friend of my uncle Asoka Weeraratna. Jayadeva resided as a young student with his parents at Wakwella Road, Galle, in a house located just behind my father’s ancestral home at Wakwella Road, Galle, where the Jewelry business known as ‘ P.J. Weeraratna & Sons ’was originally located, before it was shifted to Maradana, Colombo in 1948. This family jewelry business was founded in 1862 in Galle by my forebears and it was the oldest jewelery firm in the southern province.

Both my father Dharmasena Weeraratna and uncle Asoka Weeraratna had high regard for Jayadeva’s intellectual attainments and skills. Asoka Weeraratna and Jayadeva Tilakasiri had used to walk together to school i.e. Mahinda Vidyalaya, which was within walking distance from their homes. Asoka Weeraratna and Professor N.A. Jayawickrema (Professor of Pali) were Jayadeva’s class mates. So was Dr. Daimon Kularatne. In the 1950s when I was in the primary school my uncle Asoka repeatedly held up Professor N.A. Jayawickrema and Professor Jayadeva Tilakasiri as role models and worthy scholars that I should try to emulate.

Professor Tilakasiri was a prolific writer. His writing style was rich old English, coming from reading the great classics. He was extremely well read. It was a delight to read his writings for sheer lucidity and eloquence. He was equally fluent in Sinhala. He had the knack to deliver speeches in either language at a moment’s notice. This was a great boon to our Society. We could always count on him to address a public gathering.

He has 34 works in 85 publications in four languages and 499 library holdings. He was the winner of State literary awards for Sinhala and English Books in 1959 and again in 1994. He has delivered lectures and participated in discussions at high profile conferences and seminars all over the world. His published works include texts on Sanskrit literature, drama, aesthetics, poetry, and religion. He has also published books on puppetry, shadow play, handicrafts and craft people of Sri Lanka.

He acted as the Chairman of the Crafts Council and organized exhibitions and festivals for craft products. Many of his Books have been published by S. Godage & Brothers.
He has received the President’s Award, Kala Keerthi (Artist of Eminence) in May 1993 and the Sahitya Ratna (Literary Excellence) award in October 2004. He was a visiting lecturer on Asian Drama at the University of Kelaniya. He was the recipient of a Rockefeller Foundation Grant as well as research grants from the University of Ceylon and various Government Departments.

Jayadeva Tilakasiri was the oldest surviving old boy of Mahinda College, which felicitated him with a warm and cordial reception at the Office of the Principal, Mr. Gamini Jayewardena on January 20, 2017.

The University of Peradeniya too has accorded him similar felicitations on the 5th of September 2017. The felicitation ceremony was organized for him by the Department of Classical Languages and the Faculty of Arts under the auspices of the Vice-Chancellor, University of Peradeniya. The Vice-chancellor, Prof. Upul B. Dissanayake, awarded him a special citation and wished him well, while Ven. Dr. Waragoda Pemaratana, sometime professor of Sanskrit at Peradeniya, Prof. O.G. Dayarathna Banda, Dean of the Faculty of the Arts, Dr. Chandima Wikramasinghe, Head of the Department of Classical Languages, and Dr. R.H.S. Samaratunga,Secretary to the Treasury from the Ministry of Finance, also addressed the gathering on this occasion.

We have to thank Mr. Gamini and Mrs. Seetha Dehigaspitiya for taking care of Professor Jayadeva Tilakasiri with great affection and solicitude for the last five years in their home in Panadura. Professor Tilakasiri lost his beloved wife Srimathie in September 2013. With no immediate member of the family left in Sri Lanka to look after him, it was left for Mrs. Seetha Dehigaspitiya and her husband to perform that noble task.

Both sons of Prof. Tilakasiri, Aruna and Ravindra are living overseas. Aruna visits Sri Lanka annually to meet his father. Ravindra has made arrangements with friends and relatives to take care of Professor Tilakasiri’s needs. In this respect we must mention the names of Nayuni Amendra and Rohitha Perera, in particular, who have been extremely helpful.

Finally, I must thank on behalf of the German Dharmaduta Society for your kind presence here today to fare well a great man, great scholar who has brought lustre to his rata, jathiya and agama, and who lived a very simple austere life in accordance with the tenets of Buddhism.

May he attain Nibbana soon.

Thank you.

Senaka Weeraratna
(Hony. Secretary, German Dharmaduta Society)

December 01, 2018

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Save the country from TNA’s treachery – Part II

December 2nd, 2018

BY : A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA

TN delegation led by terrorist grandpa Sampanthan was at the Presidential Secretariat on Friday evening for a meeting with President Maithripala Sirisena to discuss what they called ways of resolving the current political crisis.

President Sirisena pointed to these Ranil worshipers that foreign countries such as the United Kingdom and Germany have governments in place without majority support in Parliament for which Sampanthan intervened to say that in those foreign countries, Parliament never resolved to bring two No- Confidence Motions against a purported Prime Minister and passed

them with a majority. Sambandan has said that they would extend their wholehearted support for the UNP to establish a government after the next election and they would not accept any ministerial portfolio but indicated that Ranil has agreed to allow them to carry out all their activities in the North and East in dependently and implement the proposed constitution.  Political analysts point that in political terms this is a great victory for these separatist proxies as it will be the achievement of the Thimphu demands for self rule they were making since 1985.  In this hidden agenda there could be more undisclosed agreements other than the 10-point agreement reached for them to vote against the No Confidence motion against Ranil in April, these 10 points were outlined in part I of this article.

Now let us briefly examine  the treacherous activities carried out by the terrorist proxy TNA in the past

The Indo-Asian News Service reported on August 2, 2008 that the TNA sympathetic to the Tamil Tigers told Prime Minister Manmohan Singh that India must play a significant role for  ending the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. They accused that Colombo was causing misery to civilians by relentlessly pursuing war against the Tigers, a team of MPs from the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) led by R.Sambandan told Manmohan Singh that the international community did not want to take any step without New Delhi’s approval.

Sambandan has alleged that the Sri Lankan military offensive against the LTTE was largely affecting the civilian population, leading to deaths, serious injuries and mass displacement in the island’s northeast. So, this is what this hypocrite has done all these years to promote Tiger terrorists throughout the world.  Having miserably failed in all his cunning attempts this hypocrite now shed crocodile tears to pretend that they are sympathetic to the people of Sri Lanka. This hypocrite whose hands are soaked with the blood of the innocent people of this country deserves to die banished as a traitor or prosecuted and imprisoned for life.

This terrorist grandpa has an inherent enmity towards Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa for defeating his protagonists tiger terrorists including the megalomaniac terrorist leader Prabhakaran like Vaiko, Ramadas and other fringe political leaders of Tamil Nadu and for de-merging North and East and he never criticises his lackey Ranil Wickremasinghe.

The TNAs 1977 Election Manifest categorically stated that they would establish an independent, sovereign, secular Socialist State of Tamil Eelam Given below are important extracts from their 1977 Election manifesto which the[i] hypocrite tried to hide.

Sub Heading : One Question – Freedom or Servitude?

The General Election of 1977 I s a crucial one to the Tamil Nation.  So far as the Tamil territory is concerned, this general election is a clash between the only political movement of the Tamil Nation and the representatives of the various political parties of Sinhalese imperialism that keeps that Tamil nation under its heels. The election in the Sinhala territory decides the question as to which of their parties should come to power. And in the Tamil territory, the question is whether the Tamils want their freedom or continued servitude. The Tamil United Liberation Front is to resolve this issue.

History

Though Ceylon is a single state now, yet by facts of history, by languages spoken by its inhabitants, by culture, tradition and by psychology, it is the common home of two nations and consists of two countries.

Tamil Eelam – A Secular Socialist State

Hence the Tamil United Liberation Front (the original name of TNA) seeks in the General Election the mandate of the Tamil Nation to establish an independent, sovereign, secular Socialist State of Tamil Eelam that includes all the geographically contiguous areas that have been the traditional homeland of the Tamil speaking people in the country.

For full details, please surf http://www.sangam.org/FB_HIST_DOCS/TULFManifesto77.htm

Now let us see what this hypocrite terrorist did  during the course of war to help his terrorist clan.

Extracts from an interview given for Sunday Leader of 13 October 2013

On military presence in the North:

We do not support an oppressive military presence as we do not want our people to be humiliated. There are families headed by females, quite many whom are widows, and we do not want our young females to be inconvenienced or humiliated in any way. A large military presence is oppressive

Funds for the functioning of the Northern Provincial Council:

We would welcome funds from anywhere as we need immense funding to fulfil the requirements of our people. Everyone must realise that the Northern and Eastern provinces, particularly the Tamil areas, had been devastated and people’s lives have been shattered. People are virtually destitute. So, I do not see how anyone can raise any objection to funds being required to fulfil the legitimate needs of these people, and we would welcome funds from anywhere.

On LTTE.

When the LTTE was up and around everyone had to take recognition of the LTTE, including the government of Sri Lanka. Every government of Sri Lanka was engaged in negotiations with the LTTE, and they did not regard the LTTE as untouchables.

One India News Chennai  Published: Monday, June 1, 2009.

Sambandan  on a visit to India has sought amnesty for surrendered Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The leader of Tamil Nationalist Alliance said that the Tamil rebels should be provided with opportunities so that they can lead normal life in the mainstream of society. Even the legitimate rights of these people, in a situation when the war has come to an end, have got to be seriously considered. Normally in any situation they are given amnesty, and they are granted pardon, and people will be with opportunities to return to normal life,” he added

(To be continued)

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“Why doesn’t the Government arrest Ranil immediately on the findings of the Bond Commission Report and the following crimes he has committed against the State? Part II

December 2nd, 2018

GIGO: garbage in -> garbage out -> = 19th Amendment -C. Wijeyawickrema, LL.B., Ph. D.

A Judge is no saint. Underneath the black cloak is a human being of flesh and blood, a subjective mind filled with prejudices, perceptions, feelings and passion, struggling to project image of a fountain of logical objectivity.”

Law is an instrument of social control in the hands of a ruling class [suddage neethiya?] used to subjugate the toiling masses.”

One must go to courts with clean hands. A gazette notification has no magic power to purify and elevate an entity hitherto run like a public brothel into a shrine of world (representative) democracy, despite the gift of many virginity robes by the international king makers (IKMs).”

Chief Justice Sripavan’s baggage

Meetotamulla garbage disaster was a GIGO created by defective politicians. Likewise, current governing crisis of 19-A is a result of dishonest actions lead by three yahapalana lawyers, Abraham Sumanthiran, JayampathyW and RanilW, who thought law was an ass. The strange fact is that even the ex-chief justice K. Sripavan treated law as an ass by omission, perhaps due to selfish reasons. When the 19-A bill was before the SC in 2015, senior lawyer Gomin Dayasiri, asked Sripavan, if it was constitutional for the parliament to plan to ensure its tenure for four and half years (which in effect will be 5 years with time for an election). Sripavan evaded giving an answer, either way, and omitted to mention this questioning in the judgement.  A question like this is not like a challenge made by Nagananda Kodituwakku on MPs selling their vehicle permits.

By allowing the legislative branch to make its life secure for five years, the checks and balances scheme in the 1978 JRJ bahubootha thing was violated, which meant a need for a referendum. Reducing the president’s term from 6 to 5 years is different. Any modification towards enhancing people’s sovereignty such as a return to two-term limit are not against the spirit of the constitution. But removing a meaningful check on the legislative branch (by the executive president with power to dissolve it), if not after one year as in the past, but for example, at least after two years, when the president is convinced privately or publicly, that body is on a nationally suicidal path must have people’s consent.  By evading to tackle this issue then, the former chief justice Sripavan is directly responsible for the 33 (2)c versus 70 (1) crisis now before SC. He failed to fulfil his bahubootha constitutional duty.

Savitri vs. Gevindu

Two essays in the Island newspaper, (D. Laksiri Mendis (11/26/2018), and Nigel Hatch (11/25) tried to deal with this crisis from within the four corners of the law (legal perspective). On the other hand, the retired law prof. Savitri Goonesekere’s (The Island 11/25) essay on the topic began with an approach that law must be found (and interpreted) within case law and law books, ended as a legal to non-law (extra-legal data) friend of the court brief. NGO master Jehan Perera (Colombo Telegraph, Nov.26) was more direct in this regard complaining about a presidential arbitrariness. An evaluation if the president acted unfairly, requires judges to look at facts not in the statute applying an objective test. But a reasonable test can never be free from subjective elements creeping in. The use of extra-legal data in the interpretation of law started for the first time with the landmark American case of Brown Vs. Board of education in 1954. In that unanimous decision USSC overturned the separate-but-equal decision given in 1896. Utilizing sociological, non-law data, the court ruled that segregated schools are inherently unequal.

Adding non-law data to her supposedly ‘law only’ essay, prof. Savitri even talks about the convicted prisoner monk Gnanasara [BBS leader Ven Galabodaatte Gnanasara].” This means the November 23rd incident at the parliament where TNA’s Abraham Sumanthiran threatened UNP’s Kiriella for stupidly asking the speaker to have a second voting with each MP stay stand and vote so that the country could see the unfolding drama (and a humiliated Kiriella looking for his master RanilW’s moral support in vain), could become extra-legal evidence of a 19-A coup. Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha’s disclosure (LankaWeb, 27/11/18) about how he was shouted down in the parliament when he proposed a new section 23 A to the 19th Amendment (to change the electoral law promised as 20th Amendment) also must be relevant to show how dysfunctional was this supreme law-making body. At the 19-A chaotic debate environment in the parliament, Rajiva says, Dinesh Gunawardena was the only MP who tried to prevent the process soon degenerating into a farce.

Recently, in cases challenging American president Trump’s orders on Muslim immigrant ban, courts used his political speeches as facts relevant to the hearings. If so, why cannot SLCS consider public declarations by politicians as relevant evidence? For example, Sajith Premadasa said (Divaina, Nov. 29, 2018) president Sirisena asked him 10 times and Karu Jayasuriya 13 times (data still not out on how many times from Nalin Bandara) to accept the PM’s job, before it was finally offered to MahindaR. Is this revelation not relevant as evidence of good faith of a president to settle a possible constitutional crisis in a least disturbing manner? A court compelled to examine whether the president acted arbitrarily cannot ignore facts knocking at its front door.

Rules of Natural Justice

If details in Rajiva’s essay mentioned above is not an adequate reply to doubt Prof. Savitri’s attempt to use theory of constitutionalism and concept of representative democracy, one should watch the Nov. 19th Derana 360 interview with Gevindu Kumaratunga. Facts revealed by Gevindu compels one to take the 19-A GIGO episode back to at least the 2002 CFA between RanilW and Erick Solheim of Norway and to the2000-02 Neelan-GL package deals of president Kumaratunga. From Gevindu’s perspective, 19-A could be viewed as a lousy attempt to adjust the bahubootha constitution, a deliberate planting of a germ to create a governmental crisis sooner or later, or a sneaky unsuccessful strategy to ‘cheat’ on the 2015 Supreme Court ruling. Now the 2018 Supreme Court is forced to step in and try to unravel the mess. Would it be able to demonstrate that law is not an ass?  For example, the cheaters like JayampathyW added 33 (2)c as a standing alone clause, so that not only the 2015 SC requirement that the president’s power to dissolve parliament cannot be modified without a referendum (as well as the 2002 Seven Bench decision on the basic structure of the constitutional scheme) has been complied with as a law in the book.  The dishonest trap comes however, by way of omitting to refer to 70 (1) (may power to dissolve) in 33 (2)c (shall power to dissolve) or vice versa.

Savitri’s theory and concept above, are only two pinnacles of a floating iceberg, laden heavily with political garbage hidden below. These ideas (machines) of Savitri cannot function smoothly if sand is thrown on to the grease in between the wheels of constitutional machine.  How can constitutionalism function when, key operators entrusted to run it lie to people repetitively? If the leader of the opposition votes with the PM to save PM’s job in the guise of saving representative democracy, how can constitutionalism survive in such a setup? The entire drama of drafting a new constitution has become an open highway robbery of people’s sovereignty. The entire Sinhala Buddhist side of the equation was denied a seat in any of the committees or secretly-met sub-committees! Can anyone in Sri Lanka talk about a representative democracy under the current electoral scheme which promotes party-leader dictatorship from Colombo, district lists filled with local crooks and uneducated fools? Do these fools know what is rule of law, what is national policy or why there is a library in the parliament?  Key yahapalana operators manipulate the system, proving the assertion that law is nothing, but an instrument used by a ruling few (Colombo black-whites?) to subjugate the toiling masses (milk to Colombo and roughage to villages; suddage neethiya). When MPs behave like monkeys with razor blades in hand, what law and what democracy is there for prof. Savitri to try to sanitize? On the subject extra-legal need for international goodwill, she can learn a lot by watching Chapa Bandara on Youtube.

Did the dissolution of parliament violate the fundamental rights of 122 MPs who voted against it? Does president’s action under 33 (2)c subject to judicial review? How does a president concerned about a threat to his own life as well as an imminent threat to the survival of the country as one piece of real estate in the world perform his constitutional duty in good faith? What is the constitutional remedy available to a president to escape from a yahapalana prison, if parliament has become a den of thieves or a herd of goats lead by a UNP-TNA leadership cabal, with a JVP bent on promoting political chaos?  Obviously, 19-A GIGO pushed the SC into a political jungle of law and facts, which Prof. Savitri could not hide in her legal essay. Laws of natural justice demand a court to study the entire episode with a holistic perspective. Other non-law facts (evidence) become relevant in understanding the circumstances why certain words are used, and why some clauses are planted, purposely or haphazardly. If some clauses are added to circumvent previous SC rulings, is also relevant. Even a matter like some significant clauses were added in the middle of the night when law makers” were all tired and sleepy cannot be ignored under a veil of courts cannot interfere with parliaments internal business. If new additions were made to a bill already sanitized by SC during its final committee stage, where people cannot get a 14-day time period to go to SC to challenge the constitutionality of such new additions, it was downright cheating of peoples’ sovereignty. If parliament crooks use the committee stage to make a one-page bill into a 30-page law, it is criminal.

Genesis of 19-A

The best option available for the SC now is to pave way for a general election so that the treatment of law as an ass by the 19-A authors is remedied using judicial discretion. Otherwise, the harm done to the country as whole is irreparable than the harm allegedly caused to 122 MPs. By this action the court can show to the country that law is not an ass, but lawyers. In Bush vs. Gore (Dec.12, 2000), USSC prevented a constitutional crisis in America by giving a ‘political decision’. One of the judges, Antonin Scalia, later admitted that the decision was flawed, but the nation was saved. The following is a political and historical account to demonstrate that taking the 19-A dispute out of the hands of rival lawyers could be reasonably justified based on non-law data. The 12 petitions are not based on a good faith belief in democracy (or like what had happened in England centuries ago in a fight between the king and the commoners), but an attempt to use courts to prevent the exposure of abuse of democracy (constitutionalism and representative democracy per prof. Savitri) by party leaders of UNP, TNA and JVP.  The historical account below will show the petitioners come to court with blood in their hands.

PM cannot be an office peon

RanilW was brought into politics in 1977 by JRJ because he was his nephew. He had no prior exposure to politics or social services. His name was adversely mentioned in the Batalanda Commission report (March 1998) and again in the commission report (November 2003) on the police raid of the army’s secret long-range reconnaissance patrol hideout in Millenium City, Athurugiriya on Jan 2, 2002. The latter was characterized as a betrayal of a nation fighting a brutal terrorist war. RPremadasa under JRJ used to say that his office peon had more power than him as PM. When RanilW became PM, he wanted to change this perception by unilateral action. Thus, he signed the infamous Cease Fire Agreement (Feb. 2002) without any prior discussion with President Kumaratunga. This was the first example of RanilW trying to become an executive PM, de facto, not de jure (sand on grease). Prior to his firing by president K, RanilW tried to get president’s powers transferred to PM by law. That 19-A was before a seven-judge bench of SC in 2002. The court decided that any fundamental change in the 1978 constitutional framework must be approved by a referendum.

Scottish war correspondent Paul Harris identified this CFA as the world’s greatest giveaway, and he was deported by the government for his impartial and objective reporting of Tamil terrorist operations (LankaWeb, Dec. 10,2013).

https://www.lankaweb.com/news/items/2013/12/10/crimes-and-sins-of-the-englishman-paul-harris/).

Apparently, the CFA was drafted jointly by Erick Solheim and Prabakaran in the Wanni and signed first by RanilW in Colombo. It allowed a de facto Tamil Eelam in North and East with free access to any place in the rest of the island to Eelam agents.

A devil dance for power between Chandrika akka and Ranil malli

Growing up together in Colombo, Ranil called Chandrika affectionately, older sister and Ranil was a younger brother to Chandrika. But, the most important historical incident after this was the firing of RanilW and dissolution of parliament by President Kumaratunga in November 2003. See the quotation below:

President KUMARATUNGA: I was forced into it by a total breakdown of cohabitation in government. The Prime Minister (Ranil Wickremesinghe) was determined to harass me and chase me out. He has only one obsession: he wants to be the President. And he does not seem to care what happens to the country in the process. We came to an impossible impasse. The only way to resolve it was to ask the people for a mandate. —TIME’s Alex Perry at President’s House in Colombo, March 29, 2004”

Source: HLD Mahindapala, LankaWeb, November 10, 2018

There was a time president K’s house dog was the only friend (security guard?) she had when the cabinet met regularly at her official residence. Whenever minister Ravi K had heated arguments with her (abusing/harassing her?), the dog got agitated and was ready to jump on Ravi in any second!

What more a court is needed today than this historical evidence to understand the agony that president Sirisena had to face in a yahapalana prison? Unlike president K above, president S gave clear and convincing reasons publicly as to why he had no option other than to fire RanilW, both for his own personal safety as well as the survival of the country intact.

Ranil’s ill-fated 19-A vs. derailed package deals of Chandrika

Ranil tried 19-A without a legal 19-A in signing the nefarious CFA and got himself fired while visiting America promoting CFA. Chandrika, on the other hand wanted to eliminate the JRJ bahubootha constitution by replacing it lock stock and barrel and more. With Neelan Thiruchelavam, G L Peiris and the hardcore Marxist Jayampathy W behind her plan was for a union of regions, an executive PM, a blueprint for a mono-ethnic N-E two province Tamil homeland, potential Malayanadu for up-country Indian Tamils plus a Muslim Oluvil province. After drafts in 1995, 1996, 1997 and much love and hate, because of Chandrika’s design to stay in power under her new constitution Ranil managed to get the final draft in 2000 burnt inside the parliament. These theatrics are important in understanding the so-called constitutionalism operating now in 2018, because international king makers (IKMs) brought (bought) Chandrika and Ranil as reincarnated new force to implement the 1995-2000 package deal with a vengeance.

Ranil’s election campaign by IKMs

The elimination of UNP leadership (RPremadasa, Ranjan Wijeratna, LAthulathmudali, GaminiDissa etc.) by Prabakaran paved way for Ranil to become the leader of the party and he craftly managed to stay on top despite many attempts to derail him. He has the most undemocratic party constitution guaranteeing his party chairmanship. In 2005 presidential election MahindaR defeated him with a razor thing margin. H.L. Seneviratna of the Work of Kings fame in USA, described that election as a fight between an economist (RW) versus a nationalist (MR). America and other white European countries supported RW, but the Sinhala Buddhist votes went to MR as a result of the awakening of them by the late Ven. Gangodawila Soma (Soma dowry).

Common candidate # 1- IKMs plan to trick Sinhala Buddhists

The loss of 2005 presidential bid made RW a delusional man angry with Sinhala Buddhists. This was why he did everything possible to sabotage the war effort by MR and GR. His anti-country behavior led a faction of UNP to leave him and join the MR government to help win the war. Due to his anti-war and pro-Eelam stand RW realized that he would not be able to win any presidential bid. Therefore, after May 2009 war victory western countries (America, UK and EU) drag him into a new approach. The new strategy was that Ranil would support a puppet candidate, hoping to operate behind the scene as PM. American ambassador Robert Blake tricked Sarath Fonseka, thinking that Sinhala Buddhists will vote for him as a war hero, but when SF was getting the support of Tamils in the North (how come Tamils voting for a man who killed their hero Prabakaran), the plan boomeranged. If SF won in 2010, the usual American CIA norm in such an event would be to bribe some generals in the army and make SF a puppet or a prisoner and deploy RanilW to run the show.

PM ‘Sir’

MR and GR did not succumb to intimidation by IKMs to smuggle Prabakaran out of Nandikadal trap in April 2009. Similarly, they failed to topple MR regime in 2010 election, mainly because their common candidate was a hero in war but a bull-in-a-China shop in politics. Therefore, they did serious strategic planning for a second attempt. This attempt is directly linked to the current 19-A debacle. Some unwise and unfair acts of MR paved way for them to catch the best fish available in the political market (jungle). Of all the words and acts of MaithripalaS, the best Sinhala Buddhist quality that elicited the humble nature of this farmer’s son was his public gesture of asking RanilW if he could continue to address RW as Sir.” People will never know if in return Ranil addressed President S as Sir,” the Sinhala version of an official H.E. being only an automated politically correct usage.

Common candidate # 2

The second attempt with a common candidate was supposed to be a better deal for RanilW than a direct election defeat facing MR. He got amply rewarded from this low risk adventure, reminiscent of the saying that one breaks a honey comb expecting at least to lick the hand.  With the full backing of IKMs (500 million dollars from USA alone) a multi-pronged strategy was floated. Again, key issue was how to divide the Sinhala Buddhist vote. The plan included:

  1. April 2013à Singapore agreement (Tamil diaspora, Mangala Samaraweera, TNA’s Sumanthiran, Jayampathy W, Colombo Law Dean+ IKM agents), 13-A plus path
  2. Monk Maduluwave Sobhitha pathà NGOs for a just society
  3. JHU Patali Ranawaka, monk Athureliye Ratana pathà
  4. Mrs. Chandrika-MaithripalaS pathà SLFP faction

Front # 1

The hidden other side of prof. Savitri’s concern for meeting international obligation comes under 1 above. A conspiracy exceeding a mere 19-A was the goal here. If white IKMs entertained a long-term geopolitical aim of having a foothold in the island with Trincomalee harbor in the bag, Singapore secret agreement decided to take the 13-A plus path to achieve it. In addition to getting real estate and ports the way Sudan was broken into two to get access to new state South Sudan’s oil and gas fields, a republic of regions in Sri Lanka via 13-A plus has another advantage of disintegrating the 2600-year old Sinhala Buddhist civilization in the island. Mrs. Rosy Senanayaka and Mrs. Chandrika want the Sinhala Buddhist foundation demolished. Ironically, after 1551, the Catholic Cardinal in 2018 rejected this opinion as lunatic. Still, some Tamil Catholic priests and Christian Fundamentalists such as UNP MP Eran Wickramaratna may be behind Rosy and co. who hates Buddha statutes.  Under the Singapore line, Geneva HRC was used to pass a 20 item Resolution # 30/1, sponsored jointly by USA and Mangala Samaraweera. Another ardent Marxist Lal Wijenayaka had the job of sanitizing Geneva requirements, and 18 out of his 19-member caravan were known pro 13-A plus agents. 19-A was within the requirements of the Geneva conspiracy. JVP’s 20-A and the federal constitution plan to be submitted to parliament in November 2018. President S’s decision to sack PM and parliament derailed the ultimate aim of the Singapore conspiracy to balkanize Sri Lanka despite the enactment of several other laws relating to war crimes.”

Fronts # 2 & 3

American ambassador Michell Sisson’s visit to Nagaviharaya, Kotte was the best evidence of IKM’s innocent-looking intervention in regime change in Sri Lanka. She did not go Malvatta or Asgiriya, because most probably CIA reporting identified the former firebrand monk, the most vulnerable target to be tapped. Ven. Maduluvawe Sobhita did not and could not fathom the gravity of his actions. Abolishing the Executive presidency was used as a bait to get his support for a regime change. Behind regime change was the NGO-backed conspiracy to balkanize Sri Lanka. The monk was so blind-folded that he did not know the yahapalana crooks signed two conflicting agreements with two different monks. The Maduluwave faction signed the promise to abolish EP position. The Rathana faction signed a promise to reduce powers of EP which could be done without a referendum. There is no doubt the NGOs with Ven. M knew this cheating. But Ven. M came to know about it only in April or so after the Jan. 8 election, when Gevindu Kumaratunga pointed it out to him at a Derana 360 debate.  JHU jumping into the yahapalana wagon was a result of MahindaR refusing to listen to JHU concerns. MR became an interfaith, multi-ethnic promoter forgetting the Ven. Soma dowry that gave him a razon thin victory over Ranil-based IKM power in 2005.

Front # 4

Sri Lankan political leaders were never that unselfish so as to treat the country first, and family second. This is why front # 4 became so successful. From DSS’ decision to make Dudley PM, PMs and Ps in Sri Lanka has had a bad reputation in this regard. Even JRJ, with a son not suitable to politics, planted his nephew RanilW, instead. MaithripalaS helped MR when he was a victim of Mrs. Chandrika who wanted Anura to replace her, but MR treated MS so unfairly that Mrs. Chandrika found MS has the ideal new Sarath Fonseka to topple MR. Sinhala Buddhist votes could be divided using MS. This was what really happened. 200,000 of Sinhala Buddhist votes went to MS at the 2015 election.

A human dilemma

MS was so grateful to Ranil and UNP for making him the P. It was true that Ranil would not have become a PM if not for MS. But, for Ranil and for IKMs it was a risky geopolitical investment opening the doors and windows to balkanize the country. MS did not understand that he had become a cat’s paw in an IKMs long-range plan. Shaking hand with the queen without her gloves, PM David Cameron opening his (MS’) car door, such things carried MS to a romantic world of politics never experienced by a farmer’s son.

He found he was into a marriage not because of his beauty or character, but because of the sheer geopolitical dowry he brought to RanilW. Ranil and Co., a cabal of Royal men, started the game. They robbed the Central Bank twice (only one was investigated so far) and then followed a very undemocratic way unmaking the country. Parliament became a total joke.  As we hear now from often vindictive public utterances by UNP MPs, MS had been a helpless bystander in this suicidal game. When he realized the marriage was sham and even his own life was in danger, he had to take a belated decision to fire his butterfly husband.

Human courage

Within a human live a potential saint as well as a devil. When one catalogues the harm done to the country by the RanilW cabal, MS has done a heroic act of saving Sri Lanka. This act on Oct 26, 2018 is as significant as the ending of the war on May 19, 2009, because everything done to save this island intact by the sacrifices made by Sinhala village poverty-stricken boys and girls (there were some Tamil and Muslim heroes too) began to slip away one by one by a systematic operation of a conspiracy floated after Jan 8, 2015. At that time in 2014, the country did not get the course correction expected from MR, and the outcome of the election was good wakeup call for MR. But it reminds what R G Senanayaka said after the April 1956 general election. He even won two seats, Kelaniya and Dambadeniya. He said people wanted to give a medicine to cure UNP patient’s diarrhea, but the patient died. Today when one observes MP Wasantha Senanayaka’s confused state of mind, how can the SLSC conclude that that the 123 MPs petitioning it are fighting for the preservation of democracy in Sri Lanka? Some want time to get their pension right. Some other want to get the new federal constitution passed. Some old crowds want to continue enjoying numerous perks bestowed upon them to get their vote. If Keheliya Rabukwella is correct, 109 of them are dead scared of the release of the Bond Scam Report. The Supreme Court cannot think of any higher law other than the stability of the country, because without a country, there will be no law and no SC. Dissolution of Parliament is the solution.

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Sri Lanka will only survive if we see ourselves as Sri Lankans

December 2nd, 2018

Nirmala de Soyza 

It is very sad to read some of the comments people post and realize that there are still people out there who think they are patriots solely because they label themselves as ‘Sinhala Buddhists’.  They insult and make ungrounded allegations against Sri Lankans of other religions and other communities as if they alone are the guardians of this country.

I would like to ask these people on what facts they base their prejudices.  Can they claim that Sinhala Buddhists never desecrate their country by –

Throwing their garbage in the oceans and rivers, in he wilderness or on the roadside?

Encroaching into wildlife reserves?

Misbehaving and disrupting the habitat of wildlife when they visit nature reserves?

Engaging in illicit sand mining?

Killing or entrapping protected species for sport or gain?

Cutting down forests for personal gain?

Circumventing the laws of the land, for personal gain?

I could go on, but this should suffice to make my meaning clear.

These activities all physically destroy our country, so if Sinhala Buddhists also engage in such vandalism, they are no better than anyone else.  They can have no greater claims on the country.

We should all just try to understand that we are nothing more and nothing less than citizens of this country called Sri Lanka, and be proud to call ourselves ‘Sri Lankans‘.  The actions of those who call themselves ‘Sinhala Buddhists’ only serve to alienate our brothers and sisters of other communities.  They weaken our Sri Lankan family.  They destroy our Sri Lankan home.

It should not be of any importance to you or to anyone else that you belong historically to the Sinhala, Tamil or Muslim community.  Keep your Sinhala Buddhist -ness, your Tamil Hindu -ness or your Muslim or Christian -ness for your festivals and weddings and funerals.  Keep that part of your identity for your private life alone.

Do not put the accent on these minor differences – they are tearing our country apart.  All of us are the losers when we start fighting among ourselves.

When we highlight our differences we invite foreigners to once again plunder and pillage our country, our sovereignty.

Be clever, Sri Lankans!

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ඉතිහාසය   7 ශ්‍රේනිය අධ්‍යාපන දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව  වහාම මේ පොත තහනම් කරන්න.

December 2nd, 2018

ආචාරිය සුදත් ගුණසේකර

මන්ද වසර 2500 ක් පෑරනි ශ්‍රේෂ්ට අපගේ සිංල බෞද්ධ ඉතිහාසය මේ පොතෙන් අමුඅමුවේ මරාදමා විනාසකොට ඈති බෑවිනි.

ඒ සමඟම මේ ජාතික අපරාදයට වගකිවයුතු ඈමෙතිවරයා, අමාත්යන්ස ලෙකම්වාරයා,  පොතේ පෙරවදන ලියු අඩ්යාපන කොමසාරිස් ජෙනරාල් වරිය,පොතේ ප්‍රදාන කතුවරයා, මේ රටේ ඉතිහාසය විකුර්තිකොට  මෙම පරිච්චෙදයලියු තෑනත්තා, පිටකවරයට   ග්‍රීක හා රෝම අනුරු යෙදු චිත්‍රසිල්පියා යන  සියලුදෙනාටම විරුඩ්දව විනයානුකූලව හා නිතිප්‍රකාරව කටයුතුකොට ජීවිතාන්තය දක්වා සිරදන්ඩුවන් නියම කරන මෙන් මම යොජනා කරමි.

 

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Democracy and General Elections

December 2nd, 2018

MEDIA RELEASE Text of a speech delivered by the Hon. Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa at the Prime Minister’s Office on Sunday the 2nd December 2018.

Most venerable members of the Maha Sangha, Clergymen of all religions, and my dear friends,

It is only in Sri Lanka that you will find political parties agitating against the holding of a general election that has already been declared. In the gazette notification dated 09 November 2018 issued by the President in accordance with the provisions of our Constitution and the Parliamentary Elections Act, dates had been fixed to call for nominations from the 19th to the 26th November, to hold the poll on the 5th January 2019, and for the new Parliament to meet for the first time on the 17th January. If things had gone accordingly, stability would soon have been restored to this country.

Last year, in November 2017, there was the danger of the local government elections being postponed indefinitely because certain individuals had petitioned the Court of Appeal against the holding of the local government elections citing delimitation issues. However when the Chairman of the Elections Commission declared that he will proceed to hold elections at least in respect of the local government institutions that were not subject to litigation, the then government reluctantly fell in line and agreed to hold elections. With that the peitioners who had gone before the Court of Appeal quietly withdrew their petitions. It was quite clear in that instance, that the court procedure was being misused for a political purpose.

Today, six of the nine provinces in the country do not have functioning provincial councils. The previous government avoided holding elections to the provincial councils for more than one year. We held the Eastern Provincial Council election in 2008 even before the war had ended, immediately after clearing the province of the LTTE. Once the de-mining of the Vanni was complete, we held provincial council elections in the northern province as well in 2013. Today, without any war in the country, both those provinces do not have provincial councils. The previous government put off provincial council elections indefinitely by deliberately refraining from fulfilling the conditions relating to the delimitation of constitutencies in Act No. 17 of 2017 which was rushed through Parliament last year just days before the Sabaragamauwa, North Central and Eastern Provincial Councils were to stand dissolved.

I am placing on record this explanation because the UNP and its affilaited political parties have been making misleading statements from the political platform with a view to deceiving the general public. From the time of our first Parliament, elections were called early whenever necessary to overcome situations of political turbulence.  In 1952 when the then Prime Minister D.S.Senanayake died, a division emerged within the UNP regarding the succession. Even though the effective number two in the party was Sir John Kotelawala, the then Governor General Lord Soulbury invited Dudley Senanayake to be the Prime Minister. Within days of swearing in as Prime Minister, Dudley Seneyake summoned a general election and obtained a fresh people’s mandate to contain the divisions within the ruling party.

In 1959 after the assassination of S.W.R.D.Bandaranaike, W. Dahanayake became Prime Minister. When rifts emerged within his Cabinet, he too called a general election. The Governor General’s power to dissolve Parliament was provided for in Article 15 of the 1948 Constitution. Even though Parliamentary conventions like dissolving parliament when the statement of government policy is rejected or when a government loses the budget were not expressly stated in the 1948 Constitution, those conventions applied in Sri Lanka because we closely followed the British system of Parliamentary government at that time.

Provisions relating to the President’s power to dissolve Parliament in our first Republican Constitution of 1972, were found in Article 21. The convention of dissolving Parliament if the statement of government policy was rejected, or a budget  was defeated found mention in Article 99 of that Constitution. With regard to the second Republican Constitution of 1978, the President’s power to dissolve Parliament and the convention of dissolving Parliament in the event of a rejection of the statement of government policy or the budget, found mention in Article 70(1). I have no intention of dealing with any matter that is before courts. All these are matters that are being discussed in the media, the social media and in society in general.

The UNP and its allies claim that the 19th Amendment repealed and replaced the old Article 70(1) of the 1978 Constitution, and that according to the new article 70(1), the President cannot dissolve Parliament until the lapse of four and a half years. They claim that an early dissolution will be possible only if Parliament passes a resolution by a two thirds majority requesting the President to dissolve Parliament. All the provisions relating to the dissolution of Parliament in the 1978 Constitution, were found in the old article 70(1) before the 19th Amendment. If those provisions have been abolished, then there are no provisions in the present Constitution to dissolve Parliament in the event of a government losing a vote of no confidence, the vote on the budget or the statement of government policy.

Such restrictions are completely contrary to the Parliamentary tradition. Most countries with a Parliamentary form of government have ceremonial heads of state. Even in such countries, the head of state can exercise his discretion in dissolving Parliament. The British constitutional authority A.V.Dicey has said that if the Crown is of the view that the opinion of the public is different to that of the majority in Parliament, the Crown has the discretion to dissolve Parliament and summon a general election. In 1975, the Governor General of Australia sacked Prime Minister Gough Whitlam and called a general election entirely at his own discretion.

Dr B.R.Ambedkar, the founder of the Indian Constitution has said that the President of India can exercise his discretion when deciding whether to dissolve Parliament. The Governors of the Indian states who are representatives of the President, have exercised that discretion from the very beginning.  In 1970, President V.V.Giri exercised his discretion in dissolving Parliament despite the protests of the opposition which had a majority in Parliament. In 1979, President Sanjiva Reddy exercised his discretion and dissolved Parliament due to a situation of near anarchy in the Lower House.

That was in countries with ceremonial heads of state. However the Sri Lankan head of state is an Executive President directly elected by the people. It has been clearly stated in the Supreme Court determination on the 19th Amendment that the power that the sovereign people have vested in the President cannot be removed without a two thirds majority in Parliament and a referendum. Even though it is claimed that the President’s power to dissolve parliament that had been provided for in the old Article 70(1) have been removed, what has actually happened is that those provisions have been taken to another part of the Constitution.

While amending the old Article 70(1), the 19th Amendment also introduced a new subsection (2)(c) to Article 33 of the Constitution. What this new provision says is that ‘in addition to the powers, expressly assigned to the President by the Constitution or other written law, the President shall have the power…to summon, prorogue and dissolve Parliament’. The new provision that has been introduced to the Constitution in the form of article 33(2)(c) has not been made subject to Article 70(1) as amended by the 19th Amendment either.

That is obviously why the 2015 Supreme Court determination on the 19th Amendment did not say that the amendment made to the old article 70(1) had reduced the President’s powers to dissolve Parliament. If the purpose was to reduce the President’s powers, an amendment would have been made only to Article 70(1). Legal experts are of the opinion that the reason why the President’s powers to dissolve parliament which were provided for in the old Article 70(1) have been reintroduced to the Constitution in the form of Article 33(2)(c) is because the President’s power in that regard cannot be taken away except through a referendum.

The 19th Amendment shifted other provisions of the Constitution from one place to another in a similar manner. The old article 42 which declared that the President was responsible to Parliament in the execution of his duties was repealed and the same provision without any change in the wording, was reintroduced as Article 33A by the 19th Amendment. Only the drafters of the 19th Amendment will know why that was done. But the end result is that the President continues to be responsible to Parliament under the 19th Amendment just as he was before the 19th Amendment was introduced. The same applies when a power that the President had under the old Article 70(1) is reintroduced to the Constitution in the form of Article 33(2)(c).

After the 19th Amendment, Parliamentary conventions have been preserved in our Constitution through Article 33(2)(c). If we ignore that Article and accept only Article 70(1) as amended by the 19th Amendment, then we will be faced with a situation where there is absolutely no provision in the Constitution to dissolve Parliament in the event the government is defeated at a vote on the budget, the statement of government policy or a motion of no confidence is passed against a government. Such a situation is completely contrary to Parliamentary tradition.  If even the ceremonial heads of state in countries with parliamentary forms of government can dissolve Parliament and call for fresh elections at their discretion when the circumstances so require, how logical is it to say that the President of Sri Lanka who is vested with the executive power of the state on behalf of the sovereign people cannot dissolve Parliament no matter what happens in the country?

How can it be said that the President does not have the power to dissolve Parliament when Article 33(2)(c) was specifically introduced to the Constitution by the 19th Amendment? It took only 56 votes in Parliament to pass into law Act No. 5 of 2018 which put in place a legal framework to hand over our war heroes to foreign courts. How then can one argue that you need 150 votes in Parliament to be able to pave the way for the sovereign people to exercise their franchise? I was recently given a copy of a report published by an inter-governmental organisation called the ‘International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance’. The member states of this organisation include Germany, Australia, Canada, Switzerland and also India and Japan.

According to that report, there are only two countries that require a two thirds majority to dissolve Parliament – Kosovo and Lithuania. However even in those countries the head of state can dissolve parliament if a no confidence motion against the government is adopted or if the statement of government policy is rejected. The only country mentioned therein which has a Parliament that cannot be dissolved under any circumstances until the end of its term, is Norway. However the situation in Norway is very different to ours. The population of Norway is smaller than that or our Western Province. Furthermore, that country is a constitutional monarchy.

Even if a government is defeated in Parliament, it has to continue in office until a new government is appointed by the King. When the King in Council presents the annual budget to Parliament, it will be debated but there is no tradition of defeating budgets in that country. Most of the time, Norway has had minority governments that do not have a majority in Parliament. That is the situation at this moment as well. It should be clear that what works in Norway will not work in Sri Lanka.

The manner in which the French Constitution evolved is also relevant to this discussion. The Constitution that France had before 1940 had made it virtually impossible to dissolve Parliament. This led to chronically unstable governments being formed in France during those years. In 1940, Hitler invaded France. After being liberated from the German occupation, France promulgated a new Constitution in 1946 which relaxed the provisions relating to the dissolution of Parliament and allowed the calling of fresh elections in the event where two no confidence motions are passed against a government within a period of 18 months. However, because even that did not suffice to ensure stable governments, the present Constitution of France which was adopted in 1958 has given the President the power to dissolve Parliament at his discretion.

We must learn from those experiences. Since the dissolution of Parliament and the holding of fresh elections will have implications for the person ordering such actions as well, no head of state will take such a decision lightly. Such a decision will be made only in serious situations. The only way to restore stability to a destablised democracy, will be through a general election. According to our Constitution, sovereignty is vested in the people and not in Parliament. The manner in which the people exercise their sovereignty is through the franchise. I invite all those who respect democracy to give careful thought to these matters.

May the blessings of the Tripple Gem be upon you,

God bless you,

and my best wishes for the future.

 

 

 

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ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය හා මහ මැතිවරණය -ගරු අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ

December 2nd, 2018

මාධ්‍ය නිවේදනය ගරු අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා 2018 දෙසැම්බර් 02 වෙනි ඉරිදා අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය කාර්යාලයේ සිට කරන ලද කතාවේ පිටපත.

අති පූජනීය මහා සංඝරත්නයෙන් අවසරයි,  සියලු ආගම්වල පූජකතුමනි, හිතවතුනි, මිත්‍රවරුනි,

කැඳවපු මහ මැතිවරණයක් පවත්වන්න එපා කියලා කියන දේශපාලන පක්‍ෂ සිටින එකම රට ලංකාවයි. අපේ ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවට හා පාර්ලිමේන්තු මැතිවරණ පනතට අනුව යමින්, ජනාධිපතිතුමා 2018 නොවැම්බර් 09 වෙනි දින පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවා හරිමින්  නිකුත් කල ගැසට් පත්‍රයේ නොවැම්බර් 19 හා 26 අතර නාමයෝජනා භාර ගැනීමටත්, 2019 ජනවාරි 5 වෙනිදා ඡන්දය පැවැත්වීමටත්, නව පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ජනවාරි 17 වන දා මුල් වරට රැස්වීමටත්, දින වකවානු සියල්ලම නියම කරලයි තිබුණෙ.  ඒ අනුව කටයුතු සිදුවුණා නම් ඉතාම කෙටි කලකින් රට නැවතත් ස්ථාවර වෙනවා.

2017 නොවැම්බර් මාසයේදීත් පලාත් පාලන ඡන්දය පවත්වනවට විරුද්ධව  පෙත්සම්කරුවන් පිරිසක්  අභියාචනාධීකරණයට යෑම නිසා පලාත් පාලන ඡන්දයත් දින නියමයක් නැතුව කල් යෑමේ අවදානමක් මතුවුණා.  නමුත් මැතිවරණ කොමිසමේ සභාපතිවරයා නඩු නැති පලාත් පාලන ආයතන වලට හෝ ඡන්ද පවත්වන බව ප්‍රකාශ  කෙරුවාම පැවති ආණ්ඩුවට අකමැත්තෙන් වුනත් ඒකට එකඟ වෙන්න සිදු වුණා. උසාවියට ගිය පෙත්සම් කාරයොත් හෙමින් සීරුවේ නඩු ඉල්ලා අස්කර ගන්තා. එතනදී දේශපාලන අභිමතාර්ථ වෙනුවෙන් උසාවි ක්‍රියාදාමය අවභාවිතා කිරීමක් පැහැදිලිව පෙනෙන්න තිබුණා.  

අද වෙනකොට පලාත් 9න් පලාත් 6ක පලාත් සභා නැහැ. පැවති ආණ්ඩුව අවුරුද්දකට වැඩි කාලයක් පලාත් සභා ඡන්දය මඟහැරියා.  අපි නැගෙනහිර පළාතෙන් කොටි සංවිධානය පන්නල යුද්ධය ඉවර වෙන්නත් කලින් 2008 පලාත් සභා ඡන්දය පැවැත්වුවා. වන්නියේ බිම් බෝම්බ ඉවත්කරල 2013 දී උතුරු පලාත් සභා ඡන්දෙත් පැවැත්වුවා. අද රටේ කිසිම යුද්ධයක් නැතුවත් මේ පලාත් දෙකේම පලාත් සභා නැහැ. ගිය අවුරුද්දෙ සබරගමුව, උතුරු මැද, හා නැගෙනහිර පලාත් සභා විසිරෙන්න දවස් කීපයක් තිබියදී, පලාත් සභා මැතිවරණ ක්‍රමය වෙනස්  කරන්න කඩිමුඩියේ ගෙනාපු 2017 අංක 17 දරණ පනතේ කොට්ඨාශ සීමා නීර්ණය කිරීමට අදාල කොන්දේසි සිතා මතාම ඉටු නොකර සිටීමෙන් තමයි පැවති ආණ්ඩුව  දින නියමයක් නැතුව පලාත් සභා ඡන්ද කල් දමා ගත්තේ.

මම මේ පැහැදිලි කිරීම කරන්නෙ එක්සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂය ප්‍රමුඛ හවුල දේශපාලන වේදිකාවේදී වැරදි කරුණු හුවා දක්වමින් ජනතාව නොමඟ හරිමින් සිටින නිසයි. අපේ රටේ පළමු පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ඉඳලම, දේශපාලන අස්ථාවරත්වයක් ඇතිවුණාම මහ මැතිවරණ කැඳවපු එක තමයි සිදු වුණේ.  1952 දී ඩී.එස්. සේනානායක මැතිතුමා මිය ගිය වෙලාවේ, යූ.එන්.පී ආණ්ඩුව ඇතුලේ අගමැතිකම සම්බන්ධයෙන් ලොකු බෙදීමක් ඇති වුණා. පක්‍ෂයේ දෙවනියා සර් ජෝන් තොලාවල වුණත්, එකල අග්‍රාණ්ඩුකාර සෝල්බරි ස්වාමිවරයා, අගමැති වෙන්න ආරාධනා කලේ ඩඩ්ලි සේනානායක මහතාට. ඩඩ්ලි සේනානායක මහතා කලේ අගමැති හැටියට දිවුරුම් දීලා දවස් ගණනක් ඇතුලත මහ මැතිවරණයක් කැඳවලා ජනතා වරමක් තුළින් ආණ්ඩුව තුළ ඇතිවෙලා තිබුණ බෙදීම පාලනය කර ගන්න එකයි.

1959 දී එස්.ඩබ්ලිව්.ආර්.ඩී. බණ්ඩාරනායක මැතිතුමා ඝාතනය වුණාට පස්සෙ ඩබ්ලිව්. දහනායක මහතා අගමැති වුණා. ඔහුගේ ආණ්ඩුව තුළ ගැටුම් ඇතිවුණාම  එතුමත් කලේ වහාම මහ මැතිවරණයක් කැඳවන එකයි. අපේ 1948 ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ, අග්‍රාණ්ඩුකාරයාට පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවා හැරීමට ඇති බලතල ගැන සඳහන් වුණේ 15 වෙනි වගන්තියේ. රාජාසන කතාව හෝ අයවැයක් පැරදුනාම පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවා හැරීම වගේ සම්ප්‍රදායන් 1948 ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ ප්‍රකාශිතවම සඳහන් නොවුනත්, ඒ කාලේ අපේ ආණ්ඩුක්‍රමය සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය අනුකරණය කළ නිසා ඒ සම්ප්‍රදායන් ක්‍රියාත්මක වුණා.

1972 අපේ පළමු ජනරජ ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවා හැරීමට ජනාධිපතිවරයාට ඇති බලතල ගැන කියවුනේ 21 වගන්තියේ. ඊට අමතරව, රාජාසන කතාව පැරදුනාම, අයවැයක් පැරදුනාම පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසිරුවා හැරීමේ සම්ප්‍රදායන් ගැන ඒ ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 99 වගන්තියේ සඳහන් වුණා. 1978 දෙවන ජනරජ ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසිරුවා හැරීමට ජනාධිපතිවරයාට ඇති බලතල ගැනත්, රාජසන කතාව හෝ අයවැය පැරදුණු විට පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසිරුවා හැරීමේ සම්ප්‍රදායන් ගැනත් සඳහන් වුණේ 70(1) වගන්තියේ. උසාවිය ඉදිරියේ ඇති නීතිමය කරුණු ගැන මතයක් මම ඉදිරිපත් කරන්නෙ නෑ. මේවා දැන් මාධ්‍යයේ, සමාජ ජාලවල, හැමතැනම සාකච්ඡා වෙන දේවල්.  

මහ මැතිවරණයක් පවත්වනවට විරුද්ධ යූ.එන්.පී ප්‍රමුඛ හවුල කියනවා 19 වෙනි සංශෝධනයෙන් 1978 ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ තිබුණු පරණ 70(1) වගන්තිය ඉවත් කරලා අලුතෙන් එකතුකරලා තියෙන 70(1) වගන්තියට අනුව, ජනාධිපතිවරයාට පාර්ලිමේන්තුව අවුරුදු හතර හමාරක් යනකම් විසුරවන්න බෑ කියලා.  ඊට කලින් විසුරුවන්න පුලුවන් වෙන්නේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ තුනෙන් දෙකේ බහුතරයකින් විසුරුවා හැරීමේ යෝජනාවක් සම්මත වුනොත් විතරයි කියලා ඒගොල්ලො කියනවා. 1978 ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ, පාර්ලිමෙන්තුව විසුරුවා හැරීමට අදාල සියලුම ප්‍රතිපාදන සඳහන් වුණේ 19 වෙනි සංශෝධනයට  පෙර තිබුණු 70(1) වගන්තියෙයි. ඒ වගන්තිය අහෝසි කරලා නම් තියෙන්නෙ, අද ආණ්ඩුවක් රාජාසන කතාව පැරදුනත්, අයවැයක් පැරදුනත්, විශ්වාසභංග යෝජනාවක් සම්මත වුනත්, පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවා හරින්න මොනම ව්‍යවස්ථාමය ප්‍රතිපාදනයක්වත් නෑ.

ඒ වගේ සීමා කිරීමක් ඇති කරන එක පාර්ලිමේන්තු සම්ප්‍රදායට සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම විරුද්දයි. ලෝකයේ පාර්ලිමේන්තු ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම සහිත හුඟක් රටවල ඉන්නෙ නාමමාත්‍ර රාජ්‍ය නායකයොයි. ඒ වගේ රටවල පවා, සම්ප්‍රදායක් තියෙනවා රාජ්‍ය නායකයාට තම අභිමතය හා තක්සේරුව පරිදි පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවා හරින්න පුලුවන් කියලා. බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයේ ඒ.වී. ඩයිසි කියන නීති විශාරදයා කියලා තියෙනවා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ බහුතරයේ මතයට වඩා ජනතාවගේ මතය වෙනස් කියලා හැගෙනවනම්, රජතුමාට තම අභිමතය පරිදි පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවන්න පුලුවන් කියලා. 1975 දී ඔස්ට්‍රේලියාවේ අග්‍රාණ්ඩුකාරවරයා, තම තනි අභිමතය අනුව අගමැති ගෆ් විට්ලම්ව ධූරයෙන් නෙරපලා මහ  මැතිවරණයක් කැදෙවුවා.

ඒ වගේම ඉන්දීය ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ නිර්මාතෘ ආචාර්ය බී.ආර්.අම්බෙඩ්කාර් කියලා තියෙනවා පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවා හැරිය යුතුද නැද්ද කියන එක ඉන්දීය ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ තක්සේරුව අනුව සිදු විය යුතු බව. ඉන්දීයාවේ ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ නියෝජිතයන් වෙන ප්‍රාන්ත ආණ්ඩුකාරවරුන් ප්‍රාන්ත ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකයන් විසුරුවා හැරීමේදී ඒ අභිමතය මුල ඉඳලම පාවිච්චි කරලා තියෙනවා. 1970 දී පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ බහුතරයක් තිබූ විපක්‍ෂයේ විරෝධය නොතකා ජනාධිපති වී.වී.ගිරි ඉන්දීය පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවා හැරියා. 1979 දී සංජීව රෙඩ්ඩි ජනාධිපතිතුමා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ඇති වෙච්ච අරාජිකත්වය හේතුවෙන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව තම තක්සේරුව අනුව විසුරුවා හැරියා.

එහෙම වුණේ නාමමාත්‍ර රාජ්‍ය නායකයෝ ඉන්න රටවල. නමුත් ලංකාවේ ඉන්නෙ ඍජුවම ජනතාව විසින් ඡන්දයෙන් පත් කරන විධායක ජනාධිපතිවරයෙක්. ඔහුට ජනතාව දී ඇති බලය පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ තුනෙන් දෙකේ බහුතරයක් සහ ජනමත විචාරණයකින් මිස කිසිවෙකුටත් අවලංගු කල නොහැකි බව 19 වන සංශෝධනය ගැන ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය දුන් තීන්දුවේ සඳහන් වෙනවා. 19 වෙනි සංශෝධනයට පෙර ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ තිබුණු 70(1) වගන්තිය ඉවත් කරයි කියලා කිවුවට, ඇත්තටම සිදු වුණේ 70(1)  යටතේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවන්න ජනාධිපතිවරයාට හිමි බලතල ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ වෙනත් තැනකට ගෙන යෑමයි.  

පරණ 70(1) වගන්තිය සංශෝධනය කරන අතරම, 19 වෙනි සංශෝධනයෙන් ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 33 වගන්තියට අලුතෙන් (2)(ඇ) යන උප වගන්තිය එකතු කලා. මේ වගන්තියෙන් කියවෙන්නෙ, ‘ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන් හෝ වෙනත් නීතියකින් ජනාධිපතිවරයාට පවරා ඇති බලතල වලට අමතරව, පාර්ලිමේන්තුව කැඳවීමටත්, වාර අවසාන කිරීමටත්, විසුරුවා හැරීමටත් ජනාධිපතිවරයාට බලය තිබෙන’ බවයි. මේ ආකාරයට අලුතෙන් හඳුන්වාදුන් 33(2)(ඇ)  වගන්තිය, 19 සංශෝධනයෙන් වෙනස් කරපු 70(1) වගන්තියට යටත් කියලත් කොහේවත් සඳහන් වෙන්නේ නෑ.

ඒ නිසා වෙන්න ඕන 19 වෙනි සංශෝධනය ගැන 2015 දී ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය දුන් තීන්දුවේ, 70(1) වගන්තියට සිදු කර තිබුණු වෙනස්කමින් ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ බලතල අඩු වුණයි කියලා ප්‍රකාශ නොවුනේ. 70(1) වගන්තිය වෙනස් කලේ ජනාධිපතිවරයාට ඒ යටතේ තිබුණ බලතල අඩු කිරීමට නම්, 70(1) වගන්තිය පමණක් වෙනස් කරන එක තමයි වෙන්න ඕන. පරණ 70(1) වගන්තියේ ජනාධිපතිට පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවන්න තිබුණ බලය 33(2)(ඇ) වගන්තිය හැටියට නැවත ගෙන ආවේ ජනාධිපතිවරයාට හිමි ඒ බලය ජනමත විචාරණයක් නැතුව අහෝසි කළ නොහැකි නිසා කියලා තමයි නීති විශාරදයෝ කියන්නෙ.

19 වෙනි සංශෝධනයෙන් ඔය විදියටම තවත් වගන්තියක් එක තැනකින් තව තැනකට ගෙනිහිල්ලා තියෙනවා. 1978 ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ ජනාධිපතිවරයා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට වගකිව යුතුයි කියපු පරණ 42 වගන්තිය අහෝසි කරලා ඒකෙ වචන මොනවත් වෙනස් නොකර 19 වෙනි සංශෝධනයෙන් 33ඒ වගන්තිය හැටියට ව්‍යවස්ථාවට නැවත ඇතුල් කරලා තියෙනවා. එහෙම කලේ ඇයි කියලා ඒගොල්ලන්ගෙන් තමයි අහන්න ඕන. නමුත් ඒකෙ ප්‍රතිඵලය වන්නේ 19 වෙනි සංශෝධනයට පෙරත්, පසුත්, ජනාධිපතිවරයා එකම විදියට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට වගකිව යුතු වීමයි. පරණ 70(1) වගන්තිය යටතේ තිබුණු බලයක් 33(2)(ඇ)  හැටියට නැවත ගෙන ඒමෙනුත් වෙන්නෙ ඒකමයි.

19 වෙනි සංශෝධනයෙන් පස්සෙ, අපේ ව්‍යවස්ථාව තුළ පාර්ලිමේන්තු සම්ප්‍රදාය රැකිලා තියෙන්නෙ මේ 33(2)(ඇ) වගන්තියෙන්. ඒ වගන්තිය නොසලකා හැර අපි 19 වෙනි සංශෝධනයෙන් වෙනස් කරපු 70(1) වගන්තිය පමණක් පිළිගත්තොත්, සිද්ධ වෙන්නෙ රාජාසන කතාව පැරදුනත්, අයවැය පැරදුනත්, ආණ්ඩුවට එරෙහි විශ්වාසභංග යෝජනාවක් සම්මත වුනත්, මොනම හේතුවකටවත් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවන්න බෑ යන නිගමනයට එන්න සිදුවීමයි. එහෙම පාර්ලිමේන්තුවක්, පාර්ලිමේන්තු සම්ප්‍රදායෙන් බැහැර වූවක්. පාර්ලිමේන්තු ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම තියෙන රටවල නාමමාත්‍ර රාජ්‍ය නායකයන්ටත්, අවශ්‍යතාවයක් පැන නැගුන විට තම අභිමතය අනුව පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවලා මැතිවරණ කැඳවන්න පුලුවන්නම්, ලංකාවේ පරමාධිපත්‍ය බලය හිමි ජනතාවගේ විධායක බලය ක්‍රියාත්මක කරන, ඡන්දයෙන් පත්වෙන ජනාධිපතිට රටේ හා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ මොන තත්වයක් ඇති වුණත් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවන්න බෑ කියන එක කොයි තරම් තර්කානුකූලද?

19 වෙනි සංශෝධනයෙන්ම 33(2)(ඇ) වැනි අලුත් වගන්තියක් ව්‍යවස්ථාවට හඳුන්වලා දීලා තිබෙද්දිත්, ජනාධිපතිට ඒ වගේ බලයක් නෑ කියන්න පුලුවන්ද? අපේ රණවිරුවන් පිටරට උසාවි වලට භාර දෙන්න නීති හඳපු 2018 අංක 05 දරණ පනත සම්මත වුනේ ඡන්ද 56 න්. නමුත් පාරිලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවලා ජනතා පරමාධිපත්‍යට ඉඩ දෙන්න පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ඡන්ද 150ක් ඕන කියලා තර්ක කරන්න පුලුවන්ද? මට ළඟදි කෙනෙක් ගෙනල්ලා දුන්න ඉන්ටර්නැෂනල් ඉන්ස්ටිටුට් ෆෝ ඩෙමොක්රසි ඇන්ඩ් ඉලෙක්ටෝරල් ඇසිස්ටන්ස්” කියලා රටවල් ගණනාවක් එකතුවෙලා හඳපු අන්තර් – රාජ්‍ය ඒ කියන්නේ ඉන්ටර් – ගවර්න්මෙන්ටල් සංවිධානයකින් හදපු වාර්ථාවක්. ඒ සංවිධානයේ ජර්මනිය, ඔස්ට්‍රේලියාව, කැනඩාව, ස්විස්ටර්ලන්තය වගේම ඉන්දියාව හා ජපානය වගේ රටවලුත් සාමාජිකත්වය දරණවා.

මේ වාර්ථාවට අනුව, ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකය විසුරුවාහරින්න නම් තුනෙන් දෙකේ බහුතරයක් අවශ්‍ය රටවල් දෙකයි තියෙන්නෙ – ඒ කොසෝවොයි, ලිතුවේනියාවයි. නමුත් ඒ රටවලත්, ආණ්ඩුවට විරුද්දව විශ්වාස භංග යෝජනාවක් සම්මත වීම, රාජසන කතාව පරාජය වීම වගේ අවස්ථාවල ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකය විසුරුවන්න රාජ්‍ය නායකයාට බලය තියෙනවා. නිල කාලය ඉවර වෙනකන් මොනම හේතුවකටවත් ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකය විසුරුවන්න බැරි ඒකෙ සඳහන් වෙන එකම රට නෝර්වේ රාජ්‍යයි. නමුත් නෝර්වේ වල තියෙන තත්වය අපේ රටට වඩා ගොඩක් වෙනස්. ඒ රටේ ඉන්නෙ අපේ බස්නාහිර පලාතටත් වඩා අඩු ජනගහණයක්.  ඒ වගේම ඒ රට ව්‍යවස්ථාමය රාජාණ්ඩුවක්.   

නෝර්වේජියානු පාර්ලිමේන්තුව තුළ ආණ්ඩුවක් පැරදුනත්, අලුත් ආණ්ඩුවක් පත්වෙන තුරු රජතුමා පරණ ආණ්ඩුවට යන්න දෙන්නේ නෑ. ඒ වගේම රජතුමා ප්‍රමුඛ රාජ්‍ය සභාව අයවැය පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කරාම ඒක ගැන විවාද කලත්, කවදාවත් පරාජය කරන සම්ප්‍රදායක් එහේ නෑ. ඉතින් නෝර්වේ වල වැඩිහරියක් තිබිලා තියෙන්නේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ බහුතරයක් නැති සුළුතර ආණ්ඩු. දැන් තියෙන්නෙත් සුළුතර ආණ්ඩුවක්. නෝර්වේ වල කරන දේවල් ලංකාවේ කරන්න බැරි බව කාටත් පැහැදිලි වෙන්න ඕන.

ප්‍රංශයේ ව්‍යවස්ථාව පරිනාමය වෙච්ච හැටිත් මෙතනට අදාලයි. 1940 ට  කලින් ප්‍රංශයේ තිබ්බ ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුව පාර්ලිමේන්තුව කලින් විසුරුවන්න බැරි තත්වයක් ඇති කරලා තිබුණා. මේ නිසා ඒ කාලේ ප්‍රංශයේ දිගින් දිගටම අස්ථාවර ආණ්ඩු ඇතිවුනා. 1940 දී හිටලර් ප්‍රංශය ආක්‍රමණය කළා. ඒකෙන් ගොඩ ඇවිල්ල ප්‍රංශය 1946 අලුත් ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කරන කොට පාර්ලිමේන්තුව කලින් විසුරවන්න බැහැයි කියන නීතිය වෙනස් කරලා ආණ්ඩුවකට විරුද්ධව මාස 18 ක් ඇතුලත විශ්වාසභංග යෝජනා දෙකක් සම්මත වුණොත් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවලා ඡන්දයක් පවත්වන්න ප්‍රතිපාදන සැලසුවා.

නමුත් ස්ථාවර ආණ්ඩු ඇතිකරන්න ඒකත් ප්‍රමාණවත් නොවුන නිසා 1958 දී සම්මත වූ ප්‍රංශයේ වත්මන් ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන් ඒ රටේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ඕනම වෙලාවක කලින් විසුරුවලා ඡන්ද පවත්වන්න සම්පූර්ණ අභිමතානුසාරී බලය ප්‍රංශ ජනාධිපතිවරයාට දීල තියෙනවා. අපි ඒ අත්දැකීම් වලින් ඉගෙන ගන්න ඕන. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවක් විසුරුවා හැර ඡන්දයක් පැවැත්වීමෙන් ඒ විසුරුවා හරින පුද්ගලයාටත් බලපෑමක් ඇති වෙන නිසා කිසිම රාජ්‍ය නායකයෙක් ආවට ගියාට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවක් විසුරුවා හරින්නේ නෑ. බරපතල තත්වයක් යටතේ විතරයි ඒ වගේ තීන්දුවක් කවුරු වුණත් ගන්නෙ. අස්ථාවර වෙලා තියෙන ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී රටක් නැවත ස්ථාවර කරන්න තියෙන එකම මෙවලම තමයි මහ මැතිවරණය. අපේ රටේ ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුව පරමාධිපත්‍ය බලය හිමි වන්නේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට නොව ජනතාවටයි. ඒ පරමාධිපත්‍ය බලය ක්‍රියාවට නැගෙන්නෙ සර්වජන ඡන්ද අයිතිය තුළිනුයි. ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදයට ගරු කරන ඔබ, මේ ගැන සිතා බලන්න.

ඔබ සැමට තෙරුවන් සරණයි, දෙවි පිහිටයි

සුබ අනාගතයක්!

 

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A Daily Mirror Editorial writer gives a false, scary picture of “The Silent killer in Sri Lanka”.

December 2nd, 2018

By Prof. Chandre Dharmawardana, Ottawa, Canada.

We live in a world where learned judges of a California court decided to award millions to a gardener who claimed to have contracted cancer on using a common herbicide, glyphosate, in tending a school garden. We live in a world where a California doctor addressed the Sri Lankan Medical  Association (see Sri Lanka Medical Association Newsletter, August 2018) and claimed that the presence of parts per trillion of  glyphosate is enough to trigger all kinds of diseases and gene toxicity. Our galaxy has some 200 billion stars.  One part in a trillion is like picking out one star out of all the stars in five such galaxies, and claims of effects at the level of one part in a trillion belongs to the mythology of  infinitely tiny causes producing incredibly large palpable effects. In a previous age, we believed in such phantom powers ascribed to  demons and malevolent spirits. The modern age also has invented its own frightening phantoms.

Given some commonplace acceptance of the belief that agrochemicals” are the silent killer” of the post war era, or that the Green revolution is a monster gone crazy”, it is not surprising that editorial writers echo the same false views. Such popular memes are culturally acceptable to sensitive and educated people who have become suspicious of a scientific culture that they do not comprehend. Once this view is compounded with the suspicion that all scientists who speak for the use of science, technology, and agrochemicals   are paid agents” of huge multinationals manufacturing agrochemicals, an intolerant mindset is produced, where in scientists are not even allowed the right of reply.  In fact, it is not expected that the Daily Mirror or any other newspaper would publish this article.

The Editorial Writer (EW) of the Daily Mirror of 1st December 2008 uses the title Poisonous chemicals: Silent killer in Sri Lanka”, and reports the views of a politician, Hon. Champika Ranawaka, who has led a political program for a  Toxin-Free Nation”, jointly with the Monk Ven. Ratana and his associates. Their views are NOT shared by the vast majority of scientists, be they chemists, agriculturalists, food scientists, toxicologists, or  medical scientists. And yet, the Daily Mirror editorial says that  However, it is now widely accepted that imported agro-chemicals have been the silent killer in Sri Lanka”.

As a scientist who has worked in Sri Lanka since the 1960s and pioneered studies in food science and environmental science in my days in the 1970s as a Professor of Chemistry and University President (i.e., equivalent to a Vice-Chancellor) at the Sri Jayawardenapura (SJP) University (then Vidyodaya campus), I have a good knowledge of the scientific community in Sri Lanka, and I believe that the claim of the Daily Mirror editorial is completely incorrect. It may mirror some public opinion and the opinion of various internet gurus” like Dr. Mercola”, but it does NOT mirror the opinion of the main-scientific community in Sri Lanka or of the main-stream global scientific community.

The Daily Mirror quotes Champika Ranawaka giving him an expert status, and proceeds to state that Rachel Carson and her book Silent Spring paved the way for modern environment movements in the United States and to ban DDT and other related synthetic chemicals which have destroyed living beings including pests. Now this silent spring is echoing in Sri Lanka’s North Central Province. There prevails a deadly silence of a chronic kidney disease which has already killed hundreds of innocent poor farmers”.

Fist of all, what Rachel Carson said may have applied to the arid cotton belt and the farming methods of the 1960s, and they have little relation to those of Sri Lanka’s North Central Province then or now. A paddy farmer may use herbicides for about three days in each season, and at parts per billion. In a landmark health study, some 90,000 US farmers who use herbicides like glyphosate (inclusive of all adjuvants) almost every day of the year for nearly 25 years were monitored by the US department of health and no increased health risks over and above that of the general public were detected. How many substances have proven their safety at that level of scrutiny?

It is sometimes claimed that while the pesticides used in USA are safe, what is imported to Sri Lanka is contaminated. This too is a false claim. It is easy to show that even if the contamination was 10 times stronger than that used in the USA, the effect, at the dilutions used, it would still be in the insignificant parts per billion level. In the WHO study of CKDu patients in the NCP, 97% of the patients did not have any significant levels of  glyphosate in their biopsies! The 3% who had is within expected statistical error.

Coming back to DDT, in 2006 the World Health Organization approved the use of DDT for domestic use and control of mosquitoes and other disease-carrying insects. Many counties now use DDT against dengue and such diseases. While Rachel Carson’s book is a valuable clarion call for being on guard, its factual value today is similar to that of an old computer manual from the  1960s.

The editorial writer (EW) should have consulted the scientists who have done extensive research since at least 2005, on kidney disease in the North Central Province before claiming that  it had been noted that selenium levels of people with the Chronic Kidney Disease of Unknown Origin (CKDu) were below the normal level and arsenic levels of their hair were higher when compared with that of healthy people in the areas”.  So, is the daily Mirror writer  claiming that arsenic is the cause of CKDu, together with the lack of selenium!  Surely NOT?

From the information that I have, and from the published scientific literature, the  University of Peradeniya scientists,  the Kidney specialists of the Kandy  Hospital, the WHO-NSF (National Science Foundation) study, or from the studies by Prof. Levine et al. of N. Carolina in collaboration with  SJP University medical scientists,  from studies by Japanese scientists, and by scientists of the National Water Board, there is no evidence in favour of arsenic toxicity in causing CKDu.

Furthermore, there has been no significant amounts of arsenic (i.e., even 10 parts per billion) in the soil, water or in the food chain, or in  any  agrochemical used in Sri Lanka, contrary to the claims of individuals who have tried to undermine the sale of Sri Lankan products like rice, tea and other commodities by attaching an arsenic scare” to them.  Another false scare has been about the
presence of cadmium in Sri Lankan food, soil and the environment, together with the claim that cadmium has come to the country via contaminated fertilizers”. This has been discussed in detail in my most recent research article in Environmental Geochemistry and Health, (July 2018 DOI: 10.1007/s10653-018-0140-x ). The Sri Lankan public can rest assured that their food is NOT contaminated by these toxins.

I discussed in a recent article in the Daily News (http://www.dailynews.lk/2018/11/07/features/167704/toxic-cocktail-myth-and-truth) the claim that Sri Lankan vegetables like Gotukola, Mukunuwenna and other leafy products are contaminated by dangerous levels of pesticides”. This kind of scare-mongering arises from sheer lack of knowledge about chronic toxicity, which is the process of slow poisoning caused by the ingestion of very small quantities of poisons every day for a long time. The WHO has given the admissible daily intake (ADI) which sets the safe daily limits. On that basis, the amounts of pesticide residues on gotukola etc., are such that a 60 kg adult must eat several  kilos of gotukola everyday for a decade  to acquire any form of chronic poisoning.

The currently available research on CKDu shows that those who contract the disease live on high ground away from agricultural canals and tanks, and consume the stagnant water of household dug wells or tube wells. The wells used  by CKDu affected families contain a high amount of geological fluoride (a type of salt) and the water is also invariably hard (containing magnesium salts). When such water is fed to laboratory rats, they too contract kidney disease, as has been shown by  independent groups of scientists. Prof. Bandarage’s team has published their results in the prestigious journal Nature, while Dr. Tammitiyagoda and collaborators have reported their research in volume 62 of the Ceylon Medical Journal, 2017. So, the evidence points to CKDu being caused by the consumption of fluoride and magnesium containing  water in stagnant household wells, and it has nothing to do with agrochemicals.

The livestock and domestic animals in the NCP do not contract kidney disease because they do not consume well water!

Sometimes people ask, why didn’t the residents in the NCP get CKDu in the old days”? In the old days people lived near agricultural canals and tanks;  they used tanks or river water, or  wells connected to the water table of the tanks and rivers. It is only with the accelerated Mahaweli program, when large numbers were settled, especially in places where tank or river water was not available, that the new residents began to dig wells on high ground.

The thoroughly frightened Daily Mirror editorial writer ends his/her write up with the plea
Thus, we hope the government will intensify its efforts to gradually reduce the use of imported chemical fertilizers, insecticides or herbicides. With the help of the media, intensive programs need to be conducted to educate farmers on the long-term value of using organic fertilizer such as cow dung”.


( Egrets -Kokku” – in a field near Maha Illuppallama, credits to Dr. C. Perera)

It is a good thing if we can reduce the wasteful use of agrochemicals, or pharmaceuticals for that matter. Both agrochemicals, and pharmaceuticals are necessary for good harvests and good health. Does the editorial writer advocate our importing cow dung to meet the demand? Cow dung contains all the toxins that have been bio-accumulated by plants, picked up from the soil. The compost or cow dung imported from India or Bangladesh is likely to be quite contaminated, and stringent rules and controls are needed  with organic manure which is also an agrochemical.

Plants and soil micro-organisms need nitrogen, phosphorus, potassium, other micro-nutrients, as well as humus-like materials in the soil. Tons of cow dung and compost are  needed to do what one kilo of fertilizer can do. Organic farming uses more water (causing more erosion), need more land and produce a smaller yield. These have been discussed at length by Dr. Adrian Mueller, an expert on Organic food at the Swiss Institute of organic farming. That is why organic food is some five times more expensive than conventionally produced food. The total food production by organic methods is less than 2% of the world’s needs even though European organic farming started in 1920s with Rudolph Steiner.

Hon. Champika Ranawika seems to think that the country is awash with Toxins from agrochemicals. He should watch a farmer tilling the soil and observe the flocks of egrets (kokku”) that flock behind the plough to eat earthworms and other soil organisms. If the soil is awash with agrochemicals, how come there is a thriving population of soil organisms? This is a question that Dr. Sarath Amarasiri, a past Director General of Agriculture, Sri Lanka,  likes to pose from people who think that our environment is poisoned  by agrochemicals”.

Our environment is indeed poisoned by the exhaust from vehicles, trucks and tractors burning fossil fuels.  It is poisoned by spores,  molds, gases and leach  emitted from mounds of rotting garbage. It is poisoned by the indiscriminate  burning of plastics on road sides, the burning of rice husks and wood in open hearths inside houses. It is poisoned by the levels of particulate dust which are 500 to 1000 times in excess of WHO standards.

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Who can lay claim to objectivity in the current debacle?

December 2nd, 2018

Dr D.CHANDRARATNA

In realpolitik the use of the term objective is not completely valid. We all have our biases but we do not openly state ‘whose side we are on’. The writer of this article is no exception. The Sunday Island Features (18/11) had many who had expressed their points of view, given the inalienable freedom that we value. The biases were of course obvious. To prove one’s objectivity it is the established practice to use the scientific method and in the present debacle in our Parliament a mere count of the scoundrels in the well of the chamber showed both sides were well represented. Vulgarity by way of sloganeering, knife brandishing, and flashing under garments cannot be blamed on one side only. The current abnormal in our paralysed Parliament was long time in the making.  While none should condone the assault on the sanctity of public institutions such as Parliament, Presidency, Central bank, Judiciary and the like, the degradation has a long history. It is not necessarily a freakish aberration. Reading between the lines many seem to infer that the blame lies with the incumbent Prime Minister, which is unfair.  To those who wrote the Sunday articles, ‘when their hands were shaking, or the ones who saw the foreigners who were clapping upstairs as of good breed’, we can only say calm down and do not be shocked. We have an incompetent, undereducated mob elected by all of us, trained by the past legislatures since 1978 in this vulgar tradition and that is how they know best to express their displeasure. They run on high-octane impulse and emotion and not by reason and argument. Let us be real, they are our deputies.

In the writers opinion the previous regime cannot be blamed for the ills of today. Politics and the economy of the country had come to a parlous state and the Yahapalanites had sewn up the constitution such that people were screaming to high heaven begging for some reprieve and the President who was brought in by the yahapalana regime saw fit to embark on a drastic course to save a dictatorship by the legislature. Whether it was the right course of action, which constitutionality will be reviewed by the apex court soon. When constitutions are tailor made for short-term advantage, manipulated to avoid the will of the people at large, turmoil is the end result. Until the Supreme Court verdict is received it behoves all to function under normal Parliamentary tradition. Whatever one may say I believe that there is no excuse for a speaker to disobey Presidential decree under the written and unwritten procedures in our democracy. A similar instance in 2015 was duly executed when the now deposed Prime Minister was elected with a much smaller number of members in his party. For whatever reason the then speaker did not contest the Presidential decree because he is not the appointing authority.

The deposed Prime Minister must be responsible for the monumental Omni-shambles created during the last few years. The all-important question time was made into something akin to Bertie- Samuel and Annesly’s Vinoda Samaya. The manipulation of the post of the opposition leader, allocation of time for the majority in the real opposition, the frivolous arbitrary rules for National Government was dictatorship under the cloak of the so-called Westminster Democracy. Having come with such a strong majority he squandered everything prompting a no confidence motion surreptitiously supported by some of his own party. The involvement of Finance Ministers in daytime robbery and brown paper money bags in their spouse’s handbags did never come to the attention of the CID or the FCID. No confidence motions against Minsters were on the table for months and for the first time the Foreign Affairs Ministry was combined with the Lotteries Board for undisclosed skull duggery. The initial clarity of purpose in the 100-day document was only on paper except the move to take over Presidential powers for ulterior purposes. The Bond scam, which ruined the economy for years to come, was swept under the carpet. The rogues in the Parliament who benefitted from the syphoned off largesse, we were never told. The report itself was sent to the archives just like the previous COPE report, which was despatched to the Attorney General for safekeeping. It was a travesty of fairness and decency.  Public disaffection had no release valves because lesser elections were duplicitously postponed. These may be called clever moves but such recalcitrance does not pay in the long run. The corruption deals of the previous regime, announced with apparent triumph and glee, were delayed and the victims selectively humiliated in public with no charges forthcoming. That was unfair in a civilized society.  They should have been tried without delay. The Prime Minister touted for honesty, guile and fairness never rose to the occasion. His cabinet spokespersons were unreliable at the best of times. The regime was taking the country on a disastrous path, democratically and economically. The selling of national assets and the nation’s dignity was unconscionable. It is difficult to blame the President for doing what he did. My hope is for an opportunity for people to decide at a referendum.

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IS 19A LEGALLY ENFORCEABLE?

December 2nd, 2018

By M D P DISSANAYAKE

The Ranil Wickremasinghe government did not follow the procedures laid down by the Supreme Court in regard to 19 Amendment to the Constitution. The inconsistent articles of the 19A were not placed before the public for a referendum as directed.

Instead, several changes were made at the Committee stages, to by-pass or ignore the Supreme Court determinations.

Jayampathy Wickremaratne’s  approach to by-pass the Supreme Court, is subtly analysed by Ken Adams, the U.S. contract drafting guru, seems to appreciate that there is a certain efficiency to using the concept conveyed by mutatis mutandis as a simple means of incorporating from one agreement into another provisions that require simple adjustments to make them specifically applicable in the new agreement”.  But  cunning Tamils persuaded UNP to include inconstant clauses, and subsequently approved by the Legislature. The Supreme Court is now in the box seat, inter-alia  it may find that contempt of court by the then Sri Lankan Government.

19A has made a mess just to satisfy Tamil Leaders.  It would not be a surprise if the Supreme Court determine that the violation of  its judgement  by the Legislature by making the changes  without a referendum  renders all such subsequent  changes null and void”.  That would make the Executive President somewhat more powerful.

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Why doesn’t the Government arrest Ranil immediately on the findings of the Bond Commission Report and the following crimes he has committed against the State?

December 2nd, 2018

That will  immediately resolve the current political impasse. By Dr Sudath Gunasekara 

2018.11 25.

I am sending you herewith a letter published in the Lankaweb at the beginning of this year along with the responses for your immediate attention.

No action has been taken against any of these culprits (Ranil, Mahendran and Ravi) by the President. Probably he may have been indifferent to this letter at that time even if someone has brought it to his notice

But now the yahapalanaya honeymoon is over and as he is also in a very big mess due to his own actions he might promptly act.

Therefore why doesn’t  the government move ahead with this suggestion and also using the facts revealed by the Bond Commission Report and immediately arrest Ranil for committing   treason against the State and whatever other charges legal jargon provides for the crimes he has committed including the unlawful occupation of the Temple Trees now for over one month conspiring against the State.

This I think is the shortest cut and the best strategy to get out of the present political impasse in the country.

1 First the majority problem for the Government in Parliament will cease to exist thereafter

2 The UNP will be left leaderless and will run into disarray beyond recovery.

3 All protest satygrahas, demonstrations and pelipali will stop.

4 Then Karu J will be just a deflated balloon

4 Sajith, Navin, Rajitha and even Champaka will begin quarrelling for its leadership and it will split in to pieces and that will be the end of the UNP as a political party.

5 Whoever wins the leadership those disgruntled will join MR’s Government consolidating its majority

6 MR then can go on until the 4 and ½ year period is complete or in the event of the SC decides dissolution is in order, then he can request the President to issue a new Gazette  fixing the dates for the election and go for elections and he will win the election with at least a 2/3 majority if not more in the new Parliament so that he will have a strong Government under which he can have a new constitution  incorporating all the aspirations of the Bhumiputras, fully restoring the independence and freedom we lost to the British in 1815.

Punish all those who have masterminded the Central Bank gang robbery ASAP.

Posted on February 15th, 2018 (published in Lankaweb)

Dr Sudath Gunasekara

15.2.2018.

As I was listening to yesterday’s (14) 7 pm Hiru news bulletin, I saw Dr. P. Mahanamahewa explaining in detail how to deal with Arjuna Mahendaran in case if he does not turn up at the CID Office before the 15th. Today is 15th but still Mahendran, the third accused as I have stated before has not turned up.  Leaving aside the legal intricacies my question is, are we going to leave it at that. Suppose he never comes back and escape the Sri Lankan, then what next?

If that happens on whom are we going to fix responsibility regarding this mega robbery which has completely ruined a nation with spillover effects on the nation’s ailing economy for decades and generations to come?

How the conspiracy was hatched and carried out AND BY WHOM

The whole country knows it was Ranil Wickramasinha who brought Arjuna Mahendran to Sri Lanka and got him appointed as the Governor of the Central Bank in spite of strong objections raised by the President, as the Head of the State

It was he who invited him to come offering the Governorship of the CB

It was he who got the CB under him as pre-planned from the Finance Ministry.

It was he who took full responsibility for his selection and insisted that Mahendran should be appointed, when the President objected for his request to appoint his buddy

Taking the Central Bank under him from the Finance Ministry was the first conspiracy and crime committed by Ranil to ensure that this mega robbery will be carried out to its perfection with impunity.

I have no doubt Ranil did all this knowing that Mahendaran was not even a citizen of this country and therefore he cannot be taken to task by the Government of this country  once he send him out after the job is over. This clearly proves beyond all reasonable doubts that Ranil was the master mind behind the CB scam and he is the man who planned and got it implemented from the beginning tot the end.

Therefore he is definitely the Accused no 1 in this mega robbery.

When the matter was raised in Parliament it was Ranil who defended him in the House on 17th March 2015

It was also Ranil who introduced the new system of Bond auctions as revealed by Arjuna Mahendran before the commission in his evidence

It was also Ranil who got the President to dissolve Parliament in August 2015 a day before the Dew Gunasekara COPE Report was to be presented to Parliament and thereby criminally avoided the Report being debated in Parliament.

(This lapse led to the second Bond Scam the subject of the present debate)

He also appointed his own commission of Party lawyers and got Mahendran exonerated before the President appointed his Commission

Then he also wanted Mahendran appointed for a Second term which the President refused and got Coomaraswamy appointed

After that Ranil appointed Mahendran to another high post under his Ministry disregarding and ignoring his highly questionable role in the CB scam and also ignoring the President, probably thinking that it was he who got Mr Sirisena elected as the President, which is partly true.

When he was asked to give evidence before the Commission he got the Commissioners to send him a list of questions to be asked AT THE INQUIRY in advance carefully prepared, so that he can come prepared to answer them, perhaps designed to exonerate him.  This is like the Commissioner of Examinations sending the Question papers to a candidate and accepting his answer scripts at the examiners home and pass him with distinction.

He also got Ravi Karunanayaka the Finance Minister his confidante and Deputy Leader of the UNP to instruct all State Banks to bid at the auction at lower interest rate ( 9.5%) so that Ajun Aloysius, who was perhaps advised in advance either by Mahendran his father-in-law who was living with him in his home  or jointly by Ranil and Mahendran asked  him to quote 12.5 % interest as pre-planned.

He was also responsible for increasing the 10 Billion to 40 Billion as Mahendran has revealed in his evidence before the Commission

It was also he who got Sujiiva Serasinha, the Author of the famous Book on CB SCAM, appointed to the COPE as a member.

It was also he who sent Mahendran to Singapore when dark clouds were gathering over the sky.

(It is beyond comprehension how and why a suspect of such a crime was allowed to leave the country, unless there was some powerful intervention behind it). Ranil should know better than anybody else as to how he left Katunayaka Airport without any problem. Ranil knows better than any if Mahendran is arrested and grilled by the CID and by people like Dappula Livera and Kodagoda he will spill out all the beans and the entire gang of Alibaba and 40 thieves and all others who have jointly conspired, aided and abetted in different ways assigned to them by the leader, like writing books, adding foot notes and those benefitted directly or indirectly will be exposed.

He also has taken full responsibility in Parliament and before the President as well for all actions of Mahendraran which makes him responsible before the law for all crimes Mahendaran  has committed.

In this backdrop I don’t think this man will ever come to Sri Lanka. The perpetrators must have done their homework so that he could be kept in hiding safely forever.

Why can’t the President or law enforcing authorities take action against Ranil taking these commitments as serious crimes he has committed against the State and take action accordingly? Of cause one could argue that he cannot be treated under that law as he has not duly singed a bond in court to that effect. Can’t it be accepted as a verbal bond under common law interpreting all what he has done as commissions and omissions against public interest?   I am sure what I have said here could be converted to legal jargon to frame the charges

Therefore the citizens of this country who are the owners of the Central Bank should demand the President to at least now arrest the Golden brain, whoever it is, that conspired, planned and executed this crime with a gang of thieves and who is also doing everything he could, under the sun to protect Mahendran his erstwhile friend for nothing but shear political and personal gain. I don’t think anybody needs to name him. The President should know it better than anybody else. So I leave it to him to decide. I do not know whether he will take the correct decision. But as responsible citizens it is our duty by the country and its people to raise these issues for public debate. If he takes the correct decision on this issue at least now I have no doubt that he will at least partially emerge out of the abysmal political mire in to which he has fallen, not because of anybody else’s fault, but only of his own fault and lapses and lack of far sight.  It will also open the doors for an entirely a new political culture in this country, free from corruption and misgovernment, which the people of this country have been desperately dreaming for decades.

As I rate it

First accused Ranil Wickramasinha

Second Arjun Mahendran and

Third Ravi Karunanayaka

I leave it to the AG can list the others in order.

Those of you who read this will know many more involvements and finer points than this. I beg your pardon for shortcomings in this note.

The background for his selection

Mahendrans are Ranil’s Family friends and strong UNP supporters. Mahendran is also said to be hisschool mate at Royal. He has been appointed to several posts even in 2001 when Ranil became PM. During that time he also appointed Charless Mahendran, Ajun’s farther to the UN.  While he was there he is supposed to have given some vital secret information to Ranil bypassing Chandrika, over which Chandrika got damn annoyed and dissolved the Parliament making room for the 2014 General Elections that routed Ranil’s Government and sent him to the opposition. It is in this background one has to understand as to why Ranil brought Mahendran to the Central Bank

5 Responses to Punish all those who have masterminded the Central Bank gang robbery ASAP.”

Ananda-USA Says:

February 15th, 2018 at 3:13 pm

ABSOLUTELY Sudath!

Let all these MAHA PARIMANA HORU KALLIYA be PROSECUTED, CONVICTED and IMPRISONED IMMEDIATELY without DELAY!

dhane Says:

February 15th, 2018 at 4:04 pm

Even Grade 5 child in Sri Lanka knows that Ranil was the master mind behind CB Robbery. But President Sirisena is the only person who think Ranil is innocent no need to take any legal action. Why?? If any legal action take against Ranil at the Court Ranil will defend himself saying that it is President Sirisena who had signed letter of appointment. President had all powers not to appoint Mahendra given his reasons also to sack Mahendra immediately after 1st Robbery took place. Instead of doing anything like that President Sirisena encourage by dissolve Parliament in August 2017 a day before the Dew Gunasekara COPE Report. Thereby giving opportunity for the 2nd robbery. Further Sirisena never sacked Mahendra until his full period was over as President did not observed any wrong doing. In my opinion President and this Yahapalana is unable to take any action for those big thieves like Ranil, Malik, Kabeer Hassim & Footnote group. Why not Ranil give a Telephone call to Mahendra whether he is in Singapore or any other country and ask him to come to Colombo. No need Interpol arrest notice to obtain. Take my word no action will take for any of these thieves. Its only the voters in SL can punish them in 2020.

Dilrook Says:

February 15th, 2018 at 4:17 pm

About 2 months ago the JO said they will be bringing a no confidence motion against Ranil over the bond fraud. As I correctly predicted, it never came! It will not come (unless Ranil decides to step down or Sirisena finally decides to remove Ranil).

This corroborates with other evidence. It was reported the most senior JO leader has asked Ranil not to step down. He didn’t vote against Ranil’s budgets. He was absent from parliament when the no confidence motion against Ravi was taken up.

This is the sad reality of the nation.

Central bank crooks have ‘bipartisan’ support. They cannot be punished without removing their protectors on all sides.

I’m still waiting for that JO no confidence motion against Ranil. If JO is honest about saving the nation from corruption this is the perfect time. My guess is the JO will not do it.

Christie Says:

February 15th, 2018 at 5:49 pm

මෙම මැතිවරනයේදී අලුත් සින්හල පෙරමුනක් පිහිටවූ වරම මැතිවරනයක් දිනාගත්තේය.

සින්හලයන් එකතුව ඉන්දියානු අදිරදයෙනුත් ඉන්දියානු පරපෝසිතයන්ගෙනුත් නිදහස ලබාගැනීමට කාලය පැමින ඇත.

Tissa G Says:

February 15th, 2018 at 6:26 pm

The result of the LG election tells loud that people are unhappy about the present mode of the government. Sirisena has brought this curse on the people and the country. The way the things unfold suggests that Sirisena had a collusion with Ranil to carry out the Bond Scam in order to cover the cost of his 2015 presidential campaign.

Sirisena appointed Mahendran to CB while knowing he is NOT a SL citizen and hence he can not be prosecuted under the Laws of SL. The only thing that Arjun Mahendran can do is to implicate Sirisena and Ranil to the highest level of the Bond Scam conspiracy, if he is put on the stand. This is the very thing that Sirisena and Ranil both wanted to avoid.

Serisana should have already taken action to prosecute all perpetrators named in the Presidential Bond Scam Commission Report, if he is innocent. In fact this may be the only way to prove Sirisena is not involved in the CB Bond Scam to the People.

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මේ රටේ පර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ආසන ගණන 30 කට අඩුකරමුද?

December 2nd, 2018

සුදත් ගුණසේකර

2018.12.1.
මේ යෝජනාව කියවන ඔබ සැමදෙනාම හිතාවි මට පිස්සු කියල. ඒ නිසා ඇයි මම එහෙම කියන්නෙ කියල පළමුවම පැහැදිළි කලොත් හොඳයි කියල මම හිතනව.

වර්‍තමාන ලංකා පාර්ලිමෙන්තුවේ ආසන 225 ක් තියෙනවා. නමුත් ගනපූර්නයට අවශ්ය 20ක් ලු. මාසෙකට රැස්වෙන්ට තියෙන්නෙ දිනගාන 8 ලු. මේ දින අටෙන්වත් කී දවසක් ගනපුර්නය නැතුව රැස්වීම තියන්ට බැරි උනබව ඔබ දන්නවද?. අවුරුද්දටම කී දවසක් 225 ම ඇවිල්ල තියෙනවද?. 50ක් වත් ආපු දවස් ගනන කීයක්ද?. අනෙක ආවත් මුලු කාලයම කී දෙනෙක්ද පර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ඉදල කටයුතු වලට සහභාගි වෙන්නෙ. මේ අයට පැමිණි බවට අත්සන් කරන්ටත් නෑ. බොහෝ දෙනා මම දැකල තියෙනව ඇතුල් වෙනව, වාඩි වෙනව, විනාඩි දෙක තුනක් ඉන්නව, නැගිටිනව, කථානායකට ඔලුව පාත් කරනවා යනව. එච්චරයි. දැන් ආවටත් රුපියල් 2500 ක් ගන්නව. කලින් රුපියල් 500 යයි. මහා ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදියා කියන රනිල් තමා එකත් රුපියල් 2500 කලේ.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුවෙ දවසක වියදම විතරක් රුපියල් කෝටි 2.7 කියල මම පත්තරේක දැක්ක. එතකොට මේ 225 ට පඩිනඩි, යානවාහන, දහසකුත් එකක් වෙනත් දීමනා, ඒ අය නඩත්තු කරන්නට යන වියදන්, යානවාහන, ඉන්දන දීමනා, නිල නිවාස, ආරක්ෂකයෝ. සේවකයෝ, විදේශ ගමන් ආදී සියල්ලට යන වියදම එකතුකර මුලුගාන බැලුවොත් මේ එක මනුස්සයෙක් නඩුත්තු කරන්ට කීයක් යනවද කියලත් බැලුවොත් කොපමන වේද?. එතකොට වසර තුනෙන් තුනට ලැබෙන රුපියල් කෝටිගානක් වටින තීරුබදු රහිත වාහන බලපත්‍ර පගාව, මේ සියල්ලම එකතුකරල මේ එක මනුස්සයෙකුට යන වියදම සහ මුලු එකතුවත් කවුරු හරි හොයා බැලුවොත් නම් ලොකු ජාතික සේවයක්.

මේ උදවිය මහජන මුදලින් මේ සැප සම්පත් ඔක්කොම ලබාගෙන රටට ජාතියට කරන සේවය මොකක්ද කියන එකයි මගේ ප්‍රශ්නය. අනික මේ ඔක්කොටම වසර 5 කට පස්සේ පෙන්ෂනුත් ලැබෙනව. මේකෙ ඉන්න 90 දෙනෙකුට සාමාන්‍ය පෙලවත් නැතිලු. ඉතින් කසලශෝදකයෙකු, කම්කරුවෙකු වෙන්නටත් කිසියම් අවම අධ්‍යපනයන් ඉල්ලන රටේ කිසිම් සුදුසුකමක් නැතුව ඇවිල්ල , එක රැස්වීම් වලටවත් නෑවිත්, ආවත් එහි වැඩටත් සහභගි නොවී කඩි මුඩියෙ පිටව යන, මුලු කාලයම තමන්ගේ පුද්ගලික වැඩ වල යෙදෙන මේ වගේ පිරිසක් ඇයි අපි මහජන මුදලින් නඩත්තු කරන්නෙ කියන ඒකයි මගේ ප්‍රශ්නය.

1948 දී නිදහස ලැබුනායි කියන කොට ආසියාවෙම පොහොසත්ම රට අද මේ තත්වයට වැටිල තියෙන්නෙ 70 වසරක් පුරා මේ රට පාලනය කලැයි කියන රටට හෝ ජාතියට කිසිම ආදරයක් නැති බඩගොස්තරවදී මේ වගේ දෙශපාලඥයින් නිසා නොවේද?.

ගනපුර්නයට ඔනේ 20ක් නම් තව 205ක් මොන කෙන්ගෙඩියකටද නඩත්තු කරන්නේ?. ගමක මරණාධාර සමිතියක උනත් මීට වැඩිය පැමිනීම හොදයි. මේ රටේ උත්තරීතරයයි කියන රජ්‍යසබ්භාවෙ හැටිද?. ඒ නිසා තමා මම යෝජනා කරන්නේ 30 දෙනෙකුගේ පාර්ලිමෙන්තුවක් මේ රටට හොදටම ඇති කියල. ඒ අනුව හොදම වැඩේ රට දිසා 30 කට බෙදල එක දිසාවකට එක මහජන නියෝජිතයෙක් බැගින් 30 ක්. හැබැයි ඒ අයට උනත් සභාවෙ රැස්වීමට නොපැමිනියොත් එදට පඩි ගෙවන්ටත් හොද නැහැ. මොකද විනය පටන්ගන්ට ඕනෙ ඉහලින්ම. එතකොට තමා රටක් හැදෙන්නේ.

ඊට පස්සේ ඔය පාර්ලිමෙන්තුව කියන හුනියම් ගොඩනැගිල්ල රටට අදයමක් උපයන්ට පුලුවන් ජාත්‍යන්තර හෝටලයක් වගෙ දේකට දීල රටට ආදායමක් උපයාගැනීම හොදයි කියල මම හිතනව. එහෙම උනාම අනිත් 195ක් දෙනා අඩු ගානෙ ගෙදර ගිහින් මයියොක්ක පඳුරු 195 ක් වත් හිටවයි රටෙ ජනතාවට බරක් හා වසන්ගතයක් නොවී.

හැබැයි ඒ සමගම 1987 සිට වසක 30 ක් පුරා මේ රටේ ජාතික, ආර්ථික හා පරිපාළන යන සෑම අතින්ම මහා හූනියමක් හා වින්නසයක් සිදුකොට ඇති රට බෙදීමේ මූලික පදනම වූ පලාත් සභා නවයද වහාම අහොසිකොට මිහිදන් කලයුතුය.

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Save the country from TNA’s treachery

December 2nd, 2018

BY : A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA

Former President Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa vanquished the armed wing of the ruthless LTTE terrorists which devastated Sr Lanka for 30 years under 5 former Presidents and Prime Ministers with much damage caused to the country under loquacious Chandrika\s presidency. People all over the country feasted distributing kiribath sweets and holding demonstrations and vehicle parades on 18th May 2009 which is considered as the 2nd Liberation Day of Sri Lanka.

This achievement was a major and intolerable blow to the terrorist proxies TNA who were established as the political wing of the terrorists and proclaimed the terrorist LTTE as the sole representatives of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka.  This proxy outfit TNA in collaboration with western servile UNP facilitated all promotional and protective activated by the terrorists.  It should be reminded that during Ranil Wickremasinghe short lived government in 2001 to 2004 TNA was successful in getting government clearance for getting down modern high-tech communication equipment, several container loads of weapons unchecked from Norway and get an ignominious ceasefire agreement signed between megalomaniac terrorist leader Prabhakaran and Ranil  Wickremasinghe and upon signing of which the piggish faced Anton Balasingham declared that Prabhakaran was the President and Prime Minister of the Tamil Eelam and Ranil Wickremasinghe was the only Prime Minister of the  South.

These Terrorist proxies manipulated Chandrika also to handover Tsunami fund distribution programme (PTOM programme) to LTTE despite there were efficient and diligent   government officials who could have handled it5 as it was done other coastal districts.  Chandrika also under the manipulation terrorist proxy TNA agreed to grant the ISGA proposal of the LTTE which was almost equivalent to granting Eelam. In addition to this terrorist Grandpa Sambandan participated in LTTEs fund raising programmes for purchase of weapons held in Canada. See below for the photo evidence in a special trip to Toronto terrorist grandpa participated in several fundraising events organized by Pro LTTE fund raisers. Specially the one held at Jasmine Banquet Hall, no. 90 Nolan Court, Markham, Ontario, was organized b y the LTTE funding arm TRO.

Sambandan with TRO President in the fundraising event

Reports from the United States said that TRO raised over US $1.6 million in 2006.

The he International Leader of the TRO, Dr. Murugan Vinayagamoorthy and his wife were taken in to custody by the US authorities for master minding LTTE naval strength. US claimed he was involved with developing and the use of sea Submarines in LTTE Sea attacks.

Sambamdan and Vinayagamoorthy

On Nov. 22, 2007; the government of Sri Lanka banned TRO also  in an audit held by Canada Revenue Agency (CRA) found the Canadian arm of TRO the Canadian Foundation for Tamil Refugee Rehabilitation (CAFTARR) provided more than CDN$ 700,000 to unknown organizations outside Canada. CRA also claimed both TRA and CAFTARR are part of the Tamil Tiger’s support network.

Despite these facts, TNA leader also participated in a fundraising event with Raj Guna-nathan, President and Coordinator of the Tamils Rehabilitation Organisation in Canada.

Sambandan should have been arrested, imprisoned and deported subsequently when these treacherous activities came to light. After vanquishing of the terrorist arm wing including its megalomaniac leader Prabhakaran terrorist grandpa Sambandan undertook the responsibility of carrying forward the goal of achieving the Eelam objective through cunning and manipulation and the diaspora proxy Sumanthiran joined him in this task.  In the absence of LTTE Sambamdan became a stooge of the hegemonic India and received Indian assistance for his sinister plans. In addition to this Sambandan became a darling of the despicable Western Ambassadors and High Commissioners and he urged them and the visiting western high-ranking fellows to strongly demand and compel the government to introduce soon and adopt the abhorrent federal and secular constitution that he been drafted by the Tamil diaspora proxy Sumanthiran and pro separatist Jayampathy.

In addition to this the Sambandan and Sumanthiran duo also canvassed the local politicians to support them to get the proposed constitution adopted.  In this regard Sambamdamn met the former President Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa and requested him who is well known for implementing what he says and saying what he will do (kiyana de karana. Karana de kiyana) to extend his support for the constitution plan but he bluntly and emphatically old Sambandan that he will never support that plan but would take all possible measures to quash it.

Sambandan who is notorious for manipulating and blackmailing took the maximum advantage when foreign servile, paragathi agamathi Ranil Wikremasinghe faced a No Confidence Motion in April to compel him to enter into a ten-point agreement which said:

  1. Will provide an expeditors solution to the North East problem;
  2. Will get the proposed constitution approved by a two third majority in the Parliament before the next General Election;
  3. Will return all lands belonging to the people of the North and East now being utilized by the Security Forces;
  4. Will release all political prisoners under a general amnesty;
  5. Will grant justice to the families of all the people who became missing during the war;
  6. Will ensure all the rights of the people of the North and East;
  7. Will provide suitable employment to the youngsters of the North and East;
  8. Will suspend providing employment to the people of the South in the North and East when there are suitable unemployed people in the North and East;
  9. Will appoint Tamil nationals as government agents to the eight districts of the North and East;
  10. Will respect the views and aspirations of the people coming under the provincial councils in the North and East and will provide priority to the projects in the North and East when implementing development projects in the two provinces.

Through this agreement the paragethi agamathi (the foreign servilely Prime Minister) has granted the initial step of Eelam without the knowledge of even the UNPers, let alone the people of Sri Lanka.

In a recent interview to Indian media, Sambandan has said that the Tamils have made two gains by supporting the Ranil government: (1) return of private land taken by the military in the North-East to constitute military bases and High Security Zones, and (2) release of Tamil political prisoners.

Pointing out the massive support extended by the people of the North to oust the Rajapaksa government 74.42 percent votes in Jaffna, 78.47 percent for Sirisena and Rajapaksa managed only 19.07 percent. In Vanni, and the major role played by TNA in the formation of the unity government in August 2015 Sambandan has said that in return, the government went to the UNHRC and co-sponsored the resolution on Sri Lanka, which the previous government fought tooth and nail.

This 85-year-old chauvinist is a staunch racist as well.  Addressing a District Coordinating Committee Meeting in Trincomalee he has said that although the official languages of the country should be Sinhala and Tamil, the official language4 of the North and East should only be Tamil.  He has also said that in providing employment it should be done in proportionate to the population percentage of the country in all the districts other than the North and East.

Even issuing a May Day message this racist chauvinist Sambandan desecrated the purity and the solidarity of the day by using it for their political propaganda.  He said that inevitably we need to evolve a Constitution, the supreme law of the country, that treats each one of its citizens equally with dignity and self-respect in order to enjoy lasting peace and economic prosperity. We have missed many opportunities in the past in fulfilling this great need and we cannot afford to lose another opportunity in this regard.

In a latest move of subjugating Sri Lanka’s grand old party, UNP; and making it an appendage of their terrorist, the terrorist grandpa has announced that they would join  the proposed multi-party coalition going to be formed by the UNP and they have already informed the President in writing and a letter signed by all the 15 members of theirs was attached to this intimation.

The subjugation of the UNP by these terrorist proxies was clear when the diaspora proxy Sumanthiran got up from his seat in the parliament and went up to the former Leader of the House MP Lakshman Kiriella and warned him on some remarks he had made.  Kiriella entered parliament in 1989 an SLFP MP and was the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs in the People’s Alliance government and subsequently for financial reasons. The humiliation meted out to Kiriella was not only shame to the UNPers for being silent watchers while Sumanthiran was making this threat but also a shame to the people of this country, particularly for the people of the upcountry when they were humiliated in this manner during the 2nd century commemoration of the Uva Wellassa uprising was being commemorated in the country.


Doiya baba doi – Aayith nonegitinnama doi

Meanwhile, the Yuthukama Organization, the patriotic organization represented by Hela Basha scholars has said that the TNA’s pledge of support for the UNP-led UNF was part of a strategy to further its federal agenda. Referring to the TNA’s request to President Maithripala Sirisena in writing that a member of the UNF be appointed Prime Minister, a spokesperson for Yuthukama pointed out that the TNA had campaigned on a federal platform at the last parliamentary polls in August 2015 and he UNP owed the country an explanation as to whether it could accept help from a party bent on dividing the country on ethnic lines,.

The spokesman stated that having recognised the LTTE as the sole representative of Tamil speaking people in t2001, the TNA continued its separatist agenda despite the eradication of terrorism, and recalled the role played by the TNA in 2005, 2010 and 2015 presidential polls with the UNP and the JVP, too, joining in the last two projects .

To  be continued.

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යුධ සමයේ එල්.ටී.ටී.ඊ සංවිධානය විසින් සඟවා තිබූ බවට සැකකෙරෙන යුධ උපකරණ තොගයක් සොයාගෙන

December 2nd, 2018

දිනසේන රතුගමගේ

යුධ සමයේ  එල්.ටී.ටී.ඊ සංවිධානය විසින් සඟවා තිබූ බවට සැකකෙරෙන යුධ උපකරණ තොගයක්  මුලතිව් පුදුකුඩිරිප්පු, සුදන්දිපුරම් ප්‍රදේශයේදී 1 දා  සොයාගෙන තිබේ.

පොලිස් විශේෂ කාර්යය බලකා මුලතිව් කඳවුරේ නිළධාරින් පිරිසක් විසින් සිදු කළ වැටලීමකදී අදාල යුධ උපකරණ තොඟය සොයාගෙන ඇත.

එහිදී ටී 56 උණ්ඩ 2250ක්, ආර්.පී.ජී උණ්ඩ 03ක්, දුම් බෝම්බ 02ක්, මිලිමීටර් 120 උණ්ඩයක්, මිලිමීටර් 120 පියුස් 03ක්, මිලිමීටර් 81 උණ්ඩයක්, මිලිමීටර් 40 උණ්ඩයක්, ආටි සෙල් 06ක් ඇතුලු යුධ උපකරණ තොඟයක් සොයාගෙන තිබේ.

පොලිස් විශේෂ කාර්යය බලකාය සඳහන් කළේ අදාල යුධ උපකරණ තොඟය අධිකරණයට ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමෙන් පසු කිලිනොච්චිය කඳවුරේ සෝදිසි සහ බෝම්බ නිෂ්ක්‍රිය කණ්ඩායමේ සහය ඇතිව විනාශ කළ බවයි.

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උතුරු පළාත් සභාවේ රුපියල් තුන්කෝටි විසි ලක්ෂක් වංචා වී ඇතැයි කියන සිද්දියක් සම්බන්ධයෙන් පරීක්ෂණ

December 2nd, 2018

දිනසේන රතුගමගේ

උතුරු පළාත් සභාවේ හිටපු පුනරුත්ථාපන ඇමතිනී ආනන්දි ශෂිහරන්  මහත්මියගේ අමාත්‍යංශවලින් රුපියල් තුන්කෝටි විසි ලක්ෂක් වංචා වී ඇතැයි කියන සිද්දියක් සම්බන්ධයෙන් පරීක්ෂණ පැවැත්වීමට උතුරු පළත් අණ්ඩුකාරවරයා විසින් ත්‍රිපුද්ගල කමිටුවක් පත් කොට තිබේ.

මෙම මූල්‍ය වංචාව සිදු වී ඇති බවට ආණ්ඩුකාරවරයා වෙත පැමිණිලි කොට ඇත්තේ උතුරු පළාත් සභාවේ හිටපු සභාපති සී.වී.කේ.ශිවඥානම් මහත විසිනි.

ආනන්දි ශෂිහරන්  හිටපු අමාත්‍යවරිය විසින් මේ මුදල වංචා කොට ඇත්තේ උතුරු පළාත තුළ  වකුගඩු රෝගීන් සදහාත් හෘදය රෝගීන් සදහාත් සහන සැලසීමට පිහිටුවා ඇති අරමුදලෙන් බවද සී.වී.කෙ.ශිවඥාණම් මහතා පෙන්වා දී ඇත.

ඒ අනුව මේ සිදු වී ඇතැයි කියන මුදල් වංචාව සම්බන්ධයෙන් පරීක්ෂණ පැවැත්වීම සදහ උතුරු පළාත් ආණ්ඩුකාර රෙජිනෝල්ඩ් කුරේ මහතා විසින් උතුරු පළාත් සෞඛ්‍ය අමාත්‍යංශයේ ලේකම්  එස්.තිරුවාකරන්,ගණකාධිකාරී පී.ගජේන්ද්‍රන් උතුරු පළාත් සභාවේ විගණන අධ්‍යක්ෂ එස්.සුරේන්දනී,යන  තුන් දෙනා පත් කොට ඇත.

හිටපු අමාත්‍යවරියට එරෙහිව නැගී ඇති චෝදන සම්බන්ධයෙන් පරීක්ෂණ පවත්වා දින විසි එකක් ඇතුළත වාර්තාවක් ලබා දෙන මෙන් ත්‍රි පුද්ගල විමර්ශන කමිටුවට  උපදෙස් ලැබී තිබේ.

මේ පිළිබදව ආනන්දි සෂිහරන් හිටපු අමාත්‍යවරියගෙන් විමසූ විට ඇය කියා සිටියේ තමන් තමන්ගේ අතින් මුදල් වියදම් කොට ජනතාවට සහන සැලසුවා මිස ජනතාවට සහන සැලසීමට තිබූ මුදල් කිසි විටකත් වංචා කොට නොමැති බවයි.

මීට පෙරද උතුරු පළාත් සභාවේ බොහෝ දෙනෙකුට මුදල් වංචා පිළිබදව පරීක්ෂණ පැවැත්වුණු අන්දම විස්තර කළ හිටපු අමාත්‍යවරිය ඒවා පල රහිත වූ ආකාරයද විස්තර කොට සිටියේය.

ආණ්ඩුකාරවරයා විසින් පත් කරණ ලද විමර්ශන කමිටුව විසින්  ඔවුන්ගේ පරීක්ෂණ වාර්තාව එළි දැක්වීමෙන් පසුව තමන් මේ පිළිබදව ජනමාධ්‍යයට ප්‍රකාශයක් කරණ  බවද  හිටපු ඇමතිනී ආනන්දි සෂිහරන් මහත්මිය කියා සිටියාය.

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එක්සත් ජාතික පෙරමුණට සහය පලකිරීමේ  යෝජනාවට ටෙලෝ සංවිධානය විරෝධය

December 2nd, 2018

දිනසේන රතුගමගේ

දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානය එක්සත් ජාතික පෙරමුණට සහය පලකිරීමේ  යෝජනාවට අත්සන් තැබීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් ටෙලෝ සංවිධානය විරෝධය පල කොට ඇත්තේ ටෙලෝ සංවිධානයේ නායකත්වය පිළිබදව පැන නැගී ඇති මත භේදකාරී තත්ත්වයක් නිසා බව  හෙළි වුණි.

ටෙලෝ සංවිධානයේ මධ්‍යම කාරක සභාව  1 දා දහවල් වවුනියාවේ හෝටලයකදී ඔඇවති අවස්ථාවේදී මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන්  ප්‍රශ්න ගණනාවක්ම ඉස්මතු විය.

පෙරවරු 11 ට ආරම්භ වූ ටෙලෝ සංවිධානයේ මධ්‍යම කාරක සභාව රාත්‍රී 9 වනතුරුත් නිවැරදි තීරණයකින් යුතුව අවසන් කරගැනීමට ටෙලෝ නායකයින්ට නොහැකි විණි.

ටෙලෝ සංවිධානයේ නායක සෙල්වම් අඩෙයිකලනාදන් මහතා මධ්‍යම කාරක සභා රැස්වීමේදී දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානය විසින් ගන්නා ලද එම තීරණය කාලයටා නුව නිවැරදි බවත් මේ අවස්ථාවේදී දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානයට එම තීරණය හැර ගත හැකි වෙනත්  සුබවාදී තීරණයක් නොමැති බවත් කියා සිටියේය.

”දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානය මේ අවස්ථාවේදී තීරණාත්මක පක්ෂයක් වී තිබෙනවා.ඒ වගේම එහි නායකවරයා ප්‍රකාශ කරණ ආකාරයටම  දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානයට ව්‍යවස්ථා විරෝධී  හෝ ප්‍රජාත්න්ත්‍රවාදයට පටහැනි පක්ෂයක් විදිහට කටයුතු කිරීමට නොහැකියි.

දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානයට පමණක් නොවෙයි මේක ටෙලෝ සංවිධානයටත් අදාලයි.

අපි ඉතිහාසයේ කටයුතු කළ අන්දම දිහ බැලුවොත් මේ ප්‍රශ්නය ඉතාම නිවැරදිව වටහා ගැනීමට හැකියි.

යුදහමුදාපතිවරයාව සිටි කාලයේදී සරත් ෆොන්සේකා මහතා දමළ ජනතාව මරා දමන්නට අණ කළා.නමුත් අපි ඔහු ජනාධිපතිවරණයට තරග කළ අවස්ථාවේදී ඔහුට ඡන්දය දුන්නා.ඒ අවස්ථාවේදී දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානය ඒ තීරණය ගනු ලැබුවේ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාව පරාජය කරන්නට අවශ්‍ය නිසයි.

දැන් මේ අවස්ථාවේදී සිදුව ඇත්තේත් එවැනි තත්ත්වයකුයි.රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා අගමැතිධූරයෙන් ඉවත් කිරීම නීත්‍යානුකූල නැහැ.ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අදාලත් නැහැ.ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී ක්‍රියා දාමයට බැහැරව මේ දේ සිදුව තිබෙනවා.අපි ඉල්ලා සිටිය යුතු වන්නේද ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදයට ගරු කරණ ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් ඔස්සේ ගමන් කරණ තත්ත්වයකුයි.එහෙම නැතිව රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතාව අගමැතිවරයාව  කිරීමට දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානයට ලොකු වුවමනාවක් නැහැ.

නීති විරෝධී ලෙස අගමැති වී සිටින මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාව ඉවත් කිරීම සදහා ගත්හැකි ක්‍රියාමාර්ග ගැනීමකුයි මේ සිද්ධ වෙන්නේ.

ඒක නිසා දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානය විස්න් ගන්නා ලද තීරණයට ටෙලෝ සංවිධානය විරුද්ධයි කියන මතය ජනතාව ඉදිරියට යාම මේ අවස්ථාවේදී ඉතාම භායනකයි,මේ නිසා ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් විවිධ මත ප්‍රකාශ කිරීමෙන් වැළකීම ඉතාම  වැදගත් වෙනවා”

සෙල්වම් අඩෙයිකලනාදන් මහතාගේ මේ මතය පිළිගැනීමට ටෙලෝ සංවිධානයේ මහ ලේකම්  ශ්‍රීකාන්තා මහතා කීස් විටකත් සූදානම් නැත.ඔහු කියා සිටින්නේ සෙල්වම් අඩෙයිකලනාදන් මහතා රජයෙන් ලැබෙන දේ පිළිබදව ඇති ආශාව නිසා දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානය කියන අන්දමට කටයුතු කරණ බවයි.

වත්මන් තත්ත්වය මත සෙල්වම් අඩෙයිකලනාදන් මහතාට ටෙලෝ පක්ෂයේ නායකත්වය දැරීමට අයිතියක් නොමැති බවද ශ්‍රීකාන්තා මහතා මධ්‍යම කාරක සභා රැස්වීමේදී කියා සිටියේය.

” පක්ෂයේ ඇති නීතිරීති හා ව්‍යවස්ථාව අනුව මේ නායකත්වය දැන් මාරුවිය යුතු කාලය එළඹ තිබෙනවා.දේශපාලනය පවතින ආකාරය දෙස බලන විට ටෙලෝ සංවිධානයට වවුනියාවෙන් ඇත්තේ සියයට විසිපහක විතර බලයකුයි.යාපනයේ බලය සියයට හැත්තෑ පහක් පමණ වනවා.මේ නිසා සෙල්වම් අඩෙයිකලනාදන් මහතා නායකත්වයෙන් ඉවත් වී එය යාපනයේ අයෙකුට ලබා දිය යුතු වෙනවා.

උතුරු පළාත් සභාවේ හිටපු අමාත්‍ය පී.ඩැනීස්වරන් මහතා විශාල වශයෙන් ජනතා ප්‍රසාදයක් ලබගෙන තිබෙනවා.

ඔහු ටෙලෝ සාමාජිකයෙකු වුවත් ඔහුට පක්ෂයෙන් සාධාරණයක් ඉටු වී නැහැ.මේ නිසා ඔහු ටෙලෝ පක්ෂයෙන් ඉවත් වී වෙනත් දේශපාලන පක්ෂයකට සහය දැක්වීමට ගියහොත් එය ටෙලෝ සංවිධානයට විශාල හානියක් මෙන්ම පාඩුවක් වෙනවා.

මේ නිසා ඔහුට ටෙලෝ සංවිධානයේ නායකත්වය ලබා දීමට සියලුම දෙනා කටයුතු කළ යුතුයි.”

ටෙලෝ සංවිධානයේ මාහ් ලේකම් ශ්‍රීකාන්තා මහතාගේ කතාවට සෙල්වම් අඩෙයිකලනාදන් මහතා පිළිතුරු දුන්නේය.

”පක්ෂයේ නායක කමේ මමම ඉන්න ඕනේ කියලා තීරණයක් නැහැ.නමුත් ඔබලා කියන ඔය පක්ෂයේ නීති රීති හා ව්‍යවස්ථා වලට අනුව පක්ෂයට නව නායාක්යෙකු පත් කරගැනීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් සාකච්ඡා විය යුත්තේත් එය සිදුවිය යුත්තේත් පක්ෂයේ මහා සමලුවේදී මිසක් මේ වගේ මධ්‍යම කාරක සභා වාරයකදී නොවෙයි.

ලබන වසරේදී ටෙලෝ සංවිධානයේ පක්ෂ සමලුව පැවැත්වෙනකොට ඔබලා මේ ගැන සාකච්ඡා කොට නව නායකයෙකු පත් කර ගන්න.එතෙක් මේ ගන්නා තීරණ වලට පක්ෂයක් විදිහට ගරු කරන්න.පෞද්ගලික ප්‍රශ්න මතවාද තිබෙන්නට පුලුවන්.එත් මේ වෙලාව ඒවා ඉදිරියට දමා ගත යුතු අවස්ථාවක් නොවෙයි.”

මේ ආදී වශයෙන් වූ වාද විවාද රාත්‍රී නවය පමණ වන තුරු පැවතියත් ටෙලෝ සංවිධානය ඔවුන්ගේ මධ්‍යම කාරක සභා රැස්වීමේදී වෙනත් කිසිදු වැදගත් තීරණයකට එළඹියේ නැත.

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