By A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA

The Canada based pro separatist scribe D.B.S.Jeyaraj who writes long articles to Daily Mirror run by Ranil Wickremasinghe’s family and who has gained much experience in promoting the Tamil separatist objectives on the  sly has said that Sammbamdan (the terrorist grandpa) and diaspora bank rolled Sumanthiran  have been accused of harming the Tamil cause by attending the February 4^th freedom day event as Thurogigal” or Traitors and a vicious  and venomous campaign is being orchestrated against both of them.  As per the views of the Sri Lankan patriots the act of both these terrorists were only an eye wash instigated by western diplomatic groups and Indian hegemonizes to pose it as their genuine wish and thereby promote the constitution ghost.

The article was full of hidden objectives to promote the separatist goal brief of extracts of the said article are given below with appropriate counter comments from the Sri Lankan patriots who can easily understand the direction the cattle is trying to take when it turns its head and the Sri Lankans have experienced this kind of gimmick when megalomaniac Prabhakaran was ruling the roost.

To justify the hidden objective of promoting the activities being carried out by the terrorist duo Jayaram says that the past weeks have seen a barrage of  articles critical of both in newspapers and websites published by LTTE remnants  in the Global Tamil Diaspora, Radio and TV Stations run by  LTTE and pro-LTTE elements and constant propagation of  derogatory views on the internet.  He says  that these internet warriors too are on the warpath against the terrorist duo.  If Jaqyaraj and his ilk believe that with this kind of negative comments against the terrorist duo they can promote their constitution and other separatist objective, they are grossly mistaken.

Let us join hands against the Separatist Elephant-Tiger Alliance

As it was pointed out in a previous article of mine, the Sri Lankan patriots suspect that this deliberately organised and purported anti Sumanthiran activities seems to have been organised to facilitate his migration to either UNP or to the camp of JEPPOs and the attempt to migrate to UNP has already become successful and he has now gained the authority to dictate terms to  the senior vice President of that party Lakshman Kiriella and participate in internal party meetings while the so-called party stalwarts remain dumb founded.

In February 21st a demonstration was held in Jaffna for the ostensible purpose of drawing attention to the plight of disappeared and missing persons. After engaging in protest opposite the Jaffna central bus stand, the demonstrators went in procession via Hospital road and Kankesanthurai (KKS) road to the memorial constructed for the persons killed during the    International Tamil Research Conference on January 10th, 1974. Youths also    shouted out   slogans against Sampanthan and Sumanthiran while proceeding,  leaving most onlookers puzzled  as to how those slogans would draw attention towards the plight of the disappeared.
Northern Provincial councillor Ananthy Sasitharan the wife of senior tiger leader Ezhilan” addressing the gathering said t that people  desperate over the plight of their missing family members had got emotionally agitated and  spontaneously engaged in the burning  Sumanthiran‘s  effigy and so suddenly .

Ananth’s blatant untruths were immediately refuted by the council’s deputy chairman Anton Jeyanathan. He responded to Ananthy angrily by asking her if the act was spontaneous then how was the effigy created beforehand and brought to the venue in,    her vehicle?” Jeyanathan elected from Mullaitheevu district went on to describe  Sumanthiran as a Mandaikkaai”  which colloquially means brainy person. He also shot down Ananthy’s explanation about the spontaneous anger of the families of the disappeared and missing and queried Why should the family members burn Sumanthiran’s effigy to  protest their relatives taken by the army”? Jeyanathan silenced Ananthy by posing a counter question Whose effigy can  the families of those taken by the tigers burn”? This struck home as Ananthy’s husband Ezhilan is accused of conscripting youths on a large scale. ( Jeyaraj in has in earlier articles   has  vividly exposed the human rights violations and crimes against humanity perpetrated by Ezhilan).

Jeyaraj further stated that  when Ananthy was struck dumb by Jeyanathan’s angry outburst, another provincial councillor tried to enter the fray. This was none other than Kandiah Sarweswaran the brother of TN A spokesperson and Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF) leader Premachandran alias Suresh. Northern Provincial Council chairman C.V.K. Sivagnanam  who  was presiding,  had refused to let Sarweswaran speak. Sivagnanam forced an end to the discussion in the council about the effigy burning incident by his ruling.

Jeyaraj explained though the furore subsided at the council it is doubtful as to whether the controversy would simply peter out.    He   said   the related London antics by the pseudo-nationalists can be dismissed as the work of the Tamil lunatic fringe, but the r role played by TNA elements in attacking Sampanthan  and  Sumanthiran in Sri Lanka  cannot be ignored. The central committee of the IlankaiThamil ArasuKatchi (ITAK) which is the chief constituent of the TNA met in Vavuniya and  have   discussed necessarily follow up action.

 Jeyaraj further  states that it is certainly a fact that the TNA clique consisting of people like TNA parliamentarian Suresh” Premachandran, Provincial Councillors M.K. Sivajilingam, Ananthy Sasitharan, K Gajatheeban, ITAK senior vice president Prof.S.K. Sittampalam and ITAK youth front leader  V.S. Sivakaran are engaged in this type of politics. It is aided and supplemented by outside elements like Ex-MPs Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam and Selvarajah Gajendran of the TNPF and Kumaravadivel Guruparan the livewire behind the Tamil Civil Society Forum. Many of these malcontents maintain links to Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) elements abroad and a recruit to these ranks is the ambitious former Northern Chief Minister C.V. Wigneswaran who is working to his own agenda  He says that Wigneswaran is the latest Darling of the Diaspora after the ill-advised genocide” resolution adopt  by the NPC.

These opposing” sections are always on the look-out to find fault and embarrass the TNA particularly its leadership. Sumanthiran  has  said    that    he    had    been  singled out  specifically  because he is the most articulate  TNA parliamentarian. He is widely accepted by  some   pro  separatist Southern politicians  nationally as well as leaders and officials internationally. Sumanthiran is the most trusted and able deputy of the  terrorist grandpa Sampanthan and in recent times Sumanthiran has been playing a constructive role in Tamil political affairs. In a blend of public advocacy along with quiet diplomacy the TNA national list MP has been rendering yeoman service to his community. In many instances those who want to weaken  Sampanthan use Sumanthiran as a target. The idea is to cripple Sampanthan politically by undermining Sumanthiran.

Sumanthiran’s  political role has  been appreciated and praised by many but it has also led to some  resentment` in certain circles within and outside the TNA. Jeyaraj comments that a mong the TNA parliamentarians of today, Sumanthiran is the only MP who has had no  interaction with any of the Tamil militant groups including the LTTE prior to his entering politics. Though born at the McLeod Hospital in Inuvil, Jaffna, he grew up in Colombo studying at Royal College. The protégé of Sumanthiran , the pro separatist Jeyaraj says   Smitherman was aloof from active politics, practising law in Colombo until invited by Sampanthan  to join the TNA. He was appointed national list MP in 2010 by Sampanthan despite Emeritus Professor Stamata also staking his claim. Sittampalam has  not forgiven the Sampanthan-Sumanthiran duo since then.

Tamil detractors of Sumanthiran particularly those in the Diaspora use the handle of national list MP to insult and belittle him. Since he was not elected to Parliament directly, Sumanthiran is described as someone who entered Parliament through the Pin Kathavu” or back door. Therefore, argue his Diaspora critics, Sumanthiran is a second-class MP and has no moral right to do whatever he is doing. This description of backdoor MP has absolutely no basis either legally, morally or practically as national list MP seats are allocated on the basis  of votes polled by each party.

A peculiar feature of Sri Lankan Tamil politics is the usage of backdoor MP” to   demean those parliamentarians nominated from the national list.  Sinhala, Up- Country Tamil   or Muslim politics does not have this attribute. National list MPs are not called  backdoor MP’s by their rivals or critics. Only Sri Lankan Tamils have this tendency. This    practice began with the introduction of the current system in 1989. The man responsible  for  this phrase  was former North-eastern Chief Minister Annamalai Varatharajapperumaal.   When veteran TULF leader Appapillai Amirthalingam was nominated as national list MP in     1989, Varatharajapperumaal criticised it and dubbed Amirthalingam’s entry as having been    done through the backdoor.

The term backdoor MP has been bandied about in Tamil politics ever since. Those nominated on the national list with LTTE blessings like Joseph Prarajasingham. M.K. Eelaventhan, S.Thurairatnasingham etc were not called backdoor MPs derisively. But those Tamil national list  MPs such as Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam and M.A. Sumanthiran whom tiger elements do not favour have been  described as such.

The current Parliament has many national list MPs like  Eran Wickremaratne, Dr. Harsha de Silva , D.M. Swaminathan, Anura Kumara Dissanayake,  M.T. Hasen Ali,  Muthu Sivalingam etc. None of them are called backdoor MPs by their critics. However, in the case of Sumanthiran, his detractors particularly the feline affiliates take relish in describing him so.
Defending Sumanthiran his corotege Jeyaraj says that another avenue of attack is to refer to his Colombo background. Sumanthiran is called a Kozhumbuth Thamizhan” or Colombo Tamil. Therefore, he cannot speak for the Tamils of the North and East is the argument. The funny thing is that these jokers do not use the same argument against Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam who was born   and bred in Colombo. Only Sumanthiran  is attacked as a Colombo Tamil simply because he does not pander to the whims and fancies of tiger elements and LTTE

The highly personalised attacks  against Sumanthiran have escalated in recent times. There is perhaps an ulterior motive in such escalation according to TNA circles. Since the   attacks  against Sumanthiran  are on the basis that he is a national list MP from Colombo a decision has been taken by the TNA hierarchy to field him as a candidate at the next Parliamentary elections. Though ITAK branches from Mullaitheevu, Amparai and Trincomalee districts wanted Sumanthiran to contest from their respective districts, TNA leader Sampanthan had been of the view that Sumanthiran should enter Parliament as an elected MP from Jaffna district where his roots are from.

(To be continued)

වෛද්‍ය රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග

ලංකාව විසින් මෙතෙක් බිහි කර තිබෙන විශිෂ්ටතම මනෝ විද්‍යාඥයා පද්මාල් ද සිල්වා මහතාය. ඔහු මනෝ විද්‍යාඥ ස්ටැන්ලි රැක්මන් , මනෝ විද්‍යාඥ විලියම් යූල් වැනි පතාකයන් ගේ ගෞරවයට ලක් වූ පුද්ගලයෙකි. එහෙත් වරක් මා ඉදිරියේ එක් මනෝ වෛද්‍යවරියක් පද්මාල් ද සිල්වා මහතා උපහාසයට ලක් කලේ ඔහුගේ ප්‍රථම උපාධිය සිංහල සහ බෞද්ධ දර්ශනය බව කියමිනි.නමුත් ඇය නොදැන සිටි එක් කරුණක් නම් පද්මාල් ද සිල්වා මහතාව වඩාත් යහපත් මිනිසෙකු බවට පත් කලේ මේ සිංහල සහ බෞද්ධ දර්ශනය යන විශයන් බවයි. පද්මාල් ද සිල්වා ලංකාවට පැමිණි අවස්ථා වලදී මා හමු වීම සඳහා යුද හමුදා රෝහලටද පැමිණීමට පුරුදුව සිටියේය. රෝගීන් සඳහා මනෝ ප්‍රතිකාරයේදී එතුමා මට ගුරුහරුකම් ද දුන්නේය.

පද්මාල් යනු පේරාදෙනිය විසින් බිහි කරන ලද අන්තර්ජාතික කීර්තියට පත් වූ අතිජාත පුත්‍රයෙකි. ඔහු ඉතා යහ ගුණ ඇති මිනිසෙකි. මා වැනි කනිෂ්ඨ පුද්ගලයන්ට අත හිත දුන්නේය. මම පරියේෂණ පත්‍රිකා ලිවීම ඉගෙන ගත්තේ ඔහුගෙනි. ඔහු මට ගුරුවරයෙකු මෙන්ම පහන් ටැඹක් විය. ඔහුගේ අකල් මරණය විශාල පාඩුවකි. මා විසින් ලියන ලද PTSD Sri Lankan Experience පොත මා විසින් පුදන ලද්දේ ඔහුටය. ඔහු බටහිර දැණුම සහ පෙරදිග දැණුම අතර පාළමක් විය. පරළ වූ යකදුරෙකු මෙන් බටහිර විද්‍යාවට තිස් තුන් පැයේ බනින නලීන් ද සිල්වාට මඟ හැරුනේ මේ පාලමයි. පේරාදෙනිය විශ්ව විද්‍යාලය මුළු ලෝකයක් ගරු කල ලංකාව විසින් මෙතෙක් බිහි කර තිබෙන විශිෂ්ටතම මනෝ විද්‍යාඥයාට මීට වඩා බුහුමනක් කළ යුතුය.

English translation of the text of a speech made by former President Mahinda Rajapaksa at his Wijerama Mawatha residence on 15 December 2018.

Most venerable members of the Maha Sangha, Clergymen of all religions, Members of Parliament, Ministers, and dear friends,

The Supreme Court has delivered a judgement against the holding of the general election that had already been declared. Since that judgement is a long and complicated document, I will study it carefully and in due course express my views on the constitutional impact it will have on the functioning of the parliamentary system of government in this country. Today however, I wish to speak on the political implications of not being able to hold the general election that had already been declared. We are now in direct confrontation with a group of political parties that have continuously engaged in various subterfuges to avoid facing elections. When this group of political parties tried to get the local government elections postponed indefinitely by petitioning courts over the delimitation of wards, we were able to hold the local government election only because the Chairman of the Elections Commission intervened and declared that he would hold elections at least in respect of the local government institutions that had no delimitation issues pending before courts. If not for that intervention, the people would not have got even the local government election.

Elections to provincial councils have been delayed by more than one year and three months, but no one has any inkling of when those long overdue elections will be held. The law has been manipulated in such a way that those elections will be put off indefinitely. In September 2017, when the Attorney General said that a two thirds majority will be necessary to pass the law designed to postpone the provincial council elections, the then government kept Parliament going till night time and with great effort, mustered the necessary number of MPs to get the law passed. So desperate were they, that when some smaller political parties said they would not vote for the law unless the proportional representation quota was increased from 40% to 50%, the government agreed to that demand in the corridors of Parliament so as to get the required number of votes. They had to perform demeaning contortions to get the provincial council elections postponed.

The people have now been deprived of the general election that had already been declared. After the President dissolved Parliament on 9 November, the political parties opposed to the election petitioned courts and obtained a stay order on the dissolution and with the cooperation of the UNP Speaker, they engaged in various activities to demonstrate that they had a majority in Parliament. But it was only on 12 December when a resolution was passed expressing confidence in Mr Ranil Wickremasinghe and requesting that he be appointed Prime Minister that the people of the country were able to see the real state of things.

A total of 117 MPs voted calling for Mr Ranil Wickremasinghe to be appointed as Prime Minister. Fourteen of those votes belong to the TNA. Even though the TNA also requested that Mr Ranil Wickremasinghe be appointed Prime Minister, on the same day, TNA Parliamentarian Mavei Senathirajah made a special statement in parliament on behalf of the TNA saying that though they voted for Mr Wickrermasinghe to become Prime Minister,  they would not join the government and would remain in the opposition. So what has actually happened here is that the UNP which has a minority of 103 seats, has been taken hostage by the TNA. If they do not adhere to the diktat of the TNA, the UNP minority can lose their parliamentary majority at any moment. The TNA now holds the remote control in Parliament.

On 12 December, even before the Supreme Court judgement was delivered, Mr Ranil Wickremasinghe spoke in Parliament about bringing in a new constitution. This new constitution has already been drafted and published in the newspapers as well. Under the provisions of that draft constitution, this country will be divided into nine semi-independent federal units. The new constitution will also abolish the executive presidency which means that the presidential election that is due before the 9th December 2019, will not have to be held. The new constitution will also change the system of electing MPs to Parliament which means that the parliamentary election due in 2020 can also be postponed citing delimitation issues the same way that the provincial council elections have been put off indefinitely. That is what they are now preparing for.

The UNP-UPFA coalition that had been formed under Articles 46(4) and 46(5) of the Constitution relating to ‘national governments’, fell apart when the UPFA left the coalition on October 26. Thereafter, a number of UNP parliamentarians joined us and we became the largest group in Parliament. After the general elections of 1994, 2000, 2001, 2004 and 2015, it was always the largest group in Parliament that was invited  to form the government as no party obtained a clear majority. In all those instances, the government was formed first, and the working majorities were obtained later.

After we formed a government on 26 October, the President declared a general election. When I was sworn in as Prime Minister on 26 October, that was to form an interim government that would last only for about two months until the conclusion of the general election which was sheduled for the 5^th  January 2019. A President cannot stand by and do nothing when the whole country was facing destruction at the hands of the people running the government. When the main opposition force which is in effect the alternative government is invited to form an interim government that will last until the conclusion of a general election, such a request cannot be turned down either. Furthermore, a minority government would more than suffice to run things till the conclusion of a general election. We appreciate the difficult and bold decision that the President made on October 26.

What we are confronted with now, is an attempt to rule the country without holding any kind of election. Since a general election can no longer be held, we cannot implement any of the measures we had planned to take to prevent this country from becoming another Greece. The UNP government borrowed 20.7 billion US Dollars in foreign currency loans alone within a period of three and a half years, and we have no idea as to how much more they will borrow in the coming months. The UNP brought our economy to the brink of collapse through such foreign currency borrowings. All that money was borrowed for consumption. We borrowed money to develop the country and that development is visible. But the UNP borrowed money only for consumption. Even though some have expressed the view that it will be possible to minimise the damage done by the UNP because the President is no longer with them, we must realise that there is much that the UNP-TNA coalition can do without informing the President.

We should bear in mind that back in 2002, the then UNP government signed a cease-fire agreement with the LTTE without informing President Chandrika Kumaratunga. After the 26th October, we were able to reduce the pressure on the people by bringing down the price of fuel and some essential food items and restoring the distribution of school uniform material. We restored the fertilizer subsidy and reduced income taxes on agricultural incomes to encourage agricultural production. We were also able to take certain measures to address the concerns of  young professionals in this country over the Sri Lanka – Singapore Free Trade Agreement entered into by the previous government. We suspended the excessive taxes imposed by the previous government. We also managed to prevent several local industries from closing down. Even though a general election will not be held, it must be said that the events that took place after the 26th of October have benefitted the public in other ways.

The most important thing that happened during this period was that the two thirds majority in Parliament that was available to the UNP to be used at will, is now no longer available to them. Therefore it is now possible to prevent the passage of the new constitution that has been drafted by the same individuals who turned this country into an ungovernable mess through the 19th Amendment. Furthermore it has now become possible to end the totalitarian system that prevailed in Parliament over the past four years, with partners of the government taking over the position of opposition leader and chief opposition whip and masquerading as the opposition while supporting the government. As a result of that dangerous perversion, the Constitutional Council which recommends candidates for appointment to high office, was made up of representatives of one political persuasion. Consequently all appointees to high office over the past four years belonged to the same group. The whole country is now suffering the consequences of that situation.

After the February 10 local government election, our aim was to have a general election held. Since I have no intention of remaining as Prime Minister without a general election being held, and in order to not hamper the President in any way, I will resign from the position of Prime Minister and make way for the President to form a new government. When I was sworn in as Prime Minister, on 26 October, a feeling of optimism swept through the country. The All Share Price Index which had declined after 2015, suddenly picked up on expectations of a change of government. The LMD-Nielsen Business Confidence Index recorded the sharpest increase after 2015 in November 2018. Despite the political turmoil in the country after 26 October, tourist arrivals had increased by 16% in November 2018 when compared with the same period in 2017. Those trends which took place despite the political instability in the country after 26 October are a clear indication of what the people’s hopes and aspirations are.

The change of government that the people expected has now had to be put off. But the people will definitely get the change they desire. No one can prevent that. The coming together of the Joint Opposition and the SLFP group that was in the government has now created a power block that commands around 54% of the vote base. To this will have to be added the votes of our allied political parties in the North and East and the hill country. What is now gathering against the enemies of the country is a country wide political force that no one can stop. Our main aim in the immediate future will be to hold the provincial council elections which have already been delayed by more than one year and three months. The main challenge facing us in the interval between now and the formation of a people’s government will be to minimise the damage that can be done by the destructive forces that are now seeking restoration to their former positions. There is no doubt at all that the people who stood by us since 2015, will continue to support us in the future as well. We will bring the forces opposed to the country down to their knees by organising the people.

May the blessings of the Tripple Gem be upon you,

God bless you.

2018 දෙසැම්බර් 15 වෙනිදා හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා විජේරාම මාවතේ නිල නිවසේ සිට කළ කතාවේ පිටපත

අතිපූජනීය මහා සංඝරත්නයෙන් අවසරයි, සියලු ආගම්වල පූජකතුමනි, මැති ඇමතිවරුණි, මිත්‍රවරුනි, හිතවතුනි,

අපි කැදවලා තිබුණු මහ මැතිවරණය පැවැත්වීමට විරුද්ධව ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ  තීන්දුවක් දීලා තියෙනවා. ඒ නඩු තීන්දුව ඉතාමාත්ම දීර්ඝ හා සංකීර්ණ ලියවිල්ලක්  නිසා එය හදාරා බලා, ඒකෙන් ව්‍යවස්ථාමය වශයෙන් පාර්ලිමේන්තු ආණ්ඩුක්‍රමයක් පවත්වාගෙන යෑමට ඇතිවෙන බලපෑම ගැන අපි පසුව විග්‍රහයක් කරන්න බලාපොරොත්තු වෙනවා. අපි මේ අවස්ථාවේදී කතා කරන්නෙ කැඳවපු මහ මැතිවරණය පවත්වන්න බැරි නිසා ඇතිවෙන දේශපාලාන තත්වය ගැනයි. අපිට අද හැප්පෙන්න වෙලා තියෙන්නෙ, දිගින් දිගටම මැතිවරණ මඟහරින්න නොයෙක් උප්පරවැට්ටි යොදන දේශපාලන පක්‍ෂ එකතුවක් එක්ක.  පසුගිය ආණ්ඩුව පලාත් පාලන ඡන්දය අවුරුදු තුනක් ප්‍රමාද කරලා දින නියමයක් නැතුවම ඒ ඡන්දය කල්දාගන්න උසාවි යන්න හදනකොට, නඩු නැති පලාත් පාලන ආයතන වලට හෝ ඡන්දයක් පවත්වන බව මැතිවරණ කොමිසමේ සභාපතිවරයා කියපු නිසා තමයි ජනතාවට ඒ ඡන්දයවත් ලැබුණෙ. නැත්නම් ඒකත් නෑ.

අද වන විට පලාත් සභා ඡන්ද අවුරුද්දයි මාස තුනක් විතර ප්‍රමාදයි, නමුත් ඒ ඡන්දය පවත්වන දවසක් ගැන හෝඩුවාවක්වත් නෑ. ඒ ඡන්ද  දින නියමයක් නැතුව කල් යන විදියට නීතියෙන් ගැටගහලා තියෙන්නෙ. 2017 සැප්තැම්බර් මාසයේදී පලාත් සභා ඡන්දය කල් දාගන්න ගෙනාපු පනත සම්මත කරන්න පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ තුනෙන් දෙකේ බලයක් ඕන කියලා නීතිපතිවරයා කිවුවාම රෑ වෙනකම් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ඇදගෙන ගිහිල්ලා කොහොම හරි මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් එකතුකරගෙන, සමානුපාතික නියෝජන ප්‍රතිශතය 40% ඉඳලා 50% දක්වා වැඩි කලේ නැතිනම් ඒකට ඡන්දය නොදෙන බව සමහර පොඩි දේශපාලන පක්‍ෂ කිවුවාම ඒකට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කොරිඩෝරියේ හිටගෙනම එකඟ වෙලා, ගහන්න තියෙන කරනම් සේරම ගහලා  තමයි ඒගොල්ලෝ පලාත් සභා ඡන්ද කල්දාගත්තෙ.

කැදවපු මහ මැතිවරණයත් දැන් ජනතාවට අහිමි වෙලා තියෙන්නෙ.  ජනාධිපතිවරයා නොවැම්බර් 09 පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසිරෙවුවට පස්සෙ, මැතිවරණ පවත්වනවට විරුද්ධ හවුල උසාවි ගිහිල්ලා තාවකාලික වාරණ නියෝගයක් අරගෙන යූ.එන්.පී කතානායකවරයාගේ සහයෝගයෙන්, විසුරුවල තිබුණු පාර්ලිමේන්තුව නැවත කැඳවල පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ බහුතරය ඒගොල්ලන්ට තියෙනවයි කියලා පෙන්වන්න නොයෙක් ක්‍රියාකාරකම් වල යෙදුනා. නමුත් මෙතන ඇත්තටම වෙලා තියෙන්නෙ මොනවද කියලා ජනතාවට හරියටම පෙනුණෙ දෙසැම්බර් 12 වෙනිදා රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා අගමැති හැටියට පත් කරන්න කියලා යෝජනාවක් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සම්මත කරපු දවසෙයි.

රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා අගමැති කරන්න කියලා ඡන්ද 117 ක් ලැබුණා. ඒකෙන් 14 ක් ටී.එන්.ඒ ඡන්ද. ටී.එන්.ඒ එකෙන් රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහත්තයා අගමැති කරන්න කියලා ඡන්දය දුන්නට, මාවෙයි සේනාතිරාජා මන්ත්‍රීවරයා ටී.එන්.ඒ එක වෙනුවෙන් විශේෂ ප්‍රකාශයක් කරලා කිවුවා, ටී.එන්.ඒ එක රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහත්තයට අගමැති වෙන්න ඡන්දය දුන්ට ඒගොල්ලො ආණ්ඩුවට එක් වෙන්නෙ නැති බවත්, දිගටම විපක්‍ෂයේ ඉන්න බවත්. ඉතින් මෙතන වෙලා තියෙන්නෙ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් 103 ක් ඉන්න යූ.එන්.පී සුළුතරය ටී.එන්.ඒ එක විසින් ප්‍රාණ ඇපයට අරගෙන තියෙන එකයි. ටී.එන්.ඒ එක කියන විදියට රට පාලනය කලේ නැතිනම් ඕනම මොහොතක යූ.එන්.පී සුළුතරයට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ බහුතරය නැති වෙන්න පුලුවන්. ටී.එන්.ඒ එකේ අතට තමයි රිමෝට් එක ගිහිල්ලා තියෙන්නෙ.

නඩු තීන්දුව එන්නත් කලින් රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහත්තයා දෙසැම්බර් 12 වෙනිදා, අලුත් ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් ගෙන එන එක ගැන පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කතා කලා. මේ අලුත් ව්‍යවස්ථා කෙටුම්පත සකස් කරලා මාධ්‍යයේ පලවෙලත් ඉවරයි. ඒ ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන් මේ රට අර්ධ-ස්වාධීන ෆෙඩරල් ප්‍රාන්ත රාජ්‍ය නවයකට කඩන්නයි සූදානම් කරලා තියෙන්නෙ. ඒකෙන් කරන්න ඉන්න තව දෙයක් තමයි විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය අහෝසි කරන එක. එතකොට 2019 දෙසැම්බර්  9 වෙනිදාට ඉස්සෙල්ලා නියමිත ජනාධිපතිවරණය පවත්වන්න වෙන්නෙ නෑ. ඒ වගේම ඒ ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන් පාර්ලිමේන්තු මැතිවරණ ක්‍රමයත් වෙනස් වෙනවා. එතකොට පලාත් සභා ඡන්ද කල්දාල තියෙන විදියටම සීමා නීර්ණ ප්‍රශ්න මතුකරලා දින නියමයක් නැතුව 2020 පාර්ලිමේන්තු මැතිරවණයත් කල් දාගන්න පුලුවන්. ඒකට තමයි මේ සැරසෙන්නෙ.

ආණ්ඩුවෙ හිටපු එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සන්ධාන පාර්ශවය ඉවත් වුණු නිසා, ‘ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවක්’ හැටියට ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 46(4) සහ 46(5) වගන්ති වල විශේෂ විධිවිධාන යටතේ පිහිටුවලා තිබ්බ ඒ ආණ්ඩුව ඉබේම බිඳ වැටුණා. ඊට පස්සෙ, එක්සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් ගණනාවකුත් එකතුවීම නිසා මා නායකත්වය දෙන කණ්ඩායම පර්ලිමේන්තුවේ විශාලම කණ්ඩායම බවට පත්වුණා.  1994, 2000, 2001, 2004, 2015 සියලුම මහමැතිවරණ වලින් පස්සෙ ආණ්ඩු පිහිටුවන්න ආරාධනා ලැබුණෙ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ පැහැදිලි බහුතරයක් නැති වුණත්, විශාලම මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් කණ්ඩායමටයි. කලින් ආණ්ඩුවක් පිහිටුවලා, පස්සෙ තමයි ඒ හැම අවස්ථාවකම බහුතරය හදාගත්තෙ.

අපි ඔක්තෝබර් 26 වෙනිදා ආණ්ඩුවක් පිහිටෙවුවට පස්සෙ ජනාධිපතිතුමා මහ මැතිවරණයක් කැදෙවුවා. මම ඔක්තෝබර් මාසේ 26 වෙනිද අගමැති හැටියට දිවුරුම් දුන්නෙ වැඩිම වුනොත් ජනවාරි 5 වෙනිදට නියම කරලා තිබුණු මහ මැතිවරණය ඉවර වෙනකම් මාස දෙකක් වගේ කාලයකට අන්තර්කාලීන පාලනයක් ගෙනයන්න විතරයි. බලා සිටියදී රට විනාශ මුඛයට යනතෙක් ජනාධිපතිවරයෙකුට නිකම් ඉන්න බෑ. මහ මැතිවරණයක් පවත්වන තුරු අන්තර්කාලීන  ආණ්ඩුවක් පිහිටුවන්න ආරාධනය කරන කොට, ඒ ආරාධනය විකල්ප ආණ්ඩුව හැටියට ස්ථානගතවෙලා ඉන්න බලවේගයට ප්‍රතික්‍ෂේප කරන්නත් බෑ. ඒ වගේම, මහ මැතිරණයක් අවසන් වෙනකන් මාස දෙකක් වගේ කාලයකට රට ගෙනයන්න සුලුතර ආණ්ඩුවක් හොදටම ප්‍රමාණවත්. ජනාධිපතිතුමා ඔක්තෝබර් 26 වෙනිදා ගත්ත ඒ එඩිතර තීන්දුව අපි විශේෂයෙන්ම අගය කරන බව කියන්න ඕන.  

නමුත් ඔක්තෝබර් 26 වෙනිදයින් පස්සෙ මෙහෙ වුණේ වෙනත් දෙයක්. කොහොමහරි මොනම මැතිවරණයක්වත් නැතුව ඉදිරියට යන වැඩපිළිවෙල තමයි දැන් ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙන්නෙ. දැන් මහ මැතිවරණයක් පවත්වන්න බැරි නිසා, මේ රට ආර්ථික පරිහානිය තුළින් තවත් ග්‍රීසියක් වීම වලක්වන්න අපි ගන්න හිටිය පියවර මොනවත් දැන් ක්‍රියාත්මක කරන්න බෑ. අවරුදු තුන හමාරක් තුළ ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් බිලියන 20.7 ක් විදෙස් විනිමය ණය විතරක් ගත්ත යූ.එන්.පී එක, ඉදිරි කාලයේදී තව කොයිතරම් ණය ගනීවිදැයි අපි දන්නෙ නෑ. ඒගොල්ලො ණය ගත්තෙ පරිභෝජනයට. අපි ණය ගත්තෙ රට සංවර්ධනය කරන්න. පාරේ යනකොට පේනන තියෙනවා ඒ සංවර්ධනය. නමුත් මේ අය ණය ගත්තෙ පරිභෝජනයට විතරයි. ඔය ණය ගැනිල්ලෙන් තමයි ඒගොල්ලො අපේ ආර්ථිකය විනාශ මුඛයට ගෙනාවෙ.  දැන් ජනාධිපතිවරයා මේ අලුත් යූ.එන්.පී – ටී.එන්.ඒ හවුල සමඟ නොසිටින නිසා ඔවුන් කරන විනාශයෙන් යම් ප්‍රමාණයක් හෝ පාලනය කර ගැනීමට හැකි වෙයි කියලා හිතන්න පුලුවන් වුණත්, ජනාධිපතිවරයාටත් නොදන්වා එක්සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂය හා දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානය ප්‍රමුඛ මේ හවුලට කරන්න පුලුවන් ගොඩක් දේවල් තියෙනවා.

2002 දී එක්සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂය හා කොටි සංවිධානය අතර සටන් විරාම ගිවිසුම අත්සන් කළෙත් එකල ජනාධිපතිනි චන්ද්‍රිකා කුමාරතුංග දැණුවත් නොකර බවත් අප මතක තබාගන්න ඕන. ඔක්තෝබර් 26 වෙනිදයින් පස්සෙ අපිට පුලුවන් වුණා පීඩනයට පත්වෙලා ඉන්න ජනතාවට ඉන්ධන මිල අඩුකරලා, අත්‍යාවශ්‍ය ආහාර ද්‍රව්‍ය කිහිපයක මිල අඩු කරලා, පොහොර සහනාධාරය හා පාසල් නිල ඇඳුම් යලිත් ස්ථාපිත කරලා, කෘෂිකාර්මික ක්‍ෂේත්‍රයේ ආදායම්, බදු වලින් නිදහස් කරලා ජනතාවට  යම් සහනයක් ලබලා දෙන අතරම විශේෂයෙන්ම කෘෂිකාර්මික නිෂ්පාදනය දිරිගන්වන්න. මේ කාලය තුළ රටේ තරුණ වෘත්තික ප්‍රජාව අතර විශාල නොසන්සුන්තාවයකට තුඩු දීලා තිබ්බ පසුගිය ආණ්ඩුවේ ශ්‍රී  ලංකා – සිංගප්පූරු වෙළඳ ගිවිසුම ගැන යම් පියවර ගන්නත් පුලුවන් වුණා. පසුගිය ආණ්ඩුවේ බදු දඩයමත් අපි නැවැත්තුවා. වැසී යෑමට නියමිතව තිබුණු දේශීය කර්මාන්ත රාශියකුත් අපි බේර ගත්තා. බලාපොරොත්තු වූ මහ මැතිවරණය නොලැබුනත්, ඔක්තෝබර් 26 වෙනිදා පටන්ගත්ත ඒ ක්‍රියාදාමයෙන් ඒ වගේ වෙනත් ප්‍රයෝජන කිහිපයක් ජනතාවට ලැබිලා තියෙන බවත් කියන්න ඕන.

මේ කාලය තුළ සිද්ධ වුණු වැදගත්ම දේ තමයි පසුගිය වකවානුව පුරාම එක්සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂයේ උවමනා එපාකම් අනුව හැසිරවීමට හැකි වුණ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ තුනෙන් දෙකේ බලය නැති වීම. 19 වන සංශෝධනය ගෙනල්ලා මුලු රටම අවුල් ජාලාවක් බවට පත්කරපු පිරිස විසින්ම කෙටුම්පත් කරපු නව  ව්‍යවස්ථාව සම්මත කරන එක එයින් වලක්වාගන්න පුලුවන් වෙනවා. ඒ වගේම ආණ්ඩු පක්‍ෂයේම පිරිසක් විපක්‍ෂයේ ඉන්න බව පෙන්වමින් විපක්‍ෂනායක කමත් විපක්‍ෂයේ ප්‍රධාන සංවිධායක කමත් තමන් සතු කරගෙන අවුරුදු 4 කට ආසන්න කාලයක් මුලුල්ලේ ගෙනගිය ඒ නඩුත් හාමුදුරුවන්ගේ, බඩුත් හාමුදුරුවන්ගේ අධිපතිවාදය අවසන් කිරීමට දැන් මඟ පෑදිලා තියෙනවා. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ තිබුණු ඒ විකෘතිය නිසා රටේ සියලුම ඉහල පත්වීම් වලට පුද්ගලයන් නිර්දේශ කරන ව්‍යවස්ථාදායක සභාවේ සිටියේ එකම දේශපාලන ප්‍රවාහයක අය පමණයි. මේ නිසා රටේ සියලුම වැදගත් තනතුරු වලට පසුගිය අවුරුදු හතර මුලුල්ලේ පත් වුණේ 2015 දී ඒ දේශපාලන ප්‍රවාහයේ හිටපු අය විතරයි. මේ භයානක විකෘතියේ ප්‍රතිපල අද මුලු රටම අත් විදිමින් ඉන්නවා.

පෙබරවාරි 10 වෙනිදා පලාත් පාලන මැතිවරණයෙන් පස්සේ අපේ අරමුණ වුණේ ජනතාවට මහ මැතිවරණයක් ලබා දීමයි. මහ මැතිවරණයක් නොමැතිව අගමැති ධූරයක් දැරීමට මගේ කිසිදු බලාපොරොත්තුක් නොමැති නිසාත්, තීන්දු තීරණ ගැනීමේදී ජනාධිපතිවරයාට අවහිරයක් නොවීම සඳහාත්, මම අගමැති ධූරයෙන් ඉවත් වෙලා, අලුත් ආණ්ඩුවක් පිහිටුවන්න ජනාධිපතිතුමාට ඉඩ ලබලා දෙනවා.  ඔක්තෝබර් 26 වනදා මා අගමැති වනවාත් සමඟම මුලු රට පුරාම නව බලාපොරොත්තු සහගත පිබිඳීමක් ඇති වුණා. 2015 න් පස්සෙ කඩාවැටිල තිබ්බ කොටස් වෙළඳපොල නැවතත් පිබිදුනා. 2015 න් පස්සෙ, එල්.එම්.ඩී. – නීල්සන් ව්‍යාපාර විශ්වාසනීයත්ව දර්ශකයේ” වැඩිම ඉහල යෑම ඔක්තෝබර් 26 වෙනිදායින් පස්සෙ අපි දුටුවා. රටේ ආණ්ඩුවක් නැති තත්වයක් නිර්මාණය වුණාම විදේශීය සංචාරකයන්ගේ පැමිණීම අඩු වුණත්, 2017 නොවැම්බර් මාසයට වඩා, 2018 නොවැම්බර් මාසයේ සංචාරකයන්ගේ පැමිණීම 16% කින් වැඩි වෙලා තියෙනවා. ඔක්තෝබර් 26 වෙනිදයින් පස්සෙ, දේශපාලන අස්ථාවර භාවයත් නොතකා ඇති වුණ ඒ ප්‍රවනතා නිසා මේ රටේ ජනතාවගේ බලාපොරොත්තුව කුමක්දැයි අපි කාටත් පැහැදිලි වුණා.

මහජනතාව අපේක්‍ෂා කළ ආණ්ඩු වෙනස සාක්ෂාත් කර ගැනීම දැන් කල් ගිහිල්ලා තියෙනවා. නමුත් අවසානයේදී ජනතාවට ඒ වෙනස අනිවාර්‍යයෙන්ම ලැබෙනවා. ඒක වලක්වන්න කාටවත් බෑ. ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂයත් ආණ්ඩුවේ සිටි ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්‍ෂ පාර්ෂවයත් එකට ගත්තාම දැනටම රටේ ඡන්ද වලින් 54% ක් පමණ නියෝජනය වන ඉතාමත්ම ප්‍රබල දේශපාලන බල කඳවුරක් දැන් නිර්මාණය වෙලා තියෙනවා. ඒකට අපි එක්ක දැනටමත් ඉන්න, ඡන්ද පදනමක් තියෙන, උතුරු නැගෙනහිර හා කදුරට පක්‍ෂ ගණනාවකුත් එකතු වෙනවා. ඉස්සරහට මේ රටට එරෙහි බලවේග වලට විරුද්ධව එන්නෙ, කිසිවෙකුටත් නවත්තන්න බැරි දීප ව්‍යාප්ත දේශපාලන බලවේගයක්. ඉදිරි කාලයේදී අපේ ප්‍රධානම ඉලක්කය වන්නේ,  දැනටමත් අවුරුද්දකුත් මාස තුනක් පමණ ප්‍රමාද වෙලා තියෙන පලාත් සභා මැතිවරණය පවත්වා ගැනීමයි. දැන් නැවතත් රටේ සුක්කානම අතට ගැනීමට මාන බලමින් ඉන්න මේ විනාශකාරී බලවේගය ඉදිරියේදී කරන හානිය හැකිතාක් දුරට අවම කිරීම අලුත් ජනතාවාදී ආණ්ඩුවක් බිහිවෙන තුරු මේ සන්ක්‍රාන්ති කාලය තුළ අප ඉදිරියේ ඇති ප්‍රධානම අභියෝගයයි. 2015 ඉඳලම අපි සමඟ නොසැලී සිටි ජනතාව ඉදිරියේදීත් අපි සමඟ රට බේරාගැනීමේ මෙහෙයුමට එක්වන බවට මට කිසිම සැකයක් නෑ. අපි ජනතාව සංවිධානය කරලා රටට එරෙහි ඒ දුර්දාන්ත බලවේගය දමනය කරනවා.  

ඔබ සැමට තෙරුවන් සරණයි, දෙවි පිහිටයි

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

I do not agree with his theory .He talks about the  fact that ,we have to accept who we are and find indigenous development strategy ? and that we do not need Globalization I would like to ask him to name a country which has developed so far after world war 2 which has been following democratic principles .Take Iran ,Iraq,Saudi Arabia,China ,Oman ,even Maldives .Have they not been run by  Authoritarian Dictators who put  country in forefront ?

Singapore developed because Lee Kwan Yew was a dictator who knew the priorities .Our country has a prosperous past and unprecedented development few centuries back .British came and force Democracy to our country which was the bane .

http://www.ft.lk/article/595546/Why-Sri-Lanka-will-never-be-Singaporewww.ft.lk

We need a dictator who should identify the path for development and forcibly implement .He talks  about sustainability in Food Supply,. A Ruler can impose strict rules in developing agriculture .When you drive along Southern Highway you could see land mass with plenty of water which can be forced-developed .We pass by and keep telling that what a beautiful sight with no clue that it is a gold mine

Many areas in the country are abandoned and scrupulous land sales companies are blocking out lands and making money .A good ruler can impose strict restrictions and force cultivation or even get Israelis to develop the lands !

There are much shallow sea front Jaffna Peninsular ,which are not harvested Can a dictator recognize the potential and force marine aqua culture development ?

All other proposals in his article are valid, what we lack is a Forced –Implementer. I know by experience that Vision of Lew Kwan Yew is what we need,

We need a Benevolent sane Dictator

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

BY EDWARD THEOPHILUS

The dissolution of parliament by a gazette notification of the president was not in terms of the constitution, was determined by the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka When carefully reading two judgements it is quite clear that judges decided purely based on the literal meaning the clauses of the constitution and they have not considered any other points in addition to the literal meaning.  According to judgements of the courts in the world we can see that various factors are considered by the courts making judgment, but they are not relevant to this judgment and all parties in Sri Lanka accepted the decision.

Many weaknesses of the constitution of Sri Lanka have identified and some of them are discussed in political and non-political platforms. Resolving such problems should be done by a future government as the current political parties in the parliament have no mandate to do it.

Politicians, academics, public and interested parties in Sri Lanka or overseas need to understand some significant points which affect Sri Lanka’s politics.  The major point is the demographic changes in the country and the impact of such changes to politics in Sri Lanka.

The census report of Sri Lanka in 2012 indicate that the population of Sri Lanka consist of 74.90% Sinhala, 15.27% Tamil, 9.30%% Muslim and 0.19% are others. These statistics strongly confirm that Sinhala people of Sri Lanka has the supreme power in politics and if they are united, no domestic or outside force could defeat the political unity of Sri Lanka and they will decide the political power of the country.  The next important point is that same census report indicates that the population of Sri Lanka comprise of 70.10% are Buddhists, 12.58% are Hindus, 9.66% are Muslim, 7.62%, Christian, and 0.03% are others most probably they might be secular people or other religion like Bahai faith or without belonging to any religious community.

These statistics further confirm that the political power of the country is with Sinhala Buddhists and if any political party goes against the wishes of Sinhala Buddhist community, such political party could be survived in the country.

The unity of Sinhala people is the most significant factor to defeat any forces against Sri Lanka and the next census, which is due in 2022 will show further different result that the population of Sri Lanka will be consisted of 80% Sinhala and the Tamil population will be declined to less than 10% and more than 75% of the population will be Sinhala Buddhist giving absolute power in politics to Sinhala Buddhist.  The unity of Sinhala Buddhist will determine the political power of the country. In Sri Lanka, there is a higher trend to reducing Tamil population as they are massively migrating to other countries and many Tamil women marry with Sinhala male and integrate to Sinhala population. Current Tamil can do nothing to change this trend.

However, the majority of Sinhala Buddhists have divided according to political parties and if this situation changes, foreign forces must listen to Sinhala Buddhist first.

The other vital point is that with a less than 10% of population, Tamil in Sri Lanka needs to learn how to live with Sinhala people.  In Western countries such as UK, USA, France, Germany, Australia and others do not ready change their constitution because less than 10% of population from other countries. The governments of those countries have passed anti-discrimination legislation and all need to integrate with majority of population.

Working against this truth is a self casuistically work. Tamil politicians in Sri Lanka attempt to manipulate many things against Sinhala majority and some edacious Sinhala politicians, civil society people have caught to Tamil propaganda and vicious actions.

By Charles S.Perera

A Gamarala  and his family were locked up in their home surrounded by Alibaba and 40 thieves coming from the  cavern under temple trees and making impossible demands.  The Gamarala  sent a message to  Maha Danamutta asking for  a solution and  liberate him and his family. Maha Danamutta and his goloyo said they want time to receive visitors and count what they receive before they  find a solution to liberate the Gamarala and his family. In the mean time  Alibaba and his 40 thieves were making Gamaralas life miserable.

Maha Danamutta  took his own time looked into the books as even the judges  always read most of the old judicial decision of  Kakille Rajjuruvo and more those of Maha Danamutta. Maha Danamutta  considered the case of the Goat’s head stuck in a pot and how wise was his solution. But that entails cutting the heads of Gamarala and all his family.

Then  Maha Danamutta thought that he would  go on his elephant to meet the Gamarala and discuss the matter, but then he may have to get Gamarala to break the wall in front to allow him and his elephant to go inside, but thought otherwise as he  thought that it may cause damage to him and his Goloys, and thought of other solutions.

Maha Danamutta  discussed long with his Goloyo Polbamoona, Kotukithaiah, Indikatu Pancha, Rabboda Aiya and Puvak Badilla they had all their ideas which Maha Danamutta took into consideration. Polbamoona spoke up suggesting  a long lockup of Gamarala and his family  for  four and half years, which by then would tire Alibaba and 40 thieves and stop bothering  Gamarala and his family any more. Maha Danamutta was pleased and clapped his hand in approval of his practical suggestion, and said so be it.

Like wise the SC  after long and deep  consideration came to the conclusion that the dissolution of Parliament by the President by  Gazette Notification was un-Constitutional and that the President could dissolve the parliament if he wants only after four and half years . That was a dumb solution as in any case the Parliament ceases its term of office  in four and a half years.

What a great judicial ruling which  even Mahadanamutta would have been put to shame ?

In Europe there are long Tunnels one such long tunnel is the Tunnel of Frejus which connects France and Italy. It is 12895 meters long. These tunnels have  at regular intervals on either side small doors marked Sortie or Exit. If there is a train catching fire in the middle of the tunnel (as it once happened) the tunnel will be gutted with fire and smoke  and these small exit doors  are used to evacuate the passengers from the trains out of danger from fire and smoke..

Like wise in the 1978 Constitution of Sri Lanka despite its short comings or if any ambitious fool were to introduce an Amendment such as 19A, and find the country in a political impasse, the Constitution has provided means to overcome the difficulty( like the Exit Doors inside tunnels).

Hence when Article 70 of the Constitution prohibits the President from dissolution of the Parliament for any reason before four and a half years even if the President is confronted with a serious  political impasse, the 1978  Constitution fortunately provides Article 33 which permits the President to dissolve the Parliament before the period specified under Article 70.

This provision had been overlooked by our great judicial minds of the SC in their verdict pronounced  with pomp and glory” on the 13 December,2018 coming  close to Maha Danamutta’s solution.

The Judges are not there merely to interpret the Constitution, but also examine the reasons behind  legal issue in question  such as why the President used one Article of the Constitution,  without referring to the other which restricts his actions.  There is some thing called cause  and effect which the Judges should examine. The Judges are not mere technical robots, but human beings with a mind to be used when necessary to understand the whole of a political problem which is in  question and  now under their judicial examination.

In applying their commonsense, apart from legal arguments,  they should have examined the cause that led the President to resort to article 33 to dissolve the parliament by Gazette Notification despite the prohibition at article 70, which he would have certainly read and understood,  if not him personally  at least by those who advised him on the issue.

That was the cause , now  the reason was, after working with Ranil Wickramasinghe as Prime Minister   on whom he had placed all his confidence , he realised that the Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasinghe is not the man he had accepted him to be. When the UPFA Ministers left the Yahapalanaya Government  the Cabinet was automatically dissolved under the relevant Article 42 of  Constitution. Then the President had to appoint another Prime Minister and he did so under Article 46.

That was the back ground which the five Judges of the SC had not examined. That is a serious lapse on their part.

There is another case being examined by the Supreme Courts with regard to the appointment of the new   Prime Minister and a cabinet of Ministers . There too the Judges should not  rest after interpreting the relevant Articles of the Constitution, because the law is not for the President and the Parliamentarians, but  the law is primarily for the people.

Therefore the Judges should also examine the cause that led to the appointment of a new Prime Minister and his Cabinet. And also observe what had been  the need of the hour.

Was it to leave the people stranded without a government functioning and their daily needs unfulfilled and country being pushed into anarchic with a disposed Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasinghe  not seeing reason acting  undemocratically and without moral decency ?

And in the meantime, the JVP, making use of the situation to fulfil their own ambitious scheme of passing an Article 20A to the Constitution, and TNA asking for more conditions suitable to making the North and East an Eelam State.

Let the people be proud of an independent judiciary not independent from the people , but independent in taking judicial decisions for the benefit of the people  as true patriots besides being judges and lawyers.

Geethanjana Kudaligamage

The drama is over! At the end, the protagonist, Ms. Democracy is left in the middle of the stage stark naked. Now, the wolves who striped her, celebrate her ugly nudity in rejoice chanting a different variant of ‘MANGALA’ SUTHRA,’ the cunning sutra that is used to destroy the autonomy of the people of Sri Lanka. Hello! welcome to the ‘strip club’ at the Temple Trees!

All three branches of our democracy have failed to standby the sovereignty of the people of Sri Lanka. All three branches, the knights who supposed to safeguard the autonomous-will of the people, have defeated them in cohort. Who is standing victorious now? MONEY!!!! Who has the power to throws such vast quantities of money lavishly to mess with third world sovereignty? External powers! Westminster style Parliamentary Democracy had gone to dogs not just yesterday, but at the very inception of the very idea of it.

It has been proved time and time again that in this era of trans national corporations’ global capitalism, democracy anywhere in the world has become a farce, it has become a mockery. Especially in the third world, there is nothing called sovereignty in the political vocabulary anymore. The only sovereignty that is left in this late stage of globalist capitalism is the sovereignty of Trans National Corporations’ money power; the sovereignty of destroying nation states in the world through it. In fact, if there is even a recidue of a ‘thing’ called sovereignty is existing in the third-world, then global capitalism cannot function freely. So, we must understand that the archenemy of globalist capitalism is sovereignty of the nation state in the third-world. It was hidden until now. But now it has been open to everyone to see that Westminster style Parliamentary system is vulnerable for the manipulation of global capitalism. It is vulnerable to money power. Money power is the time-tested tool of global capitalism. It is not the sovereignty of the people’s will.

It is the sovereignty of ‘BRIBERY’ stupid!!!!”

Lessens we learned from current crisis is astonishing. We learned that Executive presidency is the only way to safeguard the sovereignty of the third world nation state. Westminster style parliamentary democracy is too weak to resist the assaults and ambush of internal and external threats and manipulations. We definitely need a strong executive presidency is the greatest lesson we have learned today.

The old fox JRJ did not intend to create an executive presidency to form a steady government to resist the instability that comes from external powers like today. Because in his time, Trans National Corporations’ Globalization’ as a concept was not fully functioning in global arena with all its global institutions like today. His intention was to create a government, and an executive branch with a steady function with all available tools of resistance to the threat coming from the parliamentary system itself in the Westminster model. (Now we understand the reason why he kept the authority to appoint CJ in his hand.) At that time, he thought the culprit that was threatening the system was the traditional left in the parliament and outside it. But today there is no so-called ‘traditional left,’ left in the parliament or in the political arena that is functioning outside effectively. The only group that pretend to be left is the JVP, but they also have become specific variety of villains playing for the tune of above said Trans National Corporations’ agenda of destroying the nation state of Sri Lanka. Today time has changed. Instead of the traditional left, it is the Trans National Corporations money power and the western manipulations that threaten the autonomy of the people of Sri Lanka. They have stolen our sovereign right to determine our fate from the backdoor even without our notice

The way Anura Kumara Disanayaka speaks regarding current crisis today in public  is sickening and an utter disgrace to this party that had some reputation for safe guarding the national interests in the past. Now the JVP has lost its head. Today it is running around like a headless donkey leaving feces continually discharging from its bowels allover, after sensing that they have lost the confidence of the people.

Mark these words folks! It is written on the wall! If the things continue in the same way, in ten or twenty years of time, people of Sri Lanka will mourn on streets like Palestinians for losing their country. By then, it will be too late; and there won’t be anyone to accept the blame for all the stupid betrayals they have committed today for selfish reasons to create such situation tomorrow. I wonder if Ranil or Anura Kumara will accept the responsibility for it at that point of history.

Oh’ Sri Lanka!…O’ Sri Lanka!!

By Shamindra Ferdinando Courtesy The Island

The only lawmaker to vote against the 19th Amendment to the Constitution retired Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekera, yesterday, said that those who hailed the new law as panacea owed an explanation to the country.

Former Digamadulla District MP Weerasekera said so when The Island asked him as to why he voted against the 19th Amendment in spite of President Maithripala Sirisena personally appealing for unanimous support to pass it from the SLFP-led UPFA parliamentary grouping comprising nearly 150 members.
Former Navy Chief of Staff Weerasekera said that the 19th Amendment was enacted on April 28, 2015 during the much-touted 100-day yahapalana programme.

Having served the Navy for over three decades, Weerasekera retired in 2006 at the onset of Eelam war IV. Weerasekera entered parliament on the UPFA ticket at the April 2010 parliamentary polls.

In the third reading of the 19th Amendment, 212 lawmakers voted for the Amendment whereas Weerasekara voted against it. JVP MP Ajith Kumara abstained while ten skipped the sittings on that day. Of those who had skipped sittings three lawmakers voted for the second reading of the amendmeBasil Rajapaksa, Premalal Jayasekera, Janaka Priyantha Bandara, Dr. Jagath Balasuriya, Keheliya Rambukwella, Ven. Ellawela Medhananda and Susantha Punchinilame skipped the session.

Weerasekera said that having won the presidency, Maithripala Sirisena replaced Prime Minister D.M. Jayaratne with UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, in spite of the latter’s group comprising mere 42 MPs. Wickremesinghe’s minority government couldn’t have undertaken a task as big as enacting far reaching piece of legislation without the backing of the SLFP-led UPFA. “The SLFP parliamentary group alone consisted of 126 members,” Weerasekera said, adding that they shouldn’t have accepted the 19th Amendment under any circumstances.

The Island sought Weerasekera’s views on the 19th Amendment in the wake of a fuller bench of the Supreme Court declaring Nov 09, 2018 dissolution of parliament unconstitutional. The declaration was made in terms of the 19th Amendment.Weerasekera pointed out that the UPFA foolishly extended its support to enact a law meant to weaken the executive presidency several weeks after the UNP perpetrated the first ever treasury bond scam involving the Central Bank and primary dealer Perpetual Treasuries Limited.

Weerasekera said that of nearly 150 UPFA MPs about half strongly opposed the 19th Amendment. “We were determined and felt confident in thwarting the UNP project. In fact, 19th Amendment was meant to play a vital role in weakening Sri Lanka’s unitary status. Unfortunately, UPFA didn’t realize the danger.”

On the day before the 19th was to be taken up in parliament, 67 lawmakers had met at the residence of Prof. G.L. Peiris to adopt a common stand against the UNP led project. Weerasekera said that he was among those who decided on that night the 19th Amendment shouldn’t be allowed to become reality. “We needed just eight more votes to deprive the UNP of required two-thirds majority to enact the new law. We really believed the UNP plan could be derailed. We could have convinced some of those on the fence to switch allegiance to anti-19 A group.”
Weerasekera recalled how the situation dramatically changed soon after SLFP leader Sirisena threw his presidential weight behind the 19 A project. President Sirisena, having arrived in parliament on April 28, 2015 called a meeting with the UPFA group. “President Sirisena reminded us of him not receiving our support at the presidential election. He urged our group to vote for 19th Amendment,” Weerasekera said. The naval veteran said that President Sirisena explained that a unanimous approval of the 19th Amendment would be considered a vote for him, Weerasekera said.

Weerasekera emphasized that in spite of President Sirisena’s call he was not convinced and expressed his concerned openly. Unfortunately, President Sirisena’s move swiftly swayed the parliamentary group and soon the UNP had the required support. Responding to another query, Weerasekera said that though the UPFA managed to dilute the 19th Amendment to a certain extent, Thursday’s Supreme Court ruling proved beyond doubt the devastating power of that piece of legislation.
Weerasekera asserted that irreparable damage had been caused to country the by way of the 19th Amendment. The 20th Amendment proposed by the JVP was meant to achieve what the UNP and its allies couldn’t achieve through the implementation of the 19th Amendment.

Weerasekera alleged that the 19th Amendment targeted the Rajapaksa family. Those who felt scared of facing the electorate brought the 19th Amendment to deprive war winning President Mahinda Rajapaksa of an opportunity to contest presidential election. The president’s brothers, Godthaab and Basin were disqualified on the basis of their dual citizenship whereas his son, Namal too faced the same issue.Asked whether he felt betrayed by his own party, Weerasekera said that the Constitutional Council was especially created to weaken the presidency. Weerasekera said that at the time the 19th Amendment came into being in late April 2015, he never thought Tamil National Alliance (TNA), one time LTTE’s cat’s paw was going to secure the Opposition Leader’s Office. “The majority of people are not aware of the composition of the CC and how it could undermine the executive presidency,” Weerasekera said.

Weerasekera appreciated President Sirisena’s move to appoint Mahinda Rajapaksa as the Prime Minister at the expense of Wickremesinghe. Had Wickremesinghe been allowed to continue, the UNP would have brought in the new Constitution as directed by Geneva- based United Nations Human Rights Council in mid 2016.The naval veteran urged all political parties to review their stand on national issues and take tangible measures to rectify mistakes.

METHMALIE DISSANAYAKE Courtesy Ceylon Today

The Illankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) made it clear yesterday (12) that they would not function as a part of a United National Front (UNF) Government and that they would continue to be seated in the Opposition.

However, the Party extended its support to the restoration of a Government led by the UNF as it existed prior to 26 October, Parliamentarian Mavai Senadhiraja, making a statement in Parliament on behalf of the ITAK and the TNA, said.

The House on the same day passed a motion supporting UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe to act as the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka by 117 votes. The TNA voted in favour of the motion.

Speaking further, Senadhiraja noted that the Party had sent a letter to President Maithripala Sirisena on 29 November with the signatures of 14 MPs explaining its stance regarding the current political turmoil. They would continue to act according to the facts mentioned in that letter, he added.

The TNA in the letter had noted that to ensure that an MP is able to command the confidence of the Parliament as the Prime Minister, the ITAK will support the restoration of a Government headed by the UNF as it existed prior to 26 October.

We will also support the appointment of a nominee of the UNF who in the opinion of you is able to command the confidence of the Parliament as the Premier. The inability of the MP who was appointed as the Prime Minister, to prove that the Parliament has confidence in him, as the Prime Minister and the votes of No Confidence passed against him, pertaining to his claim to be the Prime Minister, have created a controversy in the country as to whether the country is without a Prime Minister, a Cabinet of Ministers and a lawfully constituted Government for more than a month. We respectfully submit that this situation should not continue. The view of the majority of the MPs on the issue of whether the said MP commands the confidence of Parliament to be the Prime Minister has been negative and has been demonstrated beyond doubt,” the letter said.

Currently, the UNF has only 103 seats in the House and needs to have 10 more seats to form a Government on its own.

Courtesy Adaderana

Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa has decided to resign from the Premiership in order to ensure stability of the country, according to MP Namal Rajapaksa.

In a twitter message, he said that Rajapaksa will step down tomorrow following an address to the nation.

The MP further said that the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) along with the former President, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and other will work to form a broader coalition with President Maithripala Sirisena.

To ensure stability of the nation, Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa has decided to resign from the Premiership tomorrow after an address to the nation. The SLPP with Frm President, SLFP & others will now work to form a broader political coalition with President Sirisena,” Namal Rajapaksa tweeted.

German Dharmaduta Society

In commemoration of the Birth Centenary of Asoka Weeraratna (Ven. Mitirigala Dhammanissanti Thera), who played a pioneering role in the dissemination of Buddhism in post – war Germany by establishing the Berlin Buddhist Vihara in 1957, the Philatelic Bureau of Sri Lanka’s Department of Post, released a Commemorative Postage stamp in the denomination of Rs. 15.00 and a Special Commemorative Cover at the Mahaweli Centre, Colombo on December 12, 2018.

Ven. Omalpe Sobitha Thero, in a keynote address, drew attention to the period of time when he was closely associated with Ven. Mitirigala Dhammanissanti Thero, to put a stop to State patronage of the Inland Fisheries scheme (in the late 1980s). Ven. Sobitha said that though Ven. Dhammanissanti was a forest dwelling monk, he was not oblivious to the happenings in the world outside. He was prepared to come forward to protect the Buddha Sasana if the need arose. Ven. Dhammanissanti was alarmed when he came to know that the then Government of Sri Lanka had begun encouraging people to breed fish in home garden ponds, and kill and eat them for almost every meal, in clear violation of fundamental Buddhist tenets. Realizing the danger to the Buddha Sasana and the sanctity of the First Precept, if this state policy became firmly entrenched, Ven. Dhammanissanti began a public campaign with the support of Buddhist monks including the Maha Nayakas of the three Nikayas, and the laity to oppose these plans. With growing support from the Buddhist public Ven. Dhammanissanti, was finally able to convince President R. Premadasa of the folly of these policies encouraging Buddhists to adopt wrong livelihoods in infringement of Panchseela (Five Precepts) and the long term adverse consequences to the Buddhist respect for the sanctity of life. It was also a clear violation of Article 9 of the Constitution which mandates the State to protect and foster Buddhism. The final result was that President Premadasa withdrew state sponsorship of inland fisheries.

Ven. Sobitha further said that Ven. Dhammanissanti had committed his entire life for the cause of Buddhism and its uplift and therefore was suitably qualified for the high honour of being named and recognized as the ‘Deveni Dharmapala’ (second Anagarika Dharmapala). His life was an inspiration to all Buddhists, Ven. Sobitha concluded.

Mr. Jagath Sumathipala, President of the All Ceylon Buddhist Congress, said that Asoka Weeraratna will be gratefully remembered as a Buddhist National Hero who had made a significant contribution to the uplift of the Buddha Sasana in a challenging period of time in the last century, at the forthcoming celebration of the 100^th anniversary of the ACBC in year 2019.

The commemorative event was provided with musical entertainment by the children of the Sri Bodhiraja Children’s Home in Embilipitiya. They sang both Viridu and group songs in praise of Asoka Weeraratna (Ven. Mitirigala Dhammanissanti) particularly focused on his role in propagating Buddhism in Europe and safeguarding the Buddha Sasana from being undermined by State economic policies.

A Video Documentary on the role played by Asoka Weeraratna and the German Dhramaduta Society in engaging in Buddhist activities in Germany to this day was screened.

Buddhist Monks namely Ven. Dikwelle Seelasumana (who had served for nearly a decade at the Berlin Vihara in Germany) and Ven. Rambukkana Dhammavasa (resident monk at the Mitirigala Nissarana Vanaya founded by Asoka Weeraratna) delivered sermons.

Professor Jayasiri Lankage (President, German Dharmaduta Society), Harsha Gunasena ( President, Mitirigala Nissarana Vanaya Sanrakkshana Mandalaya), Senaka Weeraratna (Hony. Secretary, German Dharmaduta Society), and Dr. Manel Lakdivdas (former President, German Dharmaduta Society) also spoke. Hemantha Ranavaka (Secretary, Mitirigala Nissarana Vanaya Sanrakkshana Mandalaya) was the compere of the day’s proceedings.

German Dharmaduta Society

December 14, 2018

ALI SUKHANVER

Zalmay Mamozy Khalilzad had been the highest-ranking Muslim American in the George W. Bush administration. His diplomatic services with reference to the countries like Iraq, Afghanistan, India and Pakistan have been so marvelous that he remained ‘the blue-eyed boy’ of every US government. At present he is working as Special Representative for Afghanistan Reconciliation at the US State Department. Mr. Zalmay Khalilzad is an Afghan by birth that is why now the Trump administration has given him this fresh assignment of looking into the Afghan affairs on behalf of the US State Department. This assignment is in fact a mission of securing a peaceful resolution to the conflict in Afghanistan. It is being hoped that Mr. Zalmay Khalilzad would succeed in finding out a viable solution to the Afghan issue. In continuation to his new assignment he is visiting the region now-a-days and his sole purpose is to speed up the peace efforts in Afghanistan. According to different media reports, Zalmay Khalilzad has expressed his desire of having a peace agreement with the Taliban before the upcoming Afghan presidential elections which are expected on 20^th April 219. There are rumors that these elections could be delayed for some time because President Ghani does not find the law and order situation of the country suitable for the elections.

Experts on Afghanistan Political affairs are of the opinion that President Ashraf Ghani is apprehending Taliban’s influence and interference in the election process. In spite of President Ghani’s all possible efforts and in spite of all US’ struggle, the influence of the Taliban could not be minimized in the Afghan social and political set-up. The Taliban were there, they are there and they would be there in near and far future. According to a report prepared by BBC , the Taliban are now in full control of 14 districts (that’s 4% of the country) and have an active and open physical presence in a further 263 (66%), significantly higher than previous estimates of Taliban strength. ‘In Afghanistan, about 15 million people – half the population – are living in areas that are controlled by the Taliban. Taliban fighters, whom US-led forces spent billions of dollars trying to defeat, are now openly active in 70% of Afghanistan,’ says another report. In short the Taliban are a reality which could not be and must not be ignored. Any effort of throwing them out of the Afghan scenario would simply effect the law and order situation badly. It is just his day-dreaming if President Ashraf Ghani thinks that by postponing the elections, he would get time for wiping-off the Taliban influence from the Afghan society.

As far as the role of Taliban in the social and political scenario of Afghanistan is concerned the people of Afghanistan rank them as the ‘sons of the soil’. No doubt they are a group of people with a particular philosophy of their own but they do belong to the Afghan lands. In spite of the fact that the western media has ever been defaming them as a group of ‘miscreants’ and a ‘gang’ of foreign supported ‘terrorists’ but the people of Afghanistan have a different view about them. If they were really the terrorists and criminals they could not have achieved unprecedented success in the battlefield as well as in the recent diplomatic ventures in Russia and central Asia. The fact of the matter is that the Taliban have never accepted the interference of the foreign forces in Afghanistan. Since day one they have been fighting against the foreign invaders and intriguers. The only target they have set before them is to kick out the foreign forces from Afghanistan by creating all possible hindrances and hurdles in the way of the foreign invaders. If Zalmay Mamozy Khalilzad is really serious and sincere in settling the matters in Afghanistan he must keep in mind that no such effort could ever be successful without involving the Taliban. It is another reality that the Taliban could never be pressurized by use of force; the only way to deal with them is to convince them to join peace-talks. But at the same time it must also be kept in mind that the Taliban do not have a very pleasant and positive experience regarding the peace-talks, arranged in the past. They are always deceived and betrayed. Let us hope this time history does not repeat itself.

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

When I was walking in Galle Face Green today ,  I saw officers of the Presidents’ Security Divisions ( PSD) playing balls ( cricket ) in Galle face. About 100 security lower- rankers were undergoing physical  training in the vicinity.

I have seen Green Berets guards Guarding American president undergoing training with officers, and noted  that they never dreamt of playing  base ball” during training sessions .

I was standing just 20 meter away when President Premadasa was blown into pieces near Galwala .I observed that untrained Mohideen in military fatigue shadowing him with no of the other Green Berets watching people nearing the President.

When there is a threat to the president as confessed by one Rohan Kumara and connivance of a DIG can we afford to have PSD playing balls” ?

President has been  out more than three times in the play of politics after playing  No Balls  by the opposition.

President should also try not to play no balls” and advise his protectors to stop playing in public and be ready to protect him with their lives .

ආචාර්ය වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති

මම නාට්‍යයක් බලන්න ගියා.

දවල් ද?

ඔව්.

(තිරය විවර වෙයි)

v  මචං අර හුණුවටය කියන්නේ මහ පිස්සු කතාවක්

o   ඇයි උඹ එහෙම කියන්නේ?

v  නියම අම්මා හොයන්න පුළුවන් ද රවුම් ඇඳලා?

o   උඹ හිතන්නේ කොහොම කළා නම් හරි කියලා ද?

v  උප්පැන්නේ බැලුවා නම් හරිනේ.

o   උප්පැන්නේ හොර එකක් නම්?

v  ඒ ගැන වදවෙන්නේ මොකට ද? හරියට සීල් ගහලා අනුමත කරලා තියෙනවා නම් ඒක තමයි වලංගු.

o   හ්ම් …

(තිරය වැසෙයි) තිරය පිටුපසින් බුදු අම්මෝ!” කියා හඬක් ඇසෙයි.

ඒ මොකාද බං?

අර රවුම ඇඳපු එකා වෙන්නැති.

හ්ම් …

ජාතික ගීතය වාදනය වන්නට විය.

අපි සිංහයාට බයයි නංගියේ …!”

C. Wijeyawickrema, LL.B., Ph.D.

Introduction

[six lawyers= AG/DSG+2 AC judges +Magistrate+ Senior St. Co.+ private attorney monk= Ven. Galabodaatte Gnanasaara]

Inspire public trust and confidence”

Nobody disputes the motto of the Supreme Court (SC) and the Court of Appeal (CA) copied above, which is applicable universally to any court of law in the world. The question, however, is that judges entrusted with this noble task are mere mortals, not saints. For example, a recent case handled by these two courts in Sri Lanka did not make lot of people (specially Sinhala Buddhist) comfortable. The decision given by CA on the contempt of (Homagama magistrate) court case against the BBS leader Ven. Galabodaatte Gnanasara (GG) is laden with several minor (factual) and two major (legal) problems. Subsequently, the petition submitted to the SC seeking its permission to make an appeal was dismissed by it in a very unfortunate manner, reminding one the famous rule of natural justice, not only must justice be done; it must also be seen to be done.” One of the judges who disallowed the petition was an active opponent of BBS in the recent past when he was an officer of the (publicly anti-BBS), Sri Lanka Bar Association.

In America, there are hundreds of law school law journals, in which one can find essays critically analyzing court decisions. Such scholarly work helps everybody, including the judges. In USA, continuing education is mandatory for judges.  I do not know if Sri Lanka has law journals or if there are any good faith efforts by legal professionals to dissect court decisions. For such service one does not even have to be a lawyer. If democracy requires voters to be vigilant, an intelligence check on judges’ decision-making process is a healthy sign of a people-centered judicial system.

Today, we see only one such effort from an applied law (efficacy of law) perspective. Public interest lawyer Nagananda Kodituwakku has challenged former CJs, SC judges, AG’s Dept., and Bar Association officers for improper and unprofessional behavior. He is not afraid of contempt of court threats, but other lawyers are afraid to sit next to him at SC proceedings because they fear such ‘bad association’ could affect their pocket book sooner or later when they appear with their clients. Ravaya’s Victor Ivan has written a courageous (documentary) book, the silence of the court,” which disclosed antics of the legal establishment from lower to the highest level. Then there are examples of rash outbursts by juvenile politicians, who spoil the cake. There is no question that some of our courts of law are under severe stress, partly due to their own misbehavior. Only one name, Victor Tennekoon, former CJ, left his job with his and his court’s dignity intact.

I began to write this essay, long before the political crisis started after, the October 26, 2018 bombing of his yahapalana prison by prisoner Maithripala Sirisena himself, which dragged both SC and CA into dirty political arena. What this means is that courts are compelled to weigh political facts (not law) and make subjective judgements on whether the president acted fairly and not arbitrarily. Inherent in this task is the reality that one side to the dispute will be unhappy and angry with the judges! Despite these darker clouds on the horizon, I think what I wanted to write must proceed because it is an important story the country should not forget.

Background to BBS case

The first thing we do, let’s kill all the lawyers”- Shakespeare

A discussion of background information relating to this case is helpful in our task of analyzing the decision of CA in its objective and subjective context. Many statements in the judgement reveal the judges’ personal ‘bias’ (prejudice) against the accused in his role as the leader of BBS. The behavior of the AG’s dept. during yahapalana years, has given people an impression that it is a politically bias agency operating against the Buddhist monks targeting those who are actively engaged in socio-political problems created by the politician class (black-whites). It looks like that the anti-Buddhist arrogance of this agency is contagious, going against the Sinhala Buddhist heritage in the island. For example, in the case that sent Ven. Galabodaatte Gnanasaara to jail, the public record of the Court of Appeal, mentions AG as Hon. AG,” and Ven. Gnanasaara (GG) just as Galabodaatte Gnanasaara.” Why did it not cite GG as Ven. GG?” (or at least as monk GG). Is this a trivial matter? I do not think so. Do they treat other religious clergy the same disrespectful way, in the rare case of one of them become an accused? (rarely, because they do not fight publicly on social issues).

How does this attitude operate at the street-level or one step above? On 19th November 2018, at the old parliament building, a small group of monks came to hand over a petition to president Sirisena appealing him to pardon Ven. GG. A man from president’s office came out and told the monks that they could see the president at the end of December! After this crazy response, the police used tear gas and water canon to disperse the crowd. Later, at a meeting arranged by Tilanga Sumathipala, the president apologized to the monks, and said that he was not informed of the monks’ arrival to hand over the petition. Neither was he consulted by the police before using tear gas against the monks. How shoddily some officers of the government (judges and/or court clerks, civil officers, police officers in this case) treat the monkhood in the country is evident without doubt. The monks experience more than other sections, the dirty side of suddage nithiya.

Balu kuudu (dog cages) and AG’s Dept.

Ven. Bengamuwe Nalaka said recently (Oct. 2, 2018) that the AG’s Dept. and the police intentionally fabricated a false case against Ven. Ganansara. The public record is that the officers of the Bar Association also hated BBS. In fact, the latest news (Oct. 5) is that SC judge Prasanna Jayawardena (with Nalin Perera agreeing and Eva Wanasundara opposing) who decided against Ven. G’s appeal was an ardent ‘enemy’ of BBS when he was VP of the Bar Association. This is against the principles of natural justice. He should have recused from hearing this appeal. More importantly, unless a full bench of SC is activated, BBS case now has no judicial option, despite the fact courts only implement the judicial power of the people of Sri Lanka.

Monks and laymen are careful not to add the courts into this allegation. Their formula is perhaps based on what Mrs. Chandrika said some time back that balu sena will be put in balu kuudu (dogs and dog cages).” As discussed later in this essay, if the AG’s Dept. studied the facts of the case carefully using the video clip evidence, the CA would not have made the two fatal errors in its judgement that I have found.  AG’s Dept. should have advised the court not to proceed with the case. But this was a case of lawyers from different state entities working in collaboration to fix from their perspective, a notorious monk, and their biased minds must have missed the legal theories supporting the monk. It also depends on how these lawyers as citizens of this country view, sometimes critical, role monks have played in the 2500-year old history of this island. The history records how a king of Kandy wanted to kill Weilivita Sri Saranaka Sangaraja for opposing and agitating for his ouster. A person who has knowledge of the Sinhala Buddhist heritage cannot appreciate the roles played by monks such as Migettuwatte Gunanada, Gangodawila Soma or presently, Ven. GG.

It is no secret that ever since BBS started (May 2012) its militant Buddhist movement (militant in Gandhian and MLK (USA) sense), not just anti-Buddhists but the entire black-white political establishment in the country, including the officers of the Bar Association, hated it, and wanted to ‘kill” it just like somebody killed (December 2003), the previous Buddhist awakening started by the late Ven. Gangodawila Soma. Ven. Soma got trapped due to his human weakness (a desire to get a worthless Ph.D., secretly arranged, via a Sinhala Christian Russian agent), and the whole country knew very well that enemies are waiting in the dark to get Ven. Gnanasara ‘trapped,’ sooner than later. The monk himself knew about this danger and of late acted cautiously both as a private individual and as the BBS leader, but tear drops fell on his arm from one of the helpless soldiers worshipping him after the Homagama magistrate re-remanded them on war crimes charges, the monk’s heart melted taking momentary control over his brain!

Ironically, law recognizes this kind of emotional reaction known as the defense of grave and sudden provocation, but the monk was destined to be disallowed that universal benefit. A judge who understands almost mechanically (like we brake automatically at traffic red lights) the application of this defense in a murder trial, depending on his perceptions and attitudes may not realize the applicability of that defense in the case of a monk devoted his life to protect Sinhala Buddhist lost rights in the country. Even if AG Dept. either forgot or ignored the relevance of this defense to this accused’s case, the judges of CA have a statutory to examine the applicability of this defense in mitigating his punishment. The facts in this case would have taken a totally different shade if the accused was given the benefit of this universal defense.

Law is [not] an ass

I read the decision of the Court of Appeal (CA) on this case, and the moment I saw how the case was listed on the CA website, I was greatly perturbed. I found two factual errors made by the two CA judges, that go to the heart of the prosecution’s case. Law is not an ass, but some lawyers and judges make law an ass, because they too are human.  It was only a few days ago that Ms. Sugandhika Fernando revealed that the Bar Association president U. R. de Silva, in his pep talk to a new set of female lawyers preached that they should use one or two of their 64 mayams (feminine tricks?) to get favors (such as early hearing dates for their clients) from judges. What a disgrace to womanhood and to the legal system!

The USAID recently commenced a million-dollar project to ‘modernize’ (to Americanize with its notoriously defective justice system?) the justice system in Sri Lanka. They even gave a separate grant to the SL Bar Association. American help to modernize can mean different things to different people. A coherent, open, responsive and effective justice program (CORE) means what?  Are they giving computers or try to brain-wash targeted personnel? Would they promote legal scholars or lawyers writing critical analyses on court decisions that they think incorrect?

I felt the CA decision was defective, and I think the BBS monk should file a fundamental rights violation case against the CA, because the SC had already refused to give permission to file a normal appeal. I wonder how SC did not see the two glaring errors that I saw in the CA judgement. If a monk like Ven. GG could be treated like this what must be happening to hundreds of others?  Depending on how one looks at the role of BBS as a national movement, one could decide whether the monk is politically guilty or not, but a court of law must be objective and decide cases based on facts, in this case facts are in the public domain.

Naked title

Galagodaaththe Gnanasara Vs.Hon. Attorney General-Hon. P Padman Surasena (P/CA), Shiran Gooneratne (decided on August 8, 2018).”  This is how the Court of Appeal website lists the case against the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) leader Ven. Gnanasara. He was given a punishment of 19 years of rigorous imprisonment for ‘insulting’ the Homagama magistrate Ranga Dissanayake. In another recent case, a complaint by a monk relating to the pollution of Tissawewa, decided on September 4, 2018, the listing style was Venerable Halmillawe Saddhatissa Thero and others Vs R. M. Wanninayake and others-Hon. Mahinda Samayawardhena. (J).” In each case a monk was involved in a public affair. It was not about rape or murder by a monk.  In the first case, what was the reason that the term ‘Hon.’ was used for the legal eagles while the monk’s name was cited nakedly as ‘Galagodaaththe Gnanasara?’ Who made this decision?  Who decides who is a ‘Hon.’? The Hansard is full of ‘Hons.’ But one reason why a monk is addressed as ‘Venerable,’ is because his robe represents part of the Triple Gem in Buddhism.

It was because of this national norm, that in the previous case of monk Vatareka Vijitha, the magistrate did not ask the monk Gnanasara to stand in the accused’s box. On this incident, the lawyer for the monk Vatareka, Maithri Gunaratane, now a new political party leader, complained that the magistrate was violating the human rights of his client by allowing the accused to sit in a separate chair instead of the hira kooduwa!  Another female Tamil magistrate went beyond this, and arranged a chair covered by a white cloth for an accused monk to sit, and there was no objection from the Tamil lawyers.  Thus, reasonable judicial discretion is a prerogative of judges. In this regard, one must note that the Homagama magistrate, used his discretion to report the Ven. Gnanasara to the Court of Appeal, because, he said that he did not have authority to impose a punishment, severe enough, for the criminal offence committed by the monk!

Hon vs. Ven

Coming back to the Hon-Ven issue, only such scenario in the world (if one video tapes the ceremony of how a layman becomes a monk) where a son worships his mother first, and a few minutes later that mother in turn worships her son, is associated with the concept of monkhood in Buddhism, which was above the kingship of Sinhale for 2500 years. The queen of England is below a monk in Buddhist hierarchy of politics. Semantics apart, if Judges are ‘Hon.’ and the AG is ‘Hon.’ irrespective of the fact whether the holders of the respective positions are qualified, honest or moral, the same standard or same courtesy should be applied to the concept of monkhood. Lowering the dignity bestowed upon one concept (the yellow robe), intentionally, inadvertently or due to stupidity or ignorance, automatically lowers the dignity offered to the other (learned counsels wearing a black coat with a pocket on the back) especially, when it happens next to each other in the same sentence.

Judges cannot be immune from the currents and cross currents occurring in Sri Lanka, especially since 1978. The thinking that courts decide cases within the framework of case law and legal case books, was abandoned as far back as in 1954 in the landmark case of Brown Vs. Board of education, when extra-judicial sociological evidence was accepted by the U.S. Supreme Court in overruling its own 70-year old previous decision. Besides, judges are human and can never be objective because everything in this world is relatively linked to a continuum running from subjective to objective. courts need to understand that they are part of the society and bound by the societal norms. If somebody attached to the CA thinks that calling or citing the name of a monk without the traditional honorific is acceptable, he should be required to attend mandatory continuing education classes. It is no different from other incidents such as the title, Budunge Rastiyaduva, or Mrs. Chandrika’s radio drama, Nirvastram Paraman Sukan.

Two Fatal errors

Publicly disrespecting a monk without using the honorific Ven could be an unfortunate attitude of some judges, but it is no reason to suspect the specific intent of the two judges who handled this case. Instead, one must see if there are specific facts which are clearly erroneous. It is now an accepted fact that even an eye witness account could be different from reality. Thus, several persons witnessing an incident could ‘see’ it differently, depending on their status of mind, ideology, perception, angle of vision, distance etc. Referees of football games now use video footage as a recording of absolute truth for instant correction of their mistakes. Placebo effect means mind has controlling power over matter.

Videotaping (and CCTV) technology has become a savior of life and liberty in the modern world. The CA decision states that (1) the monk Gnanasara did not apologize to the magistrate and (2) he called the AG dept lawyer a ‘napunsakaya.’  But the video clip attached prove otherwise.  It shows the monk apologizing to the magistrate not once but twice in no uncertain terms. The intention to insult a court is a deciding element in a contempt of court hearing, and the CA judgement is unacceptable with this contrary, concrete evidence. The derogatory term was used as ‘this napunsaka government,’ and not as ‘this govt lawyer.’

http://lankacnews.com/%e0%b6%a5%e0%b7%8f%e0%b6%ab%e0%b7%8f%e0%b7%83%e0%b7%8f%e0%b6%bb-%e0%b7%84%e0%b7%92%e0%b6%b8%e0%b7%92-19-%e0%b7%80%e0%b7%83%e0%b6%bb%e0%b6%9a%e0%b6%a7-%e0%b7%84%e0%b7%92%e0%b6%bb%e0%b7%99%e0%b7%8a/

It is strange why the monk’s lawyers did not present this video tape clip as evidence.  It is also strange why two monks who gave evidence on behalf of the monk said contradictory stories, which the judges used against the accused monk. The evidence used by CA was what the three lawyers said in the court and not the video tape recorded at the scene when it took place.  Lawyers are not supposed to coach prospective witnesses to tell lies, but under an adversarial system of litigation, lawyers have a duty to examine the witnesses in advance, assess them, and decide not to use them if their evidence is going to harm the accused instead of helping hm. The use of such evidence by a court to impute criminal intention is a case of cutting pork on a leg of pork.

Balu Theendu and BBS

When S B Dissanayake was sent to jail for branding SC decisions as balu teendu (decision by dogs?), his intention was crystal clear. He did not apologise. Or, the pending case against Ranjan Ramanayaka for condemning the court system as corrupt, his purpose in doing that is not clear. When Nagananda Kodituwakku goes to SC with briefs against SC judges, Chief Justice or the AG, no one said his purpose was not noble. The way BBS monk was trapped using clause 105 of the constitution is unique. The magistrate Ranga Dissanayake had a dialogue with the monk and the monk accepted his mistake, gave an explanation as to why he had to talk and apologized twice and went on to ask the judge in the Gandhian style to impose appropriate punishment for his behavior. All this is on the video clip. The magistrate could have fined him, imprison him for the day, warn him or sent him to jail for a longer duration. The magistrate was aware that he was dealing not about a solitary monk, but a kind of national entity. He would have settled it in a casual manner, if not for the intervention of the AG dept lawyer Dileepa Peiris and the JVP-connected lawyer Upul Kumarapperuma, who appeared for the wife of an allegedly disappeared person, Ekneligoda.  With their intervention, the magistrate lost his judicial independence and discretion. A minor incident became a national issue.

The facts of the case, the reaction of the magistrate as recorded on the video, do not justify his subsequent opinion, that the monk should be punished severely, and for that purpose monk’s behavior should be reported to CA, because he has no power to impose a punishment like 19 years of rigorous imprisonment. In S.B. Dissanayake’s case the complaint was by ordinary citizens, perhaps motivated by partisan politics. In BBS case, it was instigated by two biased lawyers who found a golden opportunity to trap the monk for his work in exposing the black-whites’ game. It is clear from the evidence gave by the magistrate that he had to make a case in narrating what had happened, so that he could justify why he wanted to report the incident to CA for severe punishment instead of a lighter punishment that he could have given then and there. The lawyer for the monk argued on this basis, but CA refused to accept it. The million-dollar question is why the court did not see the video clip, which makes court’s position untenable!

Objective/Subjective Test

It is a common belief that a judge usually has an opinion formed already about the case pending before him and gathers facts and evidence that he wants to justify his decision. Often, words and statements in the judgement provide hints as to the way a judge’s mind was working. The following are examples reflective of the subjective nature of the judgement (the statements copied from the judgement are categorized; my comments are in italics below each category).

1. High quality of lawyers as witnesses

[Magistrate] was severely cross examined; [SSC] was severely cross-examined at length; [private attorney] faced continuous questioning by the accused’s attorney.

The judgement states the three lawyers who gave evidence against the monk faced three different levels of testing. What did the judges expect to achieve by these adjectives on cross examination of the witnesses? Did the court mean that the accused’s side faced only mild/soft cross examination ?

Dileepa Peiris and Upul Kumarapperuma corroborated magistrate’s evidence.

The three lawyers who were directly responsible for the filing of the case are not going to do anything different than corroborating!

1. accused corroborated Magistrate’s evidence

accused’s lawyer and his two witnesses denied accused saying impotent but accused admitted it

accused’s two witnesses lied

accused lied

These statements demonstrate that the monk was honest, but his lawyer made some technical errors. For example, no lawyer will use/call witnesses who will put the accused in trouble.  Unless the court is determined to teach a lesson to the accused, these are so trivial in a case like this. This is not a murder trial.

1. accused said magistrate was a good magistrate

why then magistrate gave bad evidence against him?

When AG’s lawyer asked this tricky question, the monk could not give an answer. But CA used it against the monk. This change of magistrate’s mind was due to the two lawyers who influenced the magistrate to act at the time of the incident. The issue was not a good magistrate became a bad magistrate. The issue should be why the monk’s mind changed at that moment. It was his lost of hope for whom he considered as national heroes and sudden loss of his mind and body control, triggered by the tear drops fell on his hand. See how one incident could be twisted to get the outcome one wants!

1. address was not in the form of plea

not a peaceful dialogue

addressed the court in high tone being emotionally aroused

accused tried to intimidate magistrate to reverse his order

this is white man’s law. We do not accept this law. Therefore, give bail to these war heroes

The monk did not intervene when the case was being heard. He did not disrupt that case. He spoke after it was over and the remand prisoners were taken out.  The video clip does not justify, what the court was imagining. Again, was this an incident/offence warranting a rigorous jail term of 19 years? Unlike what S.B. Dissanayaka or Ranjan Ramanayaka said the remark about the white man’s law is a political comment not directed at courts or judges.

1. impotent government’s some officers/impotent officers (obscene words)

sit-down, you, impotent state lawyer (to Dileepa Peiris)

this type of treacherous government officers

The monk was accused of uttering these words. Other than the words directed at Dileepa Peiris, there was no insult to an individual but to the government in general. Napunsakaya in Sinhala usage does not mean impotent in its biological English language meaning, but as one who is a puppet without principles in its sociological context. A barren person is not called a napunsakaya in Sinhala. A man acting like a woman and vice versa is called a napunsakaya. Judges should have obtained experts’ advice in this regard.

http://www.colombotoday.com/54927-23/

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iwUhCS25hhE

1. JVP connection/protection of Buddhism

AC went on to state that lawyer Kumarapperuma (Ekneligoda’s wife’s lawyer) said that he was not anti-Buddhist and that his links with JVP (he contested 2015 election as a JVP candidate) has nothing to do with the truthfulness of the evidence he gave. He was the only non-state lawyer against the accused. By this statement CA whitewashes Kumarapperuma’s evidence used as another corroboration of magistrate’s evidence.

1. Only lawyers can address the judges in court

CA was clearly erroneous here. Any accused can represent himself in a court of law; Any person can address a court with permission. The accused monk even though he has no direct link with this case was representing the close relatives (their wives) of the remanded war heroes. They went to his temple and begged the monk repetitively to do something for their relatives in remand for months without any charges filed against them. The monk was the only outlet they had to disclose the political nature of the arrests. After all, there are some doubts as to whether Ekneligoda is hiding in Dubai. His disappearance is used for political purposes by a napunsaka government.

Conclusion

Any reasonable person watching the video clip attached cannot help but have doubts about the way the Court of Appeal handled the BBS case, and the harsh punishment given to a public service monk.

The president has referred the appeal for his pardon to AG for advice. An AG’s Dept. who went overboard to fix this monk cannot expect to be impartial in this regard.

Therefore, the lawyers of the monk need to make either a fundamental rights appeal or a fresh appeal to the president to release the monk from prison. There are strong reasons to doubt the legality and reasonableness of the CA decision. (cwije77@outlook.com)

Dr Sarath Obeysekera 

I read much about Adreline –the hormone produced within your body .

I am citing the definition of Adreline from the from English Dictionary.

adrenalin

A hormone produced by the body, for example when you are frightened, angry, or excited, that makes the heart beat faster and prepares the body to react to danger.

Here is no simple one-to-one relationship between a specific emotional reaction and a specific endocrine reaction but consistent relationships are demonstrable between adrenalin output, behavioral efficiency and emotional reaction.”

I have read about leaders in the world and also the people who have led companies to the pinnacle of success who may have reacted under the influence of the Hormone Adreline .Leaders who may have been confronted by oppressive and aggressive opponents may have taken some decisions under influence of Adreline .He was angry and forceful when he gave orders to his generals to fight against Hitler’s aggression.

I myself enhance my thinking power and decision making capabilities when I am confronted by aggressive forces.

Stalin who led Russia to win the Hitler’s aggression would have happened under the influence of Adreline ?

In today’s context in Sri Lanka we should look at the decisions made by the Leader of the country. He may have taken the decisions under influence of Adreline .According to his latest statements expressed to the media, he may have admitted that he made some wrong decisions.

The decisions made by the Supreme Courts today may have infused some Adreline to the politicians, You may note the action they may take in the future to prove my point.

Quote from Web

  I had an interesting experience this weekend where I was very pleasantly buzzed off a few drinks, and an emergency came up that required me and a couple other people to jump into fast and complex action for a fairly prolonged period. I felt completely sober and could focus and act “together” in a way that I know I normally cannot when I’ve had more than two drinks. I could remember first responder training stuff that I normally have trouble with in sober non-emergencies. Based on the reports of people around us and the (good) outcome, I do not think I was just feeling sober but then I am when I haven’t had a drink at all.”

Some of my friends expressed the same experience. We know we weren’t actually sober, but we definitely felt like it and could act as if we were. It’s gotten me very interested in how adrenaline works, exactly, and how it behaves when your system is already altered – what makes me feel like I’m sober when a sudden shock pops up, and how valid is that perceived sobriety? I know my BAC was the same, of course, but I was more coordinated and quicker with reactions than I am when I haven’t had a drink at all.

I suggest that the Leaders who run the country raise Adreline by consuming few drinks rather than staying sober.

I am quite positive that being a teetotaler is a good thing as far as health is concerned, but few drinks once in a while in order to raise your  Adeline .

Then it will be easier for the leaders to take sensible decisions??

Quote

Alcohol’s Effects on Adrenal Glands

Drinking moderate amounts of alcohol keeps your heart healthy, reports the Harvard School of Public Health. However, the benefits of drinking alcohol evaporate when a person’s drinking crosses the line from moderate to excessive. This has detrimental effects on many organs in the body, including the liver, cardiovascular system, digestive system and kidneys. The adrenal glands are located near the top of each kidney, says Medline Plus. They produce essential hormones that are vital to bodily functions. Unquote

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

පාලිත ආරියරත්න බෙන්තර භීම මණ්ඩලයේ සිට

1. රට බෙදීමේ කුමන්ත්‍රණ වලට එරෙහිවන්න
2. නපුන්සකයන් සමග ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍ර වාදී ජයක්ග්‍රහණ සැමරීම නවත්වන්න  
3. සැම තැනකම ඉන්නා  තරුණයන් සමග නිදිවැදීමට සිතනා පුද්ගලයන් පිටුදකින්න
4. බොරු සමාජ වාදීන් පිටුදකින්න
5. නපුන්සක විවාහ නීති හා ගණිකාවන්ට බලපත්‍ර ලබාදීමට කටයුතු කරන දේශපාලන පක්ෂ පිටුදකින්න
6. පන්සලට හාමුදුරුවන්ට ජාතිවාදීන් කියා අන්තවාදීන් කියනවිට උන්හට අත්පොලසන් නොගසන්න
7. රට බෙදීමට කටයුතු කරන කොටි මානසිකත්වය ඇති දේශපාලකයන් ආනොවඩන්න
8. පින් පෙට්ටිය පින් කැටේ මහා බැංකු හොරුන්ගෙන් බේරගන්න
9. ඉතිරිව තිබෙන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව හරි සිංහලයා වෙනුවෙන් තබා ගන්න
10. මග එන 20 වෙනි ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව සුනු විසුනු කරන්න
11. යුධ විරුවන් මාරක මානව හිමිකම් බොරු නඩු වලින් බේරගන්න
12. විදේශ හා පරවැසියන් හට කත් නොඅදින්න

13, මවුබිම පවා නොදෙන්න

14. බුදුදහම රැකගන්න
15. රට අනාගමික කිරීමට ඉඩ නොතබන්න
16. එල්. ටි. ටි සතුරන් හදුනාගන්න
17. නරුම එන්. ජි. ඕ. කපුටන් පලවා හරින්න
18. ජනාධිපති හා අනිකුත් ඝාතන සැලැස්මවල් යට නොගහන්න
19. විදේශ බලවේග හදුනාගන්න
20. සිංගප්පුරු හොර ගිවිසුම් වැනි ගිවිසුම් අහෝසි කරන්න
21. ආගමට හැරවීමට එරිහි වන්න
22. ශ්‍රී ලන්කන් කියා ජාතියක් නොමැති බව සිතාගන්න
23. සර්වාගමික ගුන්ඩුව පිටුදකින්න
24. හොරු අලන්න
25. තනි පුද්ගලයෙකු පෙන්නා ඔහු මත්තේ තබා සිහල බොදු සංස්කෘතිය පහර දීමට ඉඩ නොතබන්න
26. හොර හෙළ උරුම කාරයන් හදුනා ගෙන ගමෙන් පන්නා දමන්න
27. චන්ද ක්‍රමය වෙනස් කරන්න
28. මොන ජනවාර්ග  හිටියත් රටේ ප්‍රධාන තීන්දු තීරණ ගත යුත්තේ රටේ නියම උරුමක් කාරයින් බව සිතා ගන්න එය එංගලන්තයේ වුවද එසේ බව දැනගන්න
29. නොදැනුවත්ම රට දැය සමය විනාශ කිරීමේ කුමන්ත්‍රණ වලට හසු නොවන්න
30. ජාතික සතුරන් හඳුනා ගන්න
31. සට කපට දේශපාලකයින් පිටි දකින්න
32. රට දැය සමය සුරකින සැබෑ නායකයෙකු තෝරාගන්න
33. අන්තර් ජාතික ගුණ්ඩු වලින් රට බෙරාගන්න
    34. මුස්ලිම් හා දෙමල අන්තවාදයෙන් ඔබගේ මේ හෙළ බොදු රට බේරගන්න
34. ඔබට අයත් ගහා කොළ, සතා සිවුපා, අඹු දරු සම්පත් නොරටුන් ක්‍රමක් ක්‍රමයෙන් නීති විරෝධිව ඩැහැ ගන්නා බව දැනගන්න
35. අද ඔබ දමනා අලි රතිඤ්ඤා වෙඩි හෙට කොටි බෝම්බ වී ඔබගේ දරුවාම මරු තුලට ගන්නා බව සිතාගන්න
36. හිස එක තැනක කඳ තව තැනක ඇති මිනිස් කවන්ද රුප (මිත්‍යා ආගම් හා ත්‍රස්වාදී අදහස් නිසා ) ඔබ හට දැකගැනීමට හෙට අනිද්දාම ඔබටම හැකිවෙන බව සිතාගන්න
37. නොරටුන්ගේ ආගමික චින්තන නිසා ළමා විවාහ අනාගතේ වැඩිවෙන බව සිතාගන්න  
38. වතු රාජ්‍ය , ඉඩම් මංකොල්ල ,මහජන දේපල විකිනීමට එරෙහිවන්න
39. සමහර සිව්රු ඇඳ ගත් දේව දත්තයන් එහලින් කිසැම කටයුත්තකටම පක්ෂ නාමයෙන් ආවඩනා බව සිතා ගන්න
40. බොරදියේ මලු බාන පුජකයන් සිටිනා බව දැනගන්න
41. කාන්තා නිදහස කියා ගණිකා නිදහස වපුරන පෙර ගණිකා සේවය කල දේශ පාලිකාවන් සිටිනා බව දැනගන්න
42. විස කවා පොවා අපිව විනාශ කිරීමට මාන බලන කණ්ඩයම සිටින බව දැනගන්න
43. රුපියල් සත නොව ඩොලර් කුට්ටි ගිලිනා උන් සිටින බව දැනගන්න
44. රටේ බලය ලබාගැනීමට තම මුදල් යෙදවීමට කැමති ධන පතියන් නොයෙක් දේ කියමින් (ශ්‍රීලන්කන් අලුත්ම ජාතියක් හදමින් )පාරට ඇවිත් බව දැනගන්න
45. නොයෙකුත් වාද අරන් බුදුදහම අපේ රටින් තුරන් කිරීමට මන බලන ආගමික විකුර්ති කරුවන් දහස් ගානක් පොකුරු ගැසී මාන බලන බව සිතාගන්න

47.ධර්මය විකුර්ති කොට දේශනා කරන හාමුදුරුවරු සිටින බව මතක තබා ගන්න

48. තම ආශාව මුදුන් පමුණුවා ගැනීමට බොරු ආගම් බුදුහමට සමාන කරන පච ආචාර්යවරු මහාචාර්ය සිටිනා  බව දැනගන්න
49. සිංහලයන්ගේ නිහතමානී බව අයුතුලෙස යොදා ගෙන රට ඇල්ලීමේ නොනවතින කුමන්ත්‍රණයක් තිබෙන බව දැනගන්න
50. නව සිංහල බොදුව්‍යවස්ථාවක් ලිවීමට කාලය ඇවිත් බව සලකන්න

ඔබ සැමට බොදු ධජය එසවීමට වාසනාව ලැබේවායි ප්‍රාර්ථනා කරමි!!!

තෙරුවන් සරණයි !

පාලිත ආරියරත්න

බෙන්තර භීම මණ්ඩලයේ සිට

Dr P.A.Samaraweera

The Supreme Court has ruled that the President’s decision to dissolve Parliament was unconstitutional. The verdict was also that if he wants to dissolve Parliament before four and a half years, there must be a resolution passed by two thirds majority in Parliament.

Now that the Supreme Court has given a decision, it is best that the President goes for a Referendum to hold a general election. Referendums are not new in Sri Lanka. In Dec 22nd 1982 , President JR held a Referendum to extend the life of Parliament by 6 years. The life of the then Parliament was to expire in August ’83. So he went for a Referendum as he feared he would lose the two third majority he had in Parliament. Dr Gunadasa Amarasekara, Convenor of the Federation of National Organisations, as well called on the President to hold a Referendum for a general election, in case the Supreme Court rules against the dissolution of Parliament. 

According to the constitution, the President has the power to call for a Referendum on matters of national importance. Thus public opinion can be tested by a Referendum. Recently, the UK held a Referendum with regard to Brexit. A Referendum would be the best, as President Sirisena and PM Mahinda Rajapakse are in favour of a general election, while the UNP, TNA and the JVP are hesitant and scared of an election. As it is, the general feeling is that the people are for a general election as they are fed up with Ranil and his cohorts. This group is working on a western agenda backed by the TNA and separatists. 

Courtesy Adaderana

The Supreme Court announces verdict stating that the gazette notification dissolving the parliament is not in accordance with the constitution. The seven-member judge bench unanimously made this judgment stating that it was illegal to dissolve the parliament before its 4.5 year term limit.

Sri Lanka was on the edge, ahead of the crucial Supreme Court ruling on President Maithripala Sirisena’s controversial sacking of Parliament and call for a snap election that pushed the country into unprecedented political turmoil.

As many as 13 petitions were filed against the President’s November 9 order sacking the 225-member Parliament, almost 20 months before its term was to end, and setting the election date for January 5.

The petitions have been filed by political parties including United National Party (UNP), Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), Tamil Progressive Alliance (TPA) and the All Ceylon People’s Congress.

Organisations and activists such as the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA), Attorney Aruna Laksiri and also a member of Elections Commission Prof. S. R. H. Hoole have also filed petitions.

The Supreme Court on November 13 had issued an interim order ruling Sirisena’s gazette notification as temporarily illegal and halted the preparations for snap polls. The hearing in the case was concluded last week as the court reserved its judgment.

The judge bench consisting of Supreme Court Justices consisting of Chief Justice Nalin Perera, Priyantha Jayawardena, Prasanna Jayawardena, Sisira de Abrew, Vijith Malalgoda, Buwaneka Aluwihare and Murdu Fernando commenced hearing the petitions on the 4th of December.

On the final day of hearing of the petitions, President’s Counsel S. Kanageswaran, representing the leader of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) R. Sampanthan, presented submissions on behalf of the petitioners.

He stated that the impunity conferred to the President of the country, under Article 35 of the Constitution, in civil or criminal proceedings has been inhibited to a certain extent by the 19th Amendment to the Constitution.

Pointing out that the 19th Amendment to the Constitution has made provisions to file lawsuits under Fundamental Rights against the executive and administrative actions of the President, he said that the official activities of the President can be queried before the court.

Hence, the dissolution of the Parliament is also an official activity carried out by the President, it can be challenged before the court under the Fundamental Rights provisions, President’s Counsel Kanageswaran had further said.

The rest of the attorneys appearing on behalf of the petitioners also presented submissions in this regard.

The petitioners had presented submissions before the court in response to the submissions of the intermediate petitioners.

Presenting submissions before the Supreme Court on the 5th of December, the Attorney General had stated that in accordance with Article 38 (02) of the Constitution, the Supreme Court does not have the legal authority to hear these fundamental rights petitions filed against the parliamentary dissolution.

The Supreme Court last Friday (Dec. 7) concluded the hearing of the petitions filed challenging the Gazette notification dissolving the Parliament after four consecutive days of court hearings.

Meanwhile, the interim order issued by the court, suspending the Gazette notification on the dissolution of Parliament, was extended until the verdict is delivered in the case.

President Sirisena has said he will accept the Supreme Court’s ruling on the petitions filed against his gazette notification dissolving Parliament.

I look forward to the constitutional interpretation of the Supreme Court. Whatever it may be, I will take future political decisions accordingly, to the best interest of our motherland, not to the benefit of any person, group or party,” the president tweeted on Sunday.

His remarks were apparently aimed at Wickremesinghe’s United National Party (UNP) with whom Sirisena was running the national unity government since 2015.

The partnership ended on October 26 when Sirisena fired Wickremesinghe, triggering the political standoff.

Since ousting Wickremesinghe, Sirisena has highlighted the shortcomings” of the ex-premier in a bid to justify his sacking and dissuade his reinstatement.

The president has already said he has no intention of making Wickremesinghe prime minister again no matter what the outcome of the case.

Both Wickremesinghe and Rajapaksa claim to be the rightful prime minister. Wickremesinghe says his dismissal is invalid because he still commands a majority in Parliament.

Speaker Karu Jayasuriya has officially conveyed that the House does not recognise Rajapaksa as the legal prime minister until he proves his majority.

The United National Front (UNF) coalition led by Wickeremesinghe has moved three no-trust motions against Rajapaksa.

The motions came to be adopted after the speaker summoned Parliament, in a direct confrontation with Sirisena.

lanka C news

රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතා අගමැති කිරීම සදහා සහයෝගය ලබා දීමට තිරණය කලේ ලිඛිත පොරොන්දු කිහිපයක් මත බව දෙමල ජාතික සන්ධානය කියයි.

නව ව්‍යවස්තාවක්, ජාත්‍යත්නර අධිකරණයක් ඇතුළු ඉල්ලීම් එසේ ඉදිරිපත් කර ඇති බව දෙමල සන්ධාන පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත‍්‍රී ධර්මලිංගම් සිදදාර්ථන් මහතා සදහන් කරයි.

BY A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA

Political parties in Sri Lanka other than the SLPP/SLFP have become afflicted with the chronic disease of election phobia. During Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa’s Presidency the mere mentioning of elections legs of UNPers used to shiver as they were so fearful of facing the people in elections as there is a saying that even a calf that mingles with pig lings would eat excreta the TNA, JVP and other fringe political groupings have developed this fear due to their association with election phobic UNP.

Recollect your memories and remember how many times Ranil Wickremasinghe led his UNPers to Courts seeking injunction orders against holding elections.  Despite all this he had lost 29 elections.  The treacherous TNA has now become fearful of elections due to the possible political wipe out they are facing from the rival political groupings, despite the electoral advantage they used to enjoy as pointed in my previous article that the JEEPPOs got  only 6 sears with 4,87% of votes while  the TNA got 16 seats with only 4.62% of votes in the 2015 August elections. Now the excuse being presented by these bluff masters   is that they would agree to hold an election under a legitimate government. But when Ranil Wickremasinghe e had a so-called legitimate government he did his utmost to postpone elections. It should also be mentioned that circumventing Supreme Court rulings these enemies of elections adopted many shameless methods to postpone elections and the people had to wait for over three years to  get their members elected to local government  institutions  and they are now without elections for 6 Provincial Councils for more than one year.
From the inception of Ranil Wickremesinghe Govt in 2015, the TNA has pursued a non – confrontational, conciliatory approach towards the regime. Despite TNA parliamentary group leader Sambandan becoming the leader of the opposition with only 16 seats against Joint opposition’s 54 seats the TNA has co-operated with the Govt in many ways like voting for the Budget etc.  The TNA even voted against the no confidence motion brought by sections of the opposition against Ranil Wickremesinghe. Despite much criticism from hawkish elements on either side of the ethnic divide, the TNA has adopted this collaborative relationship with the ruling regime for the primary purpose of enacting a new Constitution. The TNA has been hopeful that a new Constituted formulated through a consensual approach with the full participation of the Tamil MP’s .

Reports indicated that the TNA had demanded for a written assurance to fulfil their demands to extend their support for the petition calling to appoint Ranil Wickremasinghe as Prime Minister.  .It said that a meeting between Ranil Wickremsinghe and a group of TNA parliamentarians was held today (Tuesday 11^th December) and this demand for a written assurance has been presented at this meeting.  The report stated  that Ranil has agreed to give this written assurance before the parliament meets tomorrow (Wednesday) which was described by certain prominent UNPers as divisionary and misleading claim. .  It further stated that a party leaders meeting is also to be held tomorrow morning to decide to extend support or not on the proposal to appoint Ranil Wickremasinghe as Prime Minister. Despite all these convenient denials when that the requested e voting was taken this evening all TNA members voted in favour of the proposal confirming that the requested assurance had been given.

The TNA demand for a written assurance included:

• Expeditious to be taken the adoption of the Federal and Secular const4itution;
• Merge Northern and Eastern provinces;
• Take expeditious to release all former terrorists amount 12,000 whom the TNA refers to as political prisoners;
• Repeal the PTA (Prevention of Terrorism Act);
• Return all lands under occupation of security forces and drastically reduce security forces in the North and East;
• Devolve Police and Land powers;
• Curb settlement of outsiders in the North and East and erection of new temples and planting of Bo-Trees;

The Terrorist grandpa Sambandan with the formulation of a new constitution has dedicated himself to the task of achieving political equality for Tamils through this envisaged constitution and n meetings with International leaders, diplomats and senior official of western countries and India ,the TNA leader terrorist grandpa has consistently and continuously requested, rather urged them that the Govt should be compelled and pressurised to enact the new Constitution ensuring equal rights and power sharing arrangement to the Tamils but this dream has now being shattered by the October revolution and realization his dream can only be achieved by re-installing a Ranil government,

Top of Form

In English.

Why it has been requested to give the premiership to Ranil again (Caption)

Box 1) The Federal demon jumps out – vomits Sumanthiran.

Box  2) To ban construction of Temples in the North and East.  Requests support of Tamils.

Box 3) I also do not like this National Flag – Sumkamthiran.

Box 4) To make the country secular by amalgamating the North and East

Footnote :

Although the UNPers who  say  their blood is green even if they were cut into pieces  and they would become slavish on behalf of their party, the Northern separatists only dedicate their self for a Separate Country

Unlike other political parties representing the Muslim and Up-Country Tamil communities the TNA did not s eek ministerial office in this Government. The TNA cannot show the fruits of cooperation by way of jobs, development schemes or projects because it does not have ministerial portfolios. The TNA has only sought to redress Tamil grievances and accommodate legitimate Tamil aspirations (non-existing and illusory)   through cooperation with the Govt. Although there had been some progress in issues like return of military held lands back to civilian owners and release of Tamil detainees etc there is little progress in the prized objective of the TNA namely Constitutional reform or a new Constitution. To the TNA in general and for Sambndan it was a single item political agenda -a new Constitut5ion.

The political analysts opine thus the TNA will face the prospect of further political decline within its constituency due to its continued cooperation with the Govt without gaining anything on the Constitutional front. The TNA is in a dilemma. Either it gets the Govt to deliver the new constitution o which has become illusory now or it must exit from its current stance of lending constructive support to Ranil Wickremasinghe and the UNP.

It is against this backdrop that TNA leader Sambndan had separate meetings with President Sirisena  and ousted Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe last month. Sambndan urged both to revive and renew the Constitution making process. Both assured the opposition leader that the Constitutional Assembly Steering Committee would be convened after the re-allocation of portfolios to cabinet ministers, state ministers and deputy -ministers. Now that the scientific re-shuffle” is over the TNA expects the President and Ranil to demonstrate their bona fides by delivering the new Constitution which is a dead subject at present.

It is learnt reliably that despite the lull” in the convening of the Constitutional Assembly steering committee, considerable progress has been made in drafting by the management committee co-chaired by Jayampathy Wickramaratne ( a staunch pro-separatist) and Sumanthiran despite mounting opposition in the South from the Maha Sanga, the patriots and the masses in general.

Sumanthiran in an interview given to a Tamil TV on April 21st, 2018 made an announcement t that if the Govt does not deliver within a reasonable period of  time the TNA would launch ay non – violent protest campaign to demonstrate to the world at large that the Govt is not fulfilling its promises about formulating a new Constitution. According to informed Tamil sources the TNA game-plan was urging the Govt to show progress on the Constitutional front by convening the Steering Committee and working on a Constitutional draft in May and early June. Meanwhile the chief constituent of the TNA the Ilankai Thamil Arasuk Katchi(ITAK) will hold its biennial party convention in late June,  and  if the Govt does convene the Steering Committee and there is forward movement by that time the ITAK convention will approve and endorse the efforts through a resolution. If on the other hand the Govt does not move forward and defaults on its assurances before early June, the ITAK Convention would pass a different resolution calling or large -scale non – violent direct-action protest the Government’s inaction and drawing the attention of the world. Thereafter the TNA also would meet and ratify the ITAK resolution and it would be followed by the launch of a non – violent protest amounting to a civil disobedience campaign on Gandhian lines of Ahimsa” and Satyagraha”.

. In 1961 the ITAK/FP launched a Satyagraha” campaign that paralysed the work of Kachcheris in the Jaffna, Mannar, Vavuniya, Batticaloa and Trincomalee districts. (There were no Mullaitheevu or Kilinochchi districts then). The campaign lasted for weeks and was finally crushed by Madam Sirimavo Bandaranaike Govt through the deployment of the armed services and the house arrest of prominent Tamil leaders. Prior to the commencement of the campaign the  ITAK held its party convention and passed a unanimous resolution calling for a non – violent campaign.

Likewise, the ITAK convention in 2014 during the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime also passed a resolution calling for a massive non – violent protest campaign. The ITAK was planning to launch its campaign in January 2015 and began preparing. Thousands of headgears known as Gandhi caps” had been stitched. The Congress party in India launched many non – violent campaigns under the guidance of Mahatma Gandhi against  British rulers during the colonial period. All Congress volunteers participating in the non – violent campaigns wore the Gandhi caps. The ITAK which has a history of being inspired by Gandhian ideals and methods planned to stage a non – violent campaign with volunteers wearing Gandhi caps then. However, the political situation changed in November with former president Mahinda Rajapaksa calling for an early election. The TNA backed the common opposition candidate Maithripala Sirisena who defeated the former President on January 8th, 2015. Thereafter the TNA shelved the idea of a non – violent campaign as unnecessary and commenced it co-operative phase with the new President and Government.

Now due to the forced shelving of the Constitution by the October revolution the TNA may be compelled to launch a non – violent campaign again. According to TNA sources have said that the campaign unlike in the past would not be confined to Tamils alone and it would seek to embrace all shades of opinion supportive of greater devolution in a new Constitution. By this the ITAK/TNA will seek to De-ethnicise” the quest for a new Constitution and greater devolution.

(Let us vote for the UNP to segregate and divide the country)

They have also said protest demonstrations would not only be held in Sri Lanka but will held simultaneously in all international cities in the West with substantial Tamil Diaspora concentrations and in India ,Malaysia, South Africa, Singapore and Mauritius. The idea of holding protests  overseas  they have said is to draw attention to the legitimate Tamil cause and enlist international support for a new Constitution.

Should we allow this kind of blackmail? If a Ranil Wickremasinghe or UNP government stays by that time they would also extend their fullest support for this plan and they also would participate in it.  Let the TNA launch this plan and it should be curbed with all might and with no sympathy and wipe out this blackmailing and threats forever as our gallant war heroes did on 18^th May 2009.  It could be successfully and certainly done under a government of Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa the second Dutugemunu of Sri Lanka.

(To be continued)

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

I was taken aback during my walk today along the walking path by the side of the parliament when I saw a very strange banner .I was under the impression that the banner was quite a sarcastic, with an innuendo that the people sitting in the parliament, spending colossal amount of public money, are cronies who have been elected by the people of this country .They meet and fight with each other’s like crows fighting for a piece of bread picked by one of their members.

Banner also carries a slogan in Sinhala with a meaning Establishment of an artistic exhibition to build a public opinion /movement against social injustice, crime and corruption

Along the green fence installed by SLLRDC to prevent crocodiles who are protecting the parliament, was also decorated with white long banners with word Crowism and artificial crows with a white neck tie perched.

I personally do not approve what has happened on a Friday 26^th October giving two days in the weekend ,some breathing time to the citizens in the country to fathom what happened to us all of a sudden. It is like your teen daughter comes home and tells the parents that she is pregnant .You are lost and helpless and you have no clue what to do.

The banner may have originated due to incidents taken place in the parliament a 26^th Friday

Criminal activities carried out by MP’s was visible and the President himself admitted that parliament is full of corrupted people .Most of the MP’s are also involved in criminal activities which are  taking place in the country.

I went home and perused the dictionary to find the real English meaning of the word Crowism

I am not sure whether the Crowism originated in America .Dictionary provides following

a practice or policy of segregating or discriminating against blacks.

Also called Jim′ Crow′ism, jim′ crow′ism.

The systematic practice of discriminating against and segregating black people, especially as practiced in theAmerican South from the end of Reconstruction to the mid-1900s.”

1. Upholding or practicing discrimination against and segregation of black people: Jim Crow laws; a Jim Crow town.
2. Reserved or set aside for a racial or ethnic group that is to be discriminated agains

Does it mean that a movement is needed in Sri Lanka to segregate that people who are corrupted ad criminals? ( it does not mean that all blacks are criminals )

Does that mean that all the members sitting in the parliament beyond the fence are corrupted and involved in criminal activities? We should rise against them and form a movement to fight against them?

I wonder whether we really need a parliament.

I am eagerly waiting to visit the art show depicting the real meaning of Crowism in Sri Lankan Context.

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Punsara Amarasinghe Institute of Law and Politics Scuola Superiore Sant Anna Pisa, Italy

A group of students studying abroad have recently published a statement claiming that they are really gutted about the political situation in Sri Lanka and their claim seems to indicate that this patriotic bunch of kids are extremely concerned about preserving the democratic values of island. In a way their empathy on the democratic institutions in Sri Lanka is correct as Sri Lanka stands as one of oldest democracies in Asia. Nevertheless, a serious doubt of the honesty regarding the statement made by those self-proclaimed democratic loving Sri Lankan student studying abroad emerge in examining the substance of their statement. The statement was released two days after the appointment of Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa as prime minister by President Sirisena on 26^th of October and 32 students studying in North America, United Kingdom and Australia have signed in their statement by condemning the action taken by president Sirisena . Moreover, in the given statement their demand was very much focused on sacking former prime minister Ranil Wickramasinghe as an outrageous act, yet they have been honest in acknowledging the fact that yahapanana government was an utter failure. The statement states

Despite some success, the government of national unity led by president Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickrmasinghe has filed to stand by many of its commitment on democracy, corruption and justice. Yet this failures do not justify an illegal power grab

In these students those who have released the statement have explicitly mentioned the chaotic situation made by yahapalanaya government, yet they are adamant about the occurred power transition as total undemocratic and illegal move. Being a student of constitutional law, my argument is that why these bunch students writing from abroad failed to mention a word about the legitimacy of appointing Mr. Wicramasinghe in 2015 January without the clear majority in the parliament. The doggy attitude of this bunch is purely visible in their manner to disdain Mahinda Rajapaksa by claiming that he has no confidence as the representative of the people. The statement indicates as follows

Mr.Rajapaksa does not have the confidence of a majority of the representatives of the people

The pivotal question that I wish to raise is that whether they are aware of how much he has been accepted as the representative of the people. The local elections held in February 2018 simply gave a message to Ranil and Royal College gang about the pulse of the people in Sri Lanka.Above all this group has not stated a word about how effective it is to dissolve the parliament to assess the real strength of people.

In ascertaining the motives behind this so called democratic loving young Sri Lankan scholars studying abroad, it becomes important to look at the background or cultural upbringing of this group. Being a graduate from Faculty of Law, University of Colombo I have had known some of the characters during my undergraduate days there. One of the pioneers of this group named Sanjayan Rajasingham currently studying at Yale University happened to be my batch mate at law faculty.

Even though I have no personal grudge against him I vividly recall his reluctance in seeing Sinhalese Buddhist ideology as the backbone in Sri Lankan society. We often argued about this and every time his reaction on Sinhalese identity or role played by Buddhist monk in nationalist movement was rather cynical.

Ironically he remained silent on the evangelical movement functioned in University of Colombo as a clandestine group and later he became one of its leaders. Rajasingham or his famous uncle Sumanthiran had never questioned about why their favorite destination the US still keeps the phase In God we trust or why still constitution of Norway give a prominence to Christianity. Their antagonism was always shown to our 9^th Article in the Constitution which gives prominence to Buddhism.

Apart from Sanjayan Rajasingham another pioneer in this student movement functioning abroad is Gehan Gunatilleke currently studying for PhD in Oxford was another obnoxious character I knew at law faculty who was once or twice invited by V.T Thamilmaran (Former Dean of Law Faculty) for a guest lecture. Like his infamous grandfather Godfry Gunatilleke at MARGA institute of Sri Lanka, Gehan too has been a NGO activist in Sri Lanka. In his writing and public speeches the depiction of Sinhalese nation and Buddhism always has been a majoritarian evil that tries to trample the minorities.

It is not an exaggeration to mention that those who are writing against their ethnicities in favor of minority rights always get best academic opportunities in the West as protectors of liberty and freedom. Having associated number of characters studying for PhDs or other higher level of education in Western universities I am aware of how they have got such opportunities.

The simple rule is as long as you criticize your home government and pretend as a victim of it, you get the full package of stipend and many more benefits. I am certain our learned friends who have issued this statement about the undemocratic nature of the power transition may have already received the acceptance as heroes from their universities. Nevertheless, the challenges looming before us is whether we have strong intelligentsia representing the national interests in the country to resist this young Christian evangelical distorted minds studying abroad.

The lack of role models who inspire their students to be patriotic and apathy for English education have simply cornered our Sinhalese Buddhist university students  and this provides the platform for this emerging anti nationalist characters to badmouth on Sri Lanka as a failed state. The list of the students that have issued this joint statement simply reflects the power of Colombo based evangelical Christian elitism in action.

The parents of this kids have had completely dependent on foreign NGO money and inculcated the same pro-Western anti nationalist, anti-Buddhist mind set among them and now they have reached their turn to tarnish the image of Sri Lanka.

Permanent Mission of Sri Lanka to UN Geneva

At the 2019 Global Appeal of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) held in Geneva today, Sri Lanka expressed its earnest desire that the commitments made by the international community to the recently adopted Global Compact on Refugees (GCR) would remain on course, emphasizing transforming the Compact into meaningful, practical measures would help address the protection needs of millions of people who remain helpless and in need”.

Addressing the Conference, Ambassador A.L.A. Azeez, the Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka in Geneva echoed optimism that, at a time when the principles and values of international cooperation have come under immense pressure”, the GCR has emerged as a rallying point for multilateralism and solidarity”, as reiterated in the UNHCR’s Global Appeal Update, and highlighted the more pronounced role of UNHCR in this context.

At this Global Appeal, Sri Lanka pledged a modest financial contribution to the UNHCR’s 2019 programmes, in continued appreciation of the role and contribution of UNHCR and in earnest expectation that the UN Refugee Agency would be ‘empowered’ to deliver more strengthened assistance and protection as part of its mandate.

In his address, Ambassador Azeez also conveyed Sri Lanka’s appreciation for the support extended by UNHCR under national resettlement programmes in partnership with stakeholders, as well as for the UNHCR’s important role with regard to assistance for returnees.

The full statement made by Sri Lanka at the event is attached.

Permanent Mission of Sri Lanka to UN

Geneva

12 Decembe 2018

Dr Sudath Gunasekara 

2018.12 10

Such as

1 Defying the President’s order in sacking him and illegally occupying the Temple Trees and thereby misusing State property.

2  Calling for and canvassing international intervention in  the present crisis a making of his own.

3 Conspiring to overthraw the legitimately appointed Cabinet and the Government by the President,  the Head of the State  and acting against public interest  and causing political, social and economic  brake down  to the country and thereby causing billions of losses to the country

4 Engaging in conspiracies and coups against the legitimate government, the Head of the Sta, th epeople and the country with foreign Diplomats by regularly summoning them to Temple Trees and conspiring with them to overthraw the Government and thereby committing high treason against the State.

5 Engaging in conspiracies to divide the coutry in to politically oriented ethnic enclaves  such as Tamil  North, East and Central and Muslim south East by enacting a  new Constitution on Nov 6th 2018  that was averted thanks to the swift and timely actions of the President.

6  Signin illegal treaties and agreements with Foreing countries even without Cabinet approval that are detrimental to   national interest, its economy  and security, selling nation’s Ports, Harbours Airports and lands to foreigners.

7Appointing Paskaarlingam, a man who wa sdeprived of his civil rights as Advisor to the Ministry of Finance  and  Arjun Mahendran as another Advisor to the Prime Minister after he was removed as Governor Central Bank

8 Leasing out Hambantota Port for 99 years to China.

9 Covering and hiding Arjun Mahendran   without   allowing the authorities to arrest him

he has committed against the State as Prime Minister from  Jan 8th 2015

This step will be the shortest  and the best strategy to get out of the present political imbroglio in the country. If the ex-Prime Minister of Malaysia could be arrested, why cant the Sri Lanka Government  do the same thhing?

No sooner this is done the following chain of reactions will follow.

1The debate on the majority problem for the Government in Parliament will cease to exist thereafter

2 Karu Jayasuriya want be able to conduct UNP properganda  work from at State expense   under the guise of  conducting sessions in Parliament.

3 Karu J the UNP Speaker (rather the Speaker for the UNP in  Parliament) who made the Parliament a big joke and a mockery and after that has converted it to a UNP Head quaters, will either have to resign or say good by to politics with his dreams of becoming the Predisentt of this country and making his son-inlaw the Prime Minister.

4 The UNP will be left leaderless and will run into disarray beyond recovery.

5 Sajith, Navin, Rajitha, Ravi and even Champaka will begin quarrelling for its leadership and it will split in to pieces and that will be the end of the UNP as a political party and it will become a forgotten chapter of the political history of this country therafter unsung and  unwept

6 Whoever wins the leadership those disgruntled will join MR’s Government consolidating its majority until the next election comes an deven thereafter consolidationg  political satability in the country.

7 Political destitutes like the JVP and Hela Urumaya (Champika brand) and cancerous communal  day dreamers who depend on UNP for their msurvival will disappear in political wilderness.

8Thereafter even the Courts will have to accept MR as the legitimate Prime MInister

MR then can go on either until the 4 and ½ year period ban imposed by the 19 A   is complete or in the event of the SC decides dissolution is in order, then he can request the President to issue a new Gazette  fixing the dates for the election and go for elections and he will win the election with at least a 2/3 majority if not more in the new Parliament so that he will have a strong Government under which he can have a new constitution  incorporating all the aspirations of the Bhumiputras, fully restoring the independence and freedom we lost to the British in 1815. Whatever election that follows the UNP will get routed out like in 1956 . Thw maximum number of seats it could will be around 30,  if they limit the number of seats 196 to represent the196 elctorates,  after abolishing the so-called National list, the heaven  of political ring worms who eat in to the pith of the democratic tree and  have converted representative democracy in to a big joke in this country.  If the existing preferance system is also abolished and the qualifying percentage is also increased to the original 12 % the Muslim and Tamil who opt to contest alone  might together get about 20  seats  and I can guarentee the anachronistic and politically cancerous JVP  (the Jatiya Vinasa kirime Pakshaya)  will get none.

I also annex  the first article I posted under this subject as to  why repeatedly I make this request  from the President

Punish all those who have masterminded the Central Bank gang robbery ASAP.

Posted on February 15th, 2018 (published in Lankaweb)

Dr Sudath Gunasekara

15.2.2018.

As I was listening to yesterday’s (14) 7 pm Hiru news bulletin, I saw Dr. P. Mahanamahewa explaining in detail how to deal with Arjuna Mahendaran in case if he does not turn up at the CID Office before the 15th. Today is 15th but still Mahendran, the third accused as I have stated before has not turned up.  Leaving aside the legal intricacies, my question is, are we going to leave it at that and  forget the trilions of immediate losses caused to the country and all the spill over  serious                      effects on the country’s econonomy   for decades to come. Suppose he never comes back and escape the Sri Lankan Government, then what next?

If that happens on whom are we going to fix responsibility regarding this mega robbery which has completely ruined a nation with spillover effects on the nation’s ailing economy for decades and generations to come?

How the conspiracy was hatched and carried out AND BY WHOM

The whole country knows it was Ranil Wickramasinha who brought Arjuna Mahendran to Sri Lanka and got him appointed as the Governor of the Central Bank in spite of strong objections raised by the President, as the Head of the State

It was he who invited him to come offering the Governorship of the CB

It was he who got the CB under him as pre-planned from the Finance Ministry.

It was he who took full responsibility for his selection and insisted that Mahendran should be appointed, when the President objected for his request to appoint his buddy

Taking the Central Bank under him from the Finance Ministry was the first conspiracy and crime committed by Ranil to ensure that this mega robbery will be carried out to its perfection with impunity.

I have no doubt Ranil did all this knowing that Mahendaran was not even a citizen of this country and therefore he cannot be taken to task by the Government of this country  once he send him out after the job is over. This clearly proves beyond all reasonable doubts that Ranil was the master mind behind the CB scam and he is the man who planned and got it implemented from the beginning tot the end.

Therefore he is definitely the Accused no 1 in this mega robbery.

When the matter was raised in Parliament it was Ranil who defended him in the House on 17th March 2015

It was also Ranil who introduced the new system of Bond auctions as revealed by Arjuna Mahendran before the commission in his evidence

It was also Ranil who got the President to dissolve Parliament in August 2015 a day before the Dew Gunasekara COPE Report was to be presented to Parliament and thereby criminally avoided the Report being debated in Parliament.

(This lapse led to the second Bond Scam the subject of the present debate)

He also appointed his own commission of Party lawyers and got Mahendran exonerated before the President appointed his Commission

Then he also wanted Mahendran appointed for a Second term which the President refused and got Coomaraswamy appointed

After that Ranil appointed Mahendran to another high post under his Ministry disregarding and ignoring his highly questionable role in the CB scam and also ignoring the President, probably thinking that it was he who got Mr Sirisena elected as the President, which is partly true.

When he was asked to give evidence before the Commission he got the Commissioners to send him a list of questions to be asked AT THE INQUIRY in advance carefully prepared, so that he can come prepared to answer them, perhaps designed to exonerate him.  This is like the Commissioner of Examinations sending the Question papers to a candidate and accepting his answer scripts at the examiners home and pass him with distinction.

He also got Ravi Karunanayaka the Finance Minister his confidante and Deputy Leader of the UNP to instruct all State Banks to bid at the auction at lower interest rate ( 9.5%) so that Ajun Aloysius, who was perhaps advised in advance either by Mahendran his father-in-law who was living with him in his home  or jointly by Ranil and Mahendran asked  him to quote 12.5 % interest as pre-planned.

He was also responsible for increasing the 10 Billion to 40 Billion as Mahendran has revealed in his evidence before the Commission

It was also he who got Sujiiva Serasinha, the Author of the famous Book on CB SCAM, appointed to the COPE as a member.

It was also he who sent Mahendran to Singapore when dark clouds were gathering over the sky.

(It is beyond comprehension how and why a suspect of such a crime was allowed to leave the country, unless there was some powerful intervention behind it). Ranil should know better than anybody else as to how he left Katunayaka Airport without any problem. Ranil knows better than any if Mahendran is arrested and grilled by the CID and by people like Dappula Livera and Kodagoda he will spill out all the beans and the entire gang of Alibaba and 40 thieves and all others who have jointly conspired, aided and abetted in different ways assigned to them by the leader, like writing books, adding foot notes and those benefitted directly or indirectly will be exposed.

He also has taken full responsibility in Parliament and before the President as well for all actions of Mahendraran which makes him responsible before the law for all crimes Mahendaran  has committed.

In this backdrop I don’t think this man will ever come to Sri Lanka. The perpetrators must have done their homework so that he could be kept in hiding safely forever.

Why can’t the President or law enforcing authorities take action against Ranil taking these commitments as serious crimes he has committed against the State and take action accordingly? Of cause one could argue that he cannot be treated under that law as he has not duly singed a bond in court to that effect. Can’t it be accepted as a verbal bond under common law interpreting all what he has done as commissions and omissions against public interest?   I am sure what I have said here could be converted to legal jargon to frame the charges

Therefore the citizens of this country who are the owners of the Central Bank should demand the President to at least now arrest the Golden brain, whoever it is, that conspired, planned and executed this crime with a gang of thieves and who is also doing everything he could, under the sun to protect Mahendran his erstwhile friend for nothing but shear political and personal gain. I don’t think anybody needs to name him. The President should know it better than anybody else. So I leave it to him to decide. I do not know whether he will take the correct decision. But as responsible citizens it is our duty by the country and its people to raise these issues for public debate. If he takes the correct decision on this issue at least now I have no doubt that he will at least partially emerge out of the abysmal political mire in to which he has fallen, not because of anybody else’s fault, but only of his own fault and lapses and lack of far sight.  It will also open the doors for an entirely a new political culture in this country, free from corruption and misgovernment, which the people of this country have been desperately dreaming for decades.

As I rate it

First accused Ranil Wickramasinha

Second Arjun Mahendran and

Third Ravi Karunanayaka

I leave it to the AG to list the others in order.

The President has to take the lead  in this matter  more than any other as  he is also partly rsponsible for most of these crimes committed by him as the Head of the State at that time.More importantly before he is gunned down by these elments, going by serious statements issued by  different people, with or without foreign intervention.0

It is only the direct intervention by the President   that can save the from

Those of you who read this will know many more involvements and finer points than this. I beg your pardon for shortcomings in this note.

The background for his selection

Mahendrans are Ranil’s Family friends and strong UNP supporters. Mahendran is also said to be hisschool mate at Royal. He has been appointed to several posts includinf the Sri Lanka  Ayojana Mandalaya,  even in 2001 when Ranil became PM. During that time he also appointed Charless Mahendran, Ajun’s farther to the UN.  While he was there he is supposed to have given some vital secret information to Ranil bypassing Chandrika, over which Chandrika got damn annoyed and dissolved the Parliament making room for the 2004 General Elections that routed Ranil’s Government and sent him to the opposition. It is in this backdrop one has to understand as to why Ranil brought Mahendran to the Central Bank

ගීතාංජන  

වෛද්‍ය රුවන් මංගල ජයතුංග මහතා විසින් “නලීන් ද සිල්වා, ගුණදාස අමරසේකර සහ ගණනාථ ඔබේසේකර” යන ලිපි ශීර්ෂය යටතේ කෙටි ලිපියක් ලංකා වෙබ් ෆෝරමයේ පල කොට තිබිණි. එම ලිපියට සන්නයක් (comment ) සපයමින් ම විසින් පහත දැක්වෙන අදහස් සටහන් කලෙමි.

“කිසිදු අගක් මුලක්, හේතුභුතයක් නැති මෙම ලිපිය ඔබ ලීවේ කුමකටදැයි පාඨක අපට සිතා ගත නොහැක. (සැබවින්ම මෙය ලිපියකට වඩා මඩ comment එකක් යයි කීවොත් වඩාත් නිවැරදිය) වෛද්‍ය රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග යන නමින් ලියා ඇති නිසා මෙය මෝඩයෙකුගේ හුදු උද්ධච්ච ප්‍රලාපයක් යයි කියා අපට බැහැර කලද නොහැක. සැබවින්ම මෙය ඔබ නොලීවානම් වඩා හොඳ යැයි මට සිතෙන්නේ, මෙහි ඔබ කියා ඇති කිසිවක් බුද්ධි විෂයක වශයෙන් විශ්ලේෂණයකට භාජනය කර නැති නිසාවෙනි.

උදාහරණයක් ලෙස ඔබ කියා ඇති මේ කාරණය ගෙන බලන්න. නලීන් ද සිල්වා සහ ගුණදාස අමරසේකර යනු බටහිර ලෝකය සියළු අයහපතේ මූලය ලෙස සිතන්නෝය.” තවත් කරුණක් ගෙන බලමු. නලීන් ද සිල්වා සිතන්නේ බටහිර ලෝකයට ඔහු බින් ලාඩ්න් කෙනෙකු කියාය. නලීන් ද සිල්වා ජීවත් වන්නේ ඔහු විසින්ම සදාගත් මනංකල්පිත විශ්වයකය. ඒ අතින් ගුණදාස අමරසේකර පොළවේ පය ගසාගෙන සිටින්නෙකි. එහෙත් ඔහු තදින්ම කුමන්ත්‍රණ න්‍යාය විශ්වාස කරන්නෙකි.” මේ චෝදනා ඔප්පු කිරීමට මෙතැනින් ඔබ්බට කෙතරම් කරුණු ඔබගෙන් අප බලාපොරොත්තු වෙනවාද? එම වාක්‍යයනට අමතරව කිසිවක් ඔබ කියා නැත්තේ ඔබගේ එම වාක්‍යයන් දේව වාක්‍යය ලෙස අප පිළිගනීවි යැයි ඔබ සිතූ නිසාද? ඊළඟ ඡේදය ඔබ ලියා ඇත්තේ දැඩි වෛරයකින් බව අපට පෙනේ. එය ඔබම නැවත කියවා බලන්න.

ගුණදාස අමරසේකර යනු ශ්‍රී ලංකාව නම් කුඩා දිවයිනට පමණක් සීමාවූ හිටපු දන්ත වෛද්‍යවරයෙකි. ඔහු ගැන අනුරාධපුරයෙන් එහාට මිනිසුන් දන්නේ නැති තරම් ය. නලීන් ද සිල්වා උසස් අධ්‍යාපනය ලබන්නේ බටහිරය. ඔහුට බටහිර රටක විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයක තනතුරක් අවශ්‍යව තිබුණි. එහෙත් ඔහුට බටහිර ලෝකයේ තැනක් ලැබෙන්නේ නැත. ඔහුගේ බටහිර විරෝධයේ ආරම්භය එතැනය. එහෙත් ගණනාථ ඔබේසේකර යනු බටහිර ලෝකයේ ගරුත්වයට පාත්වූ ධීමතෙකි. ඔහු නලීන් ද සිල්වා සහ ගුණදාස අමරසේකර මෙන් ජෝකර් කෙනෙකු නොවේ.”

ඔබගේ බොහෝ චෝදනා කිපීමෙන් ගන්නාලද, හුදු ව්‍යාපනයන් මගින් කල නිගමනයන්ය (based on hasty generalizations). ඇතැම් චෝදනා වැදගැම්මකට නැති මඩ ගැහීමේ චේතනාවෙන්ම කල ඒවා බව පෙනී යයි. එම චෝදනා එකින් එක වෙන වෙනම ගෙන, බුද්ධිමය වශයෙන් කරනු ලබන විශ්ලේෂණයක් මගින් පාඨකයිනට ඔප්පුකොට පෙන්වීමට ඔබ සදාචාරාත්මකව බැඳී සිටී. වෛද්‍ය රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග මහතාණෙනි, ඔබ විසින් එල්ල කර ඇති මෙම චෝදනා ඔප්පු කර පෙන්වන ලෙස ඔබ ඉදිරිපිට ඇති මෙම අභියෝගයට මුහුණදී, බුද්ධිමය සාකච්ඡාවක් තුලින් ඔප්පුකොට පෙන්වන ලෙස ඉල්ලා සිටිමි. එසේ නොකළහොත් ඔබ හුදු මඩ ප්‍රචාරකයෙකුගේ තත්වයට වැටෙනු ඇති බව මෙහිදී සඳහන් කරන්නේ කනගාටුවෙනි.”

පළමුවෙන්ම කිව යුත්තේ මා මේ පිළිතුරු ලිපිය ලියන්නේ වෛද්‍ය රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග මහතාට ගැරහීමේ අරමුණින් වත්, නින්දා අපහාස කිරීමටවත් නොවන බවය. එමෙන්ම එතුමා සතුරකු, විරුද්ධ වාදියකු සේ සලකා විවේචනය කිරීමටද නොව. මා මෙම ලිපිය ලියන්නේ සමස්තයක් ලෙස ගත් කල, ඔහු මෙන්ම ඔහු වැනි තවත් අය විසින් නියෝජනය කරනු ලබන දේශපාලන ආස්තානයට පිළිතුරු සැපයීම කාලෝචිත යැයි සිතූ නිසාවෙනි. ඊට අමතරව මෙම ලිපියෙන් අරමුණු කරන්නේ, අද ශ්‍රීලංකාව තුල මෙන්ම, විදේශ ගතව සිටින්නාවුද, දේශපාලනය පිලිබඳ විමිසිලිමත් වූත්, ඒ පිලිබඳ විවිධවූ මත දරනාවුත් අය අතර ඇති එක්තරා ප්‍රවනතාවක් වන, ආචාර්ය නලින් ද සිල්වා මහතාට සහ දොස්තර ගුණදාස අමරසේකර මහතාට පහර ගැසීම හා පරිභව කිරීම තුලින්, ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ජාතික ගැටලුව පිළිබඳව වඩාත් මධ්‍යස්තවුත් සාධාරණවුත් මත දරන්නේ තමන් යයි ලෝකයාට ප්‍රකාශ කිරීමේ විලාසිතාවට අනුගතවූ සියල්ලන්ටද ආමන්ත්‍රණය කිරීමේ අරමුණිනි. මේ විලාසිතාව සමාජ දේහය තුල කෙතරම් ඔඩුදුවා ඇත්දැයි කිවහොත්, නලින් සිල්වා මහතාගේ හෝ අමරසේකරමහතාගේ මතවාද මොනවාද කියා කිසිවක් සොයා නොබලාම, ඒ පිලිබඳ හැදෑරීමක් නොකොටම ඔවුන් ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කොට හෙලාදකීමේ ප්‍රවනතාවක් තිබේ. මා වටා එවැනි මිතුරන්ද සිටී.

මෙම ප්‍රවනතාවේ තවත් සැඟවුණු අරමුනක්ද පවතී. එනම් ඊලාම් වාදී සංකල්ප වලට, රට බෙදීමේ දර්ශනයට, වෙනම රාජ්‍යය සංකල්පයට, සම්ප්‍රදායික නිජභූමි සංකල්පයට එරෙහිවූ මතවාද දරන චින්තකයිනට පහර ගැසීම හා ගැරහීම, ශ්‍රී ලංකාව බෙදා වෙන්කිරීමේ ව්‍යාපාරයට මිලියන ගණනින් මුදල් යොදවන බටහිර ආයතන වල අවධානය දිනාගැනීමේ කෙටි ක්‍රමයක් ලෙස මෙම පරිභව කිරීම ඇතැමුන් විසින් යොදා ගැනීම එම යටි අරමුනයි.

කෙසේ වුවද, නලීන් ද සිල්වා සහ ගුණදාස අමරසේකර යන අය ගණනාථ ඔබේසේකර සමග සැසැඳීම වෛද්‍ය රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග මහතා විසින් මොන පදනමක් මත සිදු කළා දැයි පාඨක අපට නොතේරෙන බව පැවසිය යුතු ය. නලින් හා අමරසේකර මහතුන් ගනනාථ මහතා සමග සැසඳීම හරියට ඇපල් හා දොඩම් සැසඳීම හා සමානය. මේ දෙවර්ගයම පලතුරු ගණයට අයත් වනවා සේම, අපගේ ප්‍රස්තුතයට මුල් වී ඇති පුද්ගලයින්ද බුද්ධිමතුන් ගණයට අයත් වුවත්, නලින් හා අමරසේකර මහතුන්ගේ ග්‍රහණයට නතුවූ විෂය කරුණු හා ඒවායේ බුද්ධිමය විශ්ලේෂණය ගනනාථ මහතාගේ කාර්යයට හසු වූ බවක් අප අසා නැත. නමුත් මේ තිදෙනාම එකම විශ්ව විද්‍යාල මාතාවකගේ දරුවන් වීම සුවිශේෂ කරුණකි.

මෑත කාලයේ, එනම් පසුගිය වසර තිස් පහක පමණ කාලයේ නලින් ද සිල්වා සහ ගුණදාස අමරසේකර යන නම් රටතුල ආන්දෝලනයකට ලක්වන්නෙත්, ඔවුන්ව අප හඳුනා ගන්නේත්, සිල්වා මහතා විශ්වවිද්‍යාල කථිකාචාර්ය වරයෙකු ලෙස නිසා හෝ අමරසේකර මහතාව කවියකු හා ලේඛකයෙකු ලෙස නිසා පමණක්ම නොවේ. ඔවුන් වැඩිපුරම ආන්දෝලනයකට ලක්වන්නේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ජාතික ප්‍රශ්නය පිළිබඳව ඇතිවූ කතිකාවතේ දේශීය ජනයාගේ, විශේෂයෙන්ම සිංහල ජනයාගේ අපේක්ෂා සහ අයිතීන් පිළිබඳව අදහස් දැක්වූ වියතුන් ලෙසය. මෙය කිරීමේදී මොන තරම් නිදා අපහාස ඔවුන් විසින් වින්දාද කියා අපි දනිමු. ඒ නින්දා අපහාස විඳීම තවමත් නිම වී නොමැත. මෙසේ ඔවුන් තම මතවාදී අදහස් ඉදිරිපත් කලේ බෙදුම්වාදී මතවාදී ආධිපත්‍යය විසින් මුළු මහත් ශ්‍රී ලාංකික සමාජයම බුද්ධිමය වශයෙන් හිරිවට්ටා, ගොලුකොට, ප්‍රතිතර්ක විරහිතව ගොලුවී සිටි කාලයකදී වීම විශේෂයෙන්ම සඳහන් කල යුතු කරුණකි.  

නලින් ද සිල්වා සහ ගුණදාස අමරසේකර මහතුන් විසින් එය කෙතරම් සාර්ථක හා සාධනීය ලෙස කලාද කිවහොත්, ටික කලකින්ම ප්‍රධාන පෙලේ ඊලාම් වාදී න්‍යායාචාර්යවරුන් පසුබැස යාමටත්, සාකච්චා මේස වලදී ගොත ගැස්සවීමටත් ඔවුහු සමත් වූහ. එපමණක්ද නොව, නලින් ද සිල්වා මහතා විසින් ඊලාම් පෙරහරේ පෙර ගමන් කරුවෙකු වූ කුමාර් පොන්නම්බලම්ට ඉදිරිපත් කල අදටත් වලංගු ප්‍රශ්නය වූ, දෙමල ජනතාවට මුහුණදීමට සිදුව ඇති, එහෙත් සිංහල ජනතාවට නොමැති, හුදු දෙමල වීම නිසාම සිදුව ඇතැයි කියන සමාජ දේශපාලන අසාධාරණකම් නම් කරන ලෙස දිගින් දිගටම එල්ල කල ප්‍රශ්නයට මැරෙන තුරුත් පිළිතුරු දී ගත නොහැකිව, පොන්නම්බලම් මහතා ඔහු කිරිපොවා හදාවඩා ගත් ත්‍රස්තවාදීන් අතින් ඝාතනයට ලක්ව  මිය ගියේය. ඔහු පරලොවදී තවමත් ඊට පිළිතුරු සොයනවා නොඅනුමානය. ඉන් සිල්වා මහතා ලෝකයට ඔප්පු කර පෙන්වූයේ බොරුව මත පදනම්වූ සටනකට, රට තුල නොමැති ප්‍රශ්නයකට, පිළිතුරු සොයාගත නොහැකි බවය. එම හෙළිදරව්ව සමස්ත ඊලාම් ව්‍යාපාරයේම උපක්‍රම නැවත සලකා බැලීමට ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සතුරනට බලකර සිටි බව නොරහසකි.

එවන් සේවාවක් ඔබ කර තිබේද? ගනනාථ ඔබේසේකර මහතා කර තිබේද? මට නම් කරනවා තබා සිතා ගැනීමටවත් නොහැක. ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවේ සිට මානවවිද්‍යාවට හුවමාරු වූ ගණනාථ ඔබේසේකර මහතා අතින් හරිනම් එය සිදුවිය යුතුව තිබූ කාර්යයකි. නමුත් ඔහු අතින් එය සිදුවූ බවක් මම නම් අසා නොමැත. ඉතිහාසය පිලිබඳ හෝ මානවවිද්‍යාව පිලිබඳ බුද්ධි විෂයමය වශයෙන් පෙර සූදානමකින් තොරව, තමන් ලැබූ අධ්‍යාපන හා බුද්ධිමය ශික්ෂණයට පරිබාහිර කාර්යයක නියැලුණු නලින් ද සිල්වා සහ ගුණදාස අමරසේකර මහතුන් අතින්, පෘතඃජන පුද්ගලයින් ලෙස අනේක වැරදීම් සිදුවී ඇතුවාට සැකයක් අප තුල නොමැත. එහෙත් ඔවුන් කල දුෂ්කර කාර්යයයේ ශ්‍රේෂ්ට බව අප වටහා නොගන්නේනම් ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයින් වන අප අතිශය අකෘතඥ ජාතියක් වනවාට නොඅනුමානය.

වෛද්‍ය රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග මහතාණෙනි, ඔබ මෙවැනි අදහස් පල කිරීමක් කලේ, ජාතික ප්‍රශ්නය පිළිබඳව ඔවුන් විසින් පල කල අදහස් එම කරුණ අරභයා ගනනාථ ඔබේසේකර මහතා විසින් පල කල අදහස් වලට පටහැනි නිසාද? නැතහොත් ගනනාථ ඔබේසේකර මහතා වඩාත් වැදගත් අදහස් ජාතික ප්‍රශ්නය පිළිබඳව දක්වා තිබෙන නිසාද? විවිධ කරුණු පිළිබඳව ඔවුන්ගේ මත වල වෙනස්කම් තිබිය හැකි වුවත්, මා දන්නා පරිදි ජාතික ගැටලුව පිළිබඳව එවන් විවෘත මත ගැටුමක් ඔවුන් අතර හටගෙන නොමැත.  අවම තරමින් සමාජයේ අවධානය යොමුවන තරමේ මතවාදී ගැටුමක් මා දන්නා පරිදි අසා නොමැත.

ඔබ මෙසේ කියයි. “නලීන් ද සිල්වා සහ ගුණදාස අමරසේකර යනු බටහිර ලෝකය සියළු අයහපතේ මූලය ලෙස සිතන්නෝය.”නලීන් ද සිල්වා සහ ගුණදාස අමරසේකර බටහිර ලෝකය සියලු අයහපතේ මුලය ලෙස කියා ඇති බවක් මම නොදනිමි. එසේ වුවද බටහිරින් එන සියලු දේ අවිචාරයෙන් ඔහු ප්‍රතික්ෂේප නොකරන බව රුපවාහිනී චැනලයක සාකච්චාවකදී නලින් ද සිල්වා මහතා විසින් කියනු මා අසා ඇත. එමෙන්ම ශ්‍රී ලංකාව අරභයා බටහිර සතු ප්‍රතිපත්ති ඔවුන් විවේචනය කර ඇත. එමෙන්ම, බටහිර දර්ශන වාදයේ ඇති පුහු බව පිළිබඳව ඔවුන් විවේචනය කර ඇත.

නමුත් කෙසේවුවද ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයින් ඇතුළු නුතන මිනිසා සතු බොහෝ අයහපත්වලට මුලය බටහිර දර්ශන්වාදයේත්, විශේෂයෙන්ම නුතනවාදී දර්ශනයේත් ගැබ්ව ඇති බව ඔවුන් කියා ඇත. එය ඔවුන් පමණක් නොව, බොහොමයක් බටහිර විචාරකයින්ද පවසා ඇති, අද වනවිට දර්ශනවාදී ක්ෂේත්‍රයේ අවිවාදයෙන් පිළිගත් කරුණකි. එය ඔබ නොදැන සිටීම ඔබගේ ඉහතකී ප්‍රකාශයට හේතු වුවා නම්, එය ඉතාම අවාසනාවන්ත තත්වයකි. පහත දැක්වෙන්නේ එවන් කතිකාවතකට සම්බන්ධවී සිටි සහ සිටින බටහිර හා අනෙක් වියතුන් කිහිප දෙනෙකි.

යුරෝපීයයන් වන Michel Foucault, Jacques Derrida, එමෙන්ම බටහිරදී විචාරකයින් ලෙස කීර්තියක් දිනාගත්තද ආසියානුන් වන Edward Wadie Said (originally Palestinian), Homi K. Bhabha (originally Indian), එමෙන්ම ප්‍රංශ ජාතිකයෙකු වුවත් Martinique හි උපන්, Frantz Fanon. එමෙන්ම ආජන්ටිනියානු චින්තකයකු වන Enrique Dussel https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Enrique_Dussel

එපමණක් නොව වෙනත් ක්ෂේත්‍ර වල සිටින බටහිර බටහිර බුද්ධිමතුන් හා දේශපාලන විචාරකයින් පවසන්නේ, බටහිර දේශපාලනය හා දර්ශනය මුළුමහත් මානව සංහතියම විනාශය කරා රැගෙන යන බවය. Paul Craig Roberts ගේ ලිපි  https://www.paulcraigroberts.org/

එමෙන්ම Marshall Berman, David Harvey and Noam Chomsky යන අය විසින් ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කර ඇති දුසිම් ගණන් වන පොත් පත් හා ලිපි ලේඛන.

එමෙන්ම ඔබ වෛද්‍යවරයෙකු නිසා නුතනවාදී විද්‍යාවේ සුසමාදර්ශ පිලිබඳ විචාරයක යෙදෙන Paul Feyerabend ගේ Against Method ඔබට ඉතාම රසවත් කියවීමක් වනු ඇතියි මම සිතමි. 

ඉහතින් සඳහන් කලේ බටහිරින් එන යුරෝකේන්ද්‍රීය ප්‍රවාද වලින් යුරෝපයටත්, ලෝකයේ අනෙකුත් කලාප වලටත් ඇති හානිකර ප්‍රතිපල පිළිබඳවත් ඒවායේ ඇති දාර්ශනික බංකොලොත් බවත් පිළිබඳව සාකච්චා කර ඇති බටහිර අර්ධ ගෝලයේ සිටිනා කිහිප දෙනෙකු පමණි. එනයින් ගත කල තත් කාලීන ලෝකයේ බොහොමයක්  අයහපත් තත්වයන්ට මූලය බටහිර දේශපාලනය හා දර්ශනවාදී සංකල්ප බව සිතන්නේ නලීන් ද සිල්වා  සහ  ගුණදාස අමරසේකර පමණක් නොවන බව ඔබට වැටහෙනු ඇත. 

ඔබගේ ඊළඟ ප්‍රකාශය බලන්න. “ගුණදාස අමරසේකර යනු ශ්‍රී ලංකාව නම් කුඩා දිවයිනට පමණක් සීමාවූ හිටපු දන්ත වෛද්‍යවරයෙකි. ඔහු ගැන අනුරාධපුරයෙන් එහාට මිනිසුන් දන්නේ නැති තරම් ය.” ගුණදාස අමරසේකර ගැන ඔබ දන්නේ දන්ත වෛද්‍යවරයෙක් ලෙස පමණක්ද? ඔහු ලේඛකයෙක්, කවියෙක් ලෙස ඔබ දැනගෙන සිටියේම නැතිද? කෙසේ වුවත්, ඔබ මේ ගැරහීම අමරසේකර මහතාට කරන්නේ ඔහු දන්තවෛද්‍යවරයෙක් නිසාවත්, සාහිත්‍යධරයෙක් නිසාවත් නොවෙයි නේ. ඔබ ගරහන්නේ ඔහු ශ්‍රී ලංකා දේශපාලන ඉතිහාසයට කර ඇති දායකත්වය බරපතල ලෙස ඔබට බලපෑ ඇති නිසා නේ? එයින් වැටහෙන්නේ කුමක්ද? අමරසේකර මහතාගේ අයිතිහාසික සුවිශේෂතාව වන්නේ ඔහු දන්ත වෛද්‍යවරයෙක් වීමවත්, සාහිත්‍යධරයෙක් වීමවත් නොව, ඔහුගේ දේශපාලන මතවාදී දායකත්වයම නොවේද?  

පළමුවෙන්ම අපට ඇතිවන ගැටලුව වන්නේ, ලංකාව තුල පමණක් දැන සිටීම කිසියම් පුද්ගලයෙකුගේ බුධිමය වටිනාකම අඩුවීමට හේතුවන සාධකයක්ද යන්නයි. වෛද්‍ය රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග මහතානෙනි, මම දන්නා පරිධි, ඔබ පිළිබඳව දන්නේ අපි පමණි. එය කිසිසේත්ම ඔබගේ වටිනාකම අඩුකොට සිතීමට මට නම් හේතුවක් නොවේ. අමරදේව, සරත්චන්ද්‍ර, නන්දා මාලිනි ගැන දන්නේ අපි පමණි. බටහිර ඔවුන් ගැන නොදත් පමණින් අපට ඔවුන් වටින්නේ නැතිද? බටහිර ඔවුන් පිලිබඳව නොදන්නා නිසා අප ඔවුන්ව ඉතිහාසයේ කුණු කූඩයට දමන්නෙමුද? 

ඔබ කියා ඇති පරිදි අනුරාධපුරයෙන් එහාට අමරසේකර මහතාව දන්නේ නැති කරුණ පිළිබඳව කියන්නේ නම්, මා කිව යුතු වන්නේ ඇත්තටම ඔවුන් ගැන දන්නේ අනුරාධපුරයෙන් මෙහා ඔබ වැනි අයට වඩා අනුරාධපුරයෙන් එහා අය බවය. සැබවින්ම, ඊළාම්වාදී පෙරගමන් කරුවන් සියල්ලෝම ඔවුන් පිළිබඳව දන සිටියහ. බටහිර INGO සහ ඔවුන්ගෙන් මුදල් ලබන ලංකාවේ ක්‍රියාත්මකවූ NGO ඔවුන් ගැන දන සිටියහ. එපමණක් නොව තමන්ගේ බත් පතට වැලි දමන අය ලෙස නලීන් ද සිල්වාට සහ ගුණදාස අමරසේකරට ඔවුහු වෛර කළහ. මේ පිලිබඳ දෘශ්‍යමය වශයෙන් හොඳම උදාහරණය නම්, එක්තරා රූපවාහිනී වැඩසටහනකදී නිමල්කා ප්‍රනාන්දු විසින් ප්‍රකට කල ගුණදාස අමරසේකර පිලිබඳ ‘ඇගේ වෛරයයි.’ නිමල්කා විසින් හෙළි දක්වනලද ‘ඇගේ වෛරය’ හටගන්නේත්, ඉන් විශද කරන්නෙත් වෙනත් කිසිවක් නොව, ගුණදාස අමරසේකර මහතාගේ අදහස් විසින් තමන්ගේ බත් පතට වැලි දැමෙන නිසාවෙන් ඇය තුල හට ගන්නා භීතිය හා ද්වේශයයි. අනික් හේතුව නම් බෙදුම්වාදී මතවාදයට එරෙහිව බලවත් තර්ජනයක් එල්ලකරන   අමරසේකර වැනි මතවාදීන් වෙත පෙරලා පහර ගැසීම වෙනුවෙන්, හා රට බෙදීමේ කර්තව්‍යය වෙනුවෙන් නිර්ලෝභී ලෙස නාය යාමට සැදී පැහැදී සිටි ඩොලර් කඳු තමන්ගේ දිසාවට නාය යාමට සැලැස්වීම මෙම පහර දීම තුල සැඟවුණු නිමල්කාගේ ඊළඟ අරමුනයි. එකල නිමල්කා ප්‍රනාන්දු රෙද්ද උස්සගෙන දැඟලුවේ ඩොලර් භක්තියෙන් විනා මානව භක්තියෙන් නොවන බව ඇත් දැකීම් අඩු තරුණයින් වූ අපිට පවා ඉතා පැහැදිලිව පෙනුනි.  

ඊළඟට ඔබ මෙසේ කියයි. “එහෙත් ඔවුන් තම දරුවන් උසස් අධ්‍යාපනය සඳහාද ජීවත් වීම සඳහාද යැව්වේ බටහිරටය.” නලින් ද සිල්වා හෝ ගුණදාස අමරසේකර මහත්වරුන්ගේ දරුවන් විදේශ ගතවී සිටිනවාදැයි මම නොදනිමි. විදේශ ගතවී සිටියත් මට නම් එහි වරදක් නොපෙනේ. එකල පැවතී හින්දු හා ජයින දර්ශනවාදී පදනම පැරදවීමට උවමනාව තිබූ නිසා බුදුන් වහන්සේ පවා ආලාර කාලාම, උද්දකරාම පුත්ත වෙත ගිය සේක. උන්වහන්සේ එසේ ගියේ, එකල පැවතී අග්‍රස්ථ දාර්ශනික සංස්ථා අභිභවා යාමට විනා එම දැනුමේ සිසුවකු වීමට නොවේ. එනයින් ගත් කල බටහිර දර්ශන වාදයේ යහපත හා අයහපත තේරුම් ගැනීමට නම් අප බටහිර දැනුම උකහා ගැනීම අවශ්‍ය වෙයි. වත්මන් ඇමෙරිකාවේ කෙතරම් චීන සිසු සිසුවියන් ඉගෙන ගන්නවාද කියා ඔබ දන්නවා යයි මට සැකය. තම අනාගත පරපුර චීනය විසින් දහස් ගණනින් අධ්‍යාපනය සඳහා ඇමෙරිකාවට එවන්නේ යම්කිසි හේතුවක් නිසා විය යුතුය. අනික බටහිර දැනුම තුල පවා කෙතරම් ජයග්‍රහණ මානව සංහතිය ලබා තිබෙනවාද. මගේ මතය නම්, ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට ආදරය කරන සියලු දෙනා හැකිනම් ලෝකයේ සියලු කලාපවල සැරිසරා දැනුම උකහා ගත යුතුය. එම දැනුම අපගේ දැනුම් සම්භාරයට ආදේශ කරගත යුතුය. නොවැදගත් යයි හැඟෙන දේ ඉවත් කොට එම දැනුම අපේ කර ගත යුතුය. මෙහි වරදක් මට නොපෙනේ.

ඔබ කරන මේ ඉහත ප්‍රකාශය එනම් නලීන් ද සිල්වා සහ ගුණදාස අමරසේකර තම දරුවන් උසස් අධ්‍යාපනය සඳහාද ජීවත් වීම සඳහාද යැව්වේ බටහිරටය” යන්න සාධාරණද කියා සිතා බලන්න? සුද්දාට අපව විවෙච්චනය කර කර, අපට උඩින් සහ යටින් වල කප කපා, ලංකාවේ ජීවත් විය හැක, ලංකාවට පැමිණිය හැක, ඉඩකඩම් මිලදී ගත හැක, ව්‍යාපාරද කල හැක. ජීවන මාර්ගය සලසා ගත හැක. නමුත් අපට, නලීන් ද සිල්වා , ගුණදාස අමරසේකර නොහැක. ඔබ සතුව සුද්දට එක ප්‍රතිපතියකුත් අපට තවත් ප්‍රතිපත්තියකුත් තිබෙන්නේ ඇයි? එසේ තිබිය නොහැක. එය අසාධාරණ ය.

ඔබ භාවිතා කරන ඉහත තර්කය ඉතා පැරණි තර්කයකි. එය භාවිතා කලේ එංගලන්තය ප්‍රංශය වැනි යටත්විජිත වාදී මව් රටවල් තමන්ට පමණක් සීමා කර ගැනීමට උත්සුක වූ, යටත්විජිත වාදීන්ට තම මනස හා සිරුර ක්‍රීඩා භාණ්ඩයක් ලෙස භාවිතා කිරීමට ඉඩහළ, සහ දැනටත් ඉඩහරින, රටක්, සංස්කෘතියක්, පවුලක් හෝ රැකගැනීමට දෙයක් නොමැති, අමරසේකර මහතාගේ වචනයෙන් කිවහොත් ‘තුප්පහියන්’ එහෙම නැතිනම්, හෝමි කේ. බාබා ගේ වචනයෙන් කිවහොත් ‘hybrid’ සුළුතරය වන කොළඹ ලුම්පන් සුලුතරයයි. බටහිර ජීවත් වන වෙනත් ආසියාතික, ලතින් ඇමෙරිකානු හෝ අප්‍රිකානු ජාතීන් අතර එවැනි ප්‍රශ්න නැත. ඔවුන් ඔවුන්ගේ මව් රට වල අයිතීන් සඳහා බටහිර රටවල සිට සටන් කරති. ඔවුන් බටහිර විවේචනය කරමින් එහි ජීවත් වෙති. හොඳම උදාහරණය වන්නේ පලස්තීන ජාතික Edward Said ය.

වෛද්‍ය රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග මහතාණෙනි, ඔබගේ තර්කය අනුව ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට ආදරය කරන අයට බටහිරට යාමට සදාචාරාත්මක අයිතියක් නොමැත. එවැනි අය බටහිරට ගොස් තම රට වෙනුවෙන් සටන් කිරීම කුහක කමකි. නමුත් එම අයිතිය ඇත්තේ රට බෙදීමට සටන් කරන අයට පමණි. එනම්, ඊලාම් වාදීන්ට පමණි.  මොන තරම් කුහක තර්කයක්ද. ඔබගේ මේ ලිපිය බටහිර රටක තිබෙන තුන්වන ලෝකයේ රටවල ව්‍යසන ඇතිකිරීමේ අභිලාෂයෙන්ම මුදල් සපයන ආයතනයක් දුටුවානම්, ඔබට අලුතින්ම NGO ආයතනයක් විවුර්ත කරදී, ඩොලර් මිලියන ගණනින් මුදල් සපයනු ඇත. ඔබ මේ ලිපිය ලිවීමේ අරමුණ එයම නම්, මා එය විවේචනය කලාට අනේ දෙවියනේ මට සමාවෙන්න.   

බටහිර මේ දිනවල බහුලව ක්‍රියාත්මක වන සරණාගතයින් හා විදේශ සංක්‍රමණිකයන්ට එරෙහිව තැන තැන හටගත් සුදු මිනිසුන්ගේ විරෝධතා වලට ප්‍රති විරෝධය දක්වමින් පැවතී උද්ඝෝෂණයක තිබුණු සටන් පාටයක් පිළිබඳව ඉන්දීය දේශපාලන විචාරක ශෂී තරූර් (Shashi Tharoor) වරක් සඳහන් කලේ ඔහු දුටු විදේශීය සංක්‍රමණිකයන් හා සරණාගතයින්ගේ සටන් පාටයක මෙලෙස සටහන්ව තිබූ බවකි. “WE ARE HERE BECAUSE YOU WERE THERE” සාධාරණයි නේද ජයතුංගමහතාණෙනි? බටහිර ජාතීන් අපේ රට වලට විත් අපව කාබාසීනියා කල නිසාත්, අපේ සාරය උරාගෙන ගොස් අපව බංකොලොත් කොට ඔවුන්ගේ රටවල් ගොඩ නගපු නිසාත්, අපිට ඔවුන්ගේ රට වලට ගොස් ධනය ඉපයීමේ තහනමක් තිබිය නොහැක. අනික අපේ රට වල් බටහිර ජාතීනට තවමත් විවුර්තයි නේ? බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය යටත්විජිත කරණය තුලින් ඔවුන්ගේ යටත් විජිත් ජාතීන් නූතන යුගයට රැගෙන ගියාය කියා උදම් අනන අපගේ කොළඹ ජීවත්වන ඉංග්‍රීසි තෙපලන ආත්මයක් නැති අයගේ තර්කයට කදිම පිළිතුරක් පහත දැක්වෙන වීඩියෝවෙන් දැකගත හැක. කරුණාකර එය නරඹන්න.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?list=PL2Pa8OMML-D8geRbVpuEaxEZeCn0sZt41&time_continue=19&v=f7CW7S0zxv4

කෙසේ වුවත් ඔබ කියා ඇති පරිදි නලින් ද සිල්වා සහ ගුණදාස අමරසේකර යන අය හුදු ජෝකරයන් වන්නේ කෙසේද යන්න අප වැනි හුදී ජනයාගේ පටු දැනුම පුළුල් කර ගැනීම සඳහා කියා දෙනමෙන් වෛද්‍ය රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග මහතාගෙන් අප උදක්ම ඉල්ලා සිටිමු.

ඊළඟ චේදයෙන් ඔබ මෙසේ කියයි. “ප්‍රිංස්ටන් විශ්ව විද්‍යලයේ මහාචාර්‍ය ගණනාථ ඔබේසේකර අන්තර් ජාතික කීර්තියට පත්වූ උගතෙකි.  ගණනාථ ඔබේසේකර පිලිබඳව එංගලන්තයේ, ඇමරිකාවේ, කැනඩාවේ මෙන්ම ප්‍රංශයේ සිටින මා හඳුනන මනෝ විද්වතුන් අදහස් පළ කොට ඇත. උදාහරණ ලෙස එංගලන්තයේ ආචාර්‍ය ස්ටීවන් හීත්, ඇමරිකාවේ ආචාර්‍ය රොජර් බෘක් ,  කැනඩාවේ මහාචාර්‍ය රිචඩ් ලේලොන්ඩ් , කැනඩාවේ වෛද්‍ය එරික් ස්මඩ්ජා යන්නවුන් මා සමග ගණනාථ ඔබේසේකර  ගේ කෘතීන් ගැන කතා කොට තිබේ. එහෙත් ගුණදාස අමරසේකර පිලිබඳව මා සමග කතා කොට ඇත්තේ දිවයින පුවත්පතේ පාඨකයන්‍ ය.  නලීන් ද සිල්වා පිලිබඳව මා සමග කතා කොට ඇත්තේ විදුසර පුවත් පතේ පාඨකයන් ය.” මෙය කියැවු මා තුල ඇතිවූ හැඟීම් මා මෙහි සටහන් නොකරමි. කෙසේ වුවද ඔබගේ මෙම ලිපිය මහාචාර්ය ගණනාථ ඔබේසේකර මහතා ට දැකීමට ඉඩ සලසන්න. ඔහු විසින් ඔබට ප්‍රින්ස්ටන් විස්වා විද්‍යාලයේ පශ්චාත් උපාදියකට රෙකමදාරුවක් ලබා දීමට තරම් එය හේතු වීමට ඉඩ ඇත. මා මෙලෙස පවසන්නේ මීට සමාන දේවල් මීට පෙර මා දැක ඇති නිසාවෙනි. 

අවසානයේදී ඔබ මෙසේ කියයි. “මේ ත්‍රිත්වයෙන් ලංකාවට වටින්නේ ගණනාථ ඔබේසේකර ය. අනෙක් දෙදෙනා ඉතිහාසයේ කුණු කූඩයට යාමට නියමිතය.” මෙය හාස්‍ය ජනක ප්‍රකාශයකි. ඔබ මෙහි සඳහන් කරන්නේ මොන ඉතිහාසයේ කුනුකූඩය ගැනද වෛද්‍ය රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග මහතාණෙනි?  එය මොන කුණු කුනුකූඩයද යන්න ඔබ පැහැදිලිව සඳහන් කල යුතුය.  මන්ද, විවිධාකාර ඉතිහාසසයේ කුණු ගොඩවල් තිබිය හැකි නිසාවෙනි.

ජයතුංග මහතාණෙනි, ඉතිහාසකරණය (historiography) යනු ඉමහත් සංකීර්ණ කර්තව්‍යයකි. එය දේශපාලන කර්තව්‍යයකි. ඉතිහාස කරණයේ යෙදෙන පාර්ශ්වයට අනුව, ඉතිහාසයක ආඛ්‍යානය වෙනස් විය හැක. ඔවුන් දෙදෙනා වැටෙන්නට නියමිත වී තිබෙන්නේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාව පිළිබඳව ඉන්දියාව විසින් රචනා කෙරෙන ඉතිහාසයක ඉන්දියානු කුණු කූඩයටද, බටහිර කුණු කූඩයටද එහෙමත් නැතිනම් ඔබේ කුණු කූඩයටද? කරුණාකර මට අනුමාන කිරීමට ඉඩ දෙන්න. මේ ඔබ සඳහන් කරන්නේ ඔබේ කුණු කූඩය ගැන නේද රුවන් මංගල ජයතුංග මහතාණෙනි? කෙසේවුවත් ඔබට මෙන්ම අපටත් කුණුකුඩ තිබෙන බව අමතක නොකරනු මැනව.

මෙයින් කියවෙන්නේ ඔබේ කුණු කූඩය සහ මගේ කුණු කූඩය අතර අහසට පොලොව මෙන් වෙනසක් පවතින බවය. ප්‍රිය ජයතුංග මහතාණෙනි, කරුණාකර ඔබගේ කුණු කූඩයේ සිටින අන් අය කවරෙක්දැයි නැවත පරීක්ෂා කර බලන්න. ඇතැම්විට, වැරදීමකින් දුටුගැමුණු, දෙවෙනි රාජසිංහ, විමලධර්මසූරිය, අනගාරික ධර්මපාල, මුනිදාස කුමාරතුංග, කන්නන්ගර, අමරදේව වැනි අයත් එහි සිටීමට ඉඩ ඇත. එවැනි අය එහි සිට ඔබට හමු වුවහොත්, කරුණාකර ඔවුන් කහ වතුරෙන් සෝදා, ඔබගේ බුදු පහන ලඟින් තැන්පත් කොට, හැමදා සවසට මල් පහන් තියා වඳින්න. ඔබ එසේ කිරීමට අකමැතිනම්  අපගේ කුනුකූඩ අප දෙදෙනා අතර හුවමාරු කර ගැනීමට හෝ එකඟ වන ලෙස ඉල්ලා සිටිමි. එවිට මගේ කුණු කූඩයේ සිටින බොහෝ අය ඔබගේ බුදු පහන ලඟින් තැන්පත් කොට නිති පතා නැමදීමට ඔබට හැකි වනු ඇත.  

ප්‍රිය ජයතුංග මහතාණෙනි. මා ඔබ තරුණයෙක්ද, වියපත් අයෙක්ද කියා නොදනිමි. නමුත් ඔබගේ ලිපි වලට අනුව, ඔබ අවම තරමින් මැදි වයසේ පසු වෙතයි මා සිතමි. ඔබගේ අදහස් තුලින් මා ඔබ තුල නලියන ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකත්වය දකිමි. ඔබතුල සිටින ගැමි තාරුණ්‍යය වටහා ගනිමි. නමුත් ඔබගේ මතවාදී අදහසකට මගේ ඇති මතවාදී වෙනස නිසා ඔබව සම්පූර්ණයෙන් බැහැර කිරීමට මම මැළි වෙමි. මන්ද, ඔබගේ අර ඉහත කී ගැමි තාරුණ්‍යයේ ඇති කලහකාරී බුද්ධිමය කුතුහලයට මම ආදරය කරන නිසාය. අහෝ, අප රැක ගත යුත්තේ මොනවාද, බැහැරකළ යුතේ මොනවාද කියා ඔබ වැන්නන් නිවැරදිව දකින්නේ නම්, ඉමහත් තර්ජනයට ලක්ව ඇති ශ්‍රී ලංකා මාතාවට විශාල හයියක් නොවේද?  ඒ පිළිබඳව නැවත සිතා බලන්න.

ඔබ ඉදිරියේ පවතින බව මවිසින් මීට පෙර සඳහන් කල අභියෝගය තවමත් වලංගු අභියෝගයකි. නලීන් ද සිල්වා, ගුණදාස අමරසේකර මහතුනට එරෙහිව ඔබ එල්ල කල චෝදනා හා අපකීර්තියට ලක් කරන ප්‍රකාශ ඔප්පු කිරීම හා සාධාරණී කරණය කිරීම ඔබගේ සදාචාරාත්මක වගකීමකි. එම ලිපි ඔබ විසින් ඉදිරි දිනවලදී ලංකා වෙබ් ෆෝරමය තුල පල කරනු ඇතැයි අප අපේක්ෂා කරන අතර, එවන් කතිකාවතකට මුල පිරීම තුලින් සත්‍ය කුමක්ද යන්න හෙළි කර ගැනීමට අප සැමට ඉන් මහඟු අවස්තාවක් උදා වෙනු ඇත. ඔබට ස්තුතියි

දේශනයක් ඇසුරෙන් ලීවේ හර්ෂනී අර්සකුලරත්න

“අද අගමැති ප්‍රමුඛ ආණ්ඩුවක් තිබුණත් රාජකාරි කටයුතු කළ නොහැකියි. මේ තත්ත්වය යටතේ තවදුරටත් රට අගාධයකට වැටීමට ඉඩනොදී ගලවගන්න අවශ්‍ය නම් ස්ථාවර ආණ්ඩුවක් අත්‍යවශ්‍ය වෙනවා. නව ආරම්භයක් අත්‍යවශ්‍ය වෙනවා. රට තුළ තිබෙන වාතාවරණය වෙනස් කළ යුතු වෙනවා.

ඒ වගේම පත්වන ආණ්ඩුවට ශක්තියක් වගකීමක් හා නායකත්වයක් මෙන්ම පුළුල් ආර්ථික දැක්මක් තිබිය යුතුයි. පසුගිය ආණ්ඩුව රට වට්ටවා ඇති ආර්ථික අගාධයෙන් ගොඩ ගැනීමට ඒ නිසා මූලිකවම කළ යුතු වන්නේ රට තුළ ස්ථාවරයක් ඇතිකොට නව දැක්මක් හරහා ආර්ථිකයට සම්බන්ධ අයට නව බලාපොරොත්තු ලබා දීමයි.

මේ ගැන සිතා බලා ජනාධිපතිවරයා ගත් උත්සාහයට මා අවංකවම ස්තුතිවන්ත වෙනවා. නව අගමැතිවරයා පත් කිරීම හරහා බිහිවුණු කෙටිකාලීන රජයකින් මේවා සාර්ථකව ඉටු කරගැනීමට නොහැකි නිසයි ජනාධිපතිවරයා හැකි ඉක්මනින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවා ආණ්ඩුවක් පිහිටුවීමට ජනතාවට බලය දීමට සූදානම් වුණේ. එය එසේ වූවා නම් ජනතාවට අවශ්‍ය ලෙස නව ආණ්ඩුවක් පත්කරගෙන පවතින අඳුරු කාලය ජනවාරි 05දා වනවිට අවසන් කරගන්න හැකියාව තිබුණා.

රටේ අස්ථාවර භාවය කෙටි කාලයක් පමණයි එවිට පැවැතීමට නියමිතව තිබුණේ. එහෙම වුණා නම් ඒ කෙටි කාලයෙන් පසුව රටේ ආර්ථිකය හරි දිශානතියකට ගෙන යා හැකි වුණා. අවාසනාවන්ත ලෙස නීතිමය අභියෝග එල්ල වීමත් සමඟ රට කෙටි කලකින් ස්ථාවර කරගැනීමේ අවස්ථාවත් ගිලිහුණා.

මෙහෙම දිගින් දිගටම සිදුවුණොත් රට දැවැන්ත අර්බුදයක් කරා ගමන් කරයි. මේ අර්බුදය තව තවත් දීර්ඝ වුණොත් රටේ ආර්ථිකයට දැවැන්ත පරිහානියක් සිදුවෙන්නේ.

රටේ මෙවැනි ආර්ථික අර්බුදයක් ඇතිවන බවට පෙර පැවැති ආණ්ඩුවට අපිම විටින් විට අනතුරු ඇඟෙව්වා. ඔවුන් ඒවා කනකටවත් ගත්තෙ නෑ. පසුගිය වසරේ ජූලි මාසයේදී අපි අනාවැකි කිහිපයක්ම පළ කළා. මේ වනවිට ඒවා සත්‍ය වෙලා. අපි එදා කිව්වා මෙරට විදෙස් සංචිත අඩුවෙමින් පවතින්නේ, මේක භයානක තත්ත්වයක් කියලා. එවිට විවිධ අය ඒක බොරු කිව්වා. 2014 වර්ෂයේ අගවෙද්දි ඇමෙරිකානු ඩොලර් බිලියන 8ක් රටේ තිබ්බා. ඒක 2017දී ඇමෙරිකානු ඩොලර් 7 දක්වා අඩු වුණා. හරිනම් මේ වෙද්දි විදෙස් සංචිත ඩොලර් බිලියන 12ක් රටේ පැවැතිය යුතු වුණා. විවිධ ආකාරවලට ඒවා එවකට ආණ්ඩු විසින් කාබාසිනියා කරලා දාද්දි අපි පැවැසුවා හැකි ඉක්මනින් වැඩි කරගන්න කියලා. කියන දේවල් ඔවුන් ඇහුවෙ නෑ. මේ තත්ත්වය තුළ රුපියල මස්තබාල්දු වෙයි කියලා අපි කිව්වා.

ණය ශේ්‍රණිගත කරන ෆිච්, මුඩීස් වැනි ආයතන ඔවුන්ගේ වාර්තාවලින් මෙරට ශේ්‍රණීන් පහත හෙළයි කියලා. ඊට මුකුත්ම නොකර දේශපාලනික හේතූන් මත එහෙම කරනවා කියලා චෝදනා කළා.

ඒ වගේම අය වැය පරතරය ඉහළ යන බව පෙන්වා දුන්නා. රට තුළ ව්‍යාපාර කඩා වැටීම නිසා ඔවුන් ගෙවන බදු ප්‍රමාණයන් අඩුවෙනවා, රටේ බහුතර ව්‍යාපාර කඩාවැටෙන බව අපි කිව්වා. 2018 වසරේ දෙවැනි හා තෙවැනි කාර්තුවලදී ලැයිස්තුගත සමාගම් සෑම එකකම ලාභ 10%කින් අඩුවෙලා තිබ්බා. මේක අපි දැක්කා, ඒ වගේම කිව්වා. මේකට කිසිම පිළියමක් යෙදුවෙත් නෑ.

රජයේ ආදායම් අඩු වුණාට රජයේ ගෙවීම් අඩු වුණේ නෑ. කළයුතු ගෙවීම් කරද්දි පරතරය වැඩි වෙනවා. එවිට ගන්න ණය ප්‍රමාණය වැඩිවෙනවා. ගෙවිය යුතු පොලී අනුපාත වැඩිවෙනවා.
ඒ වගේම රටේ අනෙකුත් ශේ්‍රණිගත කිරීම්වලින් පහළට යන බවත් පැවැති ආණ්ඩුවට අපි පෙන්නලා දුන්නා. නීතියේ ආධිපත්‍ය සම්බන්ධව දකුණු ආසියාවේ 1 වැනි ස්ථානයේ සිටි ශ්‍රී ලංකාව 3 වැනි තැනට වැටුණා. ලෝකේ 48 වැනි තැනෙන් 68 වැනි තැනට වැටුණා.

ආර්ථික නිදහස සම්බන්ධව දකුණු ආසියාවෙන් 1 වැනි ස්ථානයේ සිට 2 වැනි ස්ථානයටත් ලෝකයෙන් 90 සිට 102 වැනි ස්ථානයටත් වැටුණා.

ජාත්‍යන්තර තරගකාරීත්වය සම්බන්ධව දකුණු ආසියාවේ 1 වැනි ස්ථානය හිමි කරගත් අපි 2 වැනි තැනට වැටුණා. ලෝකයෙන්ම 68 වැනි තැනින් 85 වැනි ස්ථානයට වැටුණා.

ට්‍රාන්ස්පේරන්සි ඉන්ටර්නැෂනල් ආයතනයේ එළි දක්වන දූෂණ ප්‍රත්‍යක්ෂය සම්බන්ධව දකුණු ආසියාවේ අපි හිටියේ 2 වැනි තැන. අපි 2018 දී 3 වැනි තැනට වැටුණා. ලෝකෙන්ම 85 වැනි තැනේ හිටිය අපි 95 වැනි ස්ථානයට වැටුණා.

මේ විදියට හැම පැත්තකින්ම රටේ ආර්ථිකය දිගින් දිගටම කඩා වැටෙමින් තිබුණා. අපි වසරින් වසර මේ කඩා වැටීම සිදුවූ ආකාරය පෙන්වා දුන්නා. මෙහෙම වෙලා අද අපි අමාරු තත්ත්වයකටයි ඇද වැටිලා තියෙන්නේ.
මෙතැනදි තවත් එක් ලොකු ගැටලුවක් තිබුණා මීට බලපාපු. ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදලට අනුව අපට අපේ රටේ ආර්ථික ප්‍රතිපත්ති වෙනස් කරන්න බැහැ. අපිත් ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදලෙන් ණය ගත්තත් අපි ඔවුන්ගේ ප්‍රතිපත්තිවලට එකඟ වුණේ නැතිවයි වැඩ කළේ. මෙවර වුණේ එහි ප්‍රතිපත්ති අනුව වැඩ කරලා දරුණු ප්‍රපාතයකට ඇද වැටුණා.

ඒ වගේම 2014 අගවෙද්දි රුපියල් ටි්‍රලියන 7ක් වුණු ණය බර 2018 සැප්තැම්බර් අගවෙද්දී රුපියල් ටි්‍රලියන 12ක් දක්වා වැඩි වුණා.

දළ දේශීය නිෂ්පාදිතයට සාපේක්ෂව 2014දී තිබුණු ණය බර 71% සිට 90% දක්වා වැඩි වුණා. බැඳුම්කරවල තිබූ පොලී අනුපාත සියල්ල අපට ඉසිලිය හැකි ස්ථානවලයි තිබුණෙ. සියලු පොලී අනුපාත තිබුණෙ තනි ඉලක්කමෙන්. මාස තුනේ භාණ්ඩාගාර බිල්පත්වලට ගෙවූ පොලී අනුපාතය 5.6%යි.

අවුරුදු 30 භාණ්ඩාගාර බැඳුම්කරවලට ගෙවපු පොලී අනුපාතය 9.3%යි. එහෙම තිබුණු පොලී අනුපාත සියල්ලම බැඳුම්කර වංචාවෙන් පස්සෙ ඉතා ඉක්මනින් ඉතා දරුණු ලෙස ඉහළ ගියා.

ඒ වැඩිවීම හරහා අපේ රටේ අය-වැයට දරුණු පීඩනයක් එල්ල වුණා. එයින් පසුව අපිට පෙනුණේ ඒ තත්ත්වය මඟ හරවාගන්න බැරි තත්ත්වයක් බව. ඉන් අනතුරුව දිගටම පොලී අනුපාතය ඉහළ ගියා.

පොලී අනුපාතය ඉහළ ගියාම අපට හිතාගන්න පුළුවන් කෙතරම් පීඩනයක් රටේ අය වැයට දැනෙනවද? අපේ රටේ ජනතාවට දැනෙනවද කියලා. 2014 අග වනවිට නිවෙසක් හදන්නට අයෙක් යම් පොලී අනුපාතයකට ණයක් ගත්ත නම් ඒක 10%යි. නැත්තම් 11%යි වුණේ. අද ඒක 17%යි. මෝටර් සයිකලයක් ලීස් කළා නම් ඒ කාලෙ ගෙවිය යුතු පොලී අනුපාත වුණේ 12%යි. 13%යි. අද 22%, 23%, 24%යි.

එසේ පොලී අනුපාතය ඉහළ ගියාම තිබෙන පීඩනය, අවදානම වැඩියි. ව්‍යාපාරවලට පාඩුයි. ඒවා කරගෙන යන්න බැරි තත්ත්වයක් එනවා.
ඒ විතරක් නෙවෙයි බොල් ණය වැඩි වුණා. සියලු බැංකු පෙන්වා දුන්නා ඒ අයගේ ආයෝජන කලඹවල බොල් ණය වැඩිවෙමින් පවතින බව. ඒ කාලෙ රාජ්‍ය සම්පත් කුණු කොල්ලයට විකුණන්න පටන් ගත්තා. මොකද? වෙන විකල්පයක් නැහැ.

2014 වර්ෂයේදී සියලු බදු එකතු කළ විට රුපියල් ටි්‍රලියන 1යි තිබ්බේ. රුපියල් ටි්‍රලියන 1ට තිබ්බ බදු බර 2018 වනවිට ටි්‍රලියන 2 දක්වා අවුරුදු 4කින් ඩබල් කරලා තියෙනවා.
දේශීය සහ විදේශීය නව ආයෝජන නතර වුණා. අලුතින් ආයෝජන ආවෙ නෑ. මේ බව කොළඹ වටේ ගිහින් බැලුවොත් පේනවා.

බැඳුම්කර මගඩිය නිසා දැවැන්ත මූල්‍ය දූෂණ පවතින බව ලෝකයටම හෙළි වුණා. එයත් විශාල බලපෑමක් මෙරට ආර්ථිකයට එල්ල කළා.

අපි ඒ අනාවැකි සමඟම ඊට පසුව සිදුවන දේවල් ටිකත් කිව්වා. ව්‍යාපාර තවදුරටත් කඩා වැටෙන බව අපි පෙන්වා දුන්නා. ආණ්ඩුව බලාපොරොත්තු වන ආදායම ලැබෙන්නේ නැහැ කියලත් අපි කිව්වා. විදෙස් ආයෝජකයන් ඉක්මනින්ම තමන්ගේ ආයෝජන පාඩුවට හෝ විකුණා මුදල් රැගෙන පිටරටවලට යන බව අපි පෙන්වා දුන්නා. ශේ්‍රණිගත කරන ආයතන ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ශේ්‍රණීන් පහළ හෙළන බව අපි කිව්වා.

ණය බරතාව තවදුරටත් ඉහළ යන බව අපි පෙන්වා දුන්නා. රුපියල තවදුරටත් කඩා වැටෙන බව අපි සඳහන් කළා. පොලී අනුපාතය ශීඝ්‍රයෙන් වැඩිවන බව කිව්වා. කොටස් වෙළෙඳපොළ කඩා වැටෙන බව, රැකියා ජීවනෝපායන් දස දහස් ගණනින් අහිමි වන බව අපි කිව්වා.

මේ සියලු දේ අපි සිදුවීමට පෙර කිව්වා. අවසානයේ එයම වුණා.

මේ තත්ත්වය තුළ ජනාධිපතිතුමා ඔක්තෝබර් 26 වැනිදා ඒ ආණ්ඩුව වෙනස් කළහම අපට කළ යුතුව පැවැති දේවල් තිබුණා.

ණය උගුලෙන් ගැලවෙන්නට නම් ආර්ථිකයට නව පණක් දිය යුතුව තිබුණා. ඒ කියන්නේ ආර්ථිකය හසුරුවන අය පමණක් නෙවෙයි ආ
ර්ථිකයේ කොටස්කරුවන්ව යළි පුබුදුවාලීම අවශ්‍යයි.

මේ ආර්ථිකමය කටයුතු එක රැයකින්, ක්‍ෂණයකින් සිදුවන දේවල් නෙවෙයි. ඒ සඳහා හරි විදියට යොමු වූ විට ඒවා කෙරෙන්න පටන් ගන්නවා.

එහෙම කරගෙන යද්දී යම් සාධක තිබෙනවා. ඒවා ගැනත් සිතීමට අවශ්‍යයි.

මෙහෙම කරන්න නම් රට තුළ ස්ථාවර ආණ්ඩුවක් තිබීම අවශ්‍යයි. අපට මැතිවරණයක් අවශ්‍යයි. ඒ ඔස්සේ ස්ථාවර ආණ්ඩුවක් බිහිකර ගැනීමයි කාලීන අවශ්‍යතාව. කවුරු වුණත් කමක් නෑ. ස්ථාවර ආණ්ඩුවක් තියෙනවා නම් මේ ආර්ථිකමය ප්‍රතිපත්ති රටට ඔබින විදියට ගොනු කරලා ඒවා හරහා වාසි ලබා ගන්න අපිට හැකි වේවි.

ආණ්ඩුවේ අනවශ්‍ය වියදම් කපා හැරිය යුතු බව අපි යෝජනා කළා. මෙවැනි විසඳුම් හරහා රුපියල ස්ථාවර වේවි. පොලී අනුපාතය අඩු වේවි. ව්‍යාපාර වැඩිවේවි. ආයතනවලින් සේවකයන්ට රැකියාදීම ඉහළ යාවි කියලා අපි සැලසුම් සහිතව ක්‍රියාවට නැංවිය යුතු දේ ගොනු කරලයි තිබුණේ.

රටට මෙහෙම වෙද්දී ජනාධිපති නව අගමැතිවරයෙක් කැබිනට් මණ්ඩලයක් පත් කළා. එවැනි කෙටි කාලීන ආණ්ඩුවකින් සැලසුම් සාර්ථක කරගන්න බැරි බව තේරුම් ගත් ජනාධිපතිවරයා හැකි ඉක්මනින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවලා නව ආණ්ඩුවක් පිහිටුවා ගැනීමට ජනතාවට බලය දීමට යොමු වුණේ. පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවන්න නොවැම්බර් 09දා ජනාධිපතිතුමා ගැසට්ටුවක් නිකුත් කරලා 2019 ජනවාරි 05දා මැතිවරණයක් පවත්වා නව රජයක් පිහිටුවන්නට එතුමා කටයුතු කළා.

ඒ ඔස්සේ සිදුවෙන්න තිබුණේ මොකක්ද? ජනතාවට ඕන විදියට නව ආණ්ඩුවක් බිහිවී ඒ ආණ්ඩුවට මේ තීරණ අරගෙන ඉදිරි කටයුතු කිරීමේ හැකියාව ඇති වෙනවා. කෙටි කාලයක් තුළ ප්‍රශ්නවලට මුහුණදීලා ජනතාවට දෙන්න පුළුවන් වුණා නව හැඟීමක්. අවිනිශ්චිත තත්ත්වය ඉවරයි, ඉන් පසුව අපට ඉදිරියට යන්න පුළුවන් කියලා.

මට තියෙන අත්දැකීම් හරහා මම මේ කියන්නේ. වසර 9ක් මේ රටේ මහ බැංකු අධිපතිවරයා ලෙස සේවය කරන්න මට පුළුවන් වුණා. ඒ කාලෙදි අපේ රටේ ඇමෙරිකානු ඩොලර් බිලියන 24ක්ව තිබූ දළ දේශීය නිෂ්පාදනය ඇමෙරිකානු ඩොලර් බිලියන 79 දක්වා වැඩි කර ගැනීමට හැකි වුණා. අපේ සංචිත ඇමෙරිකානු ඩොලර් බිලියන 2.6 සිට බිලියන 8.2 දක්වා වැඩි කරගන්න අපට පුළුවන් වුණා. අපේ රුපියලේ අව ප්‍රමාණය සිදුවුණේ වසරකට 2.8ක් පමණයි. දැන් දවස් දෙක තුනකට සැරයක් 2.8ක් රුපියල අව ප්‍රමාණය වෙනවා.

2006 වර්ෂයේ සිට 2014 වසර දක්වා අපි දැවැන්ත අභියෝගවලට මුහුණ දුන්නා. ඒවා අපි බොහොම හොඳට කළමනාකරණය කර ගත්තා.

එවැනි වාතාවරණයක් අපට ඇති කරගන්න පුළුවන් වුණේ අපි බොහොම කල්පනාකාරීව රටේ ආර්ථිකය කළමනාකරණය කරපු නිසයි. අද එහෙම තත්ත්වයක් නෑ. අපට දැන් අවශ්‍ය නැවත වරක් මේ රට ස්ථාවරත්වය කරා ගෙන යන්න.

දේශනයක් ඇසුරෙන් ලීවේ
හර්ෂනී අර්සකුලරත්න

Sheain Fernandopulle Courtesy The Daily Mirror

UPFA MP Keheliya Rambukwella said that they don’t accept the motion of confidence presented and passed in support of United National Party (UNP) Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe in Parliament today.

Addressing a news briefing, MP Rambukwella said they were not in a position to accept anything done and said in ‘an illegal and undemocratic parliament’.

Anything passed in this parliament becomes null and void. That is the very reason why we have been boycotting the parliamentary sessions,” Rambukwella said.

Speaker Karu Jayasuriya has been partial and bias to the UNP and acted according to their agenda in Parliament which is undemocratic,” the MP said.

He added that the Speaker had violated the Democracy, the Standing Orders and the Tradition of parliament when considering his recent tactics.

That’s why we reiterate that the only solution to resolve this prevailing political impasse is to let people elect their representatives by way of a general election,” he said.

Kelum Bandara Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) said today that its support for the vote of confidence on United National Party (UNP) leader Ranil Wickremesinghe was conditional to the granting of power devolution to the north and the east, the release of political prisoners and the land.

TNA MP for Jaffna district Dharmalingam Sidaththan told Daily Mirror that his party extended conditional support for Mr. Wickremesinghe to get the required majority to become the Prime Minister.

Mr. Sidaththan said these were usual demands of the TNA right throughout.

We asked for power devolution. It means the constitution making process should continue,” he said.

Also, he said there were lands to be released in the north.

It is not only the lands held by the military but also the private lands earmarked by the archaeological authorities. Besides, there are private lands held by authorities as national parks. All land issues should be addressed,” he said.

He said the TNA put forward a condition that all development work in the north should be coordinated with his party.