කාන්තා දින පණිවිඩය 

March 7th, 2019

ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණ  කාන්තා සංවිධානය

ශ්‍රී ලාංකීය ජන සමාජය සදාචාර සම්පන්න ලෙස ගොඩනගීමේ වගකීම උර දරා සිටින ශ්‍රී ලාංකික කාන්තාව සැබැවින්ම සුරක්ෂිතද, සැබැවින් ඇයගේ සමාජ වගකීම ඉටු කිරීමට හැකිවන පරිසරයක් ඇය වටා ගොඩ නැගී ඇත්ද යන්න සම්බන්ධයෙන් මෙවර ජාත්‍යන්තර කාන්තා දිනයේ සමස්ත ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයන්ගේ ගේ අවධානය යොමු විය යුතුව තිබේ.

බිළිදියක , දියණියක, බිරිදක, මිත්තණියක වශයෙන් මෙන්ම මිතුරියක වශයෙන් ජිවිතයේ වගකීම් රැසක් ඉටුකරනා කාන්තාවගේ සුරක්ෂිත භාවය මෙන්ම ඇයගේ පෝෂණය සම්බන්ධයෙන් රජයක් වශයෙන් මූලිකවම විශේෂයෙන් අවධානයක් යොමු කළ යුතුව තිබේ. නමුත් වත්මන් රජය විසින් ලිප ගිණි මොලවන කාන්තාවගේ හිස ගිණි තැබීමට විවිධාකාරයෙන් කටයුතු කරමින් සිටියි. බඩු මිල වැඩිවීම, අධ්‍යාපන වියදම් වැඩිවීම, ප්‍රවාහන වියදම් වැඩිවීම මෙන්ම දිනෙන් දින නව බදු පැනවීම නිසා ජීවන වියදම ඉහල යාම මිස මාසික ආදායමේ වැඩිවීමක් නොමැතිකම නිසා නිවසේ වියහියදම් පියවාගැනීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් මෙන්ම දරුවන්ගේ පෝෂණය හා ඔවුනගේ අනාගතය සම්බන්ධයෙන්ද දැඩි මානසික පීඩාවකින් වත්මන් කාන්තාව පෙළෙමින් සිටී.

රජයේ අදූරදර්ශී පාලනය හේතුවෙන් පාතාල ක්‍රියාකාරකම් උත්සන්න වීමේ පරිසරයක් රට තුළ නිර්මාණය වී ඇති වට පිටාවක් තුළ සිය ස්වාමියා හා දූ දරුවන් නිවසට එනතෙක් අවිනිශ්චිත පීඩාකාරී මානසික වටපිටාවක දිවි ගෙවීමට ඇයට සිදුව තිබේ. සමාජයේ හොරමැරකම් වැඩිවීම නිසා කාන්තාවකට තනිවම මහ මග ගමන් කිරීමට හෝ තනිව නිවස තුළ සිටීමය බැරි තත්ත්වයක් මේ වන විට රට තුළ උද්ගතව තිබේ. එමෙන්ම මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය උවදුර ශ්‍රී ලංකා සමාජය වෙලා ගනිමින් සිටින හෙයින් නිරන්තරයෙන් දරුවන් කෙරෙහි දැඩි අවධානයකින්  සිටින්නට සිදුව ඇත්තේද මව්වරුන්ටයි. මේ සියලු පීඩාවන්ගෙන් කාන්තාව මුදාගැනීම මෙන්ම කාන්තාවගේ සුරක්ෂිතභාවය හා පෝෂණය සම්බන්ධයෙන් වැඩි අවධානයක් යොමු කිරීමට රජය වහාම පියවර ගත යුතුව ඇති බව අපි අවධාරණය කරමු.

එමෙන්ම ඇයට යහපත් පරිසරයක් තනාදී අනාගත පරපුර රටට දැයට වැඩැති පරපුරක් ලෙස ගොඩනැංවීමට කාන්තාව බලගන්වන වැඩපිළිවෙලක් ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමටත් එමගින් සමස්ත කාන්තා පරපුරට මෙන්ම රටටම සුරක්ෂිත ආනාගතයක් උදාකරදීමට හැකි නායකත්වයක් රට තුළ බිහිවේවායි මෙවර  කාන්තා දිනයේදී අපි අදිටන් කර ගනිමු.

ජාත්‍යන්තර කාන්තා දිනය සමරන සමස්ත ලෝකවාසී කාන්තාවන්ට අපගේ සුභාසිංසන යොමු කරන්නෙමු.

 

යුද සිරකරුවන් සහ ඊලාම් යුද්ධය

March 7th, 2019

වෛද් රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග විසින් ලියන ලද POWs of the Eelam War ලිපියේ සිංහල පරිවර්තනය

ඊලාම් යුද සමයේ යුද සිරකරුවන් වී  (POW) සිටි පිරිස් මේ වන විට මානසික සෞඛ්‍ය පිළිබඳ ගැටළු රාශියකට මුහුණපායි. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ උතුරු ප්‍රදේශයේ වසර 20 ක් තිස්සේ පැවති ඊලාම් යුද්ධය, ඉන් දිවිගලවාගත් පුද්ගලයන් අතරේ විවිධ මානසික හා කායික සෞඛ්‍ය අපහසුතාවයන් ඇති කිරීමට හේතු කාරක වී ඇත. දෙමළ ඊලාම් විමුක්ති කොටි සංවිධානය  මගින්, යුද සමයේදී හමුදා සේවයේ යෙදී සිටියවුන් බොහොමයක් සිර භාරයට ගන්නා ලද අතර ඉන් සමහර දෙනෙකු මරණයට පත් කරන ලදී. ඉතිරි යුද සිරකරුවන් ජාත්‍යන්තර රතුකුරුස කමිටුවට   භාර දෙන ලදුව පසුව ඔවුන් නිදහස් කොට ඇත. මෙම යුධ සිරකරුවන්ගෙන් බොහෝ දෙනෙකු  ඔවුන් යුද සිරකරුවන් වී සිටි කාලය පිළිබඳ බියජනක මතකයන්ගෙන් පෙළේ. ඔවුන්ගෙන් ඛෙහෝ දෙනෙකු පශ්චාත් කම්පන ආතති අබාධයෙන් (PTSD) ද පෙළේ.  

ජිනීවා සම්මුතීන් මගින් යුද සිරකරුවන්ට නොමනා අන්දමින් සැළකීමෙන් වැළකීම හා ඔවුන්ගේ මූලික අවශ්‍යතා සම්බන්ධයෙන් සහතික වන නමුදු, යුධ සිරකරුවන්ව සිටි පුද්ගලයන් අත්දුටු කායික හා මානසික වේදනාවන් වචනයෙන් විස්තර කිරීමට පවා අපහසුය. ඔවුන් ජීවත් වුවත් මළවුන් වැන්න. යුද සිරකරුවෙකු ලෙස අල්ලාගත් පසුව ඇතිවන මානසික බලපෑම අතිශය ප්‍රබලය. යුද සිරකරුවන් තම දෛනික කාර්්‍යයන් කරගෙන යන්නේ ඉමහත් දුෂ්කරතාවයකිනි. ඔවුන් නිදහස් වුවද ඔවුන්ගේ සිත්වලට නිරන්තරයෙන්ම බියජනක සිතුවිලි බලෙන් ඇතුළු වන අතර ජීවත් වන්නේ කළකිරීමෙනි.

දෙවන ලෝක යුද්ධය, කොරියන් යුද්ධය, වියට්නාම් යුද්ධය සහ ගලෆ් යුද්ධය යන මේ යුද සමයන්හිදී සෙබලූන් විශාල සංඛ්‍යාවක් යුද සිරකරුවන් බවට පත්විය. මොවුන් ඉතාම භයානක අන්දමේ කායික වද හිංසාවලට බඳුන් වූ අතර විශ්වාස කළ නොහැකි තරම් මානසික යුද්ධයන්ට, එනම් කුසගින්නේ තැබීම, අංග ඡේදනය, අපහාසයට ලක් කිරීම, ලිංගික අවක්‍රමයට පත් කිරීම, විදුලියෙන් ප්‍රාණය නැසීම සහ දැඩි ලෙස රෝගාතුර වීමට ඉඩහැරීම ආදී ක්‍රියාවලීන්ට ලක් වූ බව වාර්තාගත වී තිබේ. 

කොරියානු සහ වියට්නාම යුද්ධ වලින් යුද සිරකරුවන් බවට පත්වූවන් පිළිබඳව කරන ලද පර්යේෂණයන් බටහිර ලෝකයේ තිබේ. කොරියානු යුද සිරකරුවන් සමඟ කරන ලද විස්තරාත්මක අධ්‍යයනයෙන් පසුව ෆාබර් හැලෝ විසින් 1956 දී DDD  Syndrome -සහලක්ෂය යන්න පැහැදිලිව දක්වන ලදී. DDD සහලක්ෂය යන්න සමන්විත වන්නේ ඛෙලහීනතාවය, පරාදීන බව, හා සංත්‍රාසය සමග පවත්නා බියජනක බව ආදී ලක්ෂණ වලිනි. ඊලාම් යුද්ධය හා සම්බන්ධ යුද සිරකරුවන්ට අදාලව කරන ලද පර්යේෂණ අධ්‍යයනයන් ඇත්තේ ඉතා අල්ප වශයෙනි.

ඊලාම් යුද සමයේ යුද සිරකරුව සිටි අය අත්දුටු කායික හා මානසික කම්පනය පහත දැක්වෙන සිද්ධි අධ්‍යනයන්ගෙන් හෙලි වේ. යුද සිරකරුවකුව සිටි දැන් නිදහස් පුද්ගලයෙකු වුවද ඔහු තවමත් එම අත්දැකීමට අදාල අප්‍රසන්න ප්‍රතිඵල වලින් පෙලේ. LTTE මගින් වර්ෂ 1993 දී ලාන්ස් කොප්රල් U යුද සිරකරුවකු ලෙස අල්ලා ගන්නා ලද අතර, ඉදිරි වසර 5 1/2 ක, කාලයක් තුල සිරකඳවුරු තුල ගත කරන ලදී. ඔහු ඉතාම දැඩි ලෙස කම්පනයට ගොදුරු වූ අතර, ඔහුගේ කායික තුවාල සෘජුවම ඛඔඔෑ සිරකඳවුරු වල සිටීමේ ප්‍රතිඵලයක් විය. 1993 සිටම සිත තුල හොල්මන් කළ හැඟීම් වලින් අධික වෙහෙසට පත් වූ, යුද්ධ පීඩාවට ලක් වූ පුද්ගලයෙකි ඔහු. නැවත සිය නිවසට පැමිණි පසුව තමන් අතින් වරදක් සිදු විය යන හැඟීම, තරහව හා කිසිවක් කරකියා ගත නොහැකි බව ආදී හැඟීම් වර්ධනය වීමට පටන් ගත්තේය. ඔහු විෂාදිය හේතුකොට ගෙන දැඩිසේ වෙහෙසකාරී බවට පත් විය.

        ලාන්ස් කොප්රල් P නිලධාරියෙකු වශයෙන් 1991 දී ශී්‍ර ලංකා යුද හමුදාවට බැ\ුනේය. මූලික පුහුණුවෙන් පසු ඔහුව මෙහෙයුම් පවත්නා ප්‍රදේශ වලට යවන ලදී. 1993 දී ඔහුව වැලිඔය සේනපුර කඳවුරට යවන ලදී. ඔහු රාජකාරිය කලේ සංඥා කුටිය තුලය. මෙම කාලයේදී LTTE සේනපුර කඳවුරට දැවැන්ත ප්‍රහාරයක් දියත් කළේය. ලාන්ස් කොප්රල් P ට අනතුරු සිදු වූ අතර LTTE විසින් සිරකරුවෙකු ලෙස අල්ලා ගන්නා ලදී. ඔහුගේ ජීවිතයේ බියකරු අත් දැකීම් ඔහු විස්තර කරනුයේ පහත දැක්වෙන අන්දමිනි. 

LTTE ය අප කඳවුරට පහර දෙන විට මා සිටියේ ලූතිනන්වරයෙකුද සමග සංඥා භූමිය තුලය. පණිවිඩයක් යවා අපව තව තවත් ශක්තිමත් කරන ලෙස ඉල්ලීමට අවශ්‍ය විය. එම පහර දීම කරණකොට අපගේ ගුවන් විදුලිය හා අනෙකුත් උපකරණ විනාශ විය. අනතුරුව LTTE සාමාජිකයින් කණ්ඩායමක් අප සංඥා භූමියට කඩා වැදුනි. ලූතිනන්වරයාව ඇදගෙන ගොස් උදැල්ලකින් කොටා මරා දමන ලදී. ඔහුගේ දෑස උගුල්ලා දැමීය. මා හටද තුවාල වූ අතර සිහිසන් බවටද පත් වී තිබින. මා ඇස් හැරිය විට මාගේ දෑස් සහ දෑත් ද බැඳ දමා දෙපාද බැඳ තිබිණ. මා සිටියේ LTTE වාහනයකය. මා යුද සිරකරුවකු බවට පත්ව ඇති බව මම දැන ගතිමි. මාගේ අනාගතය ගැන මම දැඩි ලෙස ශෝකයට පත් වුයෙමි. මා මරා දමන්නට යන්නේ දැයි, මම කීප වරක් මගෙන්ම ප්‍රශ්න කළෙමි. මට බේරීයාමට නොහැකි වූ අතර කිසිවක් කරකියා ගත නොහැකි තත්ත්වයක සිටියෙමි.

        පළමු සති කිහිපය තුලදී ඔවුහු මගෙන් සියුම් ලෙස ප්‍රශ්න කලහ. මා වෙස්වලා ගත් හමුදා නිලධාරියෙකු යැයි ඔවුහු සැක කළහ. අපගේ වර්ගීකරණය කරන ලද කේතයන් ලබා ගැනීමට ඔවුන්ට අවශ්‍ය විය. ඔවුන් මට දැඩි කායික වදහිංසා පමුණුවා මරාදමන බවටද තර්ජනය කළේය. පළමු මාස කිහිපය තුල මා බිඳ වැටීමට පත් නොවී සිට ඔවුනට කිසිම දෙයක් පැවසීමෙන් වැලකුණෙමි. පසුව ඔවුහු මා හුදකලාව තැබූහ. මාස 7 ක් තිස්සේ මා කුඩා අඳුරු කාමරයක කල් ගෙව්වෙමි. මගේ ජෛව කාලසටහනට බාධා පැමිණීය. රෑ දවල් දෙක පවා වෙන්කොට හඳුනා ගැනීමට මට නොහැකි විය. මා හට දිනකට තුන්වරක් ආහාර සපයන ලදී. මා යම් කෙනෙකු දුටු එකම අවස්ථාව එයයි. මට වදහිංසා පමුණුවන්නන් එතැයි යන බියෙන් තැවෙමින් මම අපිරිසිදු, රළු සිරකුටියක නිදා ගත්තෙමි.

        මගේ යුද සිරකරු අත් දැකීමේ නරකම පැත්ත මෙයයි. එය ඉතාම චකිතයෙන් යුතුව හා අන්දමන්දව ගත කල කාලයයි.  මාස 7 කට පසුව දිනපතාම ප්‍රශ්න කිරීම සඳහා මා ගෙනයන ලද අතර එකම අන්දමේ ප්‍රශ්න කට්ටලයක් දිනපතාම අසන ලදී. ඉතාම සුළු අසංගතභාවයකදී පවා මට කෘෘර අන්දමින් පහර දී සමහර අවස්ථා වලදී විදුලි කම්පනය ද සිදු කරන ලදී. මගේ ලිංගේන්ද්‍රයන් පොඩි කර දමා මගේ ශිෂ්නඅග සමට මිරිස් කුඩු ඉසින ලදී. මම දැඩි පීඩාවකින් හා මානසික වේදනාවකින් පෙළුනෙමි. මා බේරා ගැනීමට කිසිදු කෙනෙක් එහි නොවීය. මගේ මිනිසුන් විසින් මා අත්හැර දමන ලද අතර මෙය මගේ අවසානය වන බව මම දැන සිටියෙමි.  යුද සිරකරුවන් හා සම්බන්ධව ක්‍රියා කිරීමේදී ආරඬක භටයින් මෘගයින් සේ ක්‍රියා කළහ. වද හිංසා පමුණුවන්නන් මෙන්ම බන්ධනාගාර ආරක්ෂක භටයන් විසින් ද කායික වද හිංසා දීම් සිදුකරන ලදී. වේදනාකාරී ඉරියව්වලින් ඔහුව නිමක් නොමැතිවම බැඳ තබන ලදී. ඔහුව අල්ලාගත් අයගේ සහයෝගයක් නොමැතිව කායික වධහිංසා පැමිණවීම්වලට ප්‍රතිරොදයක් දැක්විය නොහැකි විය. ඔහුව මානසිකව ඔවුන්ට අවශ්‍ය ආකාරයට හැසිරවීමට බඳුන් කරන ලද අතර තර්ජනද කරන ලදී. කෝප්රල් P විසින් විඳින ලද මර්ධනකාරී තත්ත්වයන්, කායික වද හිංසා පැමිණ වීම්, හා අවමාන විඳීම් හේතුකොට ගෙන ඔහුට වේදනාකාරී  තත්ත්ව  හට ගත්තේය. ලාන්ස් කෝප්රල් P විසින් තව දුරටත් ඔහුගේ අතිශය අප්‍රසන්න අත්දැකීම් විස්තර කරනුයේ පහත දැක්වෙන අන්දමටය.

        ඔවුහු මා  මරණ බවට කිහිප වරක්ම තර්ජනය කළහ. සැම විටකම මම බියෙන්, උත්සන්නව හා කරකියාගත හැකි කිසිවක් නැතිව සිටියෙමි. වරක් ඔවුහු සිරකරුවන් මරාදමන හුදකලා තැනකට මා රැගෙන ගියහ. වෙනත් අවිගත් කල්ලියකට අයත් EPRLF සිරකරුවෙකුට ඔවුහු වෙඩි තැබූහ. ශී්‍ර ලංකා රජය සමග මගේ නිදහස සම්බන්ධයෙන් කේවල් කිරීමට අවශ්‍ය වූ නිසා වන්නට ඇත. 

        වසර 5 කට ආසන්න කාලයක් තිස්සේ මම යුද සිරකරුවෙකුව සිටියෙමි. සෑම දිනයකම මම මගේ ජීවිතය වෙනුවෙන් යාඥා කළෙමි. අන්තිමේදී බලාපොරොත්තු නොවූ විටෙක මගේ නිදහස මා කරා පැමිණියේය. ජාත්‍යන්තර රතු කුරුස කමිටුවේ මැදිහත් වීමෙන් අනතුරුව 1998 සැප්තැම්බර් මස මා නිදහස් කරන ලදී. මම ගෙදර පැමිණියෙමි. මා පිලිගැනීමට උත්සවයක් නොතිබුණි. මම සති කිහිපයක් නිවාඩු ලබා ගත්තෙමි. මගේ පවුලේ සාමාජිකයන් මා දැකීමට ඉතා සතුටු වූහ. එහෙත් මට ඒ සතුට විඳගත නොහැකි විය. මම සැම විටම අවධියෙන් සිටියෙමි. ඛඔඔෑ ය මා නැවත අල්ලා ගනීදැයි මම බියෙන් පසුවුවෙමි. සමහර රාත්‍රී කාලවලදී මා බියකරු සිහින දුටු අතර මට නිදාගැනීමට නොහැකි විය. 

 මගේ කෙටි නිවාඩුවෙන් පසුව මම මගේ ඛණ්ඩයට ගියෙමි. මිනිසුන් මා කෙරේ සැකෙන් බලන්නට විය. මා සතුරා සමග සන්තෝෂෙන් සිටින බවක් ඔවුහු සිතූහ. මවිසින් විඳ දරන ලද දුක් පීඩාවන් හා අත්දුටු කම්පනය ඔවුන් දන්නේ නම් ………… 

සතුරන්ගෙන්  වට වී සිටින විට යුද සිරකරුවන්ගෙන් ඔබ බලාපොරොත්තු වන්නේ කුමක්ද? සමහර විට  රම්බෝ  මෙන් රඟපෑමට ඔවුන් මගෙන් බලාපොරොත්තු වන්නට ඇත. ඔබ යුද සිරකරුවෙකුව සිටින විට ඔබට වරණයක් නැත. ඔබ අංකයක් බවට හා ඔබගේ හිංසාකරුවන්ට නොවටිනා මෙවලමක් පමණක් බවට පත් වේ. 

         එක් නිලධාරියෙකු මා කෙරේ ඉතාම දරුණු වී මගේ විවේකය නිමා වී ඇති නිසා අනෙක් මෙහෙයුමට සූදානම් වන ලෙස අණ කළේය. මා බලවත් කම්පනයකට පත් වූයේය. පසුගිය වසර කිහිපය තුලම ගතකලේ LTTE සිරකඳවුරකය. ඔහු එය  නිවාඩුවක් ලෙසින් සඳහන් කරයි. ඔබගේ ලිංගේන්ද්‍රයට හෝ ගුදමාර්ගයට යම් කිසිවෙකු මිරිස් කුඩු ඇතුළු කළහොත් ඔබ එය නිවාඩුවක් ගත කිරීමක් ලෙස සලකන්නේ දැයි ඔහුගෙන් ඇසීමට මට සිතුනි. සතුරා ඔබව විදුලි කම්පන වලට භාජනය කරන විට ඔබට දැනෙන්නේ කෙසේද? ඔහු නිවාඩුවක්  ගත කරන සෙයක් ඔබට දැනේද? මට කථා කරගත නොහැකි විය. මා අත්දුටු දැඩි වේදනාවක් කිසි කෙනෙකු කිසිදිනෙක තේරුම් නොගනු ඇත. 

       ජයසිකුරු මෙහෙයුමට සම්බන්ධ වන ලෙස මට අණ ලැබුනු විට මට බියක් දැනුනි. එම සටනට යාමට මම අකමැති වුයෙමි. අතීත සිද්ධීන් මතකයට නැගුනි. මගේ හිස කකියන්නට පටන්ගෙන ක්ලාන්තභාවයට පත්විය. නැවත සිහිය ලදවිට මට කතා කරගත නොහැකි විය. මගේ කටහ~ අවදි කල නොහැකි තත්ත්වයට පත්ව සිටියේය.

            ලාන්ස් කොප්රල් P ට වසර කිහිපයක් යනතෙක් ප්‍රතිකාර නොකර හා ඔහුගේ රෝග හඳුනාගෙන නොතිබිණ. අන්තිමේදී  ඔහුව වසර 2000 දී මනෝ චිකිත්සකයෙකු වෙතට යොමු කරන විට ඔහුට මානසික හේතු නිසා හටගත් කට හඞ අහිමි වීමත් සමග පශ්චාත් කම්පන ආතති රෝගය වැළඳී තිබිණ. ඔහු තුළ දැඩි සැක සහිත බවක් රෝපණය වී තිබිණ. ඔහු කිසිවෙකු විශ්වාස නොකලේය. මාස කිහිපයක් ප්‍රතිකාර කිරීමෙන් පසුව අන්තිමේදි ඔහු ඔහුට ප්‍රතිකාර කළ චිකිත්සකයින් කෙරේ විශ්වාස තැබීමට පටන් ගත්තේය. ඉන්පසුව ඔහු තව දුරටත් විවෘත බවට පත් විය.

        ඔහු නිතරම බියකරු සිහින දැක අවදිවිය. තමන් තවමත් ඛඔඔෑ ය සමග වෙතැයි සිතමින්, දහදිය දමමින්, හදවතේ බලවත් ස්පන්ධනයෙන් යුතුව ඔහු රෑ මැදියම නින්දෙන් අවදි වේ. තමන් ආරක්ෂා සහිත බව අවබෝධ කරගත් විට ඔහු නැවත නින්දට යයි. එහෙත් ඔහුට නිදාගත නොහැකිය. යුද සිරකරුවෙකුව සිටි කාලයේ සිදු වූ බලපෑම් ඔහුගේ මනසට නැගේ. රාත්‍රියේ ඉතිරි කාලය ඔහු ගෙවන්නේ නිදි වර්ජිතවය.

        සමහර අවස්ථා වලදී ඔහුට අතීතාවර්ජනයක් ඇති වේ. එවිට ඔහු එම සිද්ධීන් පිළිබඳව චිත්ත රූප මැවේ. ඔහුගේ මනස පසුගිය බියකරු සිද්ධීන් සමගින් මානසික වික්ෂිප්තභාවයට පත් වේ. පසුගිය සිද්ධීන් පිළිබඳව ඔහු පැය ගණන් කල්පනා කරයි. පසුව ඔහුගේ සිතට දැඩි කෝපයක් ඇති වේ. ඔහුට කිසිම ශබ්දයක් ඉවසිය නොහැකි වේ. යමෙකු ඔහුට බාධා කළහොත් හෝ ශබ්ද නගා කතා කළහොත් ඔහු නිතරම තරහවට පත් වේ.

        ලාන්ස් කොප්රල් P බොහෝ සේ මිනිසුන් මග  හැරීමේ ස්වභාවයක් විදහා පෑවේය. හමුදා වාහන, නිළ ඇඳුම් සහ LTTE ට අදාල සංවාද වලට ඛෙහෙවින් භීතිය පල කළේය. ඔහුට  සතුට  යන්න විඳිය නොහැකි විය. ඔහු සංවේදී බවෙන් තොර විය. ඛෙහෙවින් විෂාදියට පත් ඔහු කිහිපවතාවක්ම සියදිවි නසාගැනීමට ද තැත් කළේය. වතාවක් ඔහු හිස බිත්තියක ගසාගෙන දිවි නැති කිරීමට තැත් කලේය. ඔහුට ඖෂධීය වෛද්‍ය ප්‍රතිකාර හා මනෝ චිකිත්සක ප්‍රතිකාරද ලබා දෙන ලදී. ඔහුගේ යුධ සිරකරු ජීවිතයෙන් විශද වූ සිද්ධීන් කලාත්මක ස්වරූපයෙන් විස්තර කිරීමට පටන් ගත්තේය. සෑම ප්‍රතිකාර සැසියකටම පසුව ඔහුගේ දරාගත නොහැකි විෂාදිය සෑහෙන දුරට අඩු වී ගියේය. ඔහුගේ උද්යෝගය ඉහල දැමීමට එය සමත් විය. විවේකයට අදාළ පුහුණුව ලද පසු ඔහු තව දුරටත් නිසල විය. ඔහුගේ අධිකතර සෝදිසියෙන් සිටීමේ ස්වභාවය ඉතාම අවම විය.

        ලාන්ස් කෝප්රල් Pසඳහා EMDR   ප්‍රතිකාර සැසි 8 ක් පවත්වන ලදී. එවිට ඔහුගේ කැපී පෙනෙන දියුණුවක් ඇති විය. මේ වන විට ඔහුට රාත්‍රියේ භීතියෙන් තොරව නින්දට යා හැකිය. ඔහුගේ විෂාදිය කෙමෙන් අඩු වෙමින් පවතී. ඔහු ජීවිතයේ සතුටින් සිටීමට පටන් ගත්තේය. ඔහුගේ සොහොයුරියගේ කුඩා පුත්‍රයා සමග සෙල්ලම් කළේය. නැවත යුද සිරකරුවෙකු බවට පත් වේ දෝයි දැන් ඔහුට ඇති බිය ඉතා අඩුය. එහෙත් LTTE සිර කඳවුරෙහි වසර 5 ක් ගෙවීමෙන් පසුව තමන් මුලූමනින්ම යථා තත්ත්වයට පත් නොවෙන බවද ඔහු දනී.

        ලාන්ස් කෝප්රල් Uයනු බියකරු අත්දැකීම් වලට මුහුණ දුන් තවත් යුද සිරකරුවෙකි. ඔහුව යුද්ධයේදී තුවාල ලබා යුධ සිරකරුවෙකු ලෙසින් අල්ලා ගන්නා ලදී.  බලවේගය මෙහෙයුම සිදු වූ අවස්ථාවේදී 1991 ජූලි මස ඔහු සිර භාරයට පත් විය. 1995 මාර්තු මස ඔහුුට නිදහස ලැඛෙන තුරු ඔහුට අමානුෂික ලෙස සලකන ලදී. සනීපාරක්ෂාව, ආලෝකය මනා වෛද්‍ය ප්‍රතිකාර ඔහුට අහිමි කරන ලදී. තවත් සිරකරුවන් 40 දෙනෙකු සමගින් ඔහුව කුඩා සිරමැදිරියක රඳවන ලදී. ඔවුන්ට අවශ්‍ය ඉඩකඩ නොතිබි අතර, එහි සිටි සෑම යුද සිරකරුවෙකුටම සමේ රෝග වැළෙඳන ලදී. අනතුරු සිදු වූ හා අසනීප වූ සැම දෙනාම තනිවන්නට හරින ලදී. සමහර දින වලදී ඔවුන්ට කුණු වූ ආහාර සපයන ලද අතර, ඔවුන් ආහාර ගන්නා විට, මුරකරුවන් අධික ශබ්ද යනාදියෙන් ඔවුන්ට බාධා ඇති කළහ. මාස ගණනකටවත් ඔවුන්ට ස්නානය කිරීමට නොදුනි. අන්තිමේදී ඔහු උපවාසයක් කිරීමට තීරණය කළහ. ඔහු විෂාදියෙන් පීඩා වින්දේය. ඔහු සැම විටම ඔහු අල්ලාගත් අය කෙරේ වෛරයෙන් පසු විය. ලාන්ස් කෝප්රල් Uබොහෝ විට ඔහුට ලබා දුන් ආහාර ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කළේය. ජාත්‍යන්තර රතු කුරුස කමිටුව  මගින් දිගින් දිගටම කරන ලද මැදිහත් වීම් වලින් පසුව තවත් සිරකරුවන් කණ්ඩායමක් සමග ලාන්ස් කෝප්රල් U ව නිදහස් කිරීමට LTTEය එකඟ විය.

        නිදහස් වී ආපසු පැමිණි පසු ඔහු නැවත රාජකාරී කිරීමට පටන් ගත්තේය. ඔහුගේ නිදාගැනීමේ රටාව හා ආහාර රුචියේ රටාවද ක්‍රමයෙන් වෙනස් වී තිබිණ. ඔහුට වඩාත් පිටස්තර බවක් දැනෙන්ට පටන්ගති. සාමාන්‍ය කාර්යයන් වලදී ඔහු තුල ඇති උනන්දුව හා සතුට නැතිව ගිය අතර, බහුවිධ දේහික ආබාධ, කාමාශාව නැති වීම පුන පුනා සිතට ඇති වන සිය දිවි නසා ගැනීමේ සිතුවිල්ල ආදියෙන් ඔහු පෙළුණි. විෂාදියට අදාල ආබාධයක් ඔහුට ඇති බවට රෝග නිර්නය කරන ලදී. ඔහුට වෛද්‍ය ප්‍රතිකාර කරන ලදද ඔහුගේ තත්ත්වය බරපතල අතට හැරුණි. අනතුරුව ඔහුට අමිහිරි මතකයන්  මනසට ඇතුළුවීම, සංවේදී බව නොදැනීම, රාතී්‍ර බියකරු සිහින දැකීම, තැතිගැන්මට අදාල ප්‍රතික්‍රියාවක්, හා ආවර්ජනය කළ නොහැකි වීම ආදී සංකූලතා වර්ධනය වන්නට විය. 2003 දී ඔහුට පශ්චාත් කම්පන ආතති ආබාධය :PTSD ඇති බවට නිර්ණය කරන ලදී.

ලාන්ස් කෝප්‍රල් U ඔහුගේ දුෂ්කරතා සම්බන්ධව පහත දැක්වෙන අදහස් පළකරයි.

        මා ආපසු ගෙදර පැමිණිය ද මගේ ආත්මය තවමත් ඇත්තේ සිරමැදිරිය තුළය. මගේ ජීවිතය අපතේ ගොස් ඇත. මා ආපසු නිවෙසට පැමිණියේ රෝගී පුද්ගලයෙකු ලෙසිනි. විස්තර කළ නොහැකි අන්දමේ භීතිය පිළිබඳ හැඟීම්වලින් මා පෙළේ. මගේ බිරිඳ මා තේරුම් නොගනී. මා ඉතාම උදාසීන, නොඉවසන සුළු පුද්ගලයෙකු ලෙස ඈ සිතයි. මා ඈ හා සමඟ ලිංගික සබඳතා පවත්වන්නේ ඉතාම කලාතුරකිනි. ලිංගිකත්වය පිළිබඳ තිබි මගේ හැඟීම් මිලිනව ගොස් ඇත. මගේ වේදනාව ගැන විස්තර කර දීමට කිසිවෙකු නැත. මට කොළඹදී නම් සේවය කළ හැක. එහෙත් මට උතුරට යා නොහැකිය. නැවත යුද සිරකරුවෙකු  POW – බවට පත්වෙතැයි මට බියක් ඇත.

        පසුගිය මාසයේ මගේ නැතිවූ ජාතික හැඳුනුම්පත පිළිබඳ වාර්තාවක් ලබා ගැනීම සඳහා මම පොලිස් ස්ථානයට ගියෙමි. මා එහි ගිය විට මිනිසුන් රඳවා තබන සිරමැදිරිය මම දුටුවෙමි. මට පසුගිය සිද්ධීන් මතක් විය. මගේ මනස යුදසිරකරු :ඡධඋ- අවධියේ සිද්ධීන්වලින් පිරී ගියේය. මට හිසරදය සෑදුනු අතර මගේ කාර්යය නිම නොකර මම ආපසු ගෙදර පැමිණියෙමි. 

        ලාන්ස් කෝප්‍රල් U ට  ඛෙක්ගේ  චිකිත්සාව (Beck’s Therapy) හා EMDR ප්‍රතිකාර කරන ලදී. භෞතික චිකිත්සක ප්‍රතිකාර කළ පසුව ඔහුගේ විෂාදිය සෑහෙන තරම් දුරට අඩුවිය. මේ වන විට ඔහු බියකරු සිහින දැක අවදිනොවන අතර සියදිවි නසාගැනීමේ අදහස් ඔහු තුළ නැත. ඔහු ක්‍රම ක්‍රමයෙන් සාමාන්‍ය ජීවිතයකට හැඩ ගැසුණු අතර සතුටුදායක හා ඵලදායී ජීවිතයක් ගතකරනු පිණිස වෙර දරමින් සිටී.

       N නම් නැමැත්තා යුද සිරකරුවෙකු බවට පත්වූයේ 1993 වසරේදී LTTE විසින් පුනරීන් කඳවුරට පහරදුන් අවස්ථාවේදීය. ඔහු කෝකියෙකු ලෙස සේවය කළ කෙනෙකි. අනෙකුත් සිරකරුවන් සමඟම ඔහුවද දැඩි අප්‍රසන්නකාරී තත්ත්වයක් යටතේ රඳවා තබන ලදී. සිර කඳවුර තුළ ඔහු යුද සිරකරුවෙකු ලෙසින් දැඩි කායික වදහිංසාවලට ලක්වෙමින් වසර 9 ක් ගත කළේය. වසර ගණනාවක් තිස්සේම ඔහු දිවි ගෙවූයේ නිසි පිළිගැනීමක් නොලද යුදසිරකරුවෙකු ලෙසිනි. පළමුව ඔහු මියගොස් ඇති බව ඥාතීන්ට දැනුම් දෙන ලදී. 2002 ඔහු නිදහස් වූ පසුව, කිසිම වෛද්‍ය පදනමක් සොයාගත නොහැකි හිසරදයක් හා දේහික වේදනාවක් පවතින බවට ඔහු නිතරම මැසිවිලි නැගීය. ඔහුට සියදිවි නසාගැනීමේ අදහස් තිබුණු අතර සමහර අවස්ථාවලදී ඔහු කෙරෙන් වෘත්තීමය අසමත්භාවය, පීඩෝන්මාදී ප්‍රතික්‍රියා සහ ප්‍රචණ්ඩකාරී බව යන ලඬණ විද්‍යමාන විය. ඔහුට සංජානනමය චර්යාවන්ට අදාළ චිකිත්සා   ප්‍රතිකාරය හා පාලනය කළ තත්ත්වයන් යටතේ නිරාවරණ චිකිත්සාව :ෑංචදිමරු Exposure Therapy ලදී. ඔහු ක්‍රමයෙන් සාමාන්‍ය ජීවිතයකට හැඩගැසුණු අතර ඵලදායී ජීවිතයක් ගතකිරීමට ඔහුට හැකිවිය.  

        හිංසාකාරී අන්දමින් සැළකීමට ලක්වීම හා පීඩාවිඳීම යුදසිරකරු අත්දැකීම්වල කොටසක් විය හැකිය. යුදසිරකරු :POW- තත්ත්වයට සාර්ථකව මුහුණදීම සටන්වදින්නන් හට ඉතාම අසීරු කාර්යයකි. කෙනෙකුට කිසිසේත් සිතාගත නොහැකි ඉතාම බියකරු හා අතිශය දරුණු තත්ත්වයකි, මෙය. සාර්ථකව වැඩකටයුතු කරගෙන යාමේදි සමහර යුදසිරකරුවන්ට ඒ පිළිබඳ තීව්‍ර අත්දැකීම් ඉදිරියට ඒ. තමන්ගේ දෛවය පවා වෙනස් කළ හැකි තත්ත්වයකට පත්වන ආකාරයෙන් සමහර යුදසිරකරුවන් තමන් සිරභාරයට ගත් පුද්ගලයින් සමඟ ක්‍රියා කරයි. සාර්ථකව ජීවිතයට මුහුණදීමට අදාළ සාර්ථක ක්‍රමෝපායයන් ඇත්තේ ඉතාම සුළු වශයෙනි. ජීවිතය ලබාගැනීමේ ක්‍රමයක් ලෙසින් ඔවුහු  ස්ටොක්හෝම් සහලඬ්‍යයේදී  (Stockholm Syndrome) මෙන් :ීඑදජනයදපැ ීහබාරදපැ- මෙම වධහිංසා පමුණුවන්නන් සමඟ සහයෝගය පළකරයි. ප්‍රාණ ඇපකරුවන් විසින් තමන් අල්ලා ගත් අයව හඳුනාගෙන, සමහර අවස්ථාවලදී ඔවුන්ට එකතුවීම ස්ටොක්හෝම් සහලඬය ලෙසින් හඳුන්වයි. බැංකු සොරකමකින් පසුව ප්‍රාණ ඇපකරුවන් බැංකුවේ කුටියක් තුළ රඳවාගෙන සිටි අවස්ථාවේදී මෙබඳු සිදුවීමක් ස්ටොක්හෝම් හිදී සිදු විය.

        යුද සිරකරුවෙකුව සිටීම, මානුෂික සද්භාවයෙන් ප්‍රකෘති තත්ත්වයට පත්විය හැකි තත්ත්වයක් වුවද, සමහරවිට නැවත පුනරුත්ථාපනය කළ නොහැකි අන්දමට ජීවිතය පෙරළියකට පත් කරන්නක් වේ. නිදහස්ව පැමිණි පසුව ඊලාම් යුද්ධයේ යුධසිරකරුවන් බොහෝ දෙනෙකු තෘප්තිමත් ජීවිත ගත නොකළ බව සත්‍යයකි. බොහෝදෙනෙකුගේ සිත් තුළ තවමත් පැරණි මතකයන් හොල්මන් කරයි. බොහෝ විට දිගු කාලීන කායික වධහිංසාවලට ලක්වීම් හා අවමානයට ලක්කිරීමේ ක්‍රියාවලිය නිසා යුදසිරකරුවන්ට සිදු වූ ස්ථීර මානසික හානි, කිසිවිටෙක නිසි ආකාරයෙන් පරීඬාවට ලක්ව නැත. දේශප්‍රේමි බව පිළිබඳව කිසිඳු ප්‍රශ්නයක් නැති රණවිරුවන්ට මෙන් නැවත පැමිණි යුදසිරකරුවන්ට පිළිගැනීමක් නොලැබුණි. වසර ගණනාවක් තිස්සේ  කායික වදහිංසාවලට ලක්වූ යුදසිරකරුවන්් විවෘතව ප්‍රශ්න කරනුයේ ඔවුන්ට සත්‍ය වශයෙන්ම සමාවදීම හෝ අමතක කිරීම යන්න කළ හැකිද යන්නයි.

How the Supreme Court coped with the 19th Amendment -The Constitutional Madhouse – Part 6

March 7th, 2019

By C.A.Chandraprema Courtesy The Island

The Supreme Court was called upon to deliver a judgment relating to the provisions of the 19th Amendment for the first time when several political parties including the UNP petitioned the apex court against the dissolution of Parliament and the declaration of a general election, late last year. The instance in which the 19th Amendment was considered by the Supreme Court before that was when it was still a Bill. The document that went before the Supreme Court, in early 2015, as a Bill to amend the Constitution was very different to what we have today in the form of the 19th Amendment. The SC shot down many of the provisions that were in the original 19th Amendment Bill on the grounds that the change envisaged would have to be approved by the people at a referendum in addition to being passed with a two thirds majority in Parliament.

article_image

As the country has now found out, the one change that the Supreme Court missed when examining the 19th Amendment Bill, was the provision in the amended Article 70(1) prohibiting the dissolution of Parliament before the lapse of four and a half years unless a resolution is passed to that effect with a two thirds majority. Many lawyers believe that the reason why the SC overlooked the change that had been made to Article 70(1) was the introduction, by the 19th Amendment itself, of Article 33 (2) (c), which appeared to give the President unfettered power to dissolve Parliament as a special discretionary power ‘in addition’ to the other powers conferred on him by the Constitution. It was only much later that the public found out that Article 33 (2) (c) was only the ‘driving licence’ and that the ‘road rules’ were contained in Article 70(1)!

The case, filed in the Supreme Court, by several political parties against the dissolution of Parliament and the declaration of a general election still does not have a name by which it is known to the public, but going by the first petitioner and the first respondent, one can refer to it as Rajavarothiam Sampanthan vs The Attorney General. This is the judgment that confirmed that under the 19th Amendment, Sri Lanka has a Parliament that cannot be dissolved. The dangers inherent in this situation were explained in earlier articles in this series and need not be repeated here.

Some days before the Supreme Court started hearing the case against the dissolution of Parliament and the declaration of a general election, former President Mahinda Rajapaksa made a special statement that it was completely contrary to the Parliamentary tradition to have a Parliament that could not be dissolved. He pointed out that the Parliamentary system could not function unless Parliament could be dissolved on occasions such as the defeat of the government at a vote on the budget or the passage of a no-confidence motion or the rejection of the government’s statement of policy.

However, the Supreme Court upheld the change made to Article 70 (1) to the effect that the only way Parliament could be dissolved before the lapse of four and a half years was if Parliament passed a resolution by a two thirds majority requesting the President to dissolve it. The court held that though Article 33 (2) (c) conferred on the President the power to dissolve Parliament, the only ‘way’ in which it could be done was laid out in Article 70 (1). In arriving at his decision, the Supreme Court based itself on certain principles which it has laid down in pages 59 to 69 of the judgment. I would like to draw attention, in particular, to the following verbatim extracts therefrom:

What the Court said

*”Where, by the use of clear and unequivocal language capable of only one meaning, anything is enacted by the legislature, it must be enforced however harsh or absurd or contrary to common sense the result may be.” (P. B. Maxwell on the Interpretation of Statues states 12th ed. at p. 28-29

*”If the language employed is plain and unambiguous, the same must be given effect to irrespective of the consequences that may arise.” (Kesavananda Bharati v State of Kerala (1973) 4 SCC 225, p 690 Per Palekar J)

* “It is not competent for the court to proceed on the assumption that the legislature knows not what it says, or that it has made a mistake. We cannot assume a mistake in an Act of Parliament. If we think so, we should render many Acts uncertain by putting different constructions on them according to our individual conjectures. The draftsman of the Act may have made a mistake. If so, the remedy is for the legislature to amend it.” (N.S.Bindra 12th ed. at p. 205)

*”How should the words of this provision of the Constitution be construed? It should be construed according to the intent of the makers of the Constitution … we have to interpret the Constitution on the same principles of interpretation as apply to ordinary law and that we have no right to stretch or twist the language in the interest of any political, social or constitutional theory… The question before us is not as to the expediency, still less as to the wisdom of these provisions, but is one of law depending on the construction of the relevant articles of the Constitution.

It is no doubt a legitimate and in the case of a Constitution, a cogent argument, that the framers could not have meant to enact a measure leading to manifestly unjust or injurious results to the nation and that any admissible construction which avoids such results ought to be preferred. Having regard to the precise and comprehensive provisions of chap. III of the Constitution, we are not in the happy position of a learned Judge of the United States, who is said to have observed that there was no limit to the power of judicial legislation under the “due process” clause of the 5th and 14th Amendments, except the sky. I consider it to be both legally and constitutionally unsound, even though the invitation has been extended to us by learned counsel, to eviscerate the Constitution by our own conceptions of social, political or economic Justice”. (A.R.B.Amerasinghe J, in SOMAWATHIE vs. WEERASINGHE 1990 2 SLR 121 at p. 124)

*”…it is to be kept in mind that the task of interpreting a statute must be done within the framework and wording of the statute and in keeping with the meaning and intent of the provisions in the statute. A Court is not entitled to twist or stretch or obfuscate the plain and clear meaning and effect of the words in a statute to arrive at a conclusion which attracts the Court.”

*”It is necessary to state here that our Law does not provide for a Court to review or question the validity of a statute which has been enacted by the Legislature. Thus, in GAMAGE vs. PERERA [2006 3 Sri L.R. 354 at p.359] Shirani Bandaranayake CJ stated: “Article 80(3) of the Constitution refers to a Bill becoming law and reads as follows: “Where a Bill becomes law upon the certificate of the President or the Speaker, as the case may be, being endorsed thereon, no Court or tribunal shall inquire into, pronounce upon or in any manner call in question, the validity of such Act on any ground whatsoever”. The aforesaid Article thus had clearly stated that in terms of that Article, the constitutional validity of any provision of an Act of Parliament cannot be called in question after the certificate of the President or the Speaker is given. Reference was made to the provisions in Article 80(3) of the Constitution and its applicability by Sharvananda, J. in Re the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution and had expressed his Lordship’s views in the following terms: `Such a law cannot be challenged on any ground whatsoever even if it conflicts with the provisions of the Constitution, even if it is not competent for Parliament to enact it by a simple majority or two third majority.”

In the opinion of this writer, what the SC has said here in so many words is that it is not the business of the Court to look into the merits and demerits of a law that has been passed by Parliament and that once something is passed into law, the courts are bound to enforce it “however harsh or absurd or contrary to common sense the result may be” and further that the Court “cannot assume a mistake in an Act of Parliament” and that if the draftsman of the Act may have made a mistake, the remedy is for the legislature to amend it. Some people who find themselves in the unenviable position having a raving lunatic in the family whom they can neither control nor maintain admit the patient to the Angoda mental hospital and then disappear.

It may be argued that the judiciary has basically done in Rajavarothiam Sampanthan vs The Attorney General is to wash its hands of the 19th Amendment and place the responsibility for any consequences that may arise out of it squarely on the doorstep of Parliament, which passed it into law.

Liberalism and neo-liberalism: Continuity or rupture

March 7th, 2019

By sumanasiri liyanage Courtesy Ceylon Today

The direction is now clear. Day before yesterday, it was students of higher education institutions. Yesterday, it was unemployed graduates seeking employment. Then Government teachers raised their grievances. These events have shown at least symbolically the direction towards which the country is moving. As some observers tend to define the present Government as liberal democratic, they would also argue that these oppositionist forces, which are on the other side of the fence, support, wittingly or unwittingly, non-liberal and anti-democratic forces in the country.

Hence, they may say that the suppression of these forces can be legitimised on the ground that such brutal Police action were/are and will be imperative to defend democracy. These observers seem oppositionists and the neo-liberalism which  the present Government practices is nothing but a continuation of classical liberalism that the political science text books talk about. Is it true? Does neo-liberalism represent a continuation of or a rupture from classical liberalism? Answering this question may lead us to look at those protests from a different perspective?

Encyclopaedia Britannica defines liberalism as a political and economic doctrine that emphasises individual autonomy, equality of opportunity, and the protection of individual rights (primarily to life, liberty, and property); originally against the State and later against both the State and private economic actors; including businesses”. Its most humane views can be found in the writings of John Stuart Mill; who advocated that the laws of distribution of wealth and income should be different from the objective laws that govern production.

The extension of Mill’s ideas can be found in the writings of John Rawls. According to Rawls, Social and economic inequalities are to satisfy two conditions: First, they are to be attached to positions and offices open to all under conditions of fairness and equality of opportunity; and second, they are to be to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged members of society”(emphasis mine).

Of course, one may criticise these views as utopian arguing, I think justifiably, that these goals cannot be achieved if the means of production are privately owned and used to exploit others. Nonetheless, the moral and political principles that lie behind the idea of liberalism are to be appreciated and valued to protect individual from many kinds of tyrannical rule. In spite of the presence of many deviations, Sri Lanka has had a reasonably good record, until 1977, in maintaining these values.

Neo-liberalism

What had happened, in 1977 and after, was not a continuation of these values and principles but a complete rupture although the process of rupture was slow and creeping. Neo-liberalism attempts to maintain a formal resemblance with classical liberalism, but completely emptying its content. To understand what neo-liberalism is the following description by David Harvey would be useful.

Neo-liberalism is a theory of political economic practices proposing that human well-being can best be advanced by the maximisation of entrepreneurial freedoms within an institutional framework characterised by private property rights, individual liberty, unencumbered markets, and free trade. The role of the State is to create and preserve an institutional framework appropriate to such practices.

The State has to be concerned, for example with the quality and integrity of money. It must also set up Military, Defence, Police, and juridical functions required to secure private property rights and to support freely functioning markets. Furthermore, if markets do not exist (in areas such as education, health care, social security, or environmental pollution), then they must be created, by State action if necessary.

But beyond these tasks the State should not venture. State interventions in markets (once created) must be kept to a bare minimum because the State cannot possibly possess enough information to second-guess market signals (prices) and because powerful interests will inevitably distort and bias State interventions (particularly in democracies) for their own benefit.”

Qualitative difference between liberalism and neo-liberalism is not hard to diagnose. In neo-liberalism, unlike in classical liberalism, the most important element is not an individual with specific rights, but markets. It posits that individual should be thrown into markets in every sphere of her life for it to be improved and advanced. So it is neither an individual nor the State that determines her destiny but the markets in which as Mandel informed us money and power decide.

Amalgam of three aspects

Neo-liberalism is to be understood as an amalgam of three elements. First, it is an ideology that influences and moulds our way of thinking. Since 1977 our way of thinking was moulded so that we look at events and try to understand phenomena from this neo-liberal prism. A justifiable and legitimate protest by one group of people (say students, unemployed graduates and teachers) will be deciphered as public nuisance” from another section of people until they were forced to face a similar situation. Because, that is how we were led to think.

Secondly, neo-liberalism is a technique of governmentality. Elections may be held. It is necessary to remember in passing that since 2015, this right was also taken away from the people of Sri Lanka. Real governance is controlled by local and international technocrats and econocrats. Democratic governance has become nothing more than a chimera.

Thirdly, neo-liberalism is package of policies. Since 1977, this policy package has produced de-industrialisation, deficit in trade balance, indebtedness, unemployment and many other ailments leaving Sri Lanka to all whims and fancies of globalisation.

Protests and resistance

Protests and resistance thus marked the dissatisfaction of social groups; especially in the lower-rung of society. Different social groups would express their dissatisfaction and grievances at different spatial and temporal fields.

As a result, it may be difficult to understand them as an outcome of a structural crisis that was created by neo-liberalism because we were tied to neo-liberal ideology. Is this, what is called ‘false consciousness’ that we should overcome? If someone is trying to paint neo-liberalism as classical liberalism, he may not be able to distinguish cheese from cocaine just because they both are white.
E-mail: [email protected]

Concrete surfaces create “rough luxury” inside K House in Sri Lanka

March 7th, 2019

Austere concrete interiors offset the verdant surroundings of this pair of holiday homes in southwest Sri Lanka, completed by Aim Architecture and Norm Architects.

K House by Norm Architects and Aim Architecture

Situated in the small fishing village of Kottegoda, K House was designed by Danish practice Norm Architects and Chinese studio Aim Architecture to make the most of its tropical setting.

“Because of the beachfront location, the aim was to achieve a rough luxury experience that embraces nature,” explained Peter Eland, lead architect at Norm Architects.

K House by Norm Architects and Aim Architecture

The site plays host to two peaked-roof concrete properties – East House and West House – which are loosely arranged in an L-shape to frame a central garden and pool area that slopes down towards an unspoilt sandy beach.

K House by Norm Architects and Aim Architecture

Both buildings feature a series of shuttered doors on their front elevations that can be pushed back to reveal the surrounding landscape.

However, while East House perches on a hilly part of the grounds that directly overlooks the ocean, West House is nestled slightly further back behind a patch of leafy trees, providing guests with a more “sheltered feel”.

K House by Norm Architects and Aim Architecture

Living spaces inside West House are therefore intended to evoke a more intimate, enclosed atmosphere, with polished cement walls and floors.

Dark grey terrazzo forms chunky sink basins in the bathrooms, two of which open onto private, stone-walled courtyards where guests can shower outdoors.

Touches of warmth are offered by teakwood dining tables, chairs, and headboards that extend the full length of bedroom walls.

K House by Norm Architects and Aim Architecture

The interiors of East House have a more open-plan design. Surfaces are painted white in the joint living and dining area, which is dressed with locally sourced antique artworks.

Granite tiles clad the adjacent verandah, which sits underneath a terracotta roof.

K House by Norm Architects and Aim Architecture

“The main challenge in this location is the climate: onshore winds from the Indian Ocean contains a lot of salt from the sea that can be quite tough on materials,” Eland told Dezeen.

“But those chosen for this project – concrete, terrazzo, oiled teak, terracotta – take that into consideration.”

K House by Norm Architects and Aim Architecture

Both Norm Architects and Aim Architecture often favour pared-back aesthetics in their designs.

Previous projects by Norm Architects, which is based in Copenhagen, include the hygge-influenced Gjøvik House and the earthen-toned Seaside Abode. Meanwhile the portfolio of Shanghai-based Aim Architecture includes Ruff Well Water Resort, a spa resort in the Chinese countryside.

K House by Norm Architects and Aim Architecture

Photography is by Jonas Bjerre-Poulsen and Noah Sheldon.


Project credits:

AIM Architecture: Wendy Saunders, Vincent de Graaf
Norm Architects: Peter Eland
Design team: Qing Ye, Zihan Zhao, Alejandro Felipe
Project manager: Gabriela Ka Po Lo
Builders: Crystal Construction

Lanka PM Wickremesinghe, President Sirisena at loggerheads over war crime probes

March 7th, 2019

PTI Colombo | Courtesy The  Hindu

Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe on Thursday appeared to be on collision course with President Maithripala Sirisena over Sri Lanka’s commitment to the UNHRC on war-time atrocities against Tamils as he reiterated the government’s commitment to implementing the UN resolution.

The Prime Minister’s Office in a joint statement with the Foreign Ministry on Thursday said Sri Lanka will continue to demonstrate its commitment and determination towards a steady and long-lasting reconciliation process through a co-sponsored resolution.

It said the government will seek an extension of the timeline of the UHRC resolution 30/1 of October 01, 2015, through a co-sponsored roll-over resolution at the ongoing 40th session of the UN Human Rights Council.

The statement stands in contrast with President Sirisena’s comments on Wednesday that he would send his own team to the UNHRC session later this month to seek a reprieve. He said the UN must allow Sri Lanka to resolve its own issues without digging into past.

The Foreign Ministry statement said that Sri Lanka’s co sponsoring of the resolution had attested to the country’s ownership of the implementation process and to its continued policy of constructive engagement and dialogue with the UN and bilateral partners.

The UNHRC resolutions since 2013 had censured Sri Lanka on its alleged human rights abuses. They called for probing of rights abuses by both LTTE and the government troops by setting up an international investigation.

The current session is expected to review Sri Lanka’s progress since the resolution co-sponsored by Sri Lanka along with the US in 2015. Although Sri Lanka has taken some steps to implement the resolution, the Tamil community has complained about the slow speed and the inadequacy of the progress.

Taking a U-turn on Sri Lanka’s pledges to the UNHRC over war-time atrocities against Tamils, Sirisena said the country needs space” to settle its own problems without interference” over the issue.

Sirisena, who after coming to power in January 2015 had pledged to ensure accountability for war-time abuses, said Sri Lanka had moved on after the end of the separatist war now for over 10 years.

We need space to settle our own problems without interference,” Sirisena said.

His team would be appealing on behalf of the government at the UN rights body.

Sirisena sending his own men, who are not ministers, adds an interesting dimension to the issue as he and his Prime Minister Wickremesinghe are clashing with each other over the issue of governance.

In October last year, Sirisena sacked Wickremesinghe in a move seen as unconstitutional. The prime minister was later restored after the Supreme Court intervened.

The government has come under fire from the main opposition for agreeing to co- sponsor the resolution.

The government’s defense has been that this strategy will prevent international war crimes allegations being continuously levelled against Sri Lankans through strengthened ownership of the implementation process.

The Tamil groups, however, remain disgruntled that even after four years of the current government who pledged redress for Tamil grievances had achieved very little in its reconciliation agenda.

The Tamil parties have called for the setting up of a UN rights body office in Sri Lanka to monitor the progress. They urge that the government should not be given any more time to implement the resolution.

Lankan President and Prime Minister have clashing views on approach to 2015 UNHRC resolution

March 7th, 2019

But the government led by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has struck a different note saying that it will go ahead with the implementation of the co-sponsored UNHRC resolution of 2015 and harshly criticized those who oppose this move.

Sri Lankan government troops were accused of killing at least 40,000 ethnic Tamil civilians in the final months of the island’s 37-year guerrilla war that ended in May 2009.

President Sirisena said he will formally ask the United Nations rights body to reconsider a 2015 resolution which called for credible investigations into alleged atrocities.

Lankan President and Prime Minister have clashing views on approach to 2015 UNHRC resolution

It is a decade since we have established peace in this country,” Sirisena told reporters at his official residence in Colombo. I want to tell them (the UN) not to pressure us.”

What I want to tell them is don’t dig the past and re-open old wounds. Let us forget the past and ensure that we all live in peace.”

Soon after coming to power in January 2015, Sirisena pledged to ensure accountability for war-time abuses.

Exactly two years ago, Sirisena bought two years from the UN rights body after a previous deadline ended without any progress in bringing war criminals to justice.

A UN Human Rights Council resolution in October 2015 granted Sri Lanka 18 months to establish a credible investigation. The two-year extension expires this month with no results.

The President said that he is sending a three-man team of senior people to Geneva to present his case to the UNHRC. The team comprises Dr.Sarath Amunugama, Mahinda Samarsinghe and Dr.Suren Raghavan, Governor of the Tamil-majority Northern Province which bore the brunt of the 30 year war.

I hope they (the UN) will respond positively,” Sirisena said

Besides the President’s team, there will be Sri Lankan officials arguing the case of the Wickremesinghe government on this issue.

Wickremesinghe Government’s Case

The case government case is aptly expressed in an official press release which said:

Sri Lanka will continue to demonstrate its commitment and determination towards a steady and long-lasting reconciliation process through a co-sponsored resolution, and will seek an extension of the timeline of resolution 30/1 of October 01, 2015, through a co-sponsored roll-over resolution at the ongoing 40th session of the UN Human Rights Council.”

This initiative will further attest to Sri Lanka’s ownership of the implementation process and to its continued policy of constructive engagement and dialogue with the UN and bilateral partners.”

At the 34th Session of the Human Rights Council held in February-March 2017, the Government of Sri Lanka closely liaised with the core group (US, UK, Macedonia, Montenegro) to have the timeline of Resolution 30/1 of 01 October 2015 extended for a period of two years. Accordingly, as per resolution 34/1 of 23 March 2017, co-sponsored by Sri Lanka and adopted by consensus at the 34th Session of the Human Rights Council, the High Commissioner for Human Rights is required to present a comprehensive report, followed by a discussion on the implementation of Council resolution 30/1 at the 40th session of the Council. The action of the High Commissioner’s office on Sri Lanka is entirely based on this report which will be presented to the Council on March 20, 2019. A further extension of two years through a co-sponsored roll-over resolution accordingly needs be viewed in this backdrop.”

With the withdrawal of the US from the Human Rights Council, UK has taken the lead in the core group on Sri Lanka in the Council, with Canada and Germany joining the core group. Therefore, Sri Lanka will join hands with the core group leader UK in co-sponsoring this roll-over resolution.”

This strategy will prevent international war crimes allegations being continuously leveled against Sri Lankans through strengthened ownership of the implementation process.”

The resolution of 2015 and subsequent efforts of Government of Sri Lanka follow as a sequence to the commitments given to the then Secretary General of UN HE Mr. Ban Ki Moon who visited Sri Lanka in 2009 by the Government of the then President Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa.”

The following is the last paragraph of the Joint Communique issued by the Government of Sri Lanka and the UN at the conclusion of UN Secretary General’s visit to Sri Lanka in 2009.”

‘’Sri Lanka reiterated its strongest commitment to the promotion and protection of human rights, in keeping with international human rights standards and Sri Lanka’s international obligations. The Secretary General underlined the importance of an accountability process for addressing violations of international humanitarian and human rights law. The Government will take measures to address those grievances.’’

In the last few years the Government of Sri Lanka has taken concrete steps such as establishment of Missing Persons’ Office and Office for Reparations to establish long lasting peace and reconciliation in Sri Lanka in addition to the establishment of Independent Commissions, enhanced by the enactment of a number of enabling laws, including for the Right to Information. This led to the people of Sri Lanka benefiting from economic dividends, including in particular, EU GSP+ concessions. A few more laws will be introduced to strengthen the ongoing processes. The entire mechanism and process of reconciliation is under the control of Government of Sri Lanka.”

‘Those who shed crocodile tears on behalf of War Heroes of Sri Lanka conveniently forget the fact that our brave soldiers are right now engaged in peace keeping in Mali, a State in West Africa, and in other places. This became possible due to our co-sponsoring of the Resolution. Further, military to military cooperation has expanded considerably, with more training opportunities for Sri Lankan soldiers. The pride of our war heroes has been protected and the confidence of international community has been gained through owning up of the Human Rights Council process. We were able to witness this during the funerals of our two Army peace keeping soldiers recently.”

The draft roll-over resolution recognizes the strong role played by the democratic institutions in the peaceful resolution of the political situation that arose in Sri Lanka from October to December last year, which is a strong testimony to the independence, credibility and resilience of our national institutions.”

The allegations made against the co- sponsoring of the roll-over resolution by the GOSL is part of the campaign to mislead the public and gain undue political advantage. However, the general public of this country is aware how the Government came to power in 2015, and helped to avert a looming international catastrophe by co-sponsoring the resolution at that time. The current initiative is nothing but seeking more time for the GOSL to address the issues of reconciliation, peace building and national integration. For instance, the Government of Sri Lanka was unable to finalize some of the required legislation due to the infamous Constitutional Coup of 26th October, 2018.Those who try to seek cheap political advantages shamelessly of a situation in which the country needs to be salvaged are the real traitors of our Motherland.

(The featured image at the top shows President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe)

SC issues order preventing Wasantha Karannagoda’s arrest

March 7th, 2019

Courtesy Adaderana

The Supreme Court has issued an order preventing the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) from arresting or detaining the Retired Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda over the abduction of 11 youths.

The Supreme Court judge bench consisting of Justices Buwaneka Aluwihare, Vijith Malalgoda, and Preethi Padman Surasena issued the injunction considering the Fundamental Rights (FR) petition filed by the Retired Admiral.

The Supreme Court has, reportedly, advised Karannagoda to refrain from threatening the witnesses of the case.

He was also ordered to appear before the CID at 9.00 a.m. on March 11th to record a statement.

Karannagoda has submitted an affidavit to the Supreme Court, assuring that he would appear before the court and would not travel abroad without obtaining the court’s permission.

Considering his affidavit and the submissions regarding the FR petition, the Supreme Court decided to issue the injunction preventing Karannagoda’s arrest.

However, this injunction does not prevent the Attorney General or the CID from taking legal actions against the Retired Admiral, the judge bench emphasized.

Representing the petitioner, President’s Counsel Romesh de Silva informed the court that the CID is preparing to arrest his client without any legal grounds.

Sri Lanka Navy and several other parties had conducted investigations into the disappearance of 11 youths in 2008 soon after the incident took place, however, none of these investigations had levelled any charges against Karannagoda, the President’s Counsel said.

Over 10 years have passed since the incident, hence the CID’s sudden attempt to arrest Karanngoda is a result of the influence of non-governmental organizations and it focuses UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) session currently underway in Geneva, he further claimed.

He said that he has no objection against the decision of Attorney General’s Department to serve indictments on Karannagoda. He pointed out that, however, arresting his client at the moment is unnecessary.

PC Romesh de Silva noted that his client would not abscond the court under any circumstances.

Hence, he requested the Supreme Court to allow the hearing of the petition and issue an interim order preventing the arrest of his client until the investigations into the incident are concluded.

Representing the Attorney General, Additional Solicitor General Viraj Dayaratne stated that investigations pertaining to the incident are nearing completion and recording a statement from the petition is required.

Meanwhile, appearing on behalf of the disappeared persons, President’s Counsel J.C. Welamuna has said that preventing the arrest of the petitioner can obstruct the investigations on the incident.

On February 25th, Retired Admiral Karannagoda filed a Fundamental Rights (FR) petition seeking an order preventing the CID from arresting him.

He had named the Inspector General of Police (IGP), the Director of Criminal Investigation Department (CID), the Attorney General and the OIC of the Gang and Robbery Unit of CID as the respondents of the petition.

Karannagoda has stated that the CID launched an investigation on him for allegedly threatening a witness of the case on the disappearance of 11 youths in Colombo and suburbs in 2008.

මංගලට ආර්ථිකය ගැන මෙලෝ හසරක් දන්නෙ නෑ.. අයවැය ලස්සන නම් ටිකක් පමණයි.. මංගලට වාණිජ අංශයේ සුළු රස්සාවකටවත් සුදුසුකම් නෑ..- ආර්ථික වියතෙක් කියයි..

March 7th, 2019

lanka C news

2019 වසර සදහා ඉදිරිපත් කර ඇති අයවැය යෝජනාවලිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් හිටපු මහ බැංකු අධිපති අජිත් නිවාඩ් කබ්රාල් මහතා වියත්මග කාර්යාලයේ පැවති මාධ්‍ය හමුවේදී මෙම අදහස් පල කලේය.

අයවැය ලේඛනය අනුව, ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ දළ දේශීය නිෂ්පාදිතයට සාපේක්ෂව ණයබරතාවය දැන් 91% දක්වා වැඩිවෙලා. 2014 දී තිබුණේ 71% පමණි.

enterprise srilanka” යනු ණයදීමේ ක්‍රමවේදයකට ලස්සන ආකර්ෂණීය නම් ටිකක් දැමීම පමණයි. මේවා කළ යුත්තේ බැංකුවල වාණිජ් අංශයන් මිස, රටේ මුදල් ඇමැතිවරයා නොවේ.

මංගල සමරවීරට අප රටේ ආර්ථිකයේ ප්‍රශ්න පිළිබඳව කිසිම අවබෝධයක් නෑ. රුපියල බාල්දු වෙනවා. සංචිත කඩා වැටෙනවා. පොලී අනුපාතය වැඩි වෙනවා. සේවකයන් දහස් ගණනින් පාරට වැටෙනවා. බඩු මිල අහස උසට යනවා. බැංකු සහ මූල්‍ය ආයතන දැඩි පීඩනයට ලක්වෙනවා.

හැමෝගේම ණය දිනපතාම වැඩි වෙනවා. රජයේ ආයතන වල අර්බුද වැඩිවෙනවා. කිසිම ග්‍රාමීය සංවර්ධනයක් නැහැ. යටිතල පහසුකම් නඩත්තු වෙන්නෙ නැහැ. අලුත් යටිතල පහසුකම් නැහැ. පෞද්ගලික අංශය අධෛර්යමත් වෙලා. කිසිම ආයෝජනයක් කරන්නේ නැහැ. විදේශ ආයෝජකයින් තමන්ගේ සල්ලි අරගෙන යන්න යනවා. රටේ ආර්ථිකමය දිසාව පිළිබඳව කිසිම ඉඟියක් නැහැ. ජනතාවට බදු පිට බදු වැටෙනවා පමණයි වෙන්නේ. ජනතාවගේ පීඩනය ඉවසන්න බැරි තැනකට ඇවිල්ලා.

මේ ප්‍රශ්න එකකටවත් විසඳුම් නැහැ. මේවට විසඳුම් නැත්නම්, අයවැයක් ඉදිරිපත් කළාට වැඩක් නැහැ. එවැනි අයවැයකින් ඇති ප්‍රයෝජනය කුමක්ද?

වැඩබැරි කට්ටිය වැදගත් තැන් වලට පත්වුණාම මෙවැනි විපත්ති සිදුවීම පුදුමයක් නෙවෙයි. මංගල සමරවීරට මුදල් අමාත්‍යශය පිළිබඳව කිසිම දැනුමක් හෝ අත්දැකීමක් හෝ අවබොධයක් නැහැ. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පෞද්ගලික අංශයේ වාණිජ ක්ෂේත්‍රයේ කිසිම සමාගමක මූල්‍ය අංශයක ඔහුට පඩියක් ගෙවලා රැකියාවක් දෙයිද? එහෙත්, අපේ රටේ අවාසනාවට, ඔහු රටේ මුදල් ඇමැති වෙලා ඉන්නවා. ඒ හරහා මුළු රටම අගාධයට ඇදගෙන යනවා. ඒ දුක විඳින්න වෙන්නේ අපේ රටේ අහිංසක ජනතාවටයි.

13th Amendment and electoral system should change to abolish Executive Presidency – Mahinda

March 6th, 2019

Courtesy Adaderana

In order to abolish the Executive Presidency, the 13th Amendment to the Constitution and the electoral system should be changed, says Leader of Opposition Mahinda Rajapaksa.

The Opposition Leader stated this during the special meeting held between Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna today (06).

Issuing a statement to clarify the matters pertaining to the discussion, he had stated earlier today that ‘it is his duty and responsibility to conduct discussions with any party in the Opposition as the Leader of the Opposition’.

In his statement, the Opposition Leader had further informed that Leader of the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP) MP Dinesh Gunawardena, and MP Dullas Alahapperuma would also participate in this discussion.

Representing Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) the party Leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Parliamentarians Vijitha Herath and Sunil Handunnetti arrived at the Office of the Opposition Leader this evening.

වියත්මග වියතුන් ඛේමාගේ කොලුගේ අයවැය හමගසා කෝටුමස් කරති.. [Video]

March 6th, 2019

– චාමින්ද කරුණාරත්න lanka C news

ආචාර්ය නාලක ගෝඩහේවා මහතා සහ හිටපු මහ බැංකු අධිපති අජිත් නිවාඩ් කබ්රාල් මහතා වියත්මග කාර්යාලේ පැවති මාධ්‍ය හමුවකදී 2018 අයවැය යෝජනාවලිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් මෙම අදහස් පල කලේය.

රටක අයවැයක පුළුල් අරමුණ වන්නේ රටේ දිගුකාලීන ආර්ථික සංවර්ධනය සැලසුම් කිරීමයි. අයවැය ලේඛනය යනු රටේ අනාගත ගමන්මගේ දිශානතිය පෙන්වනු ලබන ප්‍රධානතම ලියවිල්ලයි. ඒ අනුව අයවැයක්‌ යනු ආර්ථික සංවර්ධනය කරා රට ගමන් කරවීමේ දිගුකාලීන වැඩපිළිවෙළක කෙටි කාලීන (වසරක) වැඩපිළිවෙළකි. මෙහි ඉදිරි මුදල් වර්ෂයේ ඇස්‌තමේන්තුගත ආදායම, වියදම සහ එය පියවනු ලබන ආකාරය දක්‌වනු ලබයි. එහෙත් වසරකට වඩා ඔබ්බට යන සංවර්ධන දැක්‌මක්‌ අයවැයක අන්තර්ගත වෙයි.

නමුත් මෑත කාලයේ යහපාලන රජය යටතේ අප දකිනා අයවැය වල් අනාගතය පිලිබඳ පැහැදිලි දැක්මක් නැති වචන හරඹ පමනක් වී තිබීම කනගාටුවට කරුණකි.  අයවැය ඉදිරිපත් කොට එය සම්මත කරගත්තාට පසු පොරොන්දු වූ දෙවල් ගැන පසු විපරමක් ආන්ඩු පක්ශයෙන් මෙන්ම විපක්ෂයෙන්ද කෙරෙනා බවක් පේන්නට නැත.

පසු ගිය වසර 4 පුරා විවිධ අයවැය ලේඛණ වල එකම යෝජනා නැවත නැවත දක්නට ලැබෙන්නේ අයවැය හදන බලධාරීන්වත්  එය නැවත කියවන්නේ නැති නිසා විය යුතුය.

මංගල සමරවීර මහතා ප්‍රචාරක කටයුතු වලට දක්ෂයෙකි. ඒ නිසා ඔහු අයවැය ඉදිරිපත් කරන්නේ ජනතාවට හදවතට වදින ආකාරයටය. මෙතෙක් යහපාලනය ගෙන ආ සියලු අයවැය මෙන් 2019 අයවැයද  පුස්සක් බව වටහා ගත හැක්කේ එය හොඳින් අධ්‍යයනය කරන්නෙකුට පමනි

පසුගිය වසර 4 ලාංකික ජනතාව ආර්ථික වශයෙන් ඉමහත් දුෂ්කරතා වලට මුහුණ දුන් කාලයකි. මේ තත්වය 2019 දී තවත් බරපතල වන බව අයවැය විමසා බැලීමෙන් පෙනී යයි. .………………………………………………………………………………………….

මෙවර අයවැයට අනුව 2014 ට සාපේක්ෂව රාජ්‍ය ආදායම රුපියල් බිලියන 1264 සිට රුපියල් බිලියන 2464 දක්වා  94% කින් ඉහල යනු ඇතැයි රජය බලාපොරොත්තු වේ.

මේ ඉහල යාම බලාපොරොත්තු වන්නේ 2014 ට සාපේක්ෂව ජනතාව මත බදු 97% කින් ඉහල දැමීමෙන් මිස වෙන අන් ප්‍රාතිහාර්යයකින් නොවේ.

2014 ට සාපෙක්ෂව 2019 දී

රටේ සෑම පුරවැසියෙකුටම බලපාන භාන්ඩ හා සේවා මත බදු  100% කින් ඉහල යනු ඇත.

2019 වසර තුල පමනක් බදු ඉහල යාම 21% කි.

මීට අමතරව 2014 සිට මේ වන තුරු රුපියලේ අගය 30% කින් පමන බාල්දු වී ඇති නිසා  ආනයනික භාන්ඩ සඳහා වැඩි මිලක් ගෙවීමට පාරිභෝගිකයන්ට සිදුව ඇත.

රටේ පොලී අනුපාතයන් ඉහල යාම, ව්‍යාපාර මත ආදායම් බදු වියදම ඉහල යාම හා ආනයනික වියදම් ඉහල යාම නිසා සෑම දේශීය නිශ්පාදකයෙක් හා සේවාදායකයෙකුම තම භාන්ඩ හා සේවා සඳහා මිල ඉහල දමා ඇත.

2014 -2019 කාලය තුල රජය විසින් වැඩිකොට ඇති  ආදායම් බදු මෙන්ම , භාන්ඩ හා සේවා බදු සඳහා මුදල් ගෙවන්නේ ජනතාවය.

2014 හා 2019 කාලය තුල රාජ්‍ය සේවකයන්ගේ වැටුප දෙගුන වී යැයි මුදල් ඇමති කයිවාරු ගසයි. මේ කාලය තුල රටේ සෑම පුරවැසියෙකුගේම ජීවන වියදම දෙගුනයකට වඩා වැඩිවූ  බව ඔහු නොකියයි.

රටේ වැඩකරණ ජනතාවගෙන් රාජ්‍ය සේවයේ සිටින්නේ මිලියන 1.4 ක පමනි.  මිලියන 3.5 ක්ම සේවය කරන්නේ පෞද්ගලික අංශයේය. මිලියන 3.3 ක්ම ස්ව්‍යංරැකියා කරන්නන්ය. එකතුව මිලියන 6.8 කි . මේ  අයගේ ආදායම පසුගිය වසර 4 තුල දෙගුණ වූවාද ?

වියදමට සරිලන සේ ආදායම දෙගුණ නොවූ නිසා රටේ වැඩ කරන ජනතාවගෙන් හරි අඩකට වඩා ජීවන මට්ටම 2014 ට වඩා පහලට ආ බව  මුදල් ඇමතිට නොකියන්නේ මන්ද ?

………………………………………………………………………………………………

රජයේ ආදායම වැඩිවන වේගයෙන්ම රජයේ වර්තන වියදම්ද වැඩී වී ඇති නිසා මේ වැඩිවන ආදායමෙන් රටට දීර්ඝ කාලීන ප්‍රථිලාබ ගෙන දෙන ආයෝජන වැඩිවී නැත.

2014 -2019 කාලය තුල වර්ථන වියදම් 74% කින් හෙවත් රුපියල් බිලියන 1033 කින් වැඩි වී ඇත.

2014 වර්ෂයේ රජයේ සමස්ත ආදායම වූයෙ රුපියල් බිලියන 1264 කි.

එසේ නම් මේ වසර 4 තුල එදා රාජ්‍ය ආදායමට සමාන මුදලකින් යහපාලන රජයේ එදිනෙදා වියදම් වැඩි වී ඇත. නමුත් ජනතාවගේ පහසුකම් වැඩි වූයේ කොතනද ?

සෞඛ්‍ය පහසුකම් දෙගුණ වී ඇත්ද ?

අධ්‍යාපන පහසුකම් දෙගුණ වී ඇත්ද ?

ප්‍රවාහණ පහසුකම් දෙගුණ වී ඇත්ද ?

ක්‍රිඩා පහසුකම් දෙගුණ වී ඇත්ද ?

ආරක්ෂාව දෙගුන වී ඇත්ද ?

වැඩිවූ රජයේ වියදම් වලින් වාසිය ලැබුනේ කාටද ?

………………………………………………………………………………………………

මේ වසරේ අයවැය පියවා ගැනීමට රුපියල් බිලියන 2000 ක ණය ලබා ගැනීමට මුදල් ඇමති යොජනා කරයි

මේ වන විටත් රාජ්‍ය ණය රුපියල් බිලියන 12,000 ක් පමන වන නිසා 2019 අවසන් වන විට රාජ්‍ය ණය රුපියල් බිලියන 14,000 ඉක්මවනු ඇත.

2005 දී රාජ්‍ය ණය රුපියල් බිලියන   2,200 ක් විය

ඉතුරු වසර 9 තුල මෙම ණය ප්‍රමාණය රුපියල් බිලියන 5,200 කින් වැඩි විය

යහපාලන  ආන්ඩුව බලයට එන විට රාජ්‍ය ණය රුපියල් බිලියන 7,400 ක් විය.

මෙවර  අය වැය අනුව පලමු වසර 5 තුල යහපාලන රජය රුපියල් බිලියන 6,600 ක් ණය ගැනීමට නියමිතය

රාජපක්ෂ වසර 9 රුපියල් බිලියන 5,200 යි  ( අධිවේගී මාර්ග, තාපබලාගාර, වාරය, ගුවන්තොටුපො, වාරි මාර්ග, දුම්‍ රිය පාරවල් හා මහා මාර්ග ඇතුලු අති විශාල සංවර්ධනයක්  මේ කාලය තුල සිදුවූයේ යුද්ධය වෙනුවෙන්ද විශාල මුදලක් වැය වන අතර තුරය )

රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ වසර 5 රුපියල් බිලියන 6,600 යි. කල දෙයක් නොමැත.

………………………………………………………………………………………………

ලංකාවේ ආර්ථික වර්ධන වේගය 2014 දී පුරෝකථ්නය කර තිබුනේ මෙසේය

දල ජාතික නිශ්පාදනය  ( ඩොලර් බිලියන)            ඒක පුදගල  ආදායම ( ඩොලර් )

2015                86.1                                              3654
2016                98.7                                              4122
2017              112.2                                               4677
2018              127.4                                              5264
2019              144.2                                              5918

 

නමුත් වසර 4 ක යහපාලන රජය යටතෙ 2018 අවසන් වන විට රටේ දල ජාතික නිශ්පාදනය අමෙරිකානු ඩොලර් බිලියන  89 පමන වේ. ඒක පුද්ගල ආදායම ඩොලර් 4187 ක් පමන වේ.

2018 වන විට ලංකාවේ ආර්ථික සංවර්ධන වේගය 3% නුත් පහලට පැමිණ තිබුනි. මේ ආසියාතික රටවල් අතර  දුර්වලම ආර්ථික වර්ධන වේගයකි.

ලංකාවේ ආර්ථික වර්ධන වේගය 2018 වසරේ තිබුනේ බංගලාදේශය ( 7.4%) , නේපාලය (7.9%), බූතානය ( 7.4%), ලාඕසය (6.9%) ඉන්දියාව (6.7%),  පාකිස්ථානය (5.4%), මාල දිවයින ( 4.8%) යන සියලු රටවලට පිටුපසිනි. අප සිටින්නේ ආර්ථික සංවර්ධන වේගය අතින් අප සිටින්නේ අදත් ත්‍රස්ථවාදයෙන් බැටකන ඇෆ්ගනිස්ථානය සමඟ දකුණු ආසියාව තුල  අවසාන ස්ථානය සඳහා කරට කර සටනකය.

ලංකාව වැටී තිබෙන මේ ආර්ථික අවපාතයෙන් ගොඩ එන්නට කිසිදු සැලස්මක් මෙවර අයවැයෙන් ඉදිරිපත් නොවිනි.  අඩුම වශ‍යෙන් ආර්ථික සංවර්ධන ඉලක්කයක් ගැන සඳහනක් වත් මංගල සමරවීර මහතාගේ සුරංගනා කතාව තුල අඩංගු වී නොතිබුනි.

ආර්ථිකය සංවර්ධනය කිරීමට නම් ඉලක්ක හා සැලස්මවල් අවශ්‍යය.

මෙවර අයවයෙන්ද වත්මන් රජය පෙන්වූයේ රටේ අනාගතය ගැන කිසිදු දැක්මක්, ඉලක්කයන් හා සැලසුම් රජය සතුව නැති බවය. මීට පෙර ඉදිරිපත් කල සාර්ථක අයවැයන් මෙන්ම 2019 අයවැයද හුදු වචන මාලාවක් පමනි.

………………………………………………………………………………………………

සුපුරුදු පරිදි මෙවර අයවැයේදීද පොරොන්දු රාශියක් දී ඇත. නමුත් 2015 මාර්තු මස ඉදිරිපත් කල අතුරු අයවැයේ සිට මෙතෙක් ඉදිරිපත් කල සැම අයවැයකින්ම යහපාලන රජය කලේ මහා පරිමාන බොරු කීම පමනි. දෙන පොරොන්දු ඊලඟ අය වැය වන විට මතක නැත

අපි මෙසේ කඩවූ පොරොන්දු කිහිපයක් මතක් කොට බලමු

2016 අයවැය යෝජනා 328 – මහපොල විශ්ව විද්‍යාලය නමින්  නව විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයක් මාලඹේ ඉදිකිරීම

2016 අයවැය යෝජනා 218 -2016 අප්‍රේල් 1 දා සිට ආනයන අපනයන බැංකුවක් ආරම්ඹ කිරීම

2016 අයවැය යෝජනා 254 – ආසන 7000 කින් සමන්විත අති නවීන පහසුකම්සහිත සම්මන්ත්‍රණ ශාලවක් කොළඹ ඉදිකිරීම

2016 අයවැය යෝජනා 470 – කැලණිවලි දුම් රිය මාර්ගය ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණය කිරීම

2017 අයවැය :

2017 අයවැය යෝජනා 70 – එක ගමකට එක වැවක් වැඩසටහන යටතේ  මිරිදිය ධිවර ගම්මාන 100 ක් ඇතිකිරීම.

2017 අයවැය යෝජනා 104 : විශ්ව විද්‍යාල වලට ඇතුලත් වන සිසුන් ප්‍රමාණය වසර 3 ක් තුල දෙගුණ කිරීම

2017 අයවැය යෝජනා 101 –  උසස් පෙල හොඳ ප්‍රතිපල ලබා ගන්නා සීසුන්ට   හාවර්ඩ්, ඔක්ස්ෆර්ඩ් හා කේබ්‍රිජ් විශ්ව විද්‍යාල වලට ශිෂ්‍යත්ව ලබා දීම ( මෙය 2019 අයවයේදී යලි අලුත් යෝජනාවක් ලෙස ඉදිරිපත් වී ඇත. 2019 අයවැය යෝජනා 102 )

2017 අයවැය යෝජනා 117 – උසස් පෙල විශ්ව විද්‍යාල වලට ඇතුලත වීමට නොහැකි වූ සිසුන් 15,000 ට වෙනත් රාජ්‍ය නොවන උපාධි පාඨමාලා හදෑරීම සඳහා එක සිසුවෙකුට ලක්ෂ 8 බැගින් ණය මුදලක් ලබා දීම  ( මෙය 2019 අයවැයේදී යලි අලුත් යෝජනාවක් ලෙස ඉදිරිපත් වී ඇත   2019 අයවැය යෝජනා 107 )

2017 අයවැය යෝජනා 125 : රජයේ වෘතීය පුහුණ ආයතන වල ඉගන ගන්නා සෑම සිසුවකුටම ශිෂ්‍යත්වයක්

2017 අයවැය යෝජනා 159 : පුද්ගලික අංශයට පැය 45 ක හා රාජ්‍ය අංශයට පැය 40 ක නම්‍ය ශීලී වැඩ මුර කර්මයක් හඳුන්වාදීම  ( ( මෙය 2019 අයවැයේදී කාන්තාවන් සම්බන්ඳයෙන් වූ  අලුත් යෝජනාවක් ලෙස ඉදිරිපත් වී ඇත   2019 අයවැය යෝජනා 50 )

2017 අයවැය යෝජනා 176 – ඇමෙරිකානු ඩොලර් 500 ඉක්මවන ආයෝජන ගෙන එන අය සඳහා පස් වසරක බහු පිවිසුම් විසා නිකුත් කිරීම ( මොනම ආයෝජකයෙක්වන් නොපැමිනි නිසා යලිත් 2019 අයවැයෙන්  ඇමෙරිකානු ඩොලර් 4 ක නිවසක් මිලදී ගන්නෙකුට වසර 3 ක නෙවාසික විසා දෙන තරමට රජය බාල්දු වී ඇත  2019 අයවැය යෝජනා 95 )

2017 අයවැය යෝජනා 193 – කලුතර, රත්නපුර, වව්නියා හා පුත්තලම දිස්ත්‍රික්ක වල නිදහස් වෙළඳ කලාප 4 ක් පිහිටවීම

2017 අයවැය යෝජනා 203 – Hyatt, Grand Oriental Hotel, Waters Edge West Coast, Hilton, Manthai Salt iy Hambanthota Salt  2017 වසර තුල ලැයිස්තුගත කිරීම

2017 අයවැය යෝජනා 235 – ආසන 5000 ක පහසුකම් ඇති අන්තර් ජාතික සම්මන්ත්‍රණ ශාලාවක් කොළබ නගරය තුල ඉදිකිරීම  (මේ  යෝජනාව 2016 අයවැයේද තිබුන්. එකම වෙනස ආසන ගනන 7000 වීමයි.-  2016 අයවැය යෝජනා 254 )

2017 අයවැය යෝජනා 246 –  මධ්‍යම අධිවේගී මාර්ගය හා රුවන්පුර අධිවේගී මාර්ගය 2019 වන විට නිම් කොට අවසන් කිරීම. කටුනායක අධිවේගී මාර්ගය පුත්තලම දක්වා දීර්ඝ කිරීම. දක්ෂිණ අධිවේගී මාර්ගය 2018 ජූලි වන විට හම්බන්තොට දක්වා නිම කිරීම

2017 අයවැය යෝජනා 246  – කොළඹ මාර්ග තදබදය අඩු කරන සැහැල්ලු දුම්‍ රිය මාර්ගය ඉදි කිරීම 2017 ආරම්බ කිරීම.

2017 අයවැය යෝජනා 250- කොළඹ හා යාබද නගරවල බස් රථ සඳහාම වූ වෙනම මංතීරු වෙන්කෙරේ.

2017 අයවැය යෝජනා 253 – කැලණ්වැලි දුම්‍ රිය මාර්ගය රත්නපුර දක්වා දික් කෙරේ.

2017 අයවැය යෝජනා 255.  ත්‍රී රෝද වාහන වෙනුවට රෝද හතරේ විද්යුත් කාර් හඳුනවා දීම සඳහා ණය ක්‍රමයක්  හඳුනවාදීම ( මේ යෝජනාවද ඒ ආකාරයෙන්ම 2019 අයවැය යෝජනා වල අඩංගු වේ – 2019 අයවැය යෝජනා 145)

2017 අයවැය යෝජනා 257- ත්‍රී රෝද රථ හා පාසැල් වෑන් රඨ නියාමනයට ක්‍රමවේදයක් හඳුනවා දීම

2017 අයවැය යෝජනා 258- පෞද්ගලික බස් හා රජයේ බස් එකම කාලසටහනක් යටතේ ධාවනය කිරීම (මීට බෙහෙවින් සමාන යෝජනාවක් 2019 අයවැයේද ඇත –  2019 අයවැය යෝජනා 142)

2017 අයවැය යෝජනා 279- අඩු පොලියට නිවාස ණය ලබා දීම සඳහා දැනට පවතින ආයතන කිහිපයක් එක් කොට අලුතින් නිවාස බැඤුවක් ස්ථාපිත කිරීම

2017 අයවැය යෝජනා 300 – අඩු හා මධ්‍යම නිවාස ලාභීන්ට නිවාස ලක්ෂ 5 ක් ඉදිකිරීම.

2017 අයවැය යෝජනා 302 – වතුකරයේ  නිවාස 25,000 ක් ඉදිකිරීම.

2017 අයවැය යෝජනා 302 – උතුරු නැගෙනහිර   නිවාස 50,000 ක් ඉදිකිරීම. මේ යෝජනාව ඒ ආකාරයෙන්ම 2018 අයවැය යෝජනා වලද  අඩංගු වේ – 2018 අයවැය යෝජනා 263)

2018 අයවැය :

2017 අයවැය 252  : මාර්ග හා දුම් රිය ප්‍රවාහණ සෙවා ඉහල දැමීමට පෙර ගෙවුම් කාඩ් පතක් හඳුන්වා දීම .මේ යෝජනාවද ඒ ආකාරයෙන්ම 2019 අයවැය යෝජනා වල අඩංගු වේ – 2019 අයවැය යෝජනා 141)

2018 අයවැය යෝජනා 184 :  සියලූම විශ්ව විද්‍යාල සිසුන් සඳහා සෞඛ්‍යය රක්ෂණ ක්‍රමයක්

2018 අයවැය යෝජනා 248 – කලාකරුවන් සඳහා සෞඛ්‍ය රක්ෂණ ක්‍රමයක්

2018 අයවැය යෝජනා 186-189 -:  ග්‍රාමීය ක්‍රීඩාංගන 100 ක් සංවර්ධනය. ජාතික තලයේ ක්‍රීඩා ඇකඩමියක් හා ක්‍රීඩා පාසැලක් ඇරබීම.  සුගතදාස ක්‍රීඩාංගණය නවීකරණය්

2018 අයවැය යෝජනා 203 : හදවත් රෝග නිවාරණ සංකීර්ණයක් ර්ජ්වේ ආර්යා ලමා රෝහලේ ඉදිකිරීම

2018 අයවැය යෝජනා 216 – අඩු ආදායම් ලාභීන් සඳහා අංගොඩ, කොලොන්නාව, මාලිගාවත්ත සහ දෙමටගොඩ අලුතින් නිවාස 20,000 ඉදිකිරීම

2018 අයවැය යෝජනා 263 – උතුරු නැගෙනහිර අලුතින් නිවාස 50,000 ඉදිකිරීම ( 2017 අයවැය යෝජනා 302 ද මෙයමය )

…………………………………………………………………………………………

යහපාලන රජයේ අයවැය වචන සංදර්ශණයක් පමනක් බවට තවත් උදා හරණ කුමටද ?

බොරු කියනවාට අමතරව අමතක වී එකම බොරුව නැවත කීමද යහපාලන අයවැයටම සුවිශේෂී වූ ලක්ෂණයක් බව ඉහත උදාහරණ වලින් පෙනේ. සමහර විට අමාත්‍යාංශ නිලධාරීන් අලුත් ඇමතිවරයාට සත්‍ය තොරතුරු නොදීම  නිසා ඔහු ආඩම්බරයෙන් ඉදිරිපත් කරන සමහර යෝජනා ඉන් වසර කිහිපයකට පෙර කලින් ඇමති වරයාටද  දුන් යෝජනා බව ඔහු නොදන්නවා විය යුතුය

…………………………………………………………………………………………………….

මෙම අයවැයෙන් වත්මන් ආර්ථිකයේ දැවෙන ප්‍රශ්ණ වලට පිලිතුරු සපයා නැත

රුපියලේ කඩා වැටීම නතර කරගන්නේ කෙසේද ? ( 2018 පමනක් රුපියල 20% කින් කඩා වැටුනි)

විදේශ සංචිත යලි ස්ථාවර කරගන්නේ කෙසේද ? ( මේ වන විට රුපියල් බිලියන 7 කට වඩා අඩු වී ඇති සංචිත ප්‍රමානවත් යාන්තමින් 2019 ගෙවන්නට ඇති ණය ගෙවීමට පමනි)

ආර්ථික වර්ධනය මන්දගාමී වීම නතර කරගන්නේ කෙසේද ? ( 2019 වසරේද ආර්ථික වර්ධන පුරෝකතනය  4% කට අඩුය)

අපනයනයන් වර්ධනය කරගන්නේ කෙසේද ?

නව රැකියා උත්පාදනය කරන්නේ කෙසේද ?  ( රැකියා දශලක්ෂයක් පොරොන්දු වුවද තිබුන රැකියා ප්‍රමාණයද අඩුවී ඇත )

බැඳුම්කර මගඩිය හා තවත් දූෂණ නිසා ජාත්‍යන්තරව බිඳවැටී ඇති ආයෝජක විශ්වාසය යලි දිනා ගන්නේ කෙසේද ?

දැන් මන්දෝස්තානීව සිටින දේශීය ආයෝජකයන් යලි පණ ගන්වන්නේ කෙසේද ?

ආර්ථික වර්ධන ක්‍රියාවලිය තුල දැනට අඩපනව ඇති රටේ ජනතාවගෙන්  1/3 කට වඩා යැපෙන කෘෂිකර්මාන්තය යලි නගා සිටුවන්නේ කෙසේද ?

වසර 4 ක් පුරා වත්මන් රජය නැවත නැවත පෙන්වා ඇත්තේ කලමනාකරණ අසමත් කමයි. මෙතෙක් නොකල දේ එක වසරක් තුල කරනු ඇතැයි බලාපොරොත්තු වීම මෝඩකමකි. මන්ද නොහැකියාවට විසඳුමක් නොමැති බවිනි. ඒ නිසා මීට පෙර අයවැය මෙන්ම වත්මන් අයවැයද වචන හරඹයකට සීමා වන බව නිසැකය.

 

What if we could use nature to prevent disasters?

March 6th, 2019

SUBMITTED BY BRENDEN JONGMAN ON TUE, 03/05/2019 Courtesy WB Blog

Heavy rain and severe flooding brought the city of Colombo, Sri Lanka, to its knees. In China’s Yangtze River Basin, rivers spilled their banks, inundating towns and villages. In Mobile Bay, Alabama, strong ocean waves carried away valuable coastline.

In each of these locations, disasters caused by natural hazards seemed beyond human control. But instead of focusing only on building more drains, seawalls and dams, these governments turned to nature for protection from the disasters. Several years later, the urban wetlands, oyster reefs and flood plains they helped establish are now keeping their citizens safe while nourishing the local economies.

Rising weather extremes, combined with increasing development along rivers and coastlines, are leading to a surge in impacts from climate-related disasters. Increasingly, governments are turning to nature to help manage these disasters. Nature-Based Solutions” (NBS) that strategically conserve or restore nature (sometimes called ‘green infrastructure’) while supporting conventionally built infrastructure systems (‘gray infrastructure’) can reduce disaster risk and produce more resilient and lower-cost services in developing countries. Such solutions include widening of natural flood plains, protecting and expanding wetlands, restoring oyster and coral reefs and investing in urban green spaces that reduce run-off.

Evidence from around the world shows that these approaches are often successful and cost-effective. In the United States, natural wetlands have moderated damages from Hurricane Sandy by an estimated $625 million. Vietnam has implemented a widespread mangrove restoration project integrated with dike systems to reduce coastal flooding—which ultimately saved US$215 million. The City of Portland, Oregon has reduced urban flooding by up to 94 percent through urban green infrastructure, yielding US$224 million in savings to water infrastructure alone. Meanwhile, China’s Sponge Cities” program in 30 pilot cities is integrating vast amounts of green space into urban design to prevent surface flooding. In addition to effectively reducing disaster risk, nature-based solutions can have a wide range of positive effects on ecosystem conservation, carbon storage, tourism and local employment.

Kallang Basin in Singapore
Photo: Kallang River at Bishan Park in Singapore provides flood control for the city. Credit: Jimmy Tan/Flickr

The World Bank and the Global Facility for Disaster Reduction and Recovery (GFDRR) are stepping up their support for nature-based solutions (NBS). Over the past seven years, the Bank’s DRM portfolio totaled over US$50 billion across 681 projects.  The NBS components of World Bank disaster risk management (DRM) projects now total $2 billion, and just over 1 in 10 of the Bank’s DRM projects contain some element of NBS. All of these projects can be explored through the Natural Hazards, Nature-Based Solutions platform.

Source: World Bank

As more disaster risk managers understand and integrate well-designed nature-based solutions into disaster risk management projects, we can route more finance to nature-based projects that are cost-effective and resilient.

With that goal in mind, the World Bank, GFDRR, the Program for Forests (PROFOR) and the World Resources Institute (WRI) have teamed up to produce new actionable tools:

  1. A Practical Booklet outlining the World Bank and GFDRR’s Nature-Based Solutions program, featuring a range of practical nature-based solutions for the main climate hazards, and recommendations for financing and policy.
  2. A set of PowerPoint decks providing an overview of NBS, as well as how to use NBS for coastal risk managementriver flood control and urban disaster risk management
  3. An updated website with a global inventory of NBS projects and implementation guidance

Using these tools will provide disaster risk managers with illustrative examples on when and where nature-based solutions can add value to disaster risk management. It will also highlight policy and finance considerations which are somewhat different from traditional disaster risk management projects. For example, nature-based solutions are often more successful in environments where policies require different government sectors to work together, or where incentives have been set up for participation in nature-based solutions.

While these materials should help the disaster risk management community get started on implementing more nature-based solutions, we need to develop more guidance and tested approaches to assess nature-based solutions on equal footing with traditional disaster risk management strategies. The World Bank, GFDRR and partners will continue to develop innovative case studies and work on the integration of these approaches in programs such as the City Resilience Program and the Small Island States Resilience Initiative. As a result of these efforts, we hope to see a world where we can tap nature’s full power to better protect us from disasters.

This blog was co-authored with Suzanne Ozment, an Associate II with World Resources Institute’s (WRI) Global Water Program.

‘We don’t want to reopen old wounds,’ says Sirisena

March 6th, 2019

Meera Srinivasan Courtesy The Hindu

Sri Lanka President goes back on accountability pledge; Foreign Ministry sends contradictory message

Exposing the rift persisting within the Sri Lankan government, President Maithripala Sirisena on Wednesday said he would ask the UN Human Rights Council to reconsider its 2015 resolution on the country, as he did not wish to reopen old wounds”.

Hours after President Sirisena declared his position at an editors’ meeting on Wednesday morning — effectively going back on the pledges he made to the Tamil minority in 2015 — the Foreign Ministry said Sri Lanka would continue to demonstrate its commitment and determination towards a steady and long-lasting reconciliation process through a co-sponsored resolution”.

Contradictory messages

It will seek an extension of the timeline of resolution 30/1 of October 01, 2015, through a co-sponsored roll-over resolution at the ongoing 40th session of the UN Human Rights Council,” the Ministry said in a statement. Going by the contradictory messages put out by the President and the Foreign Ministry, it appears that the fissures within the cohabitation government may have deepened since the island’s political crisis late last year.

Local media reported that the President will send a team comprising senior parliamentarians from his party, Sarath Amunugama and Mahinda Samarasinghe, and Northern Province Governor Suren Raghavan to Geneva to lobby the Council to allow Sri Lanka to take care of its own affairs.

However, The Hindu has learned that no other official delegation” from Colombo will go to Geneva, as the Sri Lankan mission in Geneva has been tasked with airing the official [Foreign Ministry] position” at the Council.

International oversight

Even as President Sirisena’s move suggested resistance to any international oversight, the Foreign Ministry in its statement said the entire mechanism and process of reconciliation is under the control of [the] Government of Sri Lanka”.

Meanwhile, making his Budget speech on Tuesday, Finance Minister Mangala Samaraweera announced a series of initiatives for the war-affected north and east, titled ‘Reconciliation through Economic Empowerment’. In addition to setting up a ‘Palmyra Fund’ of LKR 5,000 million to fast-track development in the region”, the Budget also provides for measures, including a monthly compensation for families of disappeared persons.

A decade after Sri Lanka’s civil war ended, the Tamil minority living in the north and east is awaiting answers to troubling war-time questions — particularly on the thousands of enforced disappearances reported during that time.

On the other hand, leaders in the southern polity defend the soldiers as war heroes”, apparently shielding them from any accountability.

However, the Foreign Ministry said the allegations made against Sri Lanka for co-sponsoring of the roll-over resolution was part of a campaign to mislead the public and gain undue political advantage”. It further stated that those who shed crocodile tears on behalf of war heroes” had forgotten that Sri Lankan soldiers were engaged in peace keeping missions abroad only because the country co-sponsored of the resolution.

Karannagoda, ‘Rule of Law’ and the Season of Silliness in Geneva

March 6th, 2019

By Malinda Seneviratne

Sri Lanka’s reconciliation efforts are hounded by the ghosts of that arbitrary past, Ranga Jayasuriya claims in his column titled ‘Adm. Karannagoda trial would not satiate LTTErump, but upholds rule of law.’ What is the ‘that’ of the claim? Jayasuriya’s contention is based on the possible trial-at-bar of formerNavy Commander Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda who is accused of abetting the illegal confinement of 11 young men by a Naval unit led by his personal security officer Lt. Commander Sampath Munasinghe. The charge is that Karannagoda had not acted ‘in a timely manner’.

Three former service chiefs, Air Chief Marshall Roshan Goonetileke, General Daya Ratnayake and Admiral Thisara Samarasinghe have come out in Karannagoda’s defense, Jayasuriya points out. According to Jayasuriya, the argument that ‘these violations were committed while the war was going on’ and reference to Karannagoda’s key role as the naval strategist who defeated the Sea Tigers are unconvincing ‘in a legal sense or indeed in commonsensical terms.

He is correct. Exemplary conduct in one matter does not sanction nor give license to misconduct in another, keeping in mind of course that none of these charges have been proven as of now. On the other hand the only infringement that’s on paper is neglect and that, ladies and gentlemen, is not a war crime. It is here that the issue of ‘during the war’ and also the arbitrariness that Jayasuriya refers to come into play.

None of the commanders had it easy. They were fighting an outfit that was as conventional an army as any as well as one that was the world’s worst terrorist organization. Split second decisions had to be made. Priorities had to be determined. There are lives to be saved everywhere, the entire citizenry had to be protected. Still, if, as alleged Karannagoda’s personal security officer was responsible for the crime, if as alleged there was a Navy unit operating an abduction and ransom racket, then ignorance of the same is certainly an indication of incompetence. If, indeed, he knew about all this and did nothing, that’s also a serious transgression. It does not make him a war criminal. Keep in mind, however, that all we have as of now are accusations. So, all the ‘ifs’ above need to be read as though they come in a large font size and in a style that is bold, italicized and underlined.

Arbitrary were the countless acts of terrorism, not so much in intent but those who had to suffer. Arbitrary is the ‘international court’ that has not only charged Sri Lanka but acts as jury and judge. Arbitrary is the political culture in terms of how it plays with the law

In such a context, I am surprised that Jayasuriya sees this process as somehow ‘upholding rule of law’. For several reasons. What it amounts to, shorn of the sexiness of trying a commander in the silly seasonality of human rights noises around the time of the UNHRC sessions, is someone accusing someone. That’s it. Jayasuriya correctly rubbishes that noise and those who have their seasonal rights orgasms, suggesting that reconciliation and the plight of Tamils are useful notions that are essentially frills. ‘Self-serving machinations’ is the term Jayasuriya uses.
Jayasuriya believes that the government should address ‘reasonable grievances of war victims, and prosecute the perpetrators of at least some of the well documented violations of human rights’. I agree, not on account of reconciliation needs alone but as he point out the need to re-establish Rule of Law. Karannagoda’s case is a weak initiative in this sense. He adds the following caveat: ‘…[I]t should do so on its own accord, dictated by its own calculations of national interest- and not necessarily because its European friends (sic) want it to do so [or] because the government wants to appease the Tiger loving Tamil diaspora and their local partners.’ Karannagoda’s case is all of that plus political expedience at home for the simple (and simplistic) reason that he, Karannagoda, was commander during the Rajapaksa years.

This exercise will not purchase any slack for this government in Geneva because a) the President is at odds with the Prime Minister’s party, b) nothing will appease those batting for the other side, and c) the yahapalana regime made a mess of everything by allowing Mangala Samaraweera to do his sycophantic number with Samantha Power way back in 2015. The last chained Sri Lanka to the whims, fancies and arm-twisting of European (and North American) ’friends,’ let us not forget. Eyewash will not wash with them. More seriously, even making Karannagoda fall in the fall-guy way of doing things, will not please them.

For all this, Jayasuriya has mentioned the most important element of the drama, ‘the ghosts of the arbitrary past’. Arbitrariness is essentially an inflated claim, for one need not labour the point that if it was all ad hoc, the LTTE would still be blowing up buses and trains. This does not mean that arbitrariness was absent. There was bound to be. Over the years, many errant military personnel have been charged, tried and punished. The important thing to understand is that this business of the security forces being extended ‘a virtual carte blanche’ is a canard dreamed up by the then opposition, it’s allies in the I/NGO sector and ‘friends’ overseas. Good for propaganda of course, but as is usually the case when propaganda is taken as fact and ‘reconciliation’ (or anything else for that matter) is designed based on it, people essentially end up wallowing in akoheda-yanne-malle-pol situation.

And yet, there is arbitrariness outside of this drama over Karannagoda’s alleged excesses. Sagala Ratnayake (and others) have traded accusations with President Sirisena about foot-dragging related to prosecutions. The UNP has shot itself several times in the proverbial political foot over the scandalous defense of Arjuna Mahendran and thereafter deafening silence over the fact that he’s absconding. The yahapalana disposition has made a mockery of the Rule of Law by enacting additional ‘courts’ such as the FCID and appointing commissions of inquiry outside the judicial system. Not only are they marked by shameless witch-hunting, they’ve done nothing to correct the flaws in the overall judicial system which necessitated such bodies in the first place. That’s arbitrary too.

Arbitrary were the countless acts of terrorism, not so much in intent but those who had to suffer. Arbitrary is the ‘international court’ that has not only charged Sri Lanka but acts as jury and judge. Arbitrary is the political culture in terms of how it plays with the law. These are all about an arbitrary past. There are ghosts and real people involved. Karannagoda and the case against him is a distraction; using it as test-case only buttresses arbitrariness and accords a lot of afterlife to the relevant ghosts. Reconciliation is not helped, but in fact compromised simply by robbing it of meaning and transforming it into a cuss word.

If the Rajapaksas turned courts into circuses, this government has found that ‘circusing’ is a useful way of doing things. What they’ve forgotten is that the same silly instruments can be used against them. What the people have to understand is that they and not these self-serving politicians are being made to play ‘circus monkey’. Perhaps this case, that is, the one in which Karannagoda is charged, might have some positive outcome in bringing all that to light.

THE MUSLIM VOICE ACKNOWLEDGES THE OPPRESSION OF THE KASHMIRI PEOPLE BY INDIA.

March 6th, 2019

By Noor Nizam, Peace and Political Activist, Political Communication Researcher, SLFP Stalwart and former District Organizer, SLFP, Trincomalee District, Convener – “The Muslim Voice” – March 5th., 2019.

“The Muslim Voice” acknowledges the oppression of the Kashmiri People by India over the last 70 years, without conducting the “PLEBICITE” ordered by the UN in 1948. India went to war with Pakistan on the contrary.

OUR FULLEST SUPPORT STANDS WITH PAKISTAN ON THE “PULWAMA” INCIDENT, Insha Allah.
“The Muslim Voice” – Sri Lanka wish to express our fullest solidarity and support to “PAKISTAN” in respect to the recent incidents that took place in “Paluwama” on February 14th., 2019. This is especially in gratitude to the extra ordinary International Relations and Military support extended to Sri Lanka our “Maathruboomiya” by Pakistan to crush the worlds ruthless terrorist organization, the LTTE nutured and cultured by India and RAW over a period of 30 years to destory our peacefull Nation during the period 1979 to 2009.

“The Muslim Voice” fully denounces the “onslaughter of false media propganda” carried out by India and the Indian social media, especially via “youtube” and mushroom Indian internet TV broadcasts fanning warmongering among the people of India.

“The Muslim Voice” is of the view that:
Without producing concrete evidence that Pakistan instigated or is behind this attack, accusing Pakistan of this crime is unacceptable and cannot be accepted under any norms of International relations. India has to immediately applologise to Pakistan and to Prime Minister Imran Khan for making such publicity/statements.

“The Muslim Voice” fully agrees on all the points raised by Ex. I.A.S Officer and former young Kashmiri  Lok Shaba MP – Shah Faesal in a TV interview on [email protected] broadcasted today and wishes to state it was excellent. Shah Faesal REALLY “shot down” the war mongering attitude of the Indian media and expressed his stand on what “PEACE” will mean for both Pakistan and India to resolve the 70 years oppression of Kashmir. “The Muslim Voice” wishes to ask the Indian Media how they can question others of terrorism when they themselves instigated, trained, funded and sent to the North and East of Sri Lanka LTTE Sri Lankan Tiger terrorists for a period nearly 30 years that led to the killings of thousands of innocent civilians, armed forces and Tamil youth and hundreds of Muslims while performing the Friday prayers in the Eastern province (Kattankudy) of Sri Lanka on August 3rd., 1990 – (https://www.colombotelegraph.com/index.php/1990-kattankudy-mosque-killings-reliving-bloodshed-trauma-27-years-on/).

India should accept the peacefull hand of Pakistan and sit down to find/discuss what action is needed to maintain peace in the region, Insha Allah.

Attacking or accusing or threatening Hon. Imran Khan, the new Prime Minister of Pakistan unwantedly will not be tolerated by the Muslim Umma of the World especialy of Sri Lanka. The Nobel Peace Prize for PM Imran Khan will be most deserving, for his attempts in having de escalated a possible war between the two atomic power neighbours by his/Pakistan/Pakistan Army’s “PEACE GUESTURE” release of Wing Commander Abhinandan Varthaman, the IAF pilot whose fighter jet was shot down inside Pakistan territory on  Insha Allah.

SAMANTHA POWER’S KEY NOTE ADD

March 6th, 2019

BY REAR ADM SARATH WEERASEKERA

Ms Samantha Power, the former US Ambassador to UN, delivered the key note address at the function marking Mangala Samaraweera’s  30 years in politics. Amongst those present were the President MS , PM RW and the Opposition leader MR.  Every one knows how the country plunged into disaster due to the infamous Geneva 30/1 resolution and many query as to why the President and Mahinda Rajapaksha attended this function knowing that Samatha Power and Mangala Samaraweera were the chief architects of that treacherous resolution.

Who is Samantha Power?  Well, she is a neocon agent who, with people like Victoria Nuland and Susan Rice, led the 2012 neocon campaign against Sri Lanka at the UNHRC.

In 1995, she joined George Soros’ International Crisis Group as a political analyst monitoring the implementation of the Dayton Accords that ended the Bosnian war. In 1999, she went to Kosovo and Cambodia on trips funded by George Soros’s Open Society Institute.

In 2008, she served as senior foreign policy adviser on Obama’s presidential campaign, before famously stepping down for referring to Hillary Clinton as “a monster”. Returning upon Obama’s win she was appointed as the US Ambassador to the UN.

Power spearheaded the US strategy to undermine the Palestinian Authority’s bid for statehood at the United Nations. She led the efforts to weaken the impact of the Goldstone Report that found Israel guilty of crimes against humanity. In 2012, Power turned her attention to Syria, convincing the White House to establish an Atrocities Prevention Board (APB).

Samantha, in her book Problem from the hell”, implied that US should control the world. In it she says US intervention in the age of genocide is not enough .

Samantha Power consistently stood on behalf of Paul Kegaman, the head of the Ruwanda Patriotic Front ,who was supposed to be responsible for the large scale genocide in Ruwanda.

In 2016 Samantha Power was caught using her security clearance as a U.N. Ambassador to review private conversations by U.S. citizens. She was brought before the House Intelligence Committee to explain her actions.  It was revealed that Samantha Power has made as many as 260 requests to “unmask” Trump associates in 2016. Power in her defense said, it was’nt me, someone else in Obama white house did it using my security clearance”. Trump dismissed her as soon as he took office.

Regarding this case, Jay Latimer, an international writer, on June 6th 2018, in an article to an American news paper, wrote as follows.

There are two possibilities: that she is telling the truth, in which case someone else in the Obama administration is lying,  Or she is lying herself.

Let’s consider the implications if she’s lying.  Power, a supposed human rights activist and a darling of the left, came into her office every day and was reading the transcripts of private conversations of her fellow Americans, wiretapped by federal agents. 

Why is Samantha Power herself so seemingly unconcerned about this violation of public trust?  Wouldn’t you expect this brave journalist, the winner of the Pulitzer Prize, the champion of the people, to be at least a little bit curious as to exactly who it was in the Obama administration who stole her passwords and used her security clearance in such a blatantly undemocratic and unlawful manner?

These are the credentials of Samantha Power who comes here to preach us about democracy, good governance , accountability and rule of law. In her key note address Power said Here in Sri Lanka, during the recent crisis, your citizens made themselves heard, with many of them speaking not for parties or personalities but in defense of your hard earned Democracy” . She said so in front of  President Sirisena and  Opposition leader Mahinda Rajapaksha  who were supposed to be the ones responsible for that crisis in which Democracy was alleged to have been undermined.

There was never a crisis neither the Yahapalana government toppled undemocratically. When the PA MPs left UNF the National Government collapsed and the cabinet dissolved in order to reduce the number to 30 as per the 19A. The President then appointed MR, whom he believed could command the confidence of the majority in Parliament, as the new PM. That course of action was legal, done democratically, and that’s why the Yahapalana leaders did not go to courts. They went to Supreme Court ( SC) only when President Sirisena dissolved the Parliament (P), challenging that as per the 19A, President cannot dissolve  Parliament for 4 ½ yrs.

President  dissolved the P as per para 33(2)C of the constitution. However surprisingly, the SC ruled that the dissolution was unconstitutional. Why it is surprising is because , in 2002, when a constitutional amendment was proposed denying the President the power to dissolve the P before 4 ½ yrs, the SC rejected it stating that such an amendment requires the approval of the public through a referendum. Then how come in 2015 ,the same clause in 19A was not rejected by the SC as in 2002? The only reason would have been the provision mentioned in 33(2) C of the Constitution.  But if that provision has no value, then the  Supreme Court judgment in 2015 on 19A, (without referring it to a referendum), was wrong. If it was right, obviously the SC judgment given in December 2018 regarding the dissolution of P was wrong.

So these are our internal political matters and Samantha Power has no right to interfere. She is also not qualified to comment on our judiciary, whether it stood by the constitution and enforced the rule of law with great independence or not, because, our judiciary has a history of 200 years, slightly less than the history of her entire country.

Samantha said Your hope, Mangala, that Sri Lankans create a civilized society where humanity and decency flourish and the rule of law is respected . I look forward to the continued friendship between our two nations as we work together to make it happen”. In other words, she thinks that the Sri Lankans,  are uncivilized and indecent and she likes to render her fullest support  to make us civilized and decent. All Sri Lankans must take note of it.

Talking about decency and rule of law, lets speak about the 30/1 Geneva Resolution against Sri Lanka proposed by her country America and co sponsored by her friend Mangala . The resolution drafted by Washington and the enforcer was Jeffry Feltman, notorious for engineering regime change in countries of national interest to USA by fomenting violence and breaking sovereign states into ethnic enclaves. Behind this resolution is the concept of R2P advanced by Washington. Its objective is to condition state sovereignty and legitimize unilateral US intervention in the internal affairs of sovereign states to achieve its goals. Accountability is the pillar on which R2P stands.

As Tamara Kunanayakam, the former Ambassador and Permanent Rep of UN in Geneva says, R2P is a weapon in the hands of the powerful to be utilized against weaker states that opt for an independent path.  It is the modern version of the  white man’s burden” of late 19th century used by US and UK, as justification of their savage colonial wars.

They used it in 2015 Jan 8th to remove MR , spent approx. 200 million US $ for the regime change. That’s why John Kerry, the then Secretary of State, just after the results were released said,  we are part of the victory” . How could John Kerry be a part of our Presidential election? We ask Samantha Power, was it a decent or a civilized move?

They use US treasury,  IMF and World bank, in such a way that third world countries such as Sri Lanka are made permanently indebted and dependent allowing them to interfere and dominate. When the Yahapalana  government was toppled in late October last year, Samantha tweeted early Nov as follows; The dangers of Sri Lankan constitutional crisis are clear. Violence is possible and Rajapakshas return to power will likely end flagging efforts of ethnic reconciliation.  Sri Lanka must know that suspending aid, targeted sanctions are on the table. 500 million US aid, trade privileges, Japanese loan of 1.4 billion US$ hang in balance”. Was it a friendly comment or an uncivilized / indecent  threat? Is’nt it hilarious if not contemptuous that such a person is trying to preach us how to become civilized and decent?

Accountability is another aspect Samantha Power is harping on. Samantha’s decency did not permit her to comment on accountability” during LTTE atrocities. Everyone including Samatha sprang into action calling for accountability only after we crushed the LTTE . That is a clear indication as to which side Samantha supports, a sovereign state or a bunch of terrorists who failed in their attempt to separate that country.

America invaded Iraq killing hundreds of thousands including retreating Iraqi soldiers whom General Schwarzkopf  referred to as sitting ducks”.  America imposed a criminal embargo against Iraq and as per the UNISEF, 90,000 died every year due to hunger. In 2006 May 12th , Ms Leslie Stall of CBS asked Madlene Albright, the then US Ambassador in UN, that due to the US blockade,  one million people have died in Iraq in which half of them were children and whether it worth the price. Albright hesitated for a moment and replied well , it was a hard choice, but I think it worth”. So much so about the  accountability” that Samantha Power is trying to preach us.

Samantha Power, with her cohorts like Mangala Samaraweera,  try to punish our war heroes charging them with war crimes. Six  world renown war crime experts such as Sir Desmond have very clearly reported that our forces never committed any war crime and commended them for winning a terrorist war whilst rescuing such a large number of civilians. The sea Tiger leader Suse was the Navy’s arch rival who destroyed many a naval ship. During the height of the war, at mid night in mid sea, the SL Navy apprehended the boat carrying  Suse’s wife and children. Only the CO of the Navy boat and the Sec Defence  Gotabhaya knew the identity of the passengers. They were unharmed and today, Suse’s family is living happily amongst Sinhalese.

We saw how President Obama and Samantha were watching the live operation carried out by US marines who stormed into a house and killed Osama Bin laden together with  his wives and children. That was the difference between SL and US troops who fought against terrorism. Samantha Power should learn from us about  accountability” and  rules of war” before she plans her next visit here.

ආණ්ඩුව දේශපාලන වාසි වෙනුවෙන් සමෘද්ධිලාභීන්ගේ ඡන්දය ඉලක්ක කර ඉදිරිපත් කල 2019 මෙවර අය වැය සමෘද්ධිලාභීන් රවටන විජ්ජාවක්.

March 6th, 2019

ජනමාධ්‍ය නිවේදනයයි Samurdhi Development Officers Union 

2019 වර්ෂය වෙනුවෙන් ඊයේ (05) දින මුදල් අමාත්‍යවරයා විසින් ඉදිරිපත් කල ජනතාවට ශක්තියක් දුප්පතුන්ට රැකවරණයක් යන අය වැය, ඉදිරි මැතිවරණ වෙනුවෙන් සමෘද්ධිලාභීන් ඡන්දය අපේක්ෂාවෙන් දේශපාලන වාසි ලබා ගැනීම සඳහා ආණුඩුව විසින් ඉදිරිපත් කරන ලද විජ්ජාවක් බව අප සංගමය මෙයින් පෙන්නා දෙන්නෙමු.

සමෘද්ධිලාභීන් හට අනිවාර්ය ඉතිරිකිරීමේ ගිණුමෙන් රු.30000.00 මුදලක් වාරික දෙකකින් අපේ‍්‍රල් හා නොවැම්බර් යන මාසයන්හි නිදහස් කරන බවට සිදු කල ප‍්‍රකාශය ඊට කදිම නිදසුනකි. සෑම සමෘද්ධිලාභියෙකු හටම සිය පුද්ගලික ගිණුමට අනිවාර්්‍ය ඉතිරි කිරීමක් ලෙස සෑම මසකම සමෘද්ධි සහනාධාරයෙන් මුදලක් බැර වෙයි. මෙම මුදල් ආපසු ලබා ගැනීමට 2013 අංක 01 දරණ සමෘද්ධි පනතෙහි 33(9) වගන්තියට ප‍්‍රකාර සමෘද්ධි ප‍්‍රජාමූල බැංකු කළමණාකාරණ මණ්ඩල අනුමැතිය යටතේ නිකුත් කර ඇති 2018 අංක 02 චක‍්‍රලේඛණය මගීන් රු.25000.00 උපරිමයකට යටත්ව මුදල් ආපසු ගැනීමේ ක‍්‍රමවේදයක් සකස් කර ඇත.

එකී මුදල් ආපසු ගැනීමේ ක‍්‍රමවේදය ගැටළු පවතින අතර, වයස අවු:70 ඉක්මවීම මුදල් ආපසු ගැනීමට ඇති එක් අවස්ථාවක් වන අතර රෝගී අවස්ථාවන්ට ප‍්‍රතිකාර ගැනීමට මෙම මුදල් නිදහස් කිරීම ඇති අනෙක් අවස්ථාව වෙයි. ඇතැම් නිලධාරීන් සමෘද්ධි ප‍්‍රතිලාභීන් ඉල්ලූම් කරන මුදල ලබා නොදීම හා වයස අවු: 70 යන කාරණය අසාධාරණ බැවින් පවතින මෙම තත්වය දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවෙහි අභ්‍යන්තර චක‍්‍රලේඛ  මගීන් නිවරැුදි කිරීමට හැකියාව තිබියදී මුදල් අමාත්‍යවරයා විසින් සිය අයවැය කථාවට මෙය ඇතුලත් කිරීම සමෘද්ධිලාභීන්ගේ ඡන්දය ඉලක්ක කර දේශපාලන වාසි වෙනුවෙන් සිදු කරන ලද ප‍්‍රකාශයක් බව මනාව පෙන්නුම් කරන්නකි. සමෘද්ධි බැංකු වල ඇති සමෘද්ධිලාභීන්ගේ සිය පුද්ගලික ගිණුමේ ඇති මුදල් ආපසු ලබා ගැනීමට ආණ්ඩුව විසින් ඉදිරිපත් කල මෙවර අයවැය තුලින් හැකියාව ලැබු බව වැරදි චිත‍්‍රයක් රට තුල මෙයින් නිර්මාණය කරන අතර පුද්ගලික ගිණුමක මුදල් ආපසු ගැනීමට මුදල් අමාත්‍යවරයා අයවැයෙන් යෝජනා කිරීම විහිළු සහගත බව අප සංගමය මෙයින් අවධාරණය කරන්නෙමු.

සමෘද්ධි සහනාධාර පවුල් ලක්‍ෂ 06 කට අළුතින් සහනාධාරය ලබා දෙන බවට වු යෝජනාව වසරකට පෙර සිට අවස්ථා ගණනාවකදී සිදු කර ඇති අතර මෙයද ආණ්ඩුව දේශපාලන වාසි වෙනුවෙන් යොදා ගැනීමේ අරමුණින් කටයුතු කරන බව අප සැක කරන කරුණකි.

මෙතෙක් බලයට පත් සෑම ආණ්ඩුවක්ම සිය දේශපාලන උවමනාවෙන් සමෘද්ධි වැඩසටහන යොදා ගැනීම මත අඩු ආදායම්ලාභී ජනතාව හට ඵලදායී ආදායම් උත්පාදන වැඩසටහන් ක‍්‍රියාවට නැංවීමට මෙතෙක් හැකියාවක් නොලැබුන අතර ආණුඩව ඉදිරිපත් කල ජනතාවට ශක්තියක් දුප්පතුන්ට රැකවරණයක් යන මෙවර අය වැයද එවැනි යෝජනාවන් නොවන, හුදෙක් සමෘද්ධිලාභීන්ගේ ඡන්දය අපේක්ෂාවෙන් ඔවුන් රවටන විජ්ජාකාරී අයවැයක් බවත්, ආණුඩුවේ මෙම විජ්ජාවට සමෘද්ධිලාභීන්ට නොරැුවටෙන බවටත් වැඩිදුරටත් අප සංගමය මෙයින් දන්වා සිටින්නෙමු.

ස්තූතියි.

මෙයට විශ්වාසී,
චාමර මද්දුම කළුගේ, Chamara Madduma Kaluge
ප‍්‍රධාන ලේකම්.

දඹදිව සිට බලංගොඩට පූජාවස්තු වැඩමකිරීම

March 6th, 2019

බලංගොඩ  නළුවෙල ශ්‍රී  ප්‍රියදර්ශනාරාම මහ විහාරයේ අභිනවයෙන් ඉදිකළ චෛත්‍යයේ  තැන්පත් කිරිම සදහා දඹදිව බුද්ධගයාවෙන් සහ ඉසිපතන මිගදායෙන් පූජාවස්තුන් මෙම මස 10වෙනි දින ශ්‍රී  ලංකාවට වැඩම කෙරේ.

බෝසතාණන්  වහන්සේ බුද්ධත්වයට පත් බුද්ධගයාවේ වජ්‍රාසනය මත පිහිටි බුද්ධ ප්‍රතිමාවට පැළදවු රන් සළුවක් හා පූජාවස්තු මෙන්ම බුදුරදුන් ප්‍රථම ධර්ම  දේශනාව පැවැත්වු ඉසිපතන මිගදායෙන් ලබාගත් පුජා වස්තුන් 10 වෙනි දින ශ්‍රී  ලංකාවට වැඩම කිරිමෙන් පසු 11 වෙනි දින අලුයම බලංගොඩ දක්වා එම පුජා වස්තු වැඩම කිරීමට නියමිතය.

අනගාරික ධර්මපාල හරසර පදනමේ මහ ලේකම් සෙත්සිරි ලංකා ට්‍රැවල්ස්  පුද්ගලික සමාගමේ සභාපති උපුල් කුමාර වීරසේකර මහතා වෙත ඉන්දීය මහාබෝධි සමාගමේ සහකාර ලේකම් ඉසිපතන විහාරාධිපති  ආචාර්ය කහටගොල්ලෑවේ මේධංකර හිමි හා ඉන්දීය මහාබෝධි සමාගමේ බුද්ධගයා බෞද්ධ  මධ්‍යස්ථානාධිපති  එච්.සද්ධාතිස්ස  හිමි විසින් මෙම පුජා වස්තුන් දඹදිවදි පසුගිය 5දා ලබා දෙන ලදි.

මීට අමතරව නෙල්ලිගල  ජාත්‍යන්තර  බෞද්ධ  මධ්‍යස්ථානයෙන් බලංගොඩ  නළුවෙල  විහාරයට වැඩම කරවු සර්වඥ  ධාතුන්වහන්සේලා  තෙදිනක් පුරා ප්‍රදර්ශනය  කිරිමෙන් පසු 11වෙනි අලුයම චෛත්‍යය ගර්භයෙහි තැන්පත් කෙරේ.

ජත්‍යන්තර  මෙත්තා කොමියුනිටි හි සභාපති ජනමාධ්‍යවේදි ධර්ම  ශ්‍රී  තිලකවර්ධන  මහතා වෙත තායිලන්තයෙන් ලබාදුන් සර්වඥ ධාතුන්වහන්සේ 11 වෙනි දින අලුයම බලංගොඩ  නළුවෙල විහාරයට වැඩම කිරීමට නියමිත බව එම විහාරාධිපති  ශාස්ත්‍රපති  මුල්ලේගම  විමලානන්ද  හිමියෝ පවසති.

බැදුම්කර නඩුව ගණනය කරන්න වෝහාරික විගණනයක්

March 6th, 2019

අජන්ත කුමාර අගලකඩ උපුටාගැණීම ලංකාදීප

මහ බැංකුවේ බැදුම්කර නිකුත් කිරීමේදී සිදුව ඇති පාඩුව ගණනය කිරීම සඳහා වෝහාරික විගණනයක් ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතාගේ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන් අද (06) පැවැති කැබිනට් රැස්වීමේදී තීරණය කර ඇත.

ඒ සඳහා ඉදිරිපත් කරන ලද කැබිනට් සංදේශයට අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩල අනුමැතිය ලැබී ඇත.

ඒ අනුව වෝහාරික විගණනය කිරීම සඳහා විශේෂඥයින් පත් කිරීමටත් ඊට අවශ්‍ය මුදල් වෙන් කිරීමටත් මෙම කැබිනට් පත්‍රිකාය මගින් ඉන් සැලසෙන ඇත.

බැදුම්කර නිකුත් කිරීමේදී සිදුව ඇති පාඩු ගණනය කිරීම සඳහා 2007 වසරේ සිටම වෝහාරික විගණනයක් කළ යුතු බව මහ බැංකු බැදුම්කර ගනුදෙනුව සම්බන්ධයෙන් සොයා බැලීමට පත් කළ ජනාධිපති කොමිෂන් සභාව නිර්දේශ කර තිබිණි.

Budget 2019 -More politics than economics

March 6th, 2019

Editorial Courtesy The Island

Thursday 7th March, 2019

The government has presented an election budget. Having lost the local government polls very badly, it is all out to regain popular support. It has tried to give something to everyone in a bid to arrest the rapid erosion of its vote bank. The goal it has set for itself is very ambitious as the very theme of the budget suggests: Enterprise Sri Lanka – ‘Empowering the people and nurturing the Poor’.

The public sector workers have been promised a 2,500-rupee allowance. This alone is proof of the government’s desperation. One of the main reasons for the yahapalana administration’s pecuniary woes is the massive public sector pay hike it granted, in 2015, to win the parliamentary polls. Its fear of elections seems to have made the government turn a blind eye to reality and throw caution to the wind.

The Rajapaksa government gave away sil redi in a bid to win the last presidential election, albeit in vain. The present administration is throwing public money around by way of loans to garner votes. It has undertaken to grant concessionary housing loans to newly married couples up to Rs. 10 mn each, to be paid back, in 25 years, at a 6% interest rate.

The people’s housing needs must be met, but it has to be ascertained whether the proposed scheme is feasible and the interest rate realistic. Loans are also being given without collateral to ‘entrepreneurs’ and the question is how the government proposes to minimise the default rate, which is very high in this country. Will the state banks suffer heavy losses as no collateral is to be put up for the special loans?

Many people in the rural sector find themselves in a debt trap thanks to the micro finance companies which exploit them mercilessly. They are losing their properties to these institutions which encourage borrowing at usurious interest rates.

The government should have addressed the issues pertaining to micro financing. President Maithripala Sirisena’s brother, Dudley, has taken up cudgels for the hapless debtors; he has pledged to deliver them from the clutches of micro financing Shylocks. His campaign will help muster support for his brother, at the next presidential election.

It has been proposed to expand the Samurdhi movement to cater to many more beneficiaries. Samurdhi is already poorly targeted and this increase will make an already bad situation far worse at the expense of the taxpaying public.

The government’s success in making good on the impressive promises, in the budget, hinges on its ability to raise funds in sufficient amounts. Usually, tax revenue falls short of the target and the government has to jack up indirect taxes which increase the cost of living further.

The possibility of the people having to pay more for fuel, water, electricity, etc. so that the government can grant the promised allowance to the public sector workers and soft loans to others cannot be ruled out.

Meanwhile, Finance Minister Mangala Samaraweera, in his budget speech, on Tuesday, painted a very rosy picture of the economy. At the very outset, he declared that the economy had stabilised and there was an up-swing in the economic growth. He has unwittingly given the lie to the government oft-repeated claim that it cannot grant relief to the public and usher in development because it has to pay back loans its predecessor drew.

The burden of the Presidency and 13-A

March 6th, 2019

The burden created by the politicians and politics of all hues has become unbearable for everybody, except the politicians who enjoy life like the proverbial crab in the pot. People irrespective of ethnicity are heavily taxed, not for the purpose of development of the country, but to maintain the thousands of politicians comprising four tiers of government from president to village councilor. Do we need such a vast organization of political institutions to govern this small country? The Provincial Councils were created to enable devolution of power to the periphery, but is such a division of centre and periphery discernible in such a small country to justify devolution with all its adverse implications. Have the ordinary Tamils got anything in return for paying for the maintenance of their Provincial Council, which was established as a solution to their specific problems? Leave alone solving the problem they don’t seem to know what the problem is in the first place.

The Northern PC does not even have the capacity to spend the money voted for it by the Central Government and returns most of it. Their excuse is they need more power if they are to serve the people. It is the Central Government which had solved all the problems of the Tamils related to language, culture, education, employment and infrastructure. This is why the household income in Vavuniya is better than in most towns elsewhere. The NPC, or any other PC for that matter, cannot even maintain what the Central Government has built.

One would expect all problems to be solved when we have a politician at every doorstep, so to speak. Instead of solving our problem they have evolved as the main problem. The Editorial of The Island of 06.03.2019 shows us how the Western Provincial Council wastes public money. Sometime ago this PC wanted to import luxury chairs at Rs. 600000/- each for its members, so they could be comfortable while watching blue films on their smartphones. The good editor knows how white these elephants are. Why is all this necessary and how has this corrupt exploitative system evolved?

Once we were a proud nation which achieved greatness under brave benevolent kings who were kind even to foreign immigrants. Our people accepted Tamils as their kings who pledged to foster Buddhism. However, intrigue had been a trait among the ruling class even then, as it is now. The colonial foreign powers exploited this weakness to grab the reins. This happened then and is happening now. The 1815 betrayal by the Nilames was a manifestation of this trait, and the 2015 betrayal by Mangala at Geneva is a recurrence. The colonial masters know about this trait for they had used it effectively for several centuries. Tamil separatists also know about it, and they used it even before independence and now also they use it within the parliament and without. Tamil Nadu, Tamil Diaspora, TNA and other Tamil politicians also know about this phenomenon and employ it opportunistically.

There were in the past heroes who fought against this trait. Kusumasena Devi, Keppettipola, and Puran Appu, are just a few names that come to mind. This trait grows in the mind that lacks patriotic feelings. Patriotic feelings could be overshadowed and surpassed by political expediency, and that happens in both sides of the ethnic divide. There are Tamils who feel for their country despite their politicians. Then there are Sinhalese who will go along with their politicians despite betrayals of the worst kind. For instance, they will continue to vote for those who are responsible for the Central Bank robbery and the UNHRC Resolution 30/1.

Unfortunately our present day intellectuals and politicians have done nothing to take the patriotic Tamils on board. There are no politicians on either side who could rise above communal politics. In fact, this is the bane of all South Asian countries. What is worst is the people do not realize that they are being taken for a ride, that their emotions are being exploited by unscrupulous politicians. The extremists of one side ask for what is not fair by the other communities, giving the extremists of the other side political ammunition; while the people who are the real stake holders remain ignorant of what is going on.

A disastrous outcome of this political chicanery is the perpetuation of discord among the communities, hardening of ethnic identity, exacerbation of ethnic differences and tendency for secession. This situation has externalized our issues and opened the doors for foreign interference in our internal affairs. Thus was the opportunity created for India to force down our throat the 13th A, which hangs over us like a Sword of Damocles, with the potential to cut our country into two. Its offspring, the provincial councils, have the potential to ruin our economy. They do not serve any purpose except provide another stage for the corrupt politicians to train their hand for bigger things, when they eventually get promoted to the parliament.

Further this farce has paved the way for western powers to help bring about a regime change, and then take a tight grip of our collective neck and force our government to obey their dictates. The government is forced to accept that war crimes have been committed and therefore the war heroes have to be punished, enact adverse laws such as the Office of the Missing Persons Act, Truth Commission, Reparation Bill and so on. An ill-defined process called Reconciliation and Prevention of Recurrence is being peddled as the reason for all these dubious acts, which in fact have only one purpose and that is to tighten the hegemonic grip. Reconciliation is something that cannot be achieved by being biased towards one party to the conflict while being unfair to the other.

The worst is yet to come and that is the proposed new constitution which is one of the recommendations of the UNHRC Resolution. Immense pressure will be brought upon the government at the Geneva UNHRC Conference to expedite the process of constitution reforms, in order to bring about Reconciliation and Prevention of Recurrence. The new constitution would create a grotesque “Ekiya / Orumitta Nadu” out of the present unitary state. Would this solve the so called ethnic problem? It would further deepen the chasm created by the politicians and jeopardize the peace and harmony that exists at present. How could such an outcome be beneficial to anybody, least of all the Tamils? Our misfortune is that there are no statesmen on either side of the ethnic divide, who have the vision and the courage to rise above opportunist communal politics, and tell the people that it is to the greater good that the country stays as one entity. Ordinary Tamils must realize that peace and harmony cannot be achieved by insisting on punishing war winning soldiers who saved the country. If real peace and harmony is to be achieved, forget and forgive is the best policy for both sides and not punishment to one side and reparation to the other.

If the people, the Sinhalese, the Tamils and the Muslims realize that if they could get together despite their politicians, the need for the burdensome politics, presidency, PC and so many costly elections would not be necessary. The intellectuals and statesmen, if there are any, must work towards that goal and rally the people for that purpose. Let both the presidency and the 13th A be abolished. Let all ethnic communities share power in the centre. Let the people find unity in diversity, and not allow foreign powers, who have made war instead of peace and never achieved reconciliation anywhere in the world, tell us how to do it. Unless we do that we are doomed in the claws of these vultures, both local and foreign.

Last chance to use Naseby’s revelations squandered Sri Lanka co-sponsors UK-led accountability resolution

March 6th, 2019

By Shamindra Ferdinando Courtesy The Island

President Maithripala Sirisena, who is also the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces yesterday (March 06) said that he was trying to settle issues arising out of Geneva Resolution 30/1 co-sponsored by Sri Lanka in Oct 2015 through dialogue and consensus.

President Sirisena warned that he would deal firmly with those pursuing strategies contrary to his policy. Asserting that it was an internal issue of the government, he emphasized the foreign policy was the prerogative of the President.

article_image

Sirisena faulted those who he described as having acted secretly in respect of the Geneva issue.

President Sirisena said so when The Island sought an explanation from him at his regular meeting with editors of both the print and electronic media and media proprietors at the President’s House as to why a three-member delegation was to be sent to the ongoing 40th session of the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) at taxpayers’ expense against the backdrop of the government having already co-sponsored the latest Resolution titled ‘Promoting reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka’.

Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative to the UN in Geneva top career diplomat Ambassador A.L.A. Azeez endorsed the latest resolution following instructions from Colombo even before the informal discussion on the draft, The Island learns. Azeez succeeded Ambassador Ravinatha Aryasinha in April last year.

A section of the media last week quoted President Sirisena as having said that the government was considering withdrawing from co-sponsoring the resolution.

Referring to explosive disclosure made by Lord Naseby in the House of Commons in Oct 2017 on the basis of once classified wartime British High Commission dispatches from Colombo (January-May 2009) to clear Sri Lanka of unsubstantiated war crimes allegations the basis for Oct 2016 Geneva Resolution, The Island also asked President Sirisena why the relevant evidence weren’t so far presented in Geneva. The Island pointed out that the ongoing constitution making process was based on the Sri Lankan government’s understanding with the Geneva body.

The President defended the decision to send a special delegation to Geneva.

Lord Naseby told The Island sometime ago that the relevant documents were made available to both the government and former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s group for further action. The documents secured with the intervention of the UK Information Commissioner’s Office after the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) turned down Lord Naseby’s Nov 06, 2014 request placed the number of dead at 7,000 to 8,000 not 40,000 as alleged. Of the 7,000 to 8,000 killed one fourth was categorized as LTTE combatants. The British reports also asserted that Sri Lanka never deliberately targeted civilians.

Before the question and answer session, President Sirisena said that he would be sending a three-man delegation comprising Ministers, Dr. Sarath Amunugama and Mahinda Samarasinghe and Northern Province Governor Dr. Suren Raghavan. Dr. Raghavan, who succeeded Reginald Cooray in January this year sat next to the President.

President Sirisena said that he was exploring ways and means of resolving what he called a knotty problem. Sirisena said that the continuing international pressure was inimical to the country. The President also said that he expected a favourable response from Geneva to his call to leave the past aside and move forward.

The President said that the war was brought to a successful conclusion nearly a decade ago.

He vowed to reveal those working secretly contrary to his efforts to clear the military of war crimes accusations propagated by the likes of South African Yasmin Sooka.

The UNSG’s panel which accused Sri Lankan Army of massacring 40,000 civilians comprised Sooka, Steven Ratner and Marzuki Darusman (Chairman).

The UK has led the operation against Sri Lanka in the absence of the US responsible for the Oct 2015 Resolution and sponsored the latest. The US quit the Geneva body last year calling it a cesspool of political bias.

The Resolution essentially endorsed the full implementation of the Oct 2015 Resolution co-sponsored by Sri Lanka.

Many an eyebrows has been raised over the reference to Oct 2018 constitutional coup that arose in Sri Lanka from Oct to Dec 2018 in the latest Resolution.

Authoritative sources told The Island that Sri Lanka had deliberately squandered the last chance to use Lord Naseby’s disclosure based on British wartime dispatches from Colombo, to clear its name of any willful wrongdoing.

Sri Lanka brought the war to a successful conclusion in May 2009.

Since the change of government, foreign affairs portfolio was held by Mangala Samaraweera (January 2015 to May 2017), Ravi Karunanayake (May 2017 to Aug 2017) and Tilak Marapana (Aug 2017 to Oct 2018), Dr. Sarath Amunugama (Oct 2018 to Dec 2018) and Marapana returned to the Foreign Ministry last Dec.

Minister Marapana in late Nov 2018 assured parliament during an adjournment debate on the Geneva situation that Lord Naseby’s disclosure would be used at an appropriate time and venue.

Figures in Budget 2019 incorrect: Gammanpila

March 6th, 2019

 Sheain Fernandopulle Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Figures of the government revenue stated in the Budget proposal 2019 are erroneous, Pivithuru Hela Urumaya (PHU) leader Udaya Gammanpila said today.

Addressing a news briefing he said some figures have been exaggerated with a motive of hiding government’s actual economic picture.

The Government had estimated in the budget that its revenue would be increased by 22% from 2018 (Rs.2,025 billion) to 2019 (Rs.2,464 billion). However, when considering the percentage change in government’s income from 2017 to 2018, it has only been increased by 5%,” Mr. Gammanpila said.

At this backdrop, how could be the income increased by 22% in the year 2019 which is really harsh for the country in terms of loan repayments,” the MP added.

He said the actual income that could be acquired by the government is Rs.2,100 billion. However, by showing erroneous figures on the income, the government is trying to show that there is a little budget deficit whereas in reality, it is not so,” he said.

According to the budget, the government can obtain Rs.2,079 billion as loans. However, in reality, they would have to obtain Rs.2,443 billion. Meanwhile, he said anyone with a half-a-brain would not support the 20th Amendment.

When asked about the party’s stance on the 20th amendment, he said the joint opposition-affiliated parties unanimously came to consensus in 2018, that they would not support the 20th Amendment. After that, we have not yet come to a common decision,” he added.

Ban lifted on ’Angampora’: Wellessa heroes honoured

March 6th, 2019

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The Cabinet decided today to lift the ban imposed by the British rulers in 1818 on the indigenous marshal art called ‘Angampora’.

Housing Construction and Cultural Affairs Minister Sajith Premadasa submitted the cabinet paper in this regard, and it was approved even with the support of President Maithripala Sirisena.

Earlier, Air Force Commander Kapila Jayampathy also said at the ceremony that he requested the President to lift the ban. A gazette notification will be issued later in consequent to this approval lifting the ban. On October 6, 1818, English Governor Robert Brownrigg banned the ‘Angampora’ tradition after the Wellassa uprising.

President Maithripala Sirisena, in December, 2016, cancelled Gazette No: 851 issued by English Governor Brownrigg in January 10, 1818 that listed 19 Kandyan leaders, including Keppetipola Disawe, as traitors.

The President declared the 19 leaders who fought for the freedom of the country to be national heroes on that occasion. In a tweet, the President said at that time, After 198 years, I cleared the names of the Wellassa heroes, including Monarawila Keppetipola.”

Those who received the national hero’ status on the special order issued by President Sirisena on December 8, 2016 are Keppetipola Disawe, Kiwlegedara Mohottale, Godagedara Rate Adikaram, Ketakala Mohottaale, Maha Bethmaraale, Kuda Bethmaraale, Polgolla Mohottaale, Watte Kale Mohottaale, Polgahagedara Rehenaraale, Posrewatta Vidane, Yalagombe Mohottaale, Udumadure Mohottaale, Kohukumbure Rateraale, Kohukumbure Walawwe Mohottaale, Butuwe Rateraale, Baginigahawela Rateraala, Mahabadulle Gammane Rateraale, Bulupitiye Mohottaale and Palle Melheyaye Gamethiraale. These are the 19 Kandyan leaders who were branded traitors by the British Government for spearheading the Uva Wellassa riot in 1818. (Kelum Bandara)

Drugs confiscated at BIA destroyed on April 01 – President

March 6th, 2019

Courtesy Adaderana

The large stocks of drugs confiscated at recent raids will be dissolved and chemically destroyed under scientific methods in the presence of magistrates and judiciary officers at Katunayake on 01st of April, stated the President.

President Maithripala Sirisena outlined the new program in his campaign against illicit drugs, today (06), according to President’s Media Division.

Addressing heads of media institutions, editors of newspapers and directors electronic media institutions at the President’s House today (March 6), the President said the campaign against drug smuggling has produced excellent results during the last three months since he took over the Police under his wing. He thanked the Police, Narcotics Bureau, Special Task Force, Coast Guards, Customs and Excise Departments for producing good results in anti-drug raids and detections.

Answering a question, President Sirisena said that he had not changed his mind about carrying out capital punishment against repeated drug smugglers who continue to indulge in drugs smuggling and distribution while in prison. He said that those who are against capital punishment should understand the catastrophe caused to the young generation by these criminals.

The President said the police and other agencies have done a good job even without sophisticated technical equipment for drugs detection and promised that the best available technical equipment will be purchased shortly. Already quotations have been called from the United States and Israel, the manufacturers of most sophisticated equipment.

He said early steps would be taken to recruit more policemen, especially Tamil speaking policemen to be posted to Tamil speaking areas. Immediately, 2,500 police personnel will be recruited. The President also referred to the grievances of women constables and said he would look into their issues pertaining to promotions and transfers.

Enough evidence against Nalaka de Silva on assassination plot – CID

March 6th, 2019

Courtesy Adaderana

The Criminal Investigation Department (CID) and the Attorney General’s Department have determined that there is sufficient and clear evidence to prove that the former DIG Nalaka de Silva’s involvement in the alleged VIP assassination plot.

When the case was taken up today (06), the CID and the AG Department have informed the Fort Magistrate with this regard.

The Deputy Solicitor General Dileepa Peiris, representing the Attorney General, informed the court that former DIG Nalaka de Silva had connections with the recently arrested underworld kingpin ‘Makndure Madush’ and singer Amal Perera who was arrested along with Madush. The former DIG had acted clandestinely in order not to reveal his connections to these persons, added the Deputy Solicitor General.

Considering the information presented, Fort Magistrate Ranga Dissanayake, directed the CID to produce a report on evidence against Nalaka de Silva, at the next hearing.

Accordingly, former DIG Nalaka de Silva was further remanded until 19th of March, as per the order of the Magistrate.

Director (Operations) of Anti-Corruption Movement, Namal Kumara, on September, had uncovered information of a conspiracy to assassinate President Maithripala Sirisena and former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa and the alleged conversations that he has had with former DIG Nalaka de Silva regarding the matter and other controversial topics.

The CID subsequently commenced investigations regarding the alleged conspiracy and has recorded statements from both Namal Kumara and the former DIG on multiple occasions.

Sri Lanka U-turns on war crimes probe

March 6th, 2019
Colombo, (AFP) – Sri Lanka’s president went back Wednesday on pledges to the UN Human Rights Council to investigate war-time atrocities, saying he did not want to re-open old wounds”.

Sri Lankan government troops were accused of killing at least 40,000 ethnic Tamil civilians in the final months of the island’s 37-year guerrilla war that ended in May 2009.

President Maithripala Sirisena said he will formally ask the United Nations rights body to reconsider a 2015 resolution which called for credible investigations into alleged atrocities.

Sri Lanka considering withdrawal of co-sponsorship of UNHRC resolution on war crimes

It is a decade since we have established peace in this country,” Sirisena told reporters at his official residence in Colombo. I want to tell them (the UN) not to pressure us.”

What I want to tell them is don’t dig the past and re-open old wounds. Let us forget the past and ensure that we all live in peace.”

Soon after coming to power in January 2015, Sirisena pledged to ensure accountability for war-time abuses.

The UN has estimated that over 100,000 people were killed during the guerrilla war.

Exactly two years ago, Sirisena bought two years from the UN rights body after a previous deadline ended without any progress in bringing war criminals to justice.

A UN Human Rights Council resolution in October 2015 granted Sri Lanka 18 months to establish a credible investigation. The two-year extension expires this month with no results.

Sirisena said he will send three of his senior party members to the UNHRC sessions in Geneva this month to plead on his behalf.

I hope they (the UN) will respond positively,” Sirisena said.

Despite previous pledges to the UN, Sirisena has not set up any investigation.

Top UN diplomats had expressed concern over worryingly slow” progress by Colombo.

Sirisena, a member of the majority Sinhalese community, received the support of the Tamil minority after promising accountability for excesses carried out by the largely Sinhalese military.

The UN has acknowledged that Colombo made some positive advances on constitutional and legal reforms, limited land restitution and symbolic gestures towards reconciliation.

But it has also cautioned that the measures taken under Sirisena were inadequate, lacked coordination and a sense of urgency.

Sri Lanka tells foreign construction companies to enter into joint ventures with local contractors

March 6th, 2019

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Colombo, March 6 (newsin.asia) – The Sri Lankan government, on Wednesday said that foreign construction companies who wanted to bid for local projects in the island country would only be allowed to do so by entering into a joint venture with a local construction or consultancy company.

In its budget proposals for 2019, Finance Minister Mangala Samaraweera said the decision was taken to support and strengthen the local construction industry.
No foreign construction company will be allowed to tender for Government projects, unless the project is fully foreign financed, without forming a joint venture with a local construction or consultancy company. This will support the local companies to benefit from the transfer of technology,” Samaraweera said.

The Minister added that in order to support the property development sector as well, the government proposed to grant residential visas for 3 years to foreign nationals who invested a minimum of US 400,000 dollars or more in condominiums.
This process will be implemented this year. This residential visa will not be valid when the foreigner exits from this investment, Samaraweera said.
Samaraweera, on Tuesday presented the government’s budget for 2019, providing several incentives for Sri Lankan citizens especially those living below the poverty line.
The budget was taken up for debate on Wednesday.

Future Vision for SriLanka Governing Strategy – HE Gotabaya Rajapaksa (GR)

March 5th, 2019

Kanthar Balanathan DipEE(UK), GradCert(RelEng-Monash), DipBus&Adm(Finance-Massey), CEng., MIEE

Past Governance History:

  1. DS Senanayake – The First PM of SriLanka (SL) was DS Senanayake, a planter by occupation who managed his brother’s graphite mines etc. He was into rubber and tea plantations. (Ref: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/D._S._Senanayake) Though he was the father of the nation who effectively carried out the Structural Transformation”, failed in politics by disfranchising one million upcountry Tamils. He could have achieved his goal before independence but waited until independence to gain cheap popularity ending in catastrophic failure.
  2. SWRD Bandaranaike – This guy although was an old student of the Oxford University, ended up with a shattering calamitous failure in life been killed by his own people. Let us view his political activity of Sinhala ONLY ACT within 24 hours on a scientific domain.: The momentum of a particle depends on the velocity of the particle. 50 kg moving at 10 m/sec will have a momentum of 500 kg. m/sec or 500 N sec. The same 50 kg particle traveling at 100 m/sec will have a momentum of 5000 kg. m/sec or 5,000 N sec. The difference of an impulsive decision of an enactment that can hurt citizens could be explained by momentum theory. SWRD was a total failure with NIL scientific knowledge.
  3. JR Jayawardhane – JRJ sold his country to the Indians and the Tamils in India. A coward by nature, although demonstrating false heroic features, brought economic downfall and needless displacement of SriLankan Tamils neural activities and providing room to mushroom politicians giving birth to disturb the political SL is in a state of untidiness, disarray, and chaos now. People should read about the bribery and corruption of the NPC since 2013 (JRJ’s child). There was no development since CVW became the CM.
  4. Ranil W – Needless to explain here as people in SriLanka and overseas have a thorough understanding.

Provincial Councils     – The birth of PCs has blocked SL’s economic, technological and industrial growth, proliferated bribery, and corruption 11 times as there are eleven PCs. SL should PREPARE to revoke and bring governance under one government from Colombo for economic benefits.

Future Vision for SriLanka:

With the limited resources, SL should review her political strategy for people to contend. Every Tom, Dick, and Harry from the North & South are leaving SL to develop foreign countries. Some Sinhala people have changed their names from Sinhala to Western names. It is a mystery as to why these Buddhist people change their names after moving to the West.

Today’s state of SL is and was as a result of incompetent leaders and politicians. They had no Core Values or goals to achieve except accruing wealth, which indicate their intelligence and patriotism. No politician from SL can be compared to Abraham Lincoln, George Washington, J. F Kennedy, OR Sir W Churchill or Mahatma Gandhi.

What should be the future vision for SL? AN example from future-vision.com.au.

Quote: http://future-vision.com.au/     –Future Vision is our ability to combine elements of the past, present, and future to design a bespoke accommodation strategy that will see your business thrive.  It can be applied to an existing workplace or be used to design a new environment in a new location.

Maybe this applies to Business, however, this can be applied to modeling up a political strategy.

Combine the elements of the past and present:  Racism, unsolicited, undesirable separatism, rebellious act on decentralizing governance. Racial violence, terrorist activities, communist activities, and try to drive the country to be governed on a communistic platform, pursuing/ dogging Tamil/Sinhala the only language in governance, challenging Tamil governor to be appointed to the NPC, and multitude of irregular and idiotic thoughts by the TRISTAR ethnic groups of SL. There is a multitude of shortfalls in the governance of SL by our politicians. Root Cause is they do not think. After all the God has given us a brain for neural activities to better our country for our brothers, and sisters. Example of a degree of racism: When a writer discussed constructing a water reservoir in the North, a Sinhala writer commented that there shall be NO RIVER FOR JAFFNA”. Of course, there can be no river in Jaffna because there are no mountains. It is an indication of pure racism as a result of his/her neurophysiological incapability. Another example: Tamils who cannot understand/speak English who illegally crossed over by BOAT to Australia are surviving and developing their skills to learn English. Why do we then need a Tamil Governor to the NPC?

What can we do?

Every ethnic group shall rid of xenophobic attitude, protesting people drift from the South to the North, obstructing and blocking freedom of practicing religion (Buddhism), rid of JIHAD policy, accepting living under one government, rid of bribery and corrupt zeal.

After all, if Sinhalese are prepared to change their names to Western names from Buddhism, and Tamils are prepared to learn Italian, Ukranian, Spanish, Balkan languages, why not they live in SL  learn English and Sinhalese and build SL. The interior drive is wealth for the Sri Lankans.

What can be done to achieve this goal?  Voters must know whom they are voting to govern. The Presidential candidate should be competent in the following: Strength, Integrity, Relationships, Strong vision, and should be able to offer Delegation and Accountability”, Psychological analytical capability, strong decision making, authenticity, relationship with his subordinates and portfolio holders free from partisan politics.

Quote: Please visit page https://www.state.gov/s/d/rm/rls/dosstrat/2007/html/82950.htm, and study what is the S Gs required to govern. Example, Quote; Strategic Goal 1: Achieving Peace and Security

  • Counterterrorism
  • Weapons of mass destruction and destabilizing conventional weapons
  • Security cooperation and security sector reform
  • Conflict prevention, mitigation, and response
  • Transnational crime
  • Homeland security

Of course, LTTE was equipped with some gas weapons for mass destruction and GOSL should be worried about such weapons in SL. Ref: https://www.state.gov/s/d/rm/rls/dosstrat/2007/html/82950.htm

We have seen so many leaders come and go in SL, however, no one was able to place a counterattack against LTTE, which was led by an 8th standard educated boy, for 30 years. Of the lot, Mahinda Rajapaksa was a capable leader who was able to wipe out terrorism and progress on development. No one can dispute this. However, some wicked, corrupt, unscrupulous, elements crawled into portfolios by wiping MR’s legs. Today the existing GOSL elements are posing a threat of dividing the nation by giving autonomous powers to PCs which is detrimental to the sovereignty of this nation on a 10-year horizon.

Considering the past and present threats, and to maintain peace, harmony, security, progress, and economic and technological growth, it is intelligent and sagacious for the people of Sri Lanka to elect Mr. Gotabaya Rajapaksa as the forthcoming president of Sri Lanka, as GR is the only suitable, fit and proper leader in Sri Lanka. The President shall be the chief executive of this nation of Sri Lanka.

THE TAMIL LANGUAGE IN SRI LANKA Part 11

March 5th, 2019

KAMALIKA PIERIS

The Tamil lobby has been deeply committed to seeing that the Tamil language was firmly entrenched in Sri Lanka. They have gone into every little aspect of the matter including Tamil typewriters.

The Tamil lobby watched carefully to see whether the provisions for Tamil were followed in the state and public administration. The lobby pointed out that all members of Parliament are entitled to work in his or her own language and get documents in the language of his or her preference. Instead, Tamil MPs were sent documents in Sinhala. Only the Parliament and Colombo Municipal Council has facilities for simultaneous translation of the proceedings, the lobby complained in 2006.

Tamil speaking members of Provincial Councils and Local Authorities outside of the North and East are unable to conduct official business in their own language, complained the Tamil lobby in 2008,  nor are they  offered simultaneous interpretation, with the exception of the Western Provincial Council and Colombo Municipal Council.

They are entitled to receive communications and transact business in Tamil; instead, they are sent communications in Sinhala and to a lesser extent in English. Minutes of meetings and proceedings are not given in all three languages the lobby continued. In the Central Provincial Council where 40% are Tamil MPs, proceedings are in Sinhala. Provincial councils and local authorities continue to publish orders, proclamations, rules, by-laws and regulation as well as circulars and forms solely in the language of administration and without translation into English as required.

The Tamil lobby   was greatly concerned about the provision of services in Tamil in the Police stations and the law courts. In 2003, when the Parliamentary Select Committee on the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka., visited Jaffna and held meetings, they were told that the police stations in the peninsula did not record statements and complaints in Tamil. They were maintained only in Sinhala.

Matters had not improved by 2017. Police took   down complaints in Sinhala and asked the Tamil public to sign. They also prosecute in Sinhalese and issue orders in Sinhalese to those in court. They simply assume that it is our duty to know Sinhalese and get angry when we do not understand. We are reduced to behaving like cattle, complained Tamil public.

The court sergeant bellows in Sinhalese, a few understand and follow his orders and the rest of us like cattle follow those who do what the sergeant demanded. Intermediaries have developed who can come in and help, said analysts.  These intermediaries know the procedures involved, have good contacts with the police and can fill the language gap.

There were other complaints. Traffic tickets are issued by policemen speaking only Sinhalese. The ticket is written in Sinhalese. ‘Just to find out the offence and the police station to which the driver needs to go, he or she needs to ask a Sinhalese to read it for him.’ Lastly, Tamil translation of the temporary licence is wrong and misleading. Only the English version speaks of a spot fine.

After the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment, it is a constitutional requirement that a police officer should acquire proficiency in a language other than in one’s mother tongue to gain the first promotion and should acquire knowledge of the third language for his or her next promotion.  However, this is not followed when promotions are granted to police officers in the country, said the Tamil lobby.

The Police Department in a report to the National Police Commission (NPC) in 2016, said 7,267 officers had completed a Tamil language training course since 2010. The Police Department plans to train a further 1,200 officers in 2017, it said. But this is a very small number, considering that the force consists of some 75,000 officers of lower rank, a majority of whom speak only Sinhala.

Moreover, Tamil speaking officers cannot be continually deployed in majority Tamil-speaking areas. Depending on service requirements, police are transferred every two years. You can’t keep Tamil-speaking officers indefinitely in the North and East. That will be like a punishment transfer,” said the authorities.

Minister Mano Ganesan had asked the OIC of a police station in Colombo, how he would deal with a complainant who knew only Tamil. The OIC had introduced him to a Tamil-speaking Sinhala officer who did that job. The Minister then struck up a conversation with him in Tamil. Within a minute, I found he could speak very little Tamil,” he recounted. The officer had no academic qualifications in Tamil. He had picked up bits from tuition classes. His skills were clearly inadequate for the task. Since the complaint is taken down in Sinhala and the complainant is required to sign it, the chance for error is high. What this underlines is the need for professional interpreters and translators in the State sector, said Ganesan.

In December 2017 attorney-at-law Kugathasan had accompanied a friend to the Jaffna police station to lodge a complaint. It was around 10.40 a.m. and there was a long queue. But even after one hour, the line did not move. When we inquired, we were told there was only one policeman conversant in Tamil and that he had been summoned by a senior police officer for an urgent matter, He returned over one-and-a-half hours later. And their turn came around 1.15 p.m.

The Tamils were also concerned about the non-use of Tamil in the   Law Courts. The Tamils have the right to file cases in Tamil, but Courts in the North and East are in Sinhalese said D Hoole in 2017. There is a scarcity of competent Sinhala to Tamil and Tamil to Sinhala interpreters and translators as well as Sinhala/Tamil to English and English to Sinhala/ Tamil. The translation of documents including court records, where the language of the court differs is subject to enormous delay and difficulty.

The  Official Languages Commission had recommended n 2008  that a fair number” of judges at all levels of the judiciary be conversant in all three languages to reduce their reliance on interpreters and translators. Mano Ganeshan told Parliament  in 2016, A panel of judges who can understand Tamil will be introduced in the future.

The Tamil language lobby was also concerned about   road and public transport information. They looked at all aspects of public travel. Here is a bouquet of observations. Instructions and notices relating to the regulation of road traffic must be displayed in all three languages along with international sign language, said the Tamil Lobby. Some of the traffic instructions are put out in Sinhala only, when internationally recognized traffic signs could also have been used.

All announcements made over the public address system in bus stations and buses should be in all three languages. Announcements in the main Fort Railway Station take place in both Sinhala and Tamil, said the Lobby approvingly,  except in some cases where they are made in Sinhala only when the trains do travel to supposedly non Tamil areas. Conductors of buses must be in a position to converse in at least two languages (Sinhala and Tamil) said the lobby.

All destination boards, travel notices, instructions Etc Island wide should be displayed in all three language, the lobby said in 2008. While street names in Colombo are in all three languages, bus routes are not, the Tamil lobby complained in 1998. By 2008, the main bus stations were, in a majority of instances, displaying destinations in both languages.  Most of the Sri Lanka Transport Board and private buses carry the destination boards in all three languages or at least in two languages, in Colombo by 2008.

However, researchers reported in 2014 that this was not so outside Colombo. Tudor Silva reporting on the language needs and services in selected bilingual administration divisions in Sri Lanka reported in 2014, that though it is mandatory that bus boards must run names in Sinhala, Tamil and English, they did not do so in all the DS areas they surveyed.

The fourth area looked at by the Tamil lobby was the use of Tamil in public administration. There were a series of circulars issued regarding using Tamil in the government sector. Here are some of them.

  • Cabinet Paper No. 08/0681/326/005 was on the need for including Tamil language terms for all government programmes where only Sinhala language terms have been used,
  • Extraordinary Gazette Notification 1620/27 was on the delegation of responsibilities for implementing Official Languages Policy.
  • Public Administration Circular 22/91 said that all formats/templates of public institutions should include information in Sinhala, Tamil and English languages. all forms/templates not complying with this provision should be withdrawn
  • Public Administration Circular 36/89 amended Chapter II of the Establishment Code to bring the EC into line with Official Languages Policy of Chapter IV of the Constitution.
  • Public administration department   issued a series of circulars. Public Administration Circular 51/90 dealt with action to be taken by all secretaries of ministries, chief secretaries of provincial councils, department’s heads and chairmen of corporations for the purpose of implementing the Official Languages Policy.   Public Administration Circular 22/91 dealt with the formats/templates of public institutions that should now carry information in Sinhala, Tamil and English languages. All forms//templates not complying with parameters of this provision should be withdrawn from usage.
  • Public Administration Circular 15/2009 said that all secretaries of ministries, chief secretaries of provincial councils, departments heads and chairmen of corporations should take necessary action to adhere to provisions stipulated in Chapter IV of the Constitution with regard to the languages as per the advice provided in [earlier circulars]

Once Tamil became a state language the Tamil lobby   took it upon themselves to supervise the implementation of the law. They had a series of complaints to make regarding the use of Tamil in Sri Lanka.

The Tamil language lobby focused first of all, on notices and sign boards. They regularly complained about the lack of trilingual notices in public places. This is something the Tamil lobby was very watchful about. Provincial councils in general and some central government departments have failed to display signage in both official languages and English, complained the lobby in 2008. Local authorities have persistently failed to display street signs in all three languages despite reminders.  Similarly all announcements made to the public should be in all three languages, said the Tamil language lobby.

Name boards, designation boards, notices and instructions in government departments and police stations should be displayed in all three languages.  Notices and sign boards in government and private places should be in Tamil as well, they said. Name boards in   government offices are not in Tamil, complained Nesiah in 2012.   Even simple and low cost measures such as having all name and direction boards and notices in Sinhala and Tamil had not been taken in most offices, he said.  Hospitals did not display its notices in all three languages  observed the lobby in 2008.

The Tamil   language lobby regularly complains that Tamil speakers receive government letters in Sinhala. This is repeated over and over again. ‘Tamils still continue to receive letters from the government in Sinhala much to their inconvenience and humiliation, wept the Tamil lobby.  Tamils could correspond with the government in Tamil but very often the reply came in Sinhala, the Tamils resented this. Tamil undergraduates in the Open University and University of Colombo were expected to fill in forms which are only in Sinhala. Letters are sent in Sinhala to the English Department of the University of Kelaniya.  The letters should have been accompanied by translations in English, said the lobby.

The lobby found that Tamil typewriters were not available or were in short supply in many offices. In some offices there were one or two Tamil typewriters but no Tamil typists. There was also a shortage of Tamil stenographers. The lobby wanted these rectified.

In 2008, the lobby found that there were no Tamil translators at the Magistrates court, Mount Lavinia. The electoral register was not in Tamil.There were no Tamil speaking grama niladharis in Badulla district, and birth certificates were in Sinhala only.

Devanesan Nesiah, who was invited to make recommendations, wanted all public servants instructed to comply with Government policy in regard to the use of the national languages.   Most officers in the outstations do not know of the Public Administration Circulars 3 & 7 of 2007 relating to the use of Tamil language. There were other Public Administration Circulars which were also not heeded, the lobby said.

Nesiah suggested in 2012 that a circular setting out the language policy of the government in relation to the use of Tamil be jointly drafted by the Ministry of Public Administration and the Official Languages Commission, and circulated to all offices and sub-offices. The Circular should detail the obligations of the public servants in relation to dealings with Tamil speaking persons. Public Servants must be given clear directions regarding the Language Rights of the Public

The Centre for Policy Alternatives, headed by Pakiasothy Saravanamuttu was asked by the Ministry of official language to do a survey on the implementation of Official language policy in selected ministries.  49 ministries were studied and the report was issued in 2017. Here are some of the observations.

There were no language plans in place in 47 out of 49 ministries. A well-designed and approved language plan was in place only in one ministry. Some effort to implement language plans was observed in 8 ministries

Front office services in Sinhala and Tamil were available in 36 ministries.   However, only 9 of 43 websites followed Official Languages Policy the physical resources required to implement Official Languages Policy were available in 39 ministries. 38 ministries had the numbers of staff necessary for the proper implementation of Official Languages Policy. 5 ministries categorized staff according to language proficiencies. Language skill development programmes had been conducted in 21 ministries. 34 ministries had the capacity to respond in the same language as the letter as received.

Main name boards of the ministries complied with the Official Languages Policy. Some of the designation boards and other name boards did not. 70% of the 384 section name boards observed were in line with Official Languages Policy. 788 designation name boards were observed, out of which 43% complied with criteria set out by the Official Languages Policy. 223 other name boards were inspected out of which 46% were in line with Official Languages Policy.

The Centre for Policy Alternatives     made several recommendations. The CPA said The Ministry of National Co-Existence, Dialogue and Official Languages should take necessary action to review as to why Official Languages Policy is not properly implemented in ministries and institutions functioning under ministries.

The number of branch offices of the Official Language Commission should be increased. The Official Language Commission should conduct an annual language audit in order to review and assess the progress of implementation of Official Languages Policy at the national level. Language proficiency in writing, reading and speaking should be made compulsory for all new recruitments. The officers responsible for delivering the language policy should inform higher administrative authorities and policy makers about key issues and challenges encountered in implementing the Official Languages Policy. Staff who had language proficiency should be at most relevant service points.

The Official Languages Commission reported, in 2008, that it had  conducted language audits to ascertain the extent of implementation of the language policy. This exercise is not very rewarding, said the Commission. Almost every government office or public institution visited, said that the Ministry of Home Affairs and Public Administration had not provided them with the necessary personnel proficient in the Second Official Language to carry out the official languages policy. And the Ministry has not got the necessary resources either. The necessary number of personnel proficient in Tamil have not been recruited nor trained in sufficient numbers.

The Official Languages Commission   was also empowered to inquire into violations of language rights. Unfortunately the complaints are few,  the Commission said in 2008. The Commission receives only a handful of complaints each year, whether in writing or over the telephone. In 2005 a mere six written complaints were made, while an unspecified number were received by telephone as well as on the basis of media reports.

That does not mean everything is fine. A person whose language rights are violated may be more interested in getting his job done than making complaints said the Commission. Where services in Tamil are not available, Tamil speakers get their letters written in Sinhala by others who know Sinhala, (often paying a fee) and go to offices with persons who could help them with interpretation. (Continued)

 


Copyright © 2019 LankaWeb.com. All Rights Reserved. Powered by Wordpress