Tears and fears

October 29th, 2018

Editorial Courtesy The Island


Newly appointed Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa assumed duties yesterday morning at the Prime Minister’s Office while recently ousted Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe was occupying Temple Trees in protest against his removal, which he considers unconstitutional. It looks as if the UNP were occupying the wrong place in that what really matters is the Prime Minister’s Office and not Temple Trees as such. (We hope that we will not be accused of giving the UNP ideas!)

Opinion is divided on the constitutionality of Rajapaksa’s appointment as PM. The two sides to the dispute are peddling persuasive legal arguments. But neither of them can be expected to tell the public the truth because both of them are furthering the interests of the political parties they represent. Facts are being twisted and the Constitutional provisions given different interpretations.

All professions are conspiracies against the laity, as Bernard Shaw has famously said. The black-coated fraternity is the worst when it comes to deceiving the hapless public. We have many lawyers arguing for or against the recent change of government ad nauseam. People may buy into these arguments, depending on their political convictions.

There is no use making addresses to the jury of sorts on the current situation for the consumption of the public. The discerning people who are not blinded by political biases will not accept lawyers’ arguments. If they are to be convinced, the legal bigwigs, representing the two sides, will have to take their dispute to courts and get a ruling. Only the apex court is empowered to interpret the Constitution officially.

Meanwhile, some members of the international community have expressed their concern over the political situation here. They want the constitutional process followed and democracy safeguarded. Their statements will, no doubt, be a solace to the aggrieved party. But the question is how genuine their concerns about Sri Lankan democracy are. How many of them helped protect democracy here when it was threatened by terrorism? Didn’t they pressure Sri Lanka to give parity of status to the LTTE, which claimed to be the sole representative of Tamils though it did not have representation even in a local government body? They did not allow Tamil political parties to take part in ‘peace talks’ and tied the implementation of an aid pledge (USD 4.5 billion) to the progress to be made in negotiations with the Tigers. Where was their concern for democracy then? Sri Lanka saved its democracy from terrorism in spite of them.

President Maithripala Sirisena has crossed the Rubicon rightly or wrongly. However, it is certainly not curtains for the beleaguered Grand Old Party, which is no stranger to crises. It can open two escape routes—via Hulftsdorp and Sri Jayewardenepura.

The UPFA government is like a premature baby; it is still in the incubator of parliamentary prorogation. Its survival depends on the numbers game to be played in Parliament. Ironically, the Joint Opposition/Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna combine used to flay the UNP-led government for postponing elections to avoid defeat, and now it is delaying parliamentary sittings in a desperate bid to raise the required numbers and consolidate its power. Thirst for power always takes precedence over moral scruples in politics.

Whether President Sirisena acted within the confines of the Constitution in appointing the new PM may be debatable, but he is empowered to prorogue Parliament. It is highly unlikely that he will revoke the prorogation. Why his critics do not move the courts against Rajapaksa’s appointment is the question.

One can only hope that the UPFA and the UNP will act responsibly, without losing sight of the dark clouds of anarchic turmoil forming on the horizon.

The constitutionality of change in premiership

October 29th, 2018

By Neville Ladduwahetty Courtesy The Island


This is in response to comments that the removal of Ranil Wickremesinghe as Prime minister is unconstitutional. The justification for this claim is that since the UNP with 106 members has the majority in Parliament, he as leader of the UNP commands the “confidence of Parliament”, as stated in Article 42 (4) of the 19th Amendment. The identical wording relating to the appointment of a Prime Minister is contained in Article 43 (3) of the 1978 Constitution.

The irony is that Article 42 (4) is also stated as the basis for his removal in the letter forwarded to him. Therefore, since Article 42 (4) or Article 43 (3) cannot be the basis for his removal and also be the basis for him to remain as Prime Minister there is a need to examine and interpret Article 42 (4) in its full scope.

Article 42 (4) states: “The President shall appoint as Prime Minister the member of Parliament, who, in the President’s opinion, is most likely to command the confidence of Parliament”.

It is crystal clear that it is the “President’s opinion” that decides his choice. This overrides the issue of the person “likely to command the confidence of Parliament” on grounds of a majority in Parliament, even after the so called “Unity government” ceased to exist following the withdrawal of the UPFA from the government.

The reason for the primacy of the “President’s opinion” over the majority in Parliament or any other, is the fact that Sri Lanka’s Constitution is based on a Presidential system and not on a Parliamentary system. In Sri Lanka’s Constitution, Article 4 (b) states: “The executive powers of the People including the defence of Sri Lanka, shall be exercised by the President of the Republic elected by the People”.

ArtIcle 30 (1) of the 19th Amendment states: “There shall be a President of the Republic of Sri Lanka who is the Head of State, Head of the Executive and of the Government ….”

Furthermore, as per Article 42 (1) the Cabinet of Ministers shall be “charged with the direction and control of the Government”, and as per Article 42 (3) the President shall be “the Head of the Cabinet of Ministers”.

Therefore, in view of the Articles cited above and taking its contents individually and collectively it is abundantly clear that a President, elected by the People as the Head of the Executive and the Cabinet of Ministers who are collectively responsible to Parliament for the “direction and control of the Government”, has to have as a Prime Minister a person who in the President’s opinion would support him to guide the “direction and control of the Government”, rather than having a person whose ideology is at variance with that of the President; a fact that was reported to have been building up and which culminated at a recent Cabinet meetings. If the primary basis for appointing as the Prime Minister is the person who has the largest numerical majority in Parliament but who is ideologically different, it would be a fetter to the direction and control of the government. It is for this reason that the opinion of the President matters more than numerical majorities, particularly in instances where coalition governments are made up of ideologically disparate political parties.

This fact is starkly evident in US politics whenever the President is from one party and the majority in Congress is from another. Similar situations could arise in Sri Lanka too. Fortunately, in the case of Sri Lanka the Constitution provides for the President to exercise his prerogative in regard to his “opinion” in appointing the Prime Minister. This permits the Executive powers of the People to be exercised through the President, free of constraints of the Legislative Branch as in the US when circumstances arise. Therefore, even if the Executive under the President does not have a majority in Parliament all it could affect the passage of Legislation. Aside from this disadvantage, Executive activities could continue unabated as it does when a Provincial Council is dissolved, and the Executive functions of the People are exercised by the Governor. Therefore, there is nothing unconstitutional in whether the political party under an Executive President has a majority in Parliament or not. This is an inherent feature of the Separation of Powers. However, it should not be overlooked that although a majority in Parliament is not a constitutional necessity, it is needed to prevent a rejection of “Government Policy, or the Appropriations Bill or to pass a vote of no-confidence in the government” (Article 48 (2). Therefore, while the lack of a majority does not amount to a violation of the Constitution, a majority in Parliament becomes a matter for political survival.

In contrast, under a Parliamentary system there is no choice other than for the leader of the political party with the largest majority to be accepted as the Prime Minister, and as such, become the Head of the Cabinet of Ministers and the Government. Therefore, the claim that the measure adopted by the President in appointing former President Mahinda Rajapaksa as the Prime Minister being unconstitutional, has no basis whatsoever in the presidential system.

New Cabinet sworn in

October 29th, 2018

The new Cabinet of Ministers was sworn in before President Maithripala Sirisena at the Presidential Secretariat in Colombo, short while ago.

New Cabinet: 

Mahinda Rajapaksa: Minister of Finance and Economic Affairs

Nimal Siripala de Silva: Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation

Dr. Sarath Amunugama: Minister of Foreign Affairs

Mahinda Samarasinghe: Minister of Ports and Shipping

Mahinda Amaraweera: Minister of Agriculture

Ranjith Siyambalapitiya: Minister of Power and Renewable Energy

Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe: Minister of Education and Higher Education

Wijith Wijayamuni Zoysa: Minister of Fisheries & Aquatic Resources Development and Rural Economic Affairs

Faiszer Musthapha: Minister of Provincial Councils, Local Government, and Sports

Douglas Devananda: Minister of Resettlement, Rehabilitation, Northern Development, & Hindu Religious Affairs

Arumugam Thondaman: Minister of Hill Country New Villages, Infrastructure and Community Development

Vasantha Senanayake: Minister of Tourism and Wildlife

State Ministers:

Suresh Vadivel: State Minister of Plantation Industries

Deputy Ministers:

Ananda Aluthgamage: Deputy Minister of Tourism and Wildlife

Await more..

Wickremesinghe’s conduct was politically uncivilized, says Sirisena

October 29th, 2018

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Colombo, October 28 (newsin.asia): Resolutely defending his decision to sack Ranil Wickremesinghe from the Premiership Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena said on Sunday, that the former Prime Minister’s political conduct was uncivilized.

In an address to the nation on the circumstances which led him to dismiss Wickremesinghe and appoint in his place former President Mahinda Rajapaksa on Friday, Sirisena said that Wickremesinghe and his group of closest friends, who belonged to a privileged class and did not understand the pulse of the people, conducted themselves as if shaping the future of the country was a fun game they played.”

Wickremesinghe’s conduct was politically uncivilized, says Sirisena

Sirisena went on to say that Wickremesinghe’s political conduct was unbecoming of civilized politics.”

Once in the government, Mr Wickremesinghe arrogantly and stubbornly avoided collective decisions, and tended to take individual decisions. This behavior led to many conflicts.”

His efforts to correct Wickremesinghe had borne no fruit ,the President said.

When many senior leaders were around, I have suggested to him to work together and work collectively. I suggested to him that we should take our decisions after proper discussion to achieve the goals of good governance. However, he ignored the aspirations of over six million people.”

Ranil Wickremesinghe with Arjuna Mahendran

Central Bank Robbery”

Referring to the multi-million dollar Central Bank fraud and the fleeing of bank’s Governor Arjuna Mahendran, from the country, Sirisena said: The robbery of the Central Bank dragged our country into a deep crisis. As you know, we had not heard about such a big fraud of public finances in the history of Sri Lanka.”

The Central Bank robbery was an abortion of the pledge of good governance we had given to the people to eliminate corruption and fraud.”

About Wickremesinghe’s handling of the bank fraud, Sirisena said: At that time, Mr Wickremesinghe behaved very impatiently and restlessly. When I decided to visit the Central Bank and meet the staff of the Bank, I remember, he suddenly came to my residence and asked me: ‘The Central Bank belongs to me, why do you want to go there?” At that moment, I told him, It is true that it has been gazetted under your purview, but as the President of the country, I have the right to visit that place.”

Then, I appointed a commission to investigate into the Central Bank issue in response to people’s demand. When the Commission was carrying on the investigations independently, leaders of the UNP started pointing fingers at me. They asked why I appointed this commission.”

I wish to reiterate here that Mr Ranil Wickremesinghe must take the responsibility to bring Mr Arjuna Mahendran to Sri Lanka and produce him before courts. That is because, as everybody knows, Mr Arjuna Mahendran is a very close friend of Mr Ranil Wickremesinghe.”

Assassination Plot

Detailing the circumstances that led to the sudden appointment of Mahinda Rajapaksa as Prime Minister, the President referred to the alleged plot to assassinate him and the way Wickremesinghe handled that case.

Recently, a person called Namal Kumara came before the media and disclosed about a plot to assassinate me and Mr Gotabhaya Rajapaksa (former Defence Secretary). I handed over the task of investigations to Criminal Investigations Department. However, the Inspector General of Police did not assign the investigations to CID. Instead, it was given to another division. Then I realized that there was an issue of trust about the investigations.”

Within 48 hours of the disclosure made to the media by the person called Namal Kumara and investigations could be commenced on the plot, Inspector General of Police made a statement stating that there was a doubt about the voices in the tape recording provided by that person.”

I would like to raise the question, with respect, is it suitable for a Police chief to behave in such a shameless manner and express doubts about the recording, without seeking any technical expert advice on the tape recording, when there was a revelation that a plot was hatched to assassinate the President of the country?” Sirisena asked.

The reports provided by the CID and other investigating authorities including the Intelligence Bureau showed that this is a very serious matter. In this plot, there is a wide range of information which has not been disclosed to the public,” the President added.

Cabinet Minister Involved in Plot

In a shocking revelation, Sirisena said: There is also an involvement of a Cabinet Minister in this plot to assassinate me.”

Furthermore, there have been tremendous pressure on investigations. There were instances of some responsible officers of the Attorney General’s Department evading the investigation duties.”

Bribery and Corruption

Sirisena accused Wickremesinghe of blocking efforts to rein in bribery and corruption which were rampant.

Legal experts, Attorney-General’s Department, the members of the Commission on Bribery or Corruption and those who made investigations informed me earlier this year that it would take at least 15 years to punish the perpetrators of Central Bank Bond robbery under the existing laws in the country.”

The Commission on Bribery or Corruption and Attorney-General’s Department recommended to make some amendments to the Commission Act, so that the guilty persons could be sentenced within one year and recover the huge amount of money they had stolen.”

Accordingly, we drafted the amendments to the Act at the Presidential Secretariat and sent to the Parliament six months ago.”

However, the amendment was not submitted for five months. It got buried in the Office of the Leader of House. I made serious inquiries into this. I asked the officials of the Commission on Bribery or Corruption. I asked the officers in the Attorney-General’s Department.”

Finally, the Amendment Bill to Act on Commission on Bribery or Corruption was presented to Parliament. But I am sad to say that the Parliament postponed the approval of the Amendments Act indefinitely. Why was it deferred? For whose benefit? Due to pressure from whom?, ” Sirisena asked.

It would take 15 to 20 years to mete out punishment to the guilty persons. That is why the Amendments Act was postponed indefinitely,” he explained.

President Sirisena swearing in Mahinda Rajalaksa as Prime Ministeri

Fraudulent Deals

Referring to fraudulent deals, the President said that EAP company was given to a foreigner fraudulently without calling for tenders. There will be a thorough investigation on this in near future, ” he added.

Many valuable assets were given to foreigners without tenders. Construction awards were also given without tenders. The emergency cabinet papers were presented to award such tenders and massive construction awards were given despite objections at the cabinet.”

One such example is the Kandy Highway project. Another is the Land Ordinance Special Act, which was presented to Cabinet last week,” the President said.

Plot To Alienate Land To Foreigners

About the cabinet paper on the setting up of a land bank, the President said that it would have resulted in land going into the hands of foreigners easily.

I lodged strong protests and postponed those cabinet papers. Majority of Cabinet Ministers were against these proposals. If the last week’s Land Ordinance Special Act was passed by the Cabinet and then by the Parliament, all the lands of our Motherland could be bought outright by foreigners without any difficulty.”

This bill presented under the political and economic vision of Mr Ranil Wickremesinghe would adversely affect the land rights of the country must be totally blocked by us,” Sirisena said.

Economic Mismanagement

The President said that  the committee set up by  Wickremesinghe to manage the economy was totally fraudulent.

‘The decisions taken by that committee were fraudulent. It was a major challenge to abolish it. As an alternative to that committee, I have established the National Economic Council. Mr Ranil Wickremesinghe has taken everything possible to weaken that Commission.”

Mr Wickremesinghe took steps to prevent the Commission from functioning. I clearly state that this crisis situation has emerged due to Mr Wickremesinghe’s stubborn decisions,” the President said.

Dismissal Fully Constitutional

Sirisena asserted that the way in which Wickremesinghe was sacked and Rajapaksa was installed, was entirely constitutional.

Wickremesinghe and the UNP complain that the establishment of a new government and appointment of Mr Mahinda Rajapaksa as Prime Minister was contradictory to the provisions of the Constitution of Sri Lanka.

But I categorically state that the appointments were made totally in accordance with the Constitution and the on advice of legal experts. No constitutional violation was done when appointments were made and removal was enacted. With all respect, I completely reject the charge that what was done was a violation of the Constitution,” Sirisena asserted.

Invitation to  MPs to Join Govt.  

In conclusion, the President appealed to UNP members and the Buddhist clergy to support the new government headed by him and Rajapaksa.  

I extend an open invitation to all 225 honourable Members of parliament to join the new government. I do this with the pure intention of taking the country out of the present political crisis and economic problems,” he said.

END

Dr.Sarath Amunugama is Foreign Minister in new Lankan government

October 29th, 2018

President Maithripala Sirisena, by convention, continues to be Defense Minister. Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa takes the Ministry of Finance and Economic Affairs; Nimal Siripala de Silva is Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation;  Mahinda Samarasinghe is Minister of Ports and Shipping.

Dr.Sarath Amunugama is Foreign Minister in new Lankan  government

Mahinda Amaraweera is Minister of Agriculture. Ranjith Siyambalapitiya is Minister of Power and Renewable Energy; Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe is Minister of Education and Higher Education. Wijith Wijayamuni Zoysa becomes Minister of Fisheries & Aquatic Resources Development and Rural Economic Affairs.

Faiszer Musthapha is Minister of Provincial Councils, Local Government, and Sports; Douglas Devananda is Minister of Resettlement, Rehabilitation, Northern Development, & Hindu Religious Affairs; Arumugam Thondaman is Minister of Hill Country New Villages, Infrastructure and Community Development. Vasantha Senanayake is Minister of  Tourism and Wildlife.

Changes in the portfolios as compared with the previous government are marginal.

Only one State Minister was announced on Friday. Suresh Vadivel becomes State Minister of Plantation Industries. Suresh Vadivel is a defector from the Wickremesinghe;s United National Party (UNP).  The lone Deputy Minister is Ananda Aluthgamage, a defector from UNP. He will handle the Ministry of Tourism and Wildlife.

Suresh Vadivel and Arumugam Tondaman were also not in previous council of ministers.

Cabinet minister Arumugam Thondaman is from the Ceylon Workers’ Congress, a party of Indian Origin Tamil plantation workers. Douglas Devananda is from the Tamil-speaking Jaffna district of North Sri Lanka and represents the Eelam Peoples’ Democratic Front (EPDP). Suresh Vadivel is from Badulla ,a plantation district.  All three are Tamils but barring Devananda, who is the only Sri Lankan Tamil, others are of Indian origin.

Sirisena Faction Dominates First Lot

Except for the two defectors from the United National Front (UNF) led by Wickremesinghe, all the cabinet and junior ministers announced on Monday are from the Sirisena faction of the United Peoples’ Freedom Alliance (UPFA).

The cabinet as well as list of junior ministers will go up later this week, as MPs from the Rajapaksa faction of the UPFA and the Joint Opposition will have to be accommodated.

Cap Placed by 19 th.Amendment

On Monday only 12 cabinet ministers, one State Minister and a single Deputy Minister were appointed. But as per the 19 th.Amendment of the constitution, enacted in 2015,  the number of cabinet ministers could be up to thirty and the number of State and Deputy Ministers could be up to 40.

Therefore, many berths are vacant and these are expected to be allotted to members of the Rajapaksa-ed UPFA faction and defectors from Wickremesinghe’s UNF.

(The featured image at the top shows Sri Lanka’s new Foreign Minister,Dr.Sarath Amunugama)

China avoids commenting on Lankan crisis saying it’s an internal matter

October 29th, 2018

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Beijing, October 29 (newsin.asia):  China on Monday said the changes in Sri Lanka are its internal affairs and it believes that the Sri Lankan government, political parties and people have enough wisdom to deal with the internal situation.

Asked about China’s stand on the current political crisis in Sri Lanka considering that Beijing has made huge investments in that country, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Lu Kang  said:

China and Sri Lanka are friendly neighbors. We are closely following the changes in the situation in Sri Lanka. The changes in Sri Lanka are internal affairs. We believe the Sri Lankan Government, political parties and people have enough wisdom to deal with the internal situation,” he said.

China avoids commenting on Lankan crisis saying it’s an internal matter

China, he said will always follow the principle of non-interference in internal affairs of other countries.

On the question about the Chinese Ambassador in Sri Lanka Cheng Xueyuan meeting both Rajapaksa and Wickremesinghe, Lu said: We have maintained communication with relevant political parties in Sri Lanka. Chinese Ambassador met Wickremesinghe and the new Prime Minister and exchanged views on bilateral relations with the two.”

The reference Rajapaksa as new Prime Minister” by the spokesman was seen as significant by observers considering that Wickremesinghe maintains that he is still the Prime Minister.

(The featured image at the top shows Lu Kang, spokesman of the Chinese Foreign Ministry) 

එජාපයට මුදල් විසිකර බලයේ සිටීමට ඉඩදිය යුතු නෑ

October 29th, 2018

හබරකඩ – එස්. ප්‍රියලාල් / බොරලැස්ගමුව නිඳුවර අබේසිංහ උපුටාගැණීම  මව්බිම

මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ අගමැතිතුමා වටා අපි එකතු වෙන්න ඕනේ. අපි අපේ ජනබලය පෙන්විය යුතුයි. නීතියට මුවාවෙලා එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය තවදුරටත් බලයේ ඉන්න සූදානම් වෙන්න පුළුවන්. විවිධ බලවේග විශාල වශයෙන් මුදල් විසිකරන්න පුළුවන්. ඒ සියල්ල පරාජයට
පත්කරන්න සූදානම් විය යුතු යැයි
ආරක්ෂක අමාත්‍යංශයේ හිටපු ලේකම් ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතා පෙරේදා (27දා) පන්නිපිටිය, ඇරැව්වලදී පැවැසීය.

ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතා මෙසේ අදහස් පළ කළේ පන්නිපිටිය, ඇරැව්වල විජයසිරිවර්ධනාරාම විහාරස්ථානයේ ක්‍රීඩා පිටියේ පැවැති “එළිය” සම්මන්ත්‍රණයට සහභාගි වූ අවස්ථාවේදීය.

එහිදී වැඩිදුරටත් අදහස් දැක්වූ ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතා මෙසේද කීය,
මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ධුරයේ දිවුරුම් දීම නීත්‍යනුකුල බවත් ව්‍යවස්ථාවට එකඟ බවත්
නීතිඥයන් විසින් පැහැදිලි කළා. නමුත් බලයට ආපු දවසේ ඉඳලා හොරකම් කරපු දේශපාලන විරුද්ධවාදීන්ගෙන් පළිගත්තු අසරණ මිනිස්සු හිරේ දාපු, රණවිරුවන් කිසිම හේතුවක් නැතුව හිරගෙවල්වල දාපු, මේ රටේ බුද්ධි අංශ නිලධාරීන් සිරගත කරපු ආණ්ඩුව ඔවුන්ගේ බලය අතහරින්න බියේ දිගින් දිගටම කෑ ගහනවා.

මහින්ද සුළඟ, මැයි දින පෙළපාළිය නුවර ඉඳලා කොළඹට ආ පා ගමන තුළින් ජනතාව ජනාධිපතිතුමාගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටියේ මේ ආණ්ඩුව පෙරළලා මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා අගමැති කරලා ආණ්ඩුවක් බිහිකරන්න කියලා. ඒ වගේම මේ රටේ බිහිවුණු ළාබලතම දේශපාලන පක්ෂය වන ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණ ඉදිරිපත් වුණු පළමුවැනි ඡන්දෙන්ම ඓතිහාසික ජයග්‍රහණයක් ලබාගත්තා. ඒ විශාල ජයග්‍රහණයෙනුත් ජනතාව දුන් පණිවුඩය තමයි රට වැටිලා තියෙන ඛේදවාචකයෙන් බේරගන්න කියලා.

ජනතාව බලාපොරොත්තු වුණෙත් අපි බලාපොරොත්තු වුණෙත් මැතිවරණයක් හරහා අපිට මේ ආණ්ඩුව පෙරළන්න පුළුවන් වෙයි කියලා. නමුත් ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍ර විරෝධී 19 වැනි ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය ගෙනත් අවුරුදු හතරහමාරක් බලයේ ඉන්න සූදානම් වුණේ. නමුත් මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන ජනාධිපතිතුමා අවුරුදු තුනහමාරක් බලාගෙන සිටියා මේ ආණ්ඩුව මේ රටේ සංවර්ධනය අඩාල කිරීම, ආර්ථික කඩාවැටීම, රටේ ස්වෛරී භාවය, රටේ ඒකීය භාවය නැතිකරන්නට ගෙන ආ ඒ නව ව්‍යවස්ථා ප්‍රයත්න, රණවිරු දඩයම වගේ රටට ඔබින්නේ නැති ක්‍රියාවලින් රට එන්න එන්නම අගාධයට යන දිහා බලාගෙන ඉඳලා එතුමා ඥානාන්විත තීරණයක් ගත්තා. මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ හිටපු ජනාධිපතිතුමාට ආණ්ඩුවක් පිහිටුවන්නට අවස්ථාව ලබාදීලා එතුමා මේ රටේ අගමැති වශයෙන් පත්කළා. අපිට තවමත් අමතක කරන්න බෑ. මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ ආණ්ඩුව පෙරළන්න මුල්වනු සියලුම බලවේග අද තවමත් ඒ ආකාරයෙන්ම තියෙනවා. ඒ බලවේගවල ක්‍රියාවන් නවත්වාවි කියලා අපිට හිතන්න බෑ. ඒ නිසා මේ බලවේග විසින් අපි ලබාගත්තු මේ ජයග්‍රහණය නැවත උදුරා ගැනීම වැළැක්වීම මේ රටේ ජනතාවගේ වගකීමක්.

මානව හිමිකම් ගැන ඉහළ මට්ටමින් කථාකරන නිදහස ගැන කතා කරන මිනිසුන්ගේ නිදහස ගැන කතාකරන ඒ පුද්ගලයෝ මොනතරම් නින්දිත අයුරින් ජනාධිපතිවරයාට ආමන්ත්‍රණය කළාද කියලා ජනතාව දැක්කා. ඔවුන්ගේ දේශපාලන වෛරී ගමන එයින්ම පැහැදිලි වෙනවා. මේ රටට නිදහස ගෙනාපු රටේ සෑම පුද්ගලයෙක්ම ආදරය කරන මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමාට මොතරම් වෛරයකින් කතා කළාද කියලා ජනතාව දන්නවා. නීතිය කියන්නේ ජනතාවගේ අවශ්‍යතාව, ව්‍යවස්ථාව කියන්නේ ජනතාවගේ බලය. ඒ ජනතා බලයට විරුද්ධව කාටවත් යන්න පුළුවන් කමක් නැහැ. මේ ජනතා බලයත් එක්ක ලබාපු මේ විජයග්‍රහණය අපි ආරක්ෂා කළ යුතුයි.

අපි සෑම දෙනාගේම වගකීම මේ රටේ ආර්ථික අතින් සංවර්ධනය අතින් ආරක්ෂාව අතින් සෑම අතින්ම වැටිලා තිබුණු තැනින් ගොඩගැනීම අපේ වගකීම සහ යුතුකම වෙනවා. විජාතික බලවේග මේ රටේ ජනතාවගෙන් කොටසක් මුළාකරලා එදා තිබුණු ආණ්ඩුව පරාජය කරලා ඒ පරාජය හේතුවෙන් මේ රට සෑම අතින්ම කඩා වැටුණා. ආණ්ඩුව එළවන්නේ කොයි වෙලාවේද කියලා බල බලා හිටියේ.

මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා අගමැතිවෙලා අපිට ඉක්මනින් මැතිවරණයක් අවශ්‍යයි කියලා ඒ මැතිවරණයේදී අපට ජනතා බලවේගයක් එක්ක ජයග්‍රහණයක් ලැබිය යුතුයි. ඒ අනුව අපිට ජනතාවගේ නියම ආණ්ඩුවක් බිහිකරන්න පුළුවන්. මේ රටේ ජනතාවට පැවැති ආණ්ඩුව ගෙනාපු දුක් කරදර අවසන් කරලා එදා ගෙනාපු සංවර්ධනය එදා අපි ගෙනාපු ආර්ථිකය නැවත ලබාගැනීමට සියලු දෙනාම එකතුවෙන්න ඕනේ.

එහිදී අදහස් දැක්වූ මැදගොඩ අභයතිස්ස හිමියන්,
මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂයන් අගමැති පුටුවේ වාඩි කිරීම හරහා රට ගලවා ගැනීමේ අරමුණයි අපි ක්‍රියාත්මක කළේ. පුද්ගලයන් මාරුකිරීම පක්ෂ දිනවීම අපිට අදාළ කටයුත්තක් නෙමෙයි. අපිට අවශ්‍ය රට දිනවන්න. රටේ බෙදුම්වාදය වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටින රටේ සංවර්ධනය වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටින රටේ සංස්කෘතිය වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටින ඕනෑම නායකයෙක් සමඟ මහා සංඝරත්නය ඉන්නවා.

 

මහින්දට අගමැති ධුරය ලබාදීම ජනාධිපති ගත් නිර්භීත තීරණයක්

October 29th, 2018

උපුටාගැණීම  මව්බිම

රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය ගැන කතා කරනවා නම් ඔහු කළ යුත්තේ ඔහුගේ අසාර්ථකත්වය පිළිගෙන අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ධුරයෙන් පමණක් නොව එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ නායකත්වයෙන්ද වහාම ඉල්ලා අස්වීම බව යුතුකම සංවාද කවයේ සභාපති ගෙවිඳු කුමාරතුංග පැවැසුවේය.

මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට අගමැති ධුරය ලබා දීමට මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන ජනාධිපතිවරයා ගත් තීරණය ඉතාමත් නිවැරැදි සහ නිර්භීත තීරණයක් බවද ඔහු පැවැසුවේය.
ඊයේ (28දා) තුම්මුල්ල පිහිටි ශ්‍රී සම්බුද්ධත්ව ජයන්ති මන්දිරයේදී පැවැත්වූ මාධ්‍ය හමුවකට එක්වෙමින් ඔහු මේ බව සඳහන් කෙළේය.
එහිදී ගෙවිඳු කුමාරතුංග මහතා මෙසේද පැවැසීය.

මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන මහතා ගත්ත මේ තීරණය වගේම එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සන්ධානය ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවෙන් ඉවත් වීමට ගත්ත තීරණයත් ජනාධිපතිගේ ආරාධනය පරිදි මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා අගමැති ධුරය භාර ගැනීමට ගත් තීරණයත් අපි දකින්නේ ඉතාමත් නිර්භීත නිවැරැදි තීන්දු විදියටයි.

මේ ක්‍රියාවලිය ව්‍යවස්ථා විරෝධී කියලා රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ ඇතුළු එක්සත් ජාතික පෙරමුණේ අය කියනවා. ඒ වගේම යුරෝපා සංගමය, ඇමෙරිකා එක්සත් ජනපදය ඇතුළු තානාපති කාර්යාල සහ මහ කොමසාරිස්වරුන් ඇතුළු සියලු පාර්ශ්වවලින් ඉල්ලනවාව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුව කටයුතු කරන්න කියලා. ඒ වගේම රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධානවල නියෝජිතයනුත් මේ ක්‍රියාවලිය ව්‍යවස්ථා විරෝධී කියලා කියනවා.

මේ පැවැතුණු යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව ගැන රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතාම විග්‍රහ කළේ ඔවුන්ට ලැබුණු ජනවරම ප්‍රධාන දේශපාලන පක්ෂ දෙක එකතුව පවත්වාගෙන යන සම්මුතිවාදී ආණ්ඩුවක් කියලා. මේ තර්කය තුළ තමයි ඔවුන් කැබිනට් ඇමැතිවරුන් වැඩි කරගනිමින් ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවක් කියලා අර්ථකථනය කරගනිමින් කටයුතු කළේ. එහෙම තියෙද්දී එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සන්ධානය ලිඛිතවම දැනුම් දෙනවා නම් ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවෙන් ඉවත් වෙනවා කියලා. එතැනින් පස්සේ මේ යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුවට ජනවරමක් නැහැ. ඒ වගේම ජනාධිපතිවරයාම තීරණය කරනවා නම් රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා සමඟ කටයුතු කළ නොහැකියි කියලා තවදුරටත් සම්මුතිවාදී ආණ්ඩුවක් පැවැතීමේ අවස්ථාවක් නැහැ.

19 වැනි සංශෝධනයේ තියෙන අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයාගේ තනතුර අහෝසි වන එක් අවස්ථාවක් තමයි කැබිනට් මණ්ඩලය විසිරුවා හරින අවස්ථාව. ඒ නිසා ව්‍යවස්ථානුකූලව බැලුවත්, දේශපාලනික වශයෙන් බැලුවත්, සදාචාරය පැත්තෙන් බැලුවත්, ඒ මොහොතේම රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා තමන්ගේ අසාර්ථකත්වය පිළිඅරගෙන ඉල්ලා අස්විය යුතුයි.

ඔහුගේ විජාතික බලවේග වුවමනාව මත ක්‍රියාත්මකකරන්න හදපු දේශපාලන ප්‍රයත්නය මේ වෙනකොට පරාජයට පත්වෙලා ඉවරයි. ජනතාවත් එය ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කරලා ඉවරයි.

රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය ගැන කතා කරනවා නම් ඔහු කළ යුතු වන්නේ වහාම අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ධුරයෙන් පමණක් නෙවෙයි එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ නායකත්වයෙනුත් ඉල්ලා අස්වීමයි.

මේ රටේ තානාපති කාර්යාල, වෙනත් එන්.ජී.ඕ. සංවිධාන, යහපාලනය ගැන කතා කරන ප්‍රතිපත්තිමය දේශපාලනය ගැන කතා කරන අය විසින් පිළිගත යුතුයි මේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාදීපය තුළ ඔවුන්ගේ ව්‍යාපෘතිය අද වෙනකොට සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම පරාජයට පත් වෙලා ඉවරයි කියන කාරණය. ඔවුන් කුමන්ත්‍රණකාරී ලෙස උත්සාහ කළේ එජාපය සහ ශ්‍රී ලනිපය හදාගත්ත ආණ්ඩුව ගෙනියන්න. එය අද වෙනකොට අසාර්ථක වෙලා ඉවරයි. ජනමතයට ගරු කරනවා නම් පරාජය පිළි අරගෙන කටයුතු කරන්න කියලා අපි ඔවුන්ට කියනවා.

ඔවුන් මේ රටේ ජනතාව මත විශ්වාසය නොතබා විදේශීය බලවේග, විදේශ තානාපති කාර්යාල, විජාතිකත්වයේ වුවමනාවන් මත ඔවුන්ගෙන් පඩි ලබන කුලීකාරයන් බවට ගත කරපු දේශපාලනයෙන් ඉවත් වෙලා මවුබිමට සේවය කරන දේශපාලනයක් සිදුකරනවා නම් හොඳයි කියලා අපි කියනවා.

දැන් සමහර අය ජනමතය ගැනත් ප්‍රශ්න කරනවා.

පසුගියදා පැවැති පළාත් පාලන මැතිවරණයෙන් මුළුරටට දැනගත්තා මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට ලැබුණු ජනවරමත් එක්ක ඔහුට මේ රටේ අනාගතය භාරදිය කළ යුතුයි කියලා. ඒක රටක් විදියට පිළිගත්තා. එදා සියට පනහ ඉක්මවා ගිය අති දැවැන්ත කැමැත්තක් මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට සහ මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන මහතාට හිමිවුණා.
මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන මහතා මේ යමින් තිබුණු රටට වුණු විනාශකාරී ගමන නතර කරලා. රටට අලුත් ආරම්භයක් ලබා දීමට මෙලෙස කටයුතු කිරීම අපි ඉතා අගය කරනවා.

උදයන්ති මුණසිංහ

ඇමැතිවරුන් සියලු දෙනා නිල වාහන වහාම රජයට බාරදිය යුතුයි

October 29th, 2018

නුවන් හෙට්ටිආරච්චි උපුටාගැණීම  මව්බිම

නව අගමැති මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට බොරු චෝදනා කරමින් රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා මේ වන විට රාජ්‍ය දේපළ අවභාවිත කරමින් සිටින බවත්, තවදුරටත් එසේ සිදු කරමින් අරලියගහ මන්දිරයෙන් ඉවත්ව නොයන්නේ නම් නීතිය භාවිත කරමින් රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ පන්නා දැමීමට කටයුතු කරන බව සත්‍ය ගවේෂකයෝ සංවිධානයේ කැඳවුම්කරු ප්‍රේම්නාත් සී. ‍ෙදාලවත්ත ‘මව්බිම’ට පවසයි.

ආමාත්‍යවරු හා සියලු පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රිවරු රජය මඟින් ලබාදී ඇති සියලුම වාහන තම අමාත්‍යාංශවලට ලබා දිය යුතු බව සඳහන් කරන අතර එසේ නොකරන්නේ නම් රජයේ දේපළ අවභාවිත කිරීම යටතේ නීතිය ඉදිරියට පැමිණවිය හැකි බවය.

මේ වන විටත් හිටපු අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය වත්මන් පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රි රනිල්වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතාට සියලු වරප්‍රසාද අහිමිව ඇති බවත් වහාම අරලියගහ මන්දිරය අතහැර යෑම සුදුසුම ක්‍රමය බවත් හෙතෙම පවසයි.

එසේ සිදු නොකරන්නේ නම් ඊට ගත හැකි නීතිමය පියවරක් ගැනීමට පසුබට නොවන බවත් මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා ව්‍යවස්ථානුකූලව පත්වූ නව අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා බවත් එම පත්වීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් කිසිදු නීති විරෝධීභාවයක් නොමැති බවත් වැඩිදුරටත් පැවැසීය.

 

හිටපු අගමැති රනිල් ජෝකරයකු විය යුතු නෑ

October 29th, 2018

දෙනගම ධම්මික රණවීර උපුටාගැණීම  මව්බිම

නව අගමැතිවරයකු පත් කළේ දේශපාලන අර්බුදයකට විසඳුමක් ලෙස බැවින් එහි ව්‍යවස්ථා අර්බුදයක් නැති නිසා රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ හිටපු අගමැතිතුමා තානාපතිවරුන් කැඳවා ලෝකය ඉදිරියේ ජෝකර්වරයකු ලෙස හැසිරීම නොකළ යුතු බව එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සන්ධානයේ පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රි නීතිඥ ඩිලාන් පෙරේරා පැවැසීය.
ඔහු එසේ සඳහන් කළේ ඊයේ (28දා) පුංචි බොරැල්ලේදී පැවැත්වූ මාධ්‍ය හමුවකට සහභාගි වෙමින්ය.

“නිදහසේ මාධ්‍ය කේන්ද්‍රය” සංවිධානය කළ එම මාධ්‍ය හමුවේදී හෙතෙම වැඩිදුරටත් මෙසේද පැවැසීය.

සැබෑම මෛත්‍රි යුගය ඇරඹෙන්නේ දැනුයි. වෛරී දේශපාලනය අවසන් කළ යුතුයි. අපි හදන්නේ භාරකාර නොවෙයි කාර්යභාර ආණ්ඩුවක්. පරණ වැරැදි නිවැරැදි කරන ආණ්ඩුවක් හදන්න තමයි අපේ වුවමනාව. ඒකෙන් තොර ආණ්ඩුවකට මේ නව ආණ්ඩුවම කපුකම් කළා. එස්.බී., තිලංග, ලක්ෂ්මන්, වසන්ත හා මම ඉඩ තියන්නේ නැහැ.
මහ මැතිවරණයකට යන්න නම් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ 2/3ක බලයකින් එම යෝජනාව සම්මත විය යුතුයි.

අධිකරණ ක්‍රියාමාර්ග පසුගිය කාලයේ ඇතැම් ඒවා යටපත් වී තිබුණා. ඒත් අපි ස්වාධීනව අධිකරණයට අවශ්‍ය තීන්දු ගන්න අවකාශ දෙනවා.

මැති ඇමැතිවරුන් ලබා ගත් යම් ප්‍රමාණයකට සීමා කරන්න අත්‍යවශ්‍ය පහසුකම් පමණක් බලාපොරොත්තු වෙනවා. ඇමැතිවරු 30 සීමාව ඉවත් කරන්න කටයුතු කරන්නේ නැහැ.

අගමැතිවරයා ඉවත් කිරීමට ක්‍රම 2ක් තියෙනවා. එහෙම හෝ අන්‍යාකාරයකින් කළ හැකියි කියා තිබෙනවා. අන්‍යාකාරයකින් තමයි මේක කළේ. ඒ අනුව පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ වැඩි දෙනාගේ විශ්වාසය දිනා ගත හැකි කියලා කෙනා අගමැති ලෙස පත් කරන්න ජනාධිපතිට පුළුවන්.2015දී මන්ත්‍රිවරු 44ක් සිටි රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ අගමැති කළෙත් ඒ විධියටයි.

එත් මේකට අභියෝග කරනවා නම් අය – වැයට පෙර ගෙන එන අතුරු සම්මත ගිණුම ඉදිරිපත් කළ පසු කළ හැකියි. එහෙම නැතිව අරලියගහ මන්දිරයට වෙලා විහිළුකාරයෙක් වෙන්න හොඳ නැහැ.

අගමැති ලෙස මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ මහත්තයා පත් කිරීමේදී ජනාධිපති අපේක්‍ෂකයා මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන මහතා විය යුතු බව ගිවිසුමක් නැහැ. ඒත් සන්ධානයේ බොහෝ අය දැන් එතුමා ජනාධිපති අපේක්‍ෂකයා විය යුතු යැයි කියනවා. ඒ නිසා ජනාධිපති අපේක්‍ෂකයා පිළිබඳ ජනාධිපති අගමැති සාකච්ඡා කොට පක්‍ෂයක් ලෙස තීන්දු කරනවා.
අද ව්‍යවස්ථා අර්බුදයක් නැහැ. තිබුණු දේශපාලන අර්බුදයට විසඳුමක් තමයි දී තිබෙන්නේ.

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රි එස්.බී. දිසානායක,
නොයෙකුත් බැනුම් අසමින් අපි දුෂ්කර ගමනක් ගියා. ඒත් අපි අද ඉලක්කය කරා පැමිණ ජයග්‍රාහී මානසිකත්වයක ඉන්නවා.

ජනාධිපතිතුමා ගත්තේ දුෂ්කර තීන්දුවක්. ඒක තමන්ටත් ගන්න අමාරු තීන්දුවක් කියලයි මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ මහත්තයා කිව්වේ.

එ.ජා.ප.යට හරි වේදනාවක් ඇති. හදිසියේ සල්ලි හම්බ කරන පිරිසක් ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවේ සිටියා. රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ ඊට අවස්ථා දුන්නා. ජනාධිපතිටත් හොරා ආයතනවල කොටස් විකිණුවා.

අපි කාගෙත් ඇස් වහලා විදේශිකයකු ගෙනත් දමාගෙන මහ බැංකුව අගමැති යටතට ගත්තා. අර්ජුන මහෙන්ද්‍රන් මෙහෙන් පැන්නුවෙත්, සිංගප්පූරුවේදී රැක බලා ගන්නත් පහසුකම් සැලසුවේ රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ විසිනුයි.

රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහට ඉන්නේ මලික්, මංගල, සාගල හා අකිල විතරයි. වෙනත් කිසිවකුගේ ආදරයක් රනිල්ට නැහැ.

ජනාධිපති ඝාතන කුමන්ත්‍රණය ගැන රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ එක වචනයක්වත් තමන් සමඟ කතා නොකළ බව මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන ජනාධිපති වේදනාවෙන් කිව්වා. මේක පිටුපස තවත් විශාල පිරිසක් ඉන්නවා.

අපිට හිත්පිත් නැති මංගල සමරවීරගේ අය – වැය කියවන්න බැහැ. හෙට සිට ඇමැති මණ්ඩලය දිවුරුම් දීම අරඹනවා. මේ වන විට ජනාධිපතිතුමා හා අගමැතිතුමා හැර එක ඇමැති කෙනෙක්වත් නැහැ. අගමැතිවරුන්ට දීපු අමාත්‍යාංශවල වාහන ලබා ගන්න කියලා මම නිලධාරීන්ට කියනවා.

තමන්ට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ බහුතරය තිබෙන බව රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ කියන කතාව ගැන පුදුමයි.

පළාත් සභා මැතිවරණ කල් දැමීම රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා හිතාමතා සිදු කරන දෙයක්. අපි ඒක නිවැරැදි කරනවා.

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රි තිලංග සුමතිපාල,

හිටපු අගමැතිතුමාට අරලියගහ මන්දිරයේ නිල නිවෙසේඉන්නට නෛතික බලයක් නැහැ. ඒ නිසා ඒකෙන් ඉවත් විය යුතුයි. ජනතාව තීන්දුව අතට ගත්තොත් ගැටුම් ඇති වෙනවා.

 

අගමැති මහින්දගේ පැත්තට පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් 122ක් ඉන්නවා

October 29th, 2018

ඉෂාරා සිල්වා උපුටාගැණීම  මව්බිම

නව අගමැති මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා ප්‍රමුඛ නව ආණ්ඩුව බිහි කිරීම සඳහා දැනටමත් පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රිවරුන් 122ක ප්‍රමාණයක් සහාය ලබාදීමට කැමැත්තෙන් සිටින බව පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රි පියල් නිශාන්ත පවසයි.

තමන්ගේ හෘද සාක්ෂියට එකඟව නායකයන්ගේ ප්‍රතිරූප ගොඩනැඟීමට නොගොස් පක්ෂ පාට භේදයකින් තොරව රට ගොඩනැඟීමට එකතු වන්නැයි එජාප මන්ත්‍රිවරුගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටින බවද ඔහු අවධාරණය කෙළේය.

ඊයේ (28දා) අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය කාර්යාලයේ පැවැති මාධ්‍ය හමුවට එක්වෙමින් මන්ත්‍රිවරයා වැඩිදුරටත් මෙසේද කීය.

රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා නටන්න හදන නාඩගම මොකක්ද කියලා හැමෝටම තේරෙනවා. මේ රටේ විධායක ජනාධිපති හැටියටසියලුම දෙනා පිළිගන්නේ මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන මහතාව. ඔහුගේ බලතල අනුව ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුව තමයි මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාව අගමැති හැටියට පත් කළේ.

මේ රටේ ජනතාව ඔහුව අගමැති හැටියට පිළිගෙන ඉවරයි. අගමැති හැටියට මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා දිවුරුම් දුන්නාට පසුව යූ.එන්.පී. එකේ කම්බ හොරු ටික තවමත් අගමැති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා බවත් මේ පත් කිරීම නීති විරෝධී බවත් දිගින් දිගටම කියනවා.

එජාප පාක්ෂිකයන් ගෙන්වන බව ප්‍රකාශ කළාට ඊයේ ගෙන්ව ගන්න පුළුවන් වුණේ 500ක් විතර. අද ගෙන්ව ගන්න පුළුවන් වුණේ 300ක් විතර. හෙටත් ජනතාව ගෙන්වන බව කියනවා. රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහගේ හොරකම්වලට සහාය දුන් උදවියට අද ජනතාව රැස් කරන්න බැරි වෙලා තිබෙනවා.

මෛත්‍රිටත් – මහින්දටත් අංක ගණිතය බැරිකමක් නැහැ. ඒ නිසා තමයි ඊයේ ප්‍රකාශ කෙළේ 113ට වැඩි පිරිසක් ඔවුන්ට සහාය ලබාදෙන බව. දැනටමත් 122ක මන්ත්‍රිවරුන් ප්‍රමාණයක් සහාය ලබාදීමට බලාගෙන සිටිනවා. බය නැති අගමැතිට විළිලැජ්ජා නැතිව තමයි එළියට බහින්න වෙන්නේ.

රාජිත සේනාරත්න කියන්නේ බලය නැතිව දේශපාලනය කරන්න පුළුවන් කෙනෙක් නෙවෙයි. තමන්ගේ බලය පවත්වා ගැනීමට හිටපු අගමැතිවරයාව අමාරුවේ දාන්නයි මේ හදන්නේ.

ඝාතන කුමන්ත්‍රණය පිටුපස ඉන්නේ නාලක සිල්වා පමණක් නොවෙයි. එජාපයේ ප්‍රබල මන්ත්‍රිවරු කිහිප දෙනෙක් මෙයට සම්බන්ධයි. මේ ගැන ඉතා හොඳින් හැම දෙයක්ම ජනාධිපතිවරයා දන්නවා. ඒ නිසා තවදුරටත් රට අස්ථාවර කරන්න බැරි නිසා තමයි නීති විශාරදයන්ගේ සහ එජනිස නායකයන්ගේ උපදෙස් පරිදි මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ අගමැති ලෙස පත් කළේ. හිතාගෙන හිටියේ මෙහෙම කරද්දී ශ්‍රී ලනිප කිහිප දෙනෙක් මුක්කු ගහයි කියලා. නමුත් ඊයේ දිනයේ සියලු දෙනාප්‍රතිඥාවක් ලබාදුන්නා මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට සහාය ලබාදීම.

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රි තේනුක විදානගමගේ

ජනතාව මහින්දව අගමැති හැටියට පිළිගෙන ඉවරයි. සෙනඟ ගේන බව යූ.එන්.පී. එක කියනවා. හෙට ඔබතුමා සෙනඟ ගේනවා නම් අපිටත් සෙනඟ ගේන්නපුළුවන්. තවත් වෙලා බලන් ඉන්න එපා. ජනාධිපති බලතල අනුව ඔහු නව අගමැතිවරයෙක් පත් කළා. අලුත් කැබිනට් මණ්ඩලයක් දිවුරුම් දෙන්න සූදානම්.

 

රටේ අර්ථික විනාශ කළ රනිල් මාෆියාව ජනාධිපතිතුමා ඝාතනය කරන්න සැළසුම් කළා

October 29th, 2018

නාච්චාදුව – කිත්සිරි වනසිංහ උපුටාගැණීම  මව්බිම

රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මාෆියාව මේ රටේ ආර්ථික මර්මස්ථාන විනාශ කරමින් මහ ජනතාව ආර්ථික වශයෙන් ඝාතනය කළා මදිවට, රාජ්‍ය නායකයා වූ මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන මහතාත් ඝාතනය කිරීමට සැලැසුම් කළ බවට ජනතා අධිකරණය හමුවේ ඔප්පු වී තිබෙනවා. ජනාධිපතිවරයා ඍජුව මැදිහත් වී ගත් කාලෝචිත තීන්දුව නිසා මහජනතාවගේ ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේත් ජීවිත සුවපත් වූ බව අනුරාධපුර දිස්ත්‍රික් පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රි එස්.එම්. චන්ද්‍රසේන පැවැසීය.
‘මව්බිම’ට විශේෂ ප්‍රකාශයක් කරමින් ඒ මහතා මෙසේද පැවැසීය.

රට ගොඩනඟමින් සිටි නායකයකු වන වත්මන් අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාගේ ඍජු සේවාව අතර මැදි කාලයකදී මේ රටට ලබා ගැනීමට ජනතාවට නොහැකි වුණා. නමුත් මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාගේ නව පැමිණීමත් සමඟ ජනතාව වෙනදා මෙන්ම වීදි බැස කිරි උතුරමින් කැවුම්, කිරිබත් කමින් අනාගත සුරක්ෂිතභාවය හදෙහි තබාගෙන සතුටු වෙනවා.

රටේ ආර්ථික මර්මස්ථාන විනාශ කරමින් ගෙන ගිය හොරකම නිසා මහජනතාව භීතියට පත්ව පීඩනයෙන් මිරිකෙමින් ජීවත් වුණා. ආර්ථිකයේ විනාශය ගලාගෙන ගියේ පොඩි මිහිහගෙ කර මතින්. මේ රටේ බදු බර ජනතාවට වැටහෙන්න පටන් ගත්තේ රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ පාලනයෙන්. රටේ ගොවිතැන, කර්මාන්තය, අනෙකුත් නිපැයුම් මහ පොළොවට සමතලා වුණේ ගෙවී ගිය වසර තුන හමාරක කාලය තුළයි. බිඳ වැටුණ මේ රට යළි ගොඩනඟන්නට නව ආණ්ඩුවට දැඩි කැප කිරීමක් කරන්නට සිදු වෙනවා.

මහින්ද මෛත්‍රි සුසංයෝගය මේ සියලු ගැටලුවලට හොඳ මාවතක් සලසන්න නිවැරැදි අඩි තාලමකට පියමන් කරනවා. එය ඒකාන්තයි. දැන් රට භාරව ඇත්තේ දුරදර්ශී නායකයන් දෙදෙනකුටයි. ඒ තුළ රටේ හෙට දවස යහපත් වෙනවා වගේම නූපන් පරපුර වෙනුවෙනුත් රටක් ඉතිරි කරන්නට වත්මන් ආණ්ඩුව කටයුතු කරනවා. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේත් රටේත් දේශහිතෛෂී කණ්ඩායම් ජනාධිපතිතුමන් හා අගමැතිතුමන් සමඟ එක්ව සිටින නිසා ඉදිරි අනාගතය සුරක්ෂිතයි.

 

Ranil = Run Nil

October 29th, 2018

H. L. D. Mahindapala

Right now Ranil Wickremesinghe, the ex-Prime Minister holding the exceptional record of being sacked twice by the presidency, is in a dilemma: he does not know whether to leave or not to leave Temple Trees,” the official residence of the prime minister. The first time he was sacked by the presidency was when he was sitting in the White House. When he walked out into the lawn to meet the press he looked like a stunned tourist lost without a road map. This time he was in Galle and rushed back to Colombo wondering what smart moves he could make to regain the paradise of power he lost.

The best he has done so far is to cling on to the symbol of office which is the official residence of the prime minister – now a lonely place without the accoutrements of power. He obviously believes that if he announces that he is still at Temple Trees” the people will accept him as the prime minister. But the instruments of power have been removed. Even his private secretary has been removed by a Gazette Notification. President Maithripala Sirisena displayed his power by swearing in Mahinda Rajapakse with all heads of Security Forces standing ceremonially behind him. What is more, the pro-Ranil IGP, Pujitha Jayasundara, was summoned to the residence of Rajapakse to make him acknowledge the supremacy of his new master.

So what’s the point of Ranil sitting in a political wheel chair at Temple Trees” hoping to be trundled into power again by someone in the Western embassies who rushed to meet him there? The intervening international power play in this local drama is intriguing. While the Western dip-low-mutts made their presence felt at Temple Trees”, indicating that they were on his side, the Chinese Ambassador, Cheng Xueyuan , accompanied by his diplomatic entourage, brought the greetings of  the Chinese President, Xi-Ji Ping and delivered it personally to Mahinda Rajapakse at his  residence.

This diplomatic line-up indicates that what happened  on Friday night was just not a low-grade street drama in which a papier mache political puppet lost his head. It revealed the potential international dimensions of the removal of a key agent of the West located in a strategic  centre of the Indian Ocean. Ranil is their reliable partner who can be called upon any time to play his obedient role in defending Western interests in the Indian Ocean Region. The Chinese, on the  other hand, know that Mahinda Rajapakse is their ally who can balance Sri Lanka’s national interests with that of China’s string  of pearls. This was confirmed by Ranil in his address to the Oxford Union. He gallantly defended Mahinda Rajapakse’s agreement with China saying that Hambantota was not a base sold out to China.

That apart, the question facing Ranil is almost  Hamletian: to be or not to be at Temple Trees”.  His staying at Temple Trees” is not going to prove anything. His real seat of power is in Parliament. He says that he has the majority in the House. Well, if so he can come back to Temple Trees” if and when he proves it. So why hang on to a powerless chair at Temple Trees”? Why not go out gracefully without being dragged out ignominiously?

He must have seen on TV what  happened to his aggressive ministers who tucked up their political sarongs and ran to capture power at Rupavahini  TV station on the night  of the sacking. Both Mangala Samaraweera and Ranil’s boyish pet, Sagala Ratnayake, gate-crashed into   Rupavahini premises hoping to commandeer the mike and make national broadcasts  about the unconstitutionality of the sacking of Ranil.  The angry staff chased them out and they had to retreat, along with Chatura Senaratna, son on Rajitha Senaratna, humiliated by hoots, cat-calls and obscenities. That scenario aired on TV was a sure sign of  power slipping out of their leader Ranil sitting near the shore of the Indian Ocean and ordering the waves to stop rolling.

Fortunately, the wrath of the  aggrieved people did not explode  into violence. But today the UNPers are planning to bus their catchers” to Temple Trees”, hoping to put up a rival show of mass support to keep Ranil in the official residence. So far the contest of the political rivals has not spilled over to the streets. Will today’s act be the start of a needless confrontation that can mar the image of Sri Lanka achieving the No: 1 status as a tourist destination? Does the nation have to sacrifice its promising tourist trade and stability to protect Ranil’s chair at Temple Trees”? Figures like Ranil can be cut  out of cardboards any time. But the No:1 ranking is not attainable in a hurry. Ranil should do the sensible thing and go  home because, if he is that sure of a majority in the  House, he can always come back.

Ranil, of course, has been the master of farcical political drama. His career spans the most critical phase of the post-independent era. And each time he managed to worm his way into the premier’s seat he has left it in a state worse than the time he occupied it. His greatest claim to fame is that he has been the prime minister four times. But he has now established a new record: the only prime minister to be sacked twice. Which is greater : creeping  into the premier’s chair through the backdoor or getting thrown out through the front door?

Why the backdoor? All four times he became the premier he was not elected with the full consent of the people. The highest number of seats he got was 109 in 2009. He never could cross the winning line and capture the critical 113 seats needed to be the Prime Minister in his own right. In fact, an overall survey of the political landscape will confirm that it was the LTTE that paved the path for him to be PM. If the three iconic leaders of the UNP – Premadasa, Lalith and Gamini – were not assassinated by the LTTE Ranil would never have been considered by the Party as having leadership qualities or the prime ministerial material in him to lead the nation.

Consider, for instance, the first time he became prime minister. It happened in a political vacuum. Two of three key icons in the UNP were assassinated, one after the other, by the LTTE. The first victim was Lalith Athulathmudali who was assassinated by the LTTE at Kirulapone. Shortly after that President Ranasinghe Premadasa was assassinated. Gamini Dissanayake, the third icon, was out of the party, having broken away from President Premadasa.

This was the turning point in Ranil’s career. President D. B. Wijetunga offered the post of premiership to Sirisena Cooray, the General Secretary of the Party. Sirisena was reluctant to take the job. I remember K. N. Choksy, the principal legal advisor to President Premadasa, Sunil Rodrigo, Chairman of Lake House and the present writer meeting Sirisena one night in May 1993 and pleading with him to take the offer. He was given all the reasons why he should step into the shoes of the premier. But he refused stubbornly. He was insisting that it should be given to Ranil. That’s how Ranil became the Prime Minister the first time on May 7, 1993 – through the backdoor and not through the popular will of the people.

However, he was sacked” by the people in the next election. In the meantime, Gamini Dissanayake, the more charismatic and affable leader, in the UNP returned to the Party. It didn’t take long for him to oust Ranil. The back- benchers were behind Gamini. Ranil was defeated in an open contest. That’s the first time Ranil was sacked” by his own party.

The second time was when he barely scraped through the election of       when Chandrika Kumaratunga was President. But he didn’t have the requisite numbers – he had only 106 — to be the Prime Minister in his own right. He had to cut a deal with the Muslim Congress to maintain his majority in the House. Another back-door deal put him in the premier’s seat. Of course, everyone knows how President Kumaratunga sacked him while he was in the White House.

Third time too he became prime minister through the back door. He had only 42 MPs when he insisted on being made the Prime Minister D. M. Jayaratne was already in the seat with nearly 150 MP’s behind him. Issues of constitutionality didn’t bother him one bit. Nor did the NGOs and the Western dip-low-mutts raise any objections. Anyway when he went to the polls he failed again to win a clear majority. He was propped up by other allied parties. The man who came with a bang in 2015 is now fading with a whimper in 2018. All his manipulative gimmicks of strengthening his prime ministerial seat with constitutional deconstruction has failed to secure his seat till the stipulated time defined by him. He now finds that the Presidency is still more powerful than his seat in Temple Trees”. That, in short, is the story of Ranil Wickremesinghe: all his clever tactics (examples: peace deal with Prabhakaran or the 19th Amendment) have ricocheted with invigorated power to knock him down.

However, the battle is not yet over. He has still some life left in him. If the money that bonds the MPs works in his favour he might still return to Temple Trees”. But he must be aware, in his own dim way that the future is not with him. Even if he wins the vote in Parliament when it meets on November 16 he will come out of it limping like a lame duck. The victory that counts is not in Parliament but in the electorate.

If the numbers in the last local government elections are a reliable indicator then what do the tea leaves tell about his future?  The nation is also entitled to ask : What has he achieved by assuming  the leadership of the great party founded by the revered Father of the Nation, D. S. Senanayake? Can he point to one memorable or lasting achievement in his career? Isn’t he going to end up his career as the unpardonable and heinous swindler of the nation who played out the savings of the people? All indicators reveal that his future is as great as that of his trusted partner in peace: Velupillai Prabhakaran. In Ranil’s case, however, it will be a political death. He will leave nothing behind as his legacy except the shameful ruins of his failed policies that never served his party, the nation or even his own self.

DO NOT LET RANIL TO LEAVE TEMPLE TREES!

October 29th, 2018

By M D P DISSANAYAKE

There are no outpouring number of supporters rallying around the expelled Ranil Wickremasinghe.  He is holding fort, the government is in no hurry to evacute him.

Ranil wants the Police to remove him from the Temple Trees,  so that Fox, CNN, CNBC, ABC, BBC can create an international media outburst.

It is best to allow Ranil to stay at Temple Trees, so that we know  where:

  1. Bond scam culprit is living
  2. Ring leader of coup d’etat is living (or hiding)

My dear former Hon. Prime Minister of Sri Lanka, Rt Hon Ranil Wickremasinghe!  Please do not leave Temple Trees, please stay put there.  If you are allowed to leave, you will disappear and it will be extremely difficult to track you down.

JANATHA VIKRUTHI PERUMA-LAST FEW DAYS OF LAPDOG OF UNP

October 29th, 2018

By M D P DISSANAYAKE

The 20th Amendment was drafted by Jayampathi Wickremaratne, the constitutional brain power of the UNP.  It was presented in parliament by the lapdogs of the UNP, well known as the JVP.

Now 20th Amendment is dead.  It had all ingredients of an Indian solution for Sri Lanka.  It had all ingredients of westerners solutions for Sri Lanka.  Idiotic Anura Kumara, who took bribes from UNP, is compelled to do the job of a dog, wag  the tail.

It was perfectly alright for him to become a sucker of the UNP.  With the new Government, he is trying to be smart:  Not supporting either side.

The fact is that Anura, the boy with red lips and bold eyes who provide multiple-entertainment for Ranil and Mangala , will not be entertained into the MR camp.

Like, LSSP, like NLSSP, like CP, the JVP will also join the Barney Reymonds in the near future.

President’s special message to the nation

October 28th, 2018

ජනාධිපතිවරයා ජාතිය අමතා සිදු කළ විශේෂ ප්‍රකාශය…

රනිල් රට කෑවා.. 62 ලක්‍ෂය පාවාදුන්නා…- ජනපති මෛත‍්‍රී රනිල්ගේ පට්ට පතුරු යවමින් ජාතිය ඇමතු විශේෂ ප‍්‍රකාශය මෙන්න..

October 28th, 2018

– ජනාධිපති මාධ්‍ය ඒකකය

ආදරණීය දෙමව්පියනි, හිතවතුනි, මිත‍්‍රවරුනි, අද විශේෂයෙන් ම ජාතිය අමතා ප‍්‍රකාශයක් කිරීමට මා තීරණය කළේ පසුගිය දින කිහිපය තුළ රටේ ඇති වූ දේශපාලන වෙනස්කම් සම`ග රටේ අනාගතය, හෙට දවස වෙනුවෙන් අප යා යුතු ගමන්මග පැහැදිලි කරමින් විශේෂයෙන් ම මෙවන් වෙනසක් සිදු කිරීමට හේතු වූ කරුණු සහ ඊට පසුබිම් වූ බොහෝ කරුණු කාරණ සම්බන්ධයෙන් ඉතාම කෙටි ස`දහනක් කිරීමේ බලාපොරොත්තුවෙන්.

මේ අවස්ථාව වර්ෂයක් ගෙවී ගොස් නව වර්ෂයක් අබියස සිටින අවස්ථාවක්. 2015 ජනවාරි මාසයේ 08 වනදා මේ රටේ ආදරණීය පොදු ජනතාව හැට දෙලක්ෂ පනස්දහසකට ආසන්න පිරිසකගේ අති විශාල ඡුන්ද සංඛ්‍යාවකින් මා ඔබේ ප‍්‍රධාන සේවකයා වගේම රටේ රාජ්‍ය නායකයා වශයෙන් පත් කර ගත්තේ බලාපොරොත්තු රාශියක් ඇතිවයි. ඒ බලාපොරොත්තු ඉෂ්ට කර ගැනීම ස`දහා ඔබ මා වෙත තැබූ විශ්වාසය පිළිබ`දව මා ඔබට අදත් මගේ ගෞරවනීය ස්තූතිය සහ ප‍්‍රණාමය පුද කරනවා වගේම ඒ තැබූ විශ්වාසය ඉදිරියටත්, හෙට දවසේත් ඔබ වෙනුවෙන් මගේ ජීවිත පරිත්‍යාගයෙන් මා ඉටු කරන බව පළමුව ප‍්‍රකාශ කරන්නට  ඕන.

රනිල් රට කෑවා.. 62 ලක්‍ෂය පාවාදුන්නා…- ජනපති මෛත‍්‍රී රනිල්ගේ පට්ට පතුරු යවමින් ජාතිය ඇමතු විශේෂ ප‍්‍රකාශය මෙන්න..

රට සහ ජනතාව පෙරදැරිව දේශපාලනයේ නිරත වන අප විශේෂයෙන් විමසා බැලිය යුත්තේ කුමන දේශපාලන පක්ෂය ද, වම ද, දකුණ ද  යන්න නොව ජනතාවගේ සහ රටේ සෞභාග්‍ය උදෙසා අප කළ යුතු වඩාත් සුදුසු කාර්යය කුමක් ද යන්න කියන එකයි මා විශ්වාස කරන්නේ. 2014 වසරේ පොදු අපේක්ෂකයා තෝරා ගත් අවස්ථාවත් එහි දී මා මුහුණ දුන් අවදානම් තත්ත්වයත් ඔබට මතක ඇතැයි කියා මා විශ්වාස කරනවා. එදා මා භාරගත්තේ  මේ රටේ දේශපාලනයේ කිසියම් වූ පුද්ගලයෙක් භාර නොගත් අභියෝගයක්, බරපතළ දේශපාලන අභියෝගයක් ඒ වගේම අවදානමක්. ඒ අවදානම දේශපාලන වශයෙන් පමණක් නොවෙයි, මටත්, මගේ බිරි`ද සහ දරුවන් ඒ සියලූ දෙනාටත් ඇති වූ ප‍්‍රධාන අවදානමක් සහිතවයි මා විසින් එම කාර්ය ඉටු කරනු ලැබුවේ කියා ඔබ දන්නවා. ඒ වගේම පසුගිය 26 වනදා මා විසින් ගනු ලැබූ තීරණය 2014 නොවැම්බර් මාසයේ 21 වනදා ගත් තීරණයටත් වඩා ප‍්‍රබල වූ අභියෝගාත්මක වූ අවදානම් සහිත තීරණයක් බව මා හිතනවා ඔබ විශ්වාස කරනු ඇතැයි කියා. ඒ සියල්ල මම කළේ ඔබෙත්, මගේත් ආදරණීය මාතෘභූමිය වෙනුවෙන් වගේම ආදරණීය පොදු මහ ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන් කියන එක ඉතා ගෞරවයෙන් සහ කාරුණිකව මෙන්ම නිහතමානව මා මෙහි දී ඔබට ස`දහන් කරන්න  ඕන.

මගේ ජීවිතය පරදුවට තබා ලබාගත් 2015 ඒ දේශපාලන ජයග‍්‍රහණය හෑල්ලූවට ලක් වන ආකාරයේ, ශිෂ්ට දේශපාලනයට නොගැළපෙන දේශපාලන කි‍්‍රයාවලියකට ගරු රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතා අවතීර්ණ වුණා. ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාවේ අනාගතය කියලා කියන්නේ නැත්නම් හෙට දවස ඔහු සහ ඔහු සම`ග කුලූපගව කටයුතු කරන සැබෑ ජනතා හද ගැස්ම නොහ`දුනන සුපිරි පන්තියක විනෝද කෙළියක් බවට පත් කර ගන්නා තැනට ඔහු පත් වුණා කියන එකයි මම විශ්වාස කරන්නේ. විශේෂයෙන්ම යහපාලන ආණ්ඩු සංකල්පය ගරු රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මැතිතුමා අමු අමුවේම විනාශ කළා කියලයි මම හිතන්නේ. 2015 ජනවාරි 08 ජයග‍්‍රහණය කරලා 09 වනදා සන්ධ්‍යාවේ මා ජනාධිපතිවරයා විදියට දිවුරුම් දුන් අවස්ථාවත්, ඒ සම`ගම ගරු රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ මන්තී‍්‍රවරු 47 දෙනෙක් එතුමාට සිටිය දී එතුමා අගමැති ධූරයට පත් කළ අවස්ථාවත් මම හිතනවා ඔබේ මතකයේ තිබෙනවා කියලා. එහෙත් ඒ උතුම් වූ යහපාලන සංකල්පය, ඒ උතුම් යහපාලන අරමුණු හා පරමාර්ථ ගරු රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතා විනාශ කළ බව මා මෙන්ම ඔබ ගෙවී ගිය අවුරුදු කිහිපය තුළ ලැබූ අත්දැකීම්වලින් දන්නා බව මම විශ්වාස කරනවා. රටේ ¥ෂණය, වංචාව ඉතාමත් ප‍්‍රබල වුණා. එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ සහ ඊට අදාළ වූ සන්ධාන රාශියක මගේ මතකයේ හැටියට ඒ අවස්ථාවේ පොදු අපේක්ෂකයාට සහයෝගය දුන්න දේශපාලන පක්ෂ, වෘත්තීය සමිති, සිවිල් සංවිධාන 49 ක් අපේ ගිවිසුමට අත්සන් කළා. එම`ගින් අපි ඇතිකරගත්ත බලාපොරොත්තු රට සහ ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන්, ඔබේත්, මගේත් ජාතියේ අනාගතය ස`දහා ඉතාමත් ශුද්ධ වූ පවිත‍්‍ර වූ නිර්මල වූ ඒ උතුම් පරමාර්ථ සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම විනාශ කරනු ලැබුවා.

¥ෂණය, නාස්තිය ඉහවහා ගියා, මා මීට දින කිහිපයකට පෙර සේනානායක ගුණ සමරු උලෙළේ දී කළ ප‍්‍රකාශයත් මම හිතනවා ඔබේ මතකයේ ඇති කියලා. ඞී.එස් සේනානායක මැතිතුමාගේ දේශපාලන දර්ශනය, ඩඞ්ලි සේනානායක මැතිතුමාගේ දේශපාලන දර්ශනය, ජේ.ආර්. ජයවර්ධන ජනාධිපතිතුමාගේ දේශපාලන දර්ශනය, රණසිංහ පේ‍්‍රමදාස මැතිතුමාගේ දේශපාලන දර්ශනය එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය මොන තරම් ප‍්‍රබල, යෝධ දේශපාලන පක්ෂයක් බවට පත්කළා ද? ඒ වගේම දේශීයත්වය, අපේ සංස්කෘතින්, අපේ උරුමයන් සම`ග අපේ කියන සියලූ දේ ආරක්ෂා කරමින් ජාතික අනන්‍යතාවය, රටේ ඒකීය භාවය ඒ උතුම් අරමුණු සහ පරමාර්ථ එම ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨ නායකයන් මොනතරම් ආරක්ෂා කළා ද, ඒවාට කොතෙක් නම් කැපවුණා ද, ඒ සියලූ දේ ගත් විට මා අද මෙහිදීත් ප‍්‍රාර්ථනා කරනවා එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ වර්තමාන නායකයන්ට ඞී.එස් දර්ශනය, ඩඞ්ලි දර්ශනය, ජේ.ආර්. දර්ශනය, පේ‍්‍රමදාස දර්ශනය මුල් කොටගත් ඒ උතුම් දේශපාලන අරමුණු සහිත සමාජයක් , නව ලෝකයට, නව තාක්ෂණයට අද යුගයට ගැළපෙන ආකාරයට බිහි කරන්නට ඔවුන්ට ප‍්‍රඥාව පහළ වේවා කියලා.

ප‍්‍රධාන වශයෙන්ම සාමුහිකත්වයෙන් තොර වූ තනි තීන්දු තීරණ ගත් ඉතාමත් දරද`ඩු, මුරණ්ඩු ආකාරයට රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතා ආණ්ඩුව තුළ හැසිරුණා. ඒ තුළ බරපතළ දේශපාලන අර්බුදයක් ඇති වුණා. සාමුහිකත්වය නොමැති නිසා, සාකච්ඡුාව, සංවාදය නොමැති නිසා ඉතා සු`ථ පිරිසක් අපේ අතේ තියෙන ඇ`ගිලි ගාණටත් වඩා අඩු පිරිසක් ඔහුගේ සමීපතම සගයන් වී ඔවුන් සමග පමණක් සාකච්ඡුා කර තීන්දු තීරණ ගැනීම නිසා අපි රටක් විදියට අවාසනාවන්ත තත්ත්වකට පත් වුණා. මෙහි දී මා කියන්නට  ඕන රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතා සහ මා අතරේ ගෙවී ගිය අවුරුදු තුන හමාරකට වැඩි කාලය තුළ ප‍්‍රතිපත්තිමය වශයෙන් දේශපාලන වෙන් කිරීමක් මම දැක්කා. ප‍්‍රතිපත්ති ගැටුමක් මම දැක්කා. රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතාගේ දේශපාලන දර්ශනයත්, මගේ දේශපාලන දර්ශනයත් අතරේ ප‍්‍රතිපත්තිමය ගැටුමක් ඇති වුණා. ඒ විතරක් නෙවේ, රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතා සහ මා අතරේ බරපතළ සංස්කෘතික වෙනස්කම් මම දැක්කා. ඒ දේශපාලන ප‍්‍රතිපත්තිවල වෙනස්කම් වගේම සංස්කෘතික වශයෙන් අපේ කි‍්‍රයාකරිත්වය, චරිතවල සහ ගති ලක්ෂණවල තිබූ සංස්කෘතික දේශපාලනික වෙනස්කම් ඒ සියල්ල මේ දේශපාලන සහ ආර්ථික අර්බුදය බරපතළ වන්නට හේතු වුණා කියලා මම විශ්වාස කරනවා.

අනෙකුත් ජේ්‍යෂ්ඨ නායකයන් සම`ග එකට වාඩි වී සිටින බොහෝ අවස්ථාවල මම එතුමාට කිව්වා අපි එකට වැඩ කරමු, අපි සාමුහිකත්වයෙන් කටයුතු කරමු. අපි ගන්නා තීන්දු තීරණ සාකච්ඡුා කරලා යහපාලන අරමුණු ඉෂ්ට කර ගන්න අපි කි‍්‍රයා කරමු කියලා. නමුත් හැට දෙලක්ෂ පනස්දහසකට වැඩි ජනතාවගේ ඒ උතුම් අභිලාෂයන් එතුමා නොසලකා හැරියා. ඒ ගැන මම ඉතාමත්ම කනගාටු වෙනවා. මා විසින් රටේ නායකත්වය භාරගනු ලැබුවේ ¥ෂණ, වංචාවලින් තොර යහපාලන සංකල්පය මුල් කර ගත් ඉතාම නිර්මාණශිලි රාජ්‍ය පාලනයක් ස`දහා. අතීත අත්දැකීම් සමග වර්තමාන අභියෝග තේරුම් ගනිමින් අනාගතය, හෙට දවස වඩාත් ප‍්‍රබුද්ධ ලෙස සාක්ෂාත් කර ගැනීම ස`දහා ආධ්‍යාත්මික ගුණ වගාවෙන් පරිපූර්ණ වූ උතුම් සංකල්පයක් පෙරදැරිව මම සෑම විටම ඒ ස`දහා විශාල උත්සාහයක් ගත්තා, විශාල කැපකිරීමක් කළා, බොහෝ අවස්ථාවල මම අඩි කිහිපයක් පස්සට ගත්තා.

ඇතැම් වෙලාවට ඔබ දකින්නට ඇති පහුගිය අවුරුදු 03 කට වැඩි කාලය තුළ යම් යම් ආවේගශීලි ලෙස මට කතා කරන්නට සිද්ධ වුණා. ඒ අවස්ථාවල දී ඇතැම් විට ඔබ මට දොස් කිව්වා. ඇතැම් වෙලාවට කිව්වා මම පරිණත නැහැ කියලා. ආවේගශීලි වෙනවා කියලා කිව්වා. නමුත් ආණ්ඩුවේ අභ්‍යන්තර සාකච්ඡුාවලදි, අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩලය තුළ, පක්ෂ නායකයන්ගේ රැුස්වීම්වල දී මොනතරම් ඉවසීමෙන්, මොනතරම් නිහතමානීව මම කටයුතු කළා ද කියලා දන්නේ මගේ හෘදසාක්ෂියයි. ඒ සියල්ල මම කැප කළේ රට සහ ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන්. නමුත් ඔබේ මතකයේ තිබෙනවා ඒ උතුම් පරමාර්ථ මුල් කරගෙන පිහිට වූ මේ ජනතාවගේ උතුම් අභිලාෂයන් ඉටු කරගන්නා වූ යහපාලන ආණ්ඩු සංකල්පය, ආණ්ඩුව පිහිටුවලා මාස 03 ක් යන්නටත් කලින් බි`ද දැමුවා. මහ බැංකු මුදල් මංකොල්ලයෙන් අපේ රට ප‍්‍රබල ආර්ථික අගාධයකට ඇද වැටුණා. ලංකා ඉතිහාසයේ රාජ්‍ය වත්කම්, මුදල් පිළිබ`දව මෙවැනි මහා මංකොල්ලයක් ඔබ දන්නවා මීට පෙර අප අසා තිබුණේ නැහැ. ඒ පිරිසිදු යහපාලන සංකල්ප ¥ෂණයෙන්, වංචාවෙන් තොර රාජ්‍ය පාලනයක් ගෙන යෑමට ජනතාව දුන්නා වූ ප‍්‍රතිඥාව ඒ සියල්ල අමු අමුවේ ඝාතනය කළා.

මගේ මතකයේ තිබෙනවා ආදරනීය දෙමව්පියනි, දරුවනි මහ බැංකු මංකොල්ලය සම්බන්ධයෙන් රටේ ඇති වූ ජනතා උද්ඝෝෂණ සහ හ`ඩ, විපක්ෂයේ හ`ඩ, දේශපාලන පක්ෂවල හ`ඩ, සමාජ වගකීම් දරන්නන්ගේ, සිවිල් සංවිධානවල හ`ඩ ආපු වෙලාවේ ආණ්ඩුව තුළ මොනතරම් අභ්‍යන්තර අර්බුදකාරි තත්ත්වයක් ඇති වුණා ද කියලා. ඒ අවස්ථාවල දී ගරු රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතා හරිම නොසන්සුන් විදියට, හරිම කලබලකාරී විදියට හැසිරුණා. මහ බැංකුවේ කාර්ය මණ්ඩලය හමුවෙන්න යන්න මා ඒ අවස්ථාවේ තීරණය කළ විට රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහත්තයා හදිසියේ ම මගේ නිල නිවසට දුවගෙන ඇවිත් බොහෝ කලබලකාරී ස්වභාවයෙන් මට කිව්වා ,මහ බැංකුව අයිති වෙන්නේ මටයි, ඒ නිසා ඇයි ඔබ මහ බැංකුවට යන්නේ,  කියලා මගෙන් ඇහුවා. මම ඒ වෙලාවේ එතුමාට කිව්වා ,ඔබට ගැසට් නිවේදනයකින් භාරකාරිත්වය දී තිබෙන බව ඇත්ත,  නමුත් මම ජනාධිපති,  මට එතනට යන්න අයිතියක් තියෙනවා නේද, කියලා මම එතුමාට කිව්වා. මම කිව්වා මම තව ස්වල්ප වෙලාවකින් පිටත් වෙනවා කියලා.  ඒ සම`ග ම එතුමා මගේ නිවසින් නික්ම ගියා. මම සු`ථ වේලාවකින් මහ බැංකු ගොඩනැගිල්ලට ඇතු`ථ වන විට මේ සිද්ධිය නිසා නිවාඩු දමා ඉවත් වී සිටි හිටපු මහ බැංකු අධිපතිවරයා අර්ජුන් මහේන්ද්‍රන් මහතා බුලත් හුරුල්ලක් දී මා පිළිගන්න ඉදිරියට පැමිණියා. මම පුදුමයට පත් වුණා ඔහු කොහොමද මෙතනට ආවේ කියලා.

ඒ නොසන්සුන්කාරි වාතාවරණය, කලබලකාරීව හැසිරුණු ආකාරය, ඔවුන්ගේ නොසන්සුන් මානසිකත්වය මම ඒ වෙලාවේ දැක්කා. අවසානයේ රටේ බරපතළ ආර්ථික අර්බුදයක් ඇති වුණා. දේශපාලන අර්බුදයක් ඇති වුණා. ඊට විස`දුම් විදියට මම ජනතාවගෙන් ආපු ඉල්ලීම් අනුව ජනාධිපති කොමිෂම් සභාවක් පත් කළා. ඒ ජනාධිපති කොමිෂන් සභාව පත් කරලා කටයුතු කරගෙන යන විට එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ ප‍්‍රබලයන් මට ඇගිල්ල දික් කළා. ඇයි මේ කොමිෂම පත් කළේ කියලා.

මේක එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයට කරපු අගෞරවයක් විදියට ඔවුන් සැලකුවා. නමුත් මම ඒ අයට කිව්වා සිදු වූ සිද්ධියෙන් නිදහස් වෙන්න, ජනතාවගේ හ`ඩට කන් දෙන්න මම මේ කොමිෂන් සභාව පත් කළේ කියලා. ඒ නිසා ප‍්‍රධාන වශයෙන්ම ඒ සිදුවීම අදත් අපේ ආර්ථිකයේ හිස ඔසවන්නට බැරි බරපතළ ආර්ථික අර්බුදයකට ලක් වූ කාරණයක් බව ඔබ දන්නවා.

2018 පෙබරවාරි මාසයේ 10 වැනිදා පැවැත්වූ පළාත් පාලන මැතිවරණයේ දී ලැබුණු ප‍්‍රතිඵලය විශේෂයෙන්ම අප නිවැරදි කිරීමට, රජය නිවැරදි කිරීමට ජනතාව දුන් තීන්දුවක් විදියටයි මම දකින්නේ. මම ඒ අවස්ථාවේ ගරු රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතා සහ එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ නායකයන් කැ`දවලා කිව්වා ,අපි අවුරුදු 03 ක් කරපු කටයුතු සම්බන්ධයෙන් ජනතාව තීන්දුවක් දීලා තිබෙනවා, අපිට පාඩමක් උගන්නලා තිබෙනවා, අපි දැන් නිවැරදි වෙන්න  ඕන, මම කිව්වා ,ඔබතුමා මගේ බලතලත් අරගෙන වැඩ කෙරුවා. කළගුණ සලකන්න, මා බලයට පත්කරන්න ඔබතුමා නායකත්වය ගත් නිසා මම නිහ`ඩ වුණා,. ඒ කළගුණ සැලකීමේ උතුම් මානුෂීය ගුණාංගය නිසා එක් පැත්තකින් රටට ඉතාම අහිතකර ප‍්‍රතිඵල ඇති වුණා රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතාට රිසි පරිදි වැඩ කරන්න, ඇතැම් විට මගේ බලතලත් අරගෙන වැඩ කරන්න එතුමාට මම බලය දුන්න නිසා. නමුත් ඒ සියල්ල තුළ සිදුවූයේ කුමක් ද, ඇති වූ සිදුවීම් රාශියක් පිළිබ`ද අවුරුදු තුන හමාරක මහ ඛේදනීය තත්ත්වය මා විස්තර කරන්න බලාපොරොත්තු වෙන්නේ නැහැ කාලය දීර්ඝ වශයෙන් ගත වන නිසා. මම ඉදිරියේ දී බලාපොරොත්තු වෙනවා වරින්වර ඒ තත්වයන් රටට සහ ජනතාවට පැහැදිලි කරන්න. මේ සියල්ලත් එක්ක දැන් දවස් දෙකකට කලින් මම ගත් තීරණය හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා අගමැතිවරයා වශයෙන් පත් කිරීමටත්, ගරු රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතා අග‍්‍රාමාත්‍ය ධූරයෙන් ඉවත් කිරීමටත් ළ`ගම ඇති වූ ප‍්‍රබලම හේතුව මම ඔබට ඉතාම ගෞරවයෙන් පැහැදිලි කරනවා.

මගේ දේශපාලන ජීවිතය දැන් අවුරුදු 51 කට වැඩි. පසුගිය දිනවල මාධ්‍ය වෙත පැමිණි නාමල් කුමාර කියන පුද්ගලයා මා සහ ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතා ඝාතනය කිරීමක් පිළිබ`දව කුමන්ත‍්‍රණයක් හෙළි කළා. ඒ පරීක්ෂණ කටයුතු අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවට මම භාර දුන්නා. පොලිස්පතිවරයා එම පරීක්ෂණ කටයුතු භාර දී තිබුණේ අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවට නොවේ. පොලිසියේ වෙනත් පරීක්ෂණ අංශයකට. නමුත් මට ඒ අවස්ථාවේම පෙනී ගියා ඉදිරියේ දී විශ්වාස කළ නොහැකි තත්ත්වයක් ඇති විය හැකියි කියා. මේ තොරතුරු කුමන්ත‍්‍රණය පිළිබ`දව ප‍්‍රකාශයක් කළ පුද්ගලයා මාධ්‍යයට පැමිණ ඒ කුමන්ත‍්‍රණය සමබන්ධයෙන් පරීක්ෂණයක් ආරම්භ කිරීමට පෙර තොරතුරු දුන් පුද්ගලයාගේ ප‍්‍රකාශය නිකුත් වී පැය 48 ක් යෑමට පෙර පොලිස්පතිවරයා ප‍්‍රකාශයක් කළා, මේ තොරතුරු දුන් පුද්ගලයා ඉදිරිපත් කළ හ`ඩ පටය සැක සහිතයි කියා. රටේ ජනාධිපතිවරයා ඝාතනය කිරීමේ කුමන්ත‍්‍රණයක් හෙළි කළ පුද්ගලයෙක් ඉදිරිපත් කළ කරුණු තාක්ෂණික හ`ඩ පටයක් කිසිදු පරීක්ෂණයක් නොපවත්වා එය සැකයි කියා කියන්නට තරම් පොලිස්පතිවරයා ඉතාමත් නිර්ලජ්ජිත ස්වභාවයෙන් හැසිරීම පොලිස්පතිවරයෙකුට සුදුසු ද යන්න මෙහි දී මා ඉතා ගෞරවයෙන් ඔබෙන් අසන ප‍්‍රශ්නයක්.

මේ කුමන්ත‍්‍රණය සම්බන්ධයෙන් පරික්ෂණ කරන අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවටත් ඊට සහයෝගය දෙන රජයේ අනෙකුත් විශේෂ විමර්ශන බුද්ධි අංශත් මේ වන විට ලබා දී ඇති තොරතුරු අනුව මෙය ඉතාම බරපතළ තත්ත්වයක්. රටේ ජනතාවට මෙතෙක් නොලැබුණු තොරතුරු රාශියක් මේ පරීක්ෂණයේ අභ්‍යන්තරයේ තිබෙනවා. මාව ඝාතනය කිරීම ස`දහා ඊට සම්බන්ධ වූ ආණ්ඩුවේ අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩලයේ සාමාජිකයෙක් ඇමතිවරයෙක් පිළිබ`දව තොරතුරු ප‍්‍රකාශ කර තිබෙනවා. එමෙන්ම මේ පරීක්ෂණවලට දැඩි බලපෑම් ඇති වී තිබෙනවා. නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමෙන්තුවේ වගකිව යුතු නිලධාරීන් මේ පරීක්ෂණයේ වැදගත් අවස්ථාවන්වල දී ඔවුන් මගහරින තත්ත්වයක් ඇති වෙලා තිබුණා.

මේ තත්ත්වය තුළ මම ගෞරවනීය ජනතාවගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටින්නේ, මේ දේශපාලන අර්බුද, ආර්ථික අර්බුදයත් සමග මා ඝාතනය කිරීමේ ප‍්‍රබල කුමන්ත‍්‍රණයක කරුණු හෙළිවීමත් සමග මට තිබුණු එකම විකල්පය හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට ආරාධනා කර එතුමා අගමැතිවරයා විදියට පත් කර අලූත් ආණ්ඩුවක් පිහිටුවීම පමණයි. මේ අලූත් ආණ්ඩුවට එක් වන ලෙස පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කටයුතු කරන 225 ක ගෞරවනීය සාමාජිකයන් සියලූ දෙනාට විවෘත වූ ගෞරවනීය ආරාධනයක් මම කරනවා. ඉතාම පවිත‍්‍ර වූ චේතනාවෙන් පවතින ආර්ථික අර්බුදයෙන් ගොඩඑන්න දේශපාලන අර්බුදය සෑහෙන දුරකට දැන් යටපත් වී තිබෙනවා සමනය වී තිබෙනවා. ඒ නිසා හෙට දවස වෙනුවෙන් රට වෙනුවෙන් මේ ගත්  තීන්දුව මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා අගමැති ධුරයට පත් කොට අලූත් ආණ්ඩුවක් සැදීමේ තීරණය රට වෙනුවෙන් ආදරණීය ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන් ඔබෙත් මගෙත් උතුම් මාතෘ භූමිය වෙනුවෙන්. ඒ උතුම් පරමාර්ථය ඉෂ්ට කරගෙන ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍රවාදී පාලනය ශක්තිමත් කරලා, ජනතාවගේ නිදහස ශක්තිමත් කරලා, මානව හිමිකම්, මූලික අයිතිවාසකම් ශක්තිමත් කරලා, මාධ්‍ය නිදහස ශක්තිමත් කරලා, ජනතාවගේ සියලූ අයිතිවාසිකම් වරප‍්‍රසාද ශක්තිමත් කරලා සමෘද්ධිමත් ආර්ථිකයක් ඇති විනයගරුක, වඩාත් ශික්ෂණයෙන් යුත් ඉතාමත් විනීත යහපත් සමාජයක් ගොඩනගන්න මේ නව රජයට සහයෝගය දෙන්න කියා මා ඔබෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා.

පසුගිය කටුක අත්දැකීම් ගත් විට මෙහි දී මා නැවත ස`දහන් කරන්නට  ඕන, ගරු රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතා වගකීම භාරගත යුතුයි අර්ජුන මහේන්ද්‍රන් මහතා අපේ රටට ගෙන්වා ගැනීමට සහ අධිකරණයට ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට. ඒ අන් කිසිවක් නිසා නොව මේ රටේ කවුරුත් දන්නා පරිදි අර්ජුන මහේන්ද්‍රන් මහතා රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතාගේ ඉතාම සමීප වූ කිට්ටු මිත‍්‍රයෙක් නිසයි. අපේ රටේ දේශීය කර්මාන්ත දුර්වල තත්ත්වයකට පත්වුණා පසුගිය අවුරුදු කිහිපයේ. ඒවා ගොඩනගන්න, ශක්තිමත් කරන්න රජය දුන් ආශිර්වාදය ප‍්‍රමාණවත් නැහැ.

විදේශීය ආයෝජන පමණක් කෙරෙහි විශ්වාසය තබමින් දේශීය කර්මාන්තකරුවන් දේශීය ව්‍යාපාරිකයන් දුර්වල කිරීමේ ආර්ථික ප‍්‍රතිපත්තියක් ප‍්‍රධාන වශයෙන්ම ක‍්‍රියාත්මක වුණේ. මේ ආර්ථික ප‍්‍රතිපත්තියේ තිබුණු දුර්වලකම් එක් පැත්තකින් සිදු වුණා වගේම මේ ආර්ථිකය විනාශ කළ, පෙර ස`දහන් කළ මහ බැංකු මංකොල්ලයේ වරදකරුවන්ට ද`ඩුවම් ඉක්මන් කිරීම ස`දහා අප සකස් කළ අල්ලස් හා ¥ෂණ කොමිෂන් සභා පනතේ සංශෝධන පසුගිය සතියේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමෙන් සිදුවුණේ කුමක් ද කියා ඔබ සොයා බැලූවාද කියා මා ඔබෙන් විමසා සිටිනවා. නීති විශාරදයන්, නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව, අල්ලස් හෝ ¥ෂණ කොමිෂන් සභාව මේ පරීක්ෂණ සිදු කළ නිලධාරීන් ඒ සියල්ල මේ වසරේ මුල් කාලයේ දී මා වෙත දන්වා සිටියේ දැනට රටේ පවතින නීති අනුව මහ බැංකු මංකොල්ලයේ වැරදිකරුවන්ට ද`ඩුවම් දීමට කටයුතු කිරීමේ දී අඩුම තරමින් වසර 15 ට එහා කාලයක් ගතවෙනවා. ඒ මුදල් ආපසු අයකර ගන්න වැරදිකරුවන්ට ද`ඩුවම් දෙන්න වසර 15 කින් මෙහා නොහැකි බව අද පවතින නීතිරීති මත නඩු විභාග කිරීමේ දී පවතින තත්ත්වය නීති විශාරදයන් පැහැදිලි කළා. ඒ අනුව අල්ලස් හා ¥ෂණ කොමිෂන් සභාව, නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව නිර්දේශ කළා මේ පරීක්ෂණ කටයුතු අවුරුද්දකින් අවසන් කරලා අතිවිශාල මහා ජනතාවගේ මුදල ආපසු රජයට ලබා ගැනීමට වසරක් ඇතුළත පරීක්ෂණ කටයුතු අවසන් කරලා ප‍්‍රතිඵල ලබා ගැනීමට නම් අල්ලස් ¥ෂණ කොමිෂන් සභා පනතේ සංශෝධනය කළ යුතු අංශ පිළිබ`දව. ඒ සංශෝධන සකස් කරලා මීට මාස 6 ට පෙර අපි ජනාධිපති කාර්යාලය මගින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට යැව්වා.

මාස 5 ක් ගත වුණා ඒවා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කළේ නැහැ. සභානායක කාර්යාලයේ ඒවා හමස් පෙට්ටියට ගියා. මා මේ පිළිබ`දව දැඩි විමසීමක් කළා. අල්ලස් කොමිෂන් සභාවේ නිලධාරීන්ගෙන් විමසුවා. නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ නිලධාරීන්ගෙන් විමසුවා. ඒ අනුව පසුගිය සතියේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට අල්ලස් හා ¥ෂණ කොමිෂන් සභා පනතේ සංශෝධනය ඉදිරිපත් කළා. කනගාටුයි කීමට, දින නියමයක් නොමැතිව එය පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සම්මත කිරීම කල් දැම්මා. ඇයි එසේ කල් දැම්මේ? කාගේ වුවමනාවට ද? කාගේ බලපෑමට ද? මේ ජනතාවගේ අතිවිශාල මහා මුදල් සම්භාරය රජයට ජනතාවට අහිමි වෙනවා.

වැරදිකරුවන්ට ද`ඩුවම් කිරීමට වසර 15 ක් 20 ක් යනවා. මේ සංශෝධනය දින නියමයක් නැතිව කල් දැමීමේ අරමුණ එයයි. ඔබ මාධ්‍ය තුළ දැක්කා පසුගිය දිනවල ඊඒපී ආයතනයේ ගනුදෙනුවක් පිළිබ`දව. ඒ ආයතනය විදේශීය ව්‍යාපාරිකයෙකුට බාරදුන්නා. ටෙන්ඩර් කැදවීම් නැති ඉතා ¥ෂිත ගනුදෙනුවක් ඊඒපී වෙළෙ`ද ව්‍යාපාරයේ ගනුදෙනුව. මේ පිළිබ`දව ඉදිරියේ දී පු`එල් පරීක්ෂණ කිරීමට බලාපොරාත්තු වෙනවා. බොහෝ වටිනාකම් තිබෙන විශේෂ ටෙන්ඩර් විදේශ සමාගම්වලට දුන්නා. ඉදිකිරීම් බාරදුන්නා ටෙන්ඩර් කැ`දවීමකින් තොරව. ඒ විදේශ සමාගම් වලට ටෙන්ඩර් කැදවීමකින් තොරව අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩලවලට හදිසි පත‍්‍රිකා විදියට ඉදිරිපත් කරලා ඒවාට විරුද්ධ වීම නොතකා මේ මහා ඉදිකිරීම් ක්ෂේත‍්‍රයේ ඉදිකිරීම් දුන්නා. මහනුවර අධිවේගී මාර්ගය ඊට හො`ද නිදසුනක්. පසුගිය සතියේ අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩලයට ඉදිරිපත් කළ ඉඩම් පිළිබ`ද විශේෂ විධිවිධාන පනත, ඒ වගේම ඉඩම් බැංකුවක් පිහිටුවීමේ පනත මම දැඩි ලෙස විරුද්ධ වෙලා ඒවා කල්දැම්මා. කැබිනට් මණ්ඩලයේ අති බහුතරයක් ඇමතිවරු මේ පනතට විරුද්ධයි.

මේ පසුගිය සතියේ ඉඩම් පිළිබ`ද විශේෂ විධිවිධාන සහිත පනත ඇමති මණ්ඩලයේ සම්මත කරලා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සම්මත වුණොත් ඔබේත් මගේත් මේ මාතෘභූමියේ සියලූම ඉඩම් කිසිදු කරදරයකින් තොරව විදේශික ව්‍යාපාරිකයන්ට සින්නක්කරව ගන්න පු`එවන්. ඞී.එස් සේනානායක මැතිතුමාලා, ගාමිණි දිසානායක මැතිතුමාලා, බණ්ඩාරනායක මැතිතුමාලා ආරම්භ කළ මහා ගොවිජනපද ව්‍යාපාර ඒ සියල්ල විනාශ වෙනවා. මේ රටේ ඉඩම් අයිතිය පිළිබ`දව මේ ඉඩම් විශේෂ විධිවිධාන පනත සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම අපි ඉවත් කළ යුතු වෙනවා ගරු රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතාගේ ආර්ථික හා දේශපාලන දර්ශනය මත ඉදිරිපත් කරපු.

ඒ වගේම ඔබට මෙහි දී ස`දහන් කරන්නට  ඕන රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතා විසින් පිහිටුවාගෙන කටයුතු කළ ආර්ථික කළමනාකරණ කමිටුව ඉතාම බරපතළ ලෙස ¥ෂිතයි. එය අවලංගු කිරීම විශාල අභියෝගයක් වුණා. නමුත් මම විශාල වෙහෙසක් ගෙන ඒක අහෝසි කළා. එම කමිටුව ගත් තීන්දු තීරණ ඉතාමත් ¥ෂිතයි. එයට විකල්ප වශයෙන් රටේ ආර්ථිකය කළමනාකරණය කිරීමට මම ජාතික ආර්ථික සභාව පිහිටෙව්වා. ජාතික ආර්ථික සභාව දුර්වල කිරීමට ගරු රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතා කළ හැකි සෑම දෙයක්ම කළා. ආර්ථික සභාවට පත් කළ ආර්ථික විශේෂඥවරයාට මාසික දීමනාව ලැබුණේ ලෝකයම පිළිගත් අපි ගනුදෙනු කරන විශේෂ ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය ආයතනයකින්. ඒ ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය ආයතනයෙන් මාසිකව ඔහුට දුන්න දීමනාව ගරු රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතා ඒ මුල්‍ය ආයතනයට උපදෙස් දීලා නවත්වලා දැම්මා. ඒ විදියට ජාතික ආර්ථික සභාව දුර්වල කිරීමට ක‍්‍රියා කළා වගේම ඒ කටයුතු අවහිර කිරීමට සියලූ කටයුතු කළා. රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතාගේ දරද`ඩු තීන්දු තීරණ නිසා තමයි මේ අර්බුදයන් සිදුවුණේ කියන එක මම පැහැදිලිවම කියනවා.

මේ නිසා මේ සියලූ කටයුතුවල දී මට තිබුණු එකම විකල්පය ගරු මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා නව අගමැති විදියට පත්කරගෙන අලූත් ආණ්ඩුවක් පිහිටුවීමයි. මේ අලූත් ආණ්ඩුව පිහිටුවීම ගරු මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා නව අග‍්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා වශයෙන් පත්කිරීම ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා ආණ්ඩුක‍්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවට පටහැනියි කියලා ගරු රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතා ප‍්‍රමුඛ එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය චෝදනා කරනවා. නමුත් මම පැහැදිලිවම කියන්න  ඕන නීති විශාරදයන්ගේ උපදෙස් මත, ආණ්ඩුක‍්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුකූලව, කිසිදු පටහැනි වීමක් නොමැතිව මේ පත්කිරීම් කරලා තිබෙන්නේ, ඉවත් කිරිම් කරලා තිබෙන්නේ. අලූත් ආණ්ඩුව පත්කරලා තිබෙන්නේ. ඒ නිසා ආණ්ඩුක‍්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවට පටහැනිවයි කියන ඒ චෝදනාව මම සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම ප‍්‍රතික්ෂේප කරනවා කියන එක මා ගෞරවයෙන් ස`දහන් කරනවා.

ඒ වගේම අද පවතින දේශපාලන වාතාවරණය තුළ රටේ පොදු මහජනතාව, රාජ්‍ය නිලධාරීන්, පොලිස්, යුද, නාවික, ගුවන්, හමුදා ප‍්‍රධානීන් ඇතු`එ ආරක්ෂක අංශ ඒ සියල්ල මේ අවස්ථාවේ දී මා වෙත ලබාදෙන සහය රටේ නීතිය හා සාමය ශක්තිමත් කරමින් රටේ ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍රවාදී ව්‍යුහය ශක්තිමත් කරමින්, ජනතාවගේ දෛනික ජීවිතයට අවශ්‍ය පහසුකම් සලසමින් ඒ සෑම කෙනෙක්ම කටයුතු කරන ආකාරය පිළිබ`දව මම ඒ සියලූ දෙනාටම මාගේ ස්තුතිය පුද කරනවා. ඒ වගේම මම මගේ කතාව අවසන් කරමින් මා පෙර කී පරිදි එක්සත් ජාතික පාක්ෂිකයන්, මා ජනාධිපති කිරීමට පු`එල් කැපවීමක් කළා ඔබේත් මගේත් මාතෘභූමිය වෙනුවෙන් ඒ සුන්දර වූ පරමාර්ථ ඉටුකරගන්න අපි සියලූ දෙනාම කැපවෙමු. ඔබට, ඔබේ එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයට හො`ද දැක්මක් ඇති, දේශීයත්වය අගය කරන, රටේ පොදු මහජනතාගේ දුක හ`දුනන, සේනානායක දර්ශන, ප‍්‍රතිපත්ති, ජයවර්ධන, පේ‍්‍රමදාස දර්ශන ප‍්‍රතිපත්ති අගය කරන නායකයෙන් ඔබ ඉදිරියේ දී පත්කර ගතහොත් මම විශ්වාස කරනවා අපි සෑම කෙනෙකුගේම බලාපොරොත්තු වන ඒ පවිත‍්‍ර අරමුණු ඉටුකරගන්න පු`එවන් වෙයි කියලා. ඒ නිසා මගේ රට වෙනුවෙන්, මගේ ආදරණීය ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන් මේ ගත් දේශපාලන තීන්දුව සම`ග, ආර්ථික අර්බුදය අවසන් කරමින්, දේශපාලන අර්බුදය අවසන් කරමින් සමෘද්ධිමත් ආර්ථිකයක් සමග යහපත් සමාජයක් ගොඩනගන්න, ආධ්‍යාත්මික වශයෙන් ප‍්‍රබුද්ධ සමාජයක් ගොඩනගන්න, ඔබ අප සෑම කෙනෙක්ම මේ සාමුහිකත්වය ඉටුකරමින්  රටේ සමස්ත පුරවැසියන්ට, සියලූ රාජ්‍ය සේවකයන්ට, සියලූ දේශපාලනඥයන්ට, ගෞරවනීය මහා සංඝරත්නය, අනෙකුත් සියලූම ආගමික පූජකතුමන්ට මා ඉතාමත් ගෞරවයෙන් ඇරයුම් කරමින් මේ කටයුතුවලට ඔබේ දායකත්වය ආශිර්වාදය ලබාදෙන මෙන් මා ගෞරවයෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා.

 

ජනාධිපති විශේෂ ප්‍රකාශය – LIVE

October 28th, 2018

ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන ජාතිය අමතා සිදුකරන විශේෂ ප්‍රකාශය

Ranil holding on to power unconstitutional, undemocratic

October 28th, 2018

By Laksiri Fernando Courtesy The Island

The present turn of events undoubtedly is not ideal for the country, but perhaps inevitable. If the UNP could have changed the leader, Ranil Wickremesinghe, as he was straying away from democratic norms and interests of the country, it would have been a better option, much earlier than the present. However, that was unfortunately not the situation given the poor internal democracy within our political parties. Equally worrying is the appointment of Mahinda Rajapaksa as the Prime Minister though it is constitutional.

The following was what a defiant UNP MP and a State Minister, Vasantha Senanayake, has told the media.

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“It is with relief that I welcome the change of a most shameless and selfish man that ruined the great party built by my ancestors and damaged seriously, the wellbeing of our motherland. I pledge my support to the Prime Minister and congratulate the President for his wisdom.”

Failures of Ranil as PM

There were three major instances where Ranil should have resigned and allowed another leader from the UNP to become the PM. But he didn’t. First was the bond scam (or robbery) where he was directly implicated with his friend Mahendran. Second was when the UNP under his leadership was roundly defeated at local government elections countrywide in Feb, 2018. Third was the rejection of his proposal to sell the East Terminal of the Port of Colombo to India even without an insistence from India.

In all these instances he held on to power under different excuses. Ambassador to China, Karunasena Kodituwakku, also recently revealed that the Hambantota Port had been given to China even without their request or insistence. It was called a ‘debt-equity swap’ in Wickremasinghe’s parlance. He was apparently either working on an extremely strange economic theory or against the national interests of the country for some reason.

While accusing the last government of taking excessive foreign loans, Wickremesinghe took more loans than the previous government. His government’s record of corruption is the same. The failure to hold elections on time has been the most damaging to the democratic system. President Sirisena is also culpable for these violations without taking necessary action previously. The ambiguous or diarchic 19th Amendment is one reason for this situation, whether it is done purposely or not.

Questionable democratic credibility?

Wickremesinghe cannot claim to be a democrat. If he is a ‘liberal,’ it is a strange variety. He has skeletons in his cupboard. He is quite equal to Mahinda Rajapaksa. The difference might be in the guts or public appeal. Now, he questions the appointment of Rajapaksa as the PM, on the basis he was holding a majority in Parliament before. However he didn’t have any hesitation to be sworn in as the PM in January 2015, under similar circumstances. Was it democratic then?

We know that numbers in our parliamentary system are largely manipulated. The root of the defect is within the electoral system and in the rotten political culture. People had some hopes when they ousted President Rajapaksa in 2015. However, they were largely dashed as RW started manipulating things for narrow political gains. The return of MR today is largely RW’s fault.

People wanted a democratic 19th Amendment instead of the dictatorial 18th Amendment. To meet the demand, certain positive changes were enacted. But stealthily, autocratic elements were introduced. Strengthening the powers of the PM is not the answer to excessive powers of the President. That is what has been attempted though not that successfully. The funniest aspect of our constitutional change is that it is the same Members of Parliament who enacted the 18th Amendment that endorsed the 19th Amendment overwhelmingly!

People like Wickremesinghe knew the situation. Therefore, he manipulated the Constitution, with the support of some naïve leftists. Constitutional amendments or changes should not be enacted to suit personalities. That, however, is what was done even in 1978 with Wickremesinghe’s connivance. At least, JR was in a position to go before the people and win a popular election. Wickremesinghe is not or hesitant. That is why he changed the Constitution to suit his circumstances through the 19th Amendment.

Constitutionality of the move?

Because of the ambiguous nature of the 19th Amendment, the decision to remove Wickremesinghe as the PM has now become a controversy. However, until this matter is settled amicably or in the Supreme Court, the President’s decision has to be upheld. Otherwise, the country would be plunged into unnecessary chaos. Wickremesinghe appears to claim he is the arbiter in deciding on the constitutional issue. He does not want to go before the Supreme Court.

President has appointed Rajapaksa according to Article 42 (4) as follows, although some have argued that the President has taken the phrase ‘in his opinion’ too literally.

“The President shall appoint as Prime Minister the Member of Parliament, who, in the President’s opinion, is most likely to command the confidence of Parliament.”

It is now incumbent upon Rajapaksa to prove he has a majority in Parliament after 16 November as the Parliament is prorogued until then. The Speaker now grumbles that he was not consulted in proroguing Parliament though it is not a constitutional requirement.

The question still remains whether the removal of Wickremesinghe is constitutional. If the President has appointed a new PM that implies that the incumbent is no more with or without informing in writing. That is how Wickremesinghe became the PM in January 2015 and no one raised the question of the constitutionality of the presidential move then. However, this time the following letter has been issued to Wickremesinghe.

“While I had appointed you as the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka as per the powers vested in me as the appointing authority in Article 42 (4) of the Constitution of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, I hereby inform you that you have been removed from the office of the Prime Minister of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka with immediate effect under the powers vested me.”

‘Under the powers vested in me’ is the key phrase. What are they?

19th Amendment

There is no question that many of the powers of the President have been reduced under the 19th Amendment. However, nowhere it says he cannot remove the PM. There are two Articles where removal is mentioned directly and indirectly.

First is Article 47 (2) which says “Notwithstanding the death, removal from office or resignation of the Prime Minister, during the period intervening between the dissolution of Parliament and the conclusion of the General Election, the Cabinet of Ministers shall continue to function with the other Ministers of the Cabinet of Ministers as its members…”

This is, of course, during the intervening period, as is clear from above. However, this is a proof that the possibility of removal is still there even after the 19th Amendment. There is no hard and fast rule on this matter.

Second is Article 48 (1) which says, “On the Prime Minister ceasing to hold office by death, resignation or otherwise, except during the period intervening between the dissolution of Parliament and the conclusion of the General Election, the Cabinet of Ministers shall, unless the President has in the exercise of his powers under Article 70, dissolved Parliament, stand dissolved…”

This is about the circumstances under which the Cabinet of Ministers stands dissolved. At the same time, it implies other circumstances under which the PM ceases to hold office other than death and resignation. These could be the circumstances of appointment of a new PM under Article 42 (4), a successful no-confidence motion in Parliament, defeat of a budget proposal or a direct removal by the President.

Other Powers of the President

It is a mistake to rely too much on the 19th Amendment or consider the 19th Amendment in isolation of other provisions of the constitution. Primary among them is Article 4 (b) which says,

“4. The Sovereignty of the People shall be exercised and enjoyed in the following manner:… (b) the executive power of the People, including the defence of Sri Lanka, shall be exercised by the President of the Republic elected by the People.”

However much Wickremesinghe fans would like to believe otherwise, the reality or the constitutional position is that ‘sovereignty of the people in the executive sphere is held by the President.’ Therefore, the position of the PM is subordinate to the President, however much he is educated, westernized or competent in dealing with the ‘international community.’ I say this because, behind the conflict between the President and the PM, there are class and cultural aspects involved.

Another mistake some of the Wickremesinghe biased constitutional interpreters have made is trying to read too much into the 19th Amendment’s changes. For example, when the present Chapter VII is compared with the original Constitution (1978), the changes may appear enormous. But still the powers of the President are considerable, unfortunately. For example Article 30 (1) still says,

“There shall be a President of the Republic of Sri Lanka, who is the Head of the State, the Head of the Executive and of the Government, and the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces.”

It is true that some of the functions of the President are formulated not as ‘powers’ but as ‘duties.’ Thus the moral initiative is strengthened. Among other matters, those include “to ensure that the Constitution is respected and upheld,” “to summon, prorogue and dissolve Parliament,” “to declare war and peace,” “to do all such acts and things, not inconsistent with the provisions of the Constitution.” These are only some highlights.

More importantly, “The President shall be responsible to Parliament for the due exercise, performance and discharge of his powers, duties and functions under the Constitution.”

Therefore, the President is also duty bound to follow the majority decision of the Parliament when it commences on 16 November. For this to happen, the Speaker should remain independent despite his past party affiliations. That would be the crucial test of President’s controversial decision to remove Wickremesinghe and appoint Rajapaksa. More than the removal, the appointment of Rajapaksa is the controversial action which has to be justified through a majority in Parliament.

Political Justification

There are two main reasons given for the change or reshuffle of the government. First, the formal withdrawal of the UPFA/SLFP from the ‘national government’ after which the Cabinet may stand dissolved, under Article 46 (4 &5) and Article 48 (1) though the drafting of the conditions of the ‘national government’ is extremely sloppy, whether it was done purposely or not.

Second is what the President has revealed yesterday as reported by The Sunday Times (28 October), as follows.

“President Maithripala Sirisena said last night that the main reason he decided to form a new government with Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa was the plot to assassinate him. He claimed that the name of Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka had surfaced during investigations by the Criminal Investigation Department, but it was suppressed due to political interference.”

The above also may be the reason why the UPFA/SLFP withdrew from the ‘national government’ at this stage. The situation undoubtedly is a national security risk if it is correct.

The best for the country is for Wickremesinghe to go before Parliament when it is convened, and show that he is correct, but not by stubbornly holding on to power when he is constitutionally removed and replaced. He should further prove the newly appointed Rajapaksa has no majority. Lust for power or naivety is not an alternative to patience or wisdom. Wickremesinghe should frankly ask the question himself whether he has the support among the people in the country to challenge his removal.

YAHAPALANA AND THE ‘GENEVA RESOLUTIONS’ Part 5

October 28th, 2018

KAMALIKA PIERIS

Yahapalana government signed resolution 30/1 in September 2015, and then it signed resolution 34/1 in March 2017 and in November 2017 reiterated a “very firm” commitment to fully implement the resolution within two years. .  The commitment was made by the Head of Delegation to the HRC’s Universal Periodic Review in Geneva, Harsha de Silva, Deputy Minister of National Policies and Economic Affairs.

But after the electoral defeat of February 2018, Yahapalana changed its stance. At the Geneva meeting of March 2018, Minister Tilak Marapana did not refer to the 2015 Geneva resolution at all. Tilak Marapana told Human Rights Council all reconciliation mechanisms will be implemented in accordance with our Constitution”

Minister Sarath Amunugama, who was also in the delegation, said they had clearly explained to the UNHRC that they would not allow any international interference which violated the Constitution.” We have clearly told the HRC that the government will not allow any foreign judges to come to Sri Lanka and interfere with the local judicial system. Sri Lanka has enough lawyers and a completely independent judiciary to look into its matters,” said Amunugama. It was unfair to categorize Sri Lanka as one of the countries that had to face war crime charges. Sri Lanka defeated a very powerful terrorist organization.  Sri Lanka was very different to the other countries which had war crime charges at UNHRC.

The intelligentsia are now getting restless over Resolution 30/1.They are starting to probe the matter. Mahinda Samarasinghe was questioned. He stated that Sri Lanka’s decision to co-sponsor the Geneva Resolution 30/1 in Oct 2015 had not been discussed by the Cabinet of Ministers the Foreign Ministry had handled the  matter. There was no requirement to take it up at the Cabinet, he said. The Rajapaksa government had adopted a similar strategy in respect of the 2009 resolution. Tamara Kunanayagam said this was a very serious lapse on the part of government. The matter should have been first submitted to parliament to which the government is accountable.

The media wanted to know from Samarasinghe whether the Naseby information had been conveyed to Geneva. Samarasinghe said the Naseby information has not been discussed at the Cabinet. Lord Naseby during a meeting with President Sirisena in London had also commented on Sri Lanka’s failure to present its case in Geneva and to European countries. Sarath Amunugama said that the Foreign Affairs Ministry should have used the statement to deny allegations. .  However, Foreign Minister Tilak Marapana had assured Parliament in November 2017 that Lord Naseby’s statement would be used at the appropriate time.

The intelligentsia are now considering how to get out of this Resolution. Mahinda Samarasinghe said that Geneva Resolutions were not binding.  The Island pointed out that though the government had repeatedly claimed that Geneva Resolution wasn’t binding, it was in the process of implementing its recommendations. Samarasinghe said that Sri Lanka would only implement what was acceptable.

Sri Lanka should address the issues relating to Geneva from a legal perspective and call on the Human Rights Council to withdraw Resolution 30/1 and re-visit the stand taken regarding Sri Lanka said one critic. It was possible for UNHRC to revisit a Resolution. That decision was solely in the hands of the members of the Human Rights Council. It would be up to the member states of the Human Rights Council to decide whether to revisit Sri Lanka’s case on the basis of representations made by a country,   said an UN official.

The only hope for Sri Lanka is for a future government to sit with the Office of the Human Rights Council and renegotiate the resolution, so that Sri Lanka’s obligations are fulfilled within the context of its own Constitution as well as within the internationally recognized laws, said Ladduwahetty.

Whether the fact that the Sri Lankan government cosponsored the Resolution makes its implementation obligatory is debatable, said N.A. de S Amaratunge. For one thing, the government may have been coerced by the western powers that helped the government to come to power.

Under the UN Charter, resolutions adopted by the General Assembly, including subsidiary bodies such as the Human Rights Council, are recommendations only and not legally binding on Member States. Numerous resolutions are never ever implemented. The US, for instance, has never implemented the annual resolutions calling for lifting of its criminal blockade against Cuba, nor has Israel the hundreds of resolutions on Occupied Palestine, a critic said.

The simple solution, therefore, is ignore the resolution and mobilize the support of Sri Lanka’s natural allies to take Sri Lanka off the Council’s agenda the critic said. This would mean ensuring there is no resolution against Sri Lanka or one that does not have an operative paragraph requiring the Council to consider the matter at a future session. The resolution is binding only because Yahapalana wants it to be binding, concluded Tamara Kunanayagam.

This series ends with reference to a new Human Rights issue facing Sri Lanka in Geneva, the emergence of the Muslim factor in the UN arena. This is clearly connected to the Resolution At a side event at HRC sessions In Geneva, at which paper presenters and audience conducted themselves admirably, moderate yet critical representatives of the Muslim community rationally presented their case, their grievances and their apprehensions said Dayan Jayatilleke.

Tamara Kunanayagam looked at it differently. Recent attacks on Muslims had helped advance the UN-US agenda in respect of Sri Lanka. The attacks coincided with the sessions of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, Washington has been concerned that its resolution has been widely contested by the Sri Lankan people, including at the highest level of State, said Tamara Kunanayagam speaking at ‘Eliya’.

The maiden appearance of the local Muslims at the HRC session in Geneva is on YouTube. We have all seen it.  It is very clear that these Muslim representatives have been brought in to   show that Sri Lanka is simultaneously anti Muslim as well as anti Tamil. They have been brought for a purpose. The west finds that the case for Tamil Eelam is about to be exposed and weakened at Geneva. That is due to the Global Sri Lanka Forum, starting to invade   the HRC sessions In Geneva, well primed and ready to demolish the case for a bogus Eelam. It was necessary   therefore to substitute another ethnic issue” on to the stage and make Global Sri Lanka Forum battle both ethnic issues.  ( CONCLUDED)

The envious hate those whom they can’t help admiring

October 28th, 2018

By Rohana R. Wasala

As a fairly frequent contributor to Lankaweb I welcome feedback from discerning readers. My way is to accept decent responses with equanimity whether they are positive or negative. But I pay more attention to negative comments, because they usually reflect on aspects of an issue that I might have failed to notice. My last article titled Mahavamsa: the 2500-year history of the heroic Sinhalay people mellowed by humanity” (25-10-18) has prompted a number of comments from readers. Among these there’s one inserted by a person who writes under the pen name ‘Nimal’. His is a negative assessment that is unnecessarily insulting. Its asperity may have been provoked by this particular commenter’s misunderstanding of the word ‘Sinhalay’. The word can be interpreted as Sinha + lay (lion blood)by a chauvinist Sinhalese. Actually, ‘Sinhalay’ does not have that meaning; it only means the ‘country of Sinhalas’ in the same way as ‘Tamil Nadu’ means the ‘country of Tamils’, or ‘England’ is the ‘land of the English’. Be that as it may, the writer earns my gratitude for causing me to write this addendum to that Mahavamsa article.

My article is about the recorded history of the racial community known as the Sinhalese. Irrefutable archaeological evidence of a much longer history to the Sinhalese race prior to that covered in the Mahavamsa has begun coming to light recently. The original title I gave the article in question was ‘Mahavamsa: an account of the last two thousand five-hundred years of the long history of the Sinhalese’. On second thoughts, I decided to downplay the interest in the still scarcely known pre-Mahavamsa phase of history highlighted in a title worded like that, and settled for the title by which the article is now known. Nimal’s remarks strongly convince me that he is a non-Sinhalese nursing a personal grudge against the Sinhalese, writing under a pseudonym (which happens to be a name usually adopted by Sinhalese).  His ‘advice’ to Lankaweb readers not to ‘hallucinate about our” history…’ is a foolish joke in my opinion. This is not about any other racial community’s ancient history. It is about the history of ‘the heroic people of Sinhalay’ (the Sinhalese) that he seems to hate so much. This is not to claim that he is any less Sri Lankan than the Sinhalese. In his comments on my previous articles and on those of other writers, he has already revealed to the discerning reader his actual ethnic background. He can’t do anything about it now, except look for the tracks he’s accidentally left and try to explain them away, an exercise that he will find futile.

Nimal complains: I constantly deal and associate with Persians, Greeks, Italians and they too have a history but they don’t brag about it like us the Sinhalese. This is a national disease that had rammed down out throats by religious, cultural and political freaks that live a double life at the expense of the suffering people in our countries.” Sinhalese Buddhist monks, scholars, archaeologists, historians, and journalists who research, speak and write about their past are not what he calls them (freaks, rogues, etc). His derogatory terms are suitable for those who, like him, assume a false identity and attack people whose identities are publicly known.

Does he really believe that All histories on every country were cruel and only a very few rogues were ever benefited but the innocent people with no right to life were slaves, never lived beyond 30 years”? Who but a freak could thus rubbish the whole human civilization, whatever its shortcomings?

Only someone shackled by ‘mind forged manacles’, worshipful of the imperialists of the West, could claim that we did not know about public toilets, schools, hospitals, courts of law, and democratic institutions before their arrival. (If Nimal is a Sinhalese as he pretends, he cannot be unaware of the historical fact that we had all these, independent of Indian influence, in ancient Sri Lanka, something proven by written records, rock inscriptions and archaeological remains scattered throughout the island. The idea of democratic rule was praised by the Buddha two thousand five hundred years ago. This was implicit in the ‘dasa raja dharma’ code of ethics for the ruler (the Ten Kingly Virtues) that Sinhalese Buddhist monarchs observed. Kings who deviated from these principles were forced to reform (by the force of public opinion conveyed to any errant king through the monks); if they failed to do so, they were deposed by the people led by the monks. Rarely did kings risk incurring public opprobrium. Sinhalese kings’ reigns were often disturbed by invaders from South India in early times and from Europe in past five centuries. How the Sinhalay state survived their depredations forms a good part of our history. The invasion by Maga of Kalinga with his mercenary army in the 12th century delivered a death blow to the heart of the ancient sophisticated hydraulic civilization of the Sinhalese in the dry zone. The author of the Culavamsa (the Little Chronicle), the sequel to the Mahavamsa, also a Buddhist monk, does not express even a semblance of hatred towards the yamapallan or  the hell guards led by Magha of Kalinga who murdered people in their thousands and devastated the country. Another historical chronicle written in Sinhala named Rajavaliya (Line of Kings), dealing with the reigns of all the kings of the country from Vijaya to Vimaladharmasuriya I of Kandy (543 BCE – 1604 CE) was apparently done by a Christian author, and it maintains the spirit of tolerance, compassion, and equanimity that marks all the ancient classics dealing with the history of the Sinhalese.

No Sri Lankan with an iota of national pride will agree with Nimal when he writes:

What good the last colonials did was endless and we are in denial but these cruel freaks and rouges prefer to live in the countries of former colonials and write crap while we taxpayers in SL have to pay for it with our hard earned taxes.”

Only idle idiots, not respectable taxpayers like Nimal, could even imagine of asserting that ‘the last colonials’ did a lot of good to the Sinhalese, of which the latter are allegedly in denial. The truth is that the British and other European colonial powers treated the Sinhalese as their enemy, and the minorities as their allies, because it was the country of Sinhalay that they invaded and robbed. Only a minority of the Sinhalese cooperated with them, usually under duress, but the masses just laid low, hoping to be rescued by heroic leaders that emerged from time to time. Resistance to foreign invasions never relented . The Sinhalese always fought for the country, their homeland from time immemorial. Like other inhabitants of islands, the Sinhalese have historically been jealous of their independence and sovereignty, and always mindful of their national honour and dignity, though they are humble by nature, as a result of generations of cultural influence exerted by the inculcation of Buddhist moral values. The surrounding sea both threatens and fortifies the security of the inhabitants of an island.

The disguised racist taking cover behind a false identity gets so angry about the factual information included in the above (Mahavamsa) article as to describe it as ‘crap’.  This provides a redundant piece of evidence that he is not a Sinhalese, but a slavish parasitic descendant of a minority that had benefited from colonialism by feeding on crumbs fallen from their imperial tables. Nimal seems to belong to a business family that grudges having to ‘pay taxes’. He seems to despise the Sinhalese for not having to pay taxes as he obviously believes. But he must remember that it is not the only the business community that pays taxes.  Every citizen pays taxes in one form or another. The Sinhalese (75% of the population) also pay taxes, and they add more to government revenue by way of taxes than all the minorities put together (25% of the population). Taxes are not charity but mandatory payments in a duly  constituted sovereign state like Sri Lanka.

Finally, Nimal writes the following utterly irrelevant ‘example’ (for what?), betraying not only his confusion but his probable ethnic identity:

Here is a simple example of the cruel history that we constantly glorify is the Taj mahal built by 40 thousand slaves whose hands and eyes were cut off so that they could not do a similar thing elsewhere, only for the pleasure of a cruel king in the name of his wife. It was called the symbol of love, give me a break!”

What Nimal says here about the building of Taj Mahal may be true. This happened during the most celebrated phase of the Muslim occupation of India, the Moghul period (1526-1857). This was many centuries after the construction of ancient Sri Lanka’s engineering marvels such as the great dagabas, tanks, temples, and palaces the archaeological remains of which even today earn many millions of dollars for the country by attracting foreign visitors. The Sinhalese kings who had these edifices done did not use slave labour, contrary to what the early European scholars wrongly assumed. It is recorded in the ancient chronicles how conscientious the Sinhalese kings were about duly paying wages to the workers for their labour. The construction of Sigiriya complex took eighteen years. Much skilled labour was used. The engineers and artisans who worked on the royal project were not slave labourers; they were paid hands.

Nimal advises us not to look back in history but to look ahead and develop the country where there are many problems for the innocent people”. What inane comments! The Sinhalese have a glorious history to be proud about. Why should others get upset if the Sinhalese choose to revisit and revise their knowledge of their true past on the basis of authentic new research assisted by modern technology? It is the wicked, as the 19th century French poet and novelist Victor Hugo observed, who envy others for making achievements that they themselves cannot match, and hate them for that reason.

YAHAPALANA AND THE ‘GENEVA RESOLUTIONS’ Part 4

October 28th, 2018

KAMALIKA PIERIS

Sri Lankans have been given the impression that Sri Lanka is under the HRC. That is incorrect. Sri Lanka‘s connection to the UNHRC comes through Sri Lanka‘s membership of the UN. Sri Lanka became a member state of the UN in 1955 and since then is entitled to participate in all General Assembly deliberations and exercise a vote. Sri Lanka is also supported by the UN Charter, a much forgotten document, which when invoked, ranks above all other UN utterances.

The UN Human Rights Council was created by the UN General Assembly on 15 March 2006 to address human rights violations and make recommendations.  It is therefore a subordinate body of the UN. It is not even one of the principal UN organizations. The principal organizations of the UN are General Assembly, Security Council, ECOSOC, Trusteeship, and International Court of Justice. UNHRC is not one of the UN specialized agencies either, like WHO and ILO.

When the UNHRC was created, the UN General Assembly decided that the work and functioning of the new HRC should be reviewed five years after it had come into existence, and the review should take place at the level of the General Assembly. At this review, the status of the Council would also be considered.” This shows that the UN General Assembly   has had its doubts about this new Council.

The first review of the UHRC accordingly took place in 2011. The decision is listed as Resolution 65/281 of 17.6.2011. The General Assembly decided to maintain the status of the Human Rights Council as  a subsidiary body of the General Assembly and to consider again the question of whether to maintain this status, [at another meeting] at a time  no sooner than ten years and no later than fifteen years. Therefore the HRC itself is up for periodic review! Sri Lanka   indirectly participated in the review as a member of the General Assembly.

The government of Sri Lanka under Mahinda Rajapaksa behaved as though it was scared of UNHRC. Sri Lanka has been taking a defensive strategy from the first UNHRC resolution on accountability in 2012, always explaining its actions during and after the conflict. This is a flawed strategy, observed Ladduwahetty.

Instead, Sri Lanka should consider reporting the UNHCR and its Office of the Commissioner for Human Rights to the General Assembly for exceeding its mandate.  Sri Lanka should call for a review of HRC in 2021 when the next ten year period ends.

Sri Lanka must begin by reporting UNHCR to UNGA for interference in Sri Lanka’s internal matters. UNGA Resolution A/RES/36/103 of 9 December 1981 says No State or group of States has the right to intervene or interfere in any form or for any reason whatsoever in the internal and external affairs of other States.” The   Eelam war was a secessionist civil war, which stayed within the island. It did not spill out to other countries. It was an internal matter.

Further, the responsibility of protecting Human rights and enforcing international human rights law lies with the state, not the HRC. There is currently not even an international court   for judging   international human rights law. Many human rights are problematical. There is no agreement on what they mean.

The UN General Assembly must be told of the dishonest methods used by the HRC, under the guise of Human Rights, to push the Eelam agenda.  HRC has used for this purpose, contrived, biased reports (Darusman and OISL) crackpot documentaries, (Channel Four)    extreme observations (UNHRC   Special Rapporteurs) and evaluations by the OHCHR itself. The faulty Darusman report was used as a primary source by the OCHRC. The OISL Report is ‘rather unique’ and was the first of its kind by his Office in respect of any country said the High Commissioner.  It was a new exercise, done for the first time.

Sri Lanka will have support for this in the UN. When the 2014 resolution on Sri Lanka came up for discussion, the representative for Pakistan had said that that no self respecting country would agree to the intrusive measures advocated in this resolution. He wanted to know how this resolution was to be funded and whether the funders were the same as those who had sponsored the resolution.  If so the whole process will be tainted. He got no   answer to his inquiry.  India had also warned that an intrusive approach would undermine national sovereignty.

Russian Ambassador to Sri Lanka    said in 2018, We are strongly condemning the use of human rights issues as an excuse for interfering in domestic affairs of countries as well as undermining the basic principles of International Law. We oppose the adoption of the politicized country-specific resolutions, especially taking into account the successful functioning of the Universal Periodic Review mechanisms in the Human Rights Council. The adoption of country-specific resolutions has only one goal to punish unfavorable governments. This is utterly counterproductive because the patronizing tone has never contributed to improvements in the human rights situation and labeling countries on the basis of political motives discredit the United Nations agencies” ( Daily Mirror, April 2, 2018 quoted by Ladduwahetty).

I recall seeing a newspaper headline many years ago, which said ‘Sri Lanka to be roasted at HRC”. That was intended to frighten the public. It is a fraudulent suggestion. UN HRC lacks the power to act against countries. No resolution of the UNHCR can have direct legal consequence except for the Office of the High commissioner itself. It can only make recommendations, observed Palitha Kohona.

This ‘roasting’ talk would have been with reference to Sri Lanka’s appearance at the Universal Periodic Review. The UNHRC is empowered, through its Universal Periodic Review (UPR) to examine the HR status of all 193 UN Member States. I looked at some of these UPR reports some time back and my recall is that not one member state ever admitted guilt. They had explanations, excuses, and where necessary, there was outright rejection of the charges.

Subhas Gujadhur and Toby Lamarque were asked to make an assessment of the numerous HRC Resolutions issued over the years. Their report was published as The evolution and future direction of the UN Human Rights Council’s resolution system’ (2015). They found that most of the Resolutions were on   themes, not countries.  Resolutions relating to specific countries, were a mere 7% of its total output, and confined to 12 situations, including Sri Lanka.  They were mostly about Israel. The 10 highest ranked countries for HR violations were not in this list.

When one considers the scale of human rights violations that have taken place (and continue to take place) around the world since 2007, it is clear that, by only addressing fourteen situations, the Council is guilty of  neglecting its responsibilities, said the authors.

Most of the resolutions have been brought by two actors, the USA and the European Union, said Gujadhur and Lamarque. Only these two actors   have shown the political will and the necessary political power to do so. 56% of the resolutions looked at were by the EU or leading member states of the EU and 20% by USA. The Council’s willingness to address country-specific human rights violations is therefore heavily dependent on just two Western powers, the EU and the US.

UN Watch” has commented angrily on the resolutions against Israel. UN Watch” is a NGOs affiliated to American Jewish Committee.   UN Watch” complained in 2010 that   about 27 one-sided resolutions against Israel   have been adopted by the UN Human Rights Council.’ They were one sided    and      indicated support for   Hamas and Hezbollah, said UN Watch”. HRC only examines the actions of one side and presumes those actions to be violations, ‘UN Watch’ complained. Sounds familiar does it not?

‘UN Watch’   further observed that before the USA took over,   HRC had convened no less than six special sessions on Israel. Since the United States joined the body, however, only two such sessions were called and there was a clear decrease in the number of country resolutions devoted to Israel.

In 2015, the USA brought a Resolution in the HRC, titled   Promoting reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka”. (UNHRC Resolution 30/1).This was a follow up to its Resolutions of 2012, 2013 and 2014. Sri Lanka’s    puppet government supported the Resolution.

Resolution 30/1 has been drafted craftily, to ease the fears of other countries who will otherwise object to a precedent that could endanger their own independence and sovereignty, said Tamara Kunanayagam. Therefore no member of the Human Rights Council felt the need to table a counter resolution to protect itself from becoming a victim of interventions of a similar nature at some future date.

The Resolution has been drafted jointly by a tripartite group, consisting of   US, Government of Sri Lanka, and the Tamil National Alliance.  This was done secretly, and we only knew of it when the TNA announced the fact, said Shamindra Ferdinando. M.A. Sumanthiran told American ‘Congressional Caucus for Ethnic and Religious Freedom in Sri Lanka’, in Washington, that the government of Sri Lanka, the TNA and the US had been involved in the negotiations leading to the Resolution.

Sumanthiran named the Government of Sri Lanka, the US and the TNA as parties to the agreement. The declaration was made in the presence of Sri Lanka’s Ambassador in Washington, Prasad Kariyawasam, reported Shamindra. The resolution itself has been drafted by Jeffrey Feltman, UN under Secretary General for Political Affairs, in Washington. He is ‘an arch neo conservative, notorious for engineering regime change in countries of strategic interest to Washington, ‘said Tamara Kunanayagam.

Tamil intellectuals see much hope for their cause, in Human Rights”. Radhika Coomaraswamy had given a lecture at ICES where she spoken glowing terms of the western enlightenment which upheld reason, universal truth and universal rights applicable to all societies and cultures.   She expressed confidence in the international human rights regime. ( Island 8.12.13 p 5)

However, there is absolutely nothing in the Resolution  which deals with Human Rights per se .it is not a Human Rights  resolution at all. This Resolution is a political statement. Its preamble  welcomes  Sri Lanka ‘s ‘historic free and fair democratic elections in January and August 2015’,praises the 19th amendment and calls for a  political settlement based on the devolution of power.

The Resolution  then goes on to incorporate the immediate concerns of the Tamil Separatist Movement ,  which are to erase the Eelam  defeat and get the Eelam movement back on track. Therefore  this Resolution is an Eelam Resolution as  well. The Resolution is  silent as to the nature of the ‘conflict’. It supports the Eelam war indirectly, by saying that terrorism must be combated only  within the limits of the laws of war. It refers to the ‘victims’ of war, but says nothing about who waged the war .

Resolution  30/1 does not mention Eelam War IV by name. The Resolution consists of cryptic utterances which  make sense only to those  who are sympathetic towards Tamil Separatist Movement.  There are references to  “conflict- affected provinces of North and East’‘, “guarantee of non recurrence”, ” dealing with the past , as well as mention of LLRC and LTTE. In the case of Israel HRC is very specific. The resolutions against Israel speak of’ ‘occupied Palestine’, ‘occupied Syrian Golan’ and ‘incursions into Gaza.’

All  the matters raised in the Resolution are  matters which any sovereign state could carry out on its own, without any nudging by the HRC.  They were latched on to the HRC in the hope that UNHRC would give these matters greater legitimacy and also in the hope that it would silence the opposition, who,  they thought were in awe of the HRC.

The Resolution had an  unprecedented 23 introductory paragraphs that set the stage for 20 operational paragraphs, filling 5 pages observed Pathfinder Foundation. The Resolution is available online and  I list below some of  the  issues contained in the Resolution .The absurdity and also the gravity of the recommendations is immediately apparent.

The clauses of Resolution 30/1 include the following:

  • the proposal by the Government to establish a  Commission  for  Truth,  Justice,  Reconciliation  and  non-recurrence,  an  Office  of Missing  persons  and  an  Office  for  Reparations    and to give each of these the freedom to obtain financial, material and technical assistance from international partners, including the Office of the High Commissioner/
  • to sign and ratify the  International  Convention  for  the  Protection  of  All  Persons  from  Enforced Disappearance, to criminalize enforced disappearances and to begin to issue certificates of absence to the families of missing /
  • to review  the Public Security Ordinance Act and to review and repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act, and   to   replace   it   with   anti-terrorism   legislation   in   accordance   with   contemporary international best practices/
  • accelerate the return of land to its rightful civilian owners, [and assist in] the resumption of livelihoods and the restoration of normality to civilian life, [and also] ending  of  military  involvement  in  civilian activities, /
  • to fulfill its commitments on the devolution of political authority, which is integral to reconciliation and the full enjoyment of human rights by all members of its population/
  • introduce effective security sector reforms/
  • [Remove from] the security forces, anyone [charged with] Human Rights violations and violation of IHL. [This]  included  members  of  the  security  and intelligence units/
  • to issue instructions  clearly  to  all  branches  of  the  security  forces  that  violations  of  international human  rights  law  and  international  humanitarian  law,  including  those  involving  torture, rape and sexual violence, will be investigated and that those responsible  will be punished./
  • the trial  and punishment  of  those    responsible  for  crimes [specially ] abuses of  human  rights  and  violations  of  international  humanitarian  law,  during  the period covered by the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission/
  • to establish a judicial  mechanism to investigate   allegations   of   violations   and   abuses   of   human   rights   and   violations   of international humanitarian law, [which will include] foreign judges, defence lawyers and authorized prosecutors and investigators/
  • the Office of the High Commissioner to continue to assess progress on the  implementation  of  its  recommendations  and  other  relevant  processes  related  to reconciliation, accountability and human rights, and to present an oral update to the Human Rights  Council  at  its  thirty-second  session,  and  a  comprehensive  report  followed  by discussion on the implementation of the present resolution at its thirty-fourth session ( Continued)

Hold the following responsible and impound passports

October 28th, 2018

Dr Sudath Gunasekara

Ranil Wickramasinha

Mangala samarweera

Ravi Karunamayaka

Samarawickrama

Rajitha Senarathna

Sujiva semasinhgha

Luxman Kirirella

Richard Badurdeen

and

All Ministers, Cabinet and non-Cabinet

 

For

 

1 CB scam

2 Misappropriation of public funds for political objectives

3  abuse of power and misuse of public funds

4 Selling national assets

5 Ruining the country

Impound their pass ports immediately before they leave the country

and get down Arjun Mahendran immediately

Sirisena and Mahinda Averted Another Indian Invasion

October 28th, 2018

Dilrook Kannangara

What happened on October 26, 2018 was far more than what is on the surface. India was on the verge of another invasion – the sixth attempt since 1972. The 1973 lopsided Sirima-Shastri Pact saw the invasion of the island by half a million Indians. Kachahativu deal was no better which has resulted in South Indian fishermen invading Lanka almost daily. In 1983 August India threatened to invade Lanka until a senior minister cautioned India of violence against Indians in the island in case of invasion. However, in June and July 1987 India invaded Sri Lanka. That invasion lasted 3 years until close defence relations with China forced India out. Fifth Indian invasion attempt was in May 2009. It was averted only with Indian fears for the safety of 300,000 Tamil IDPs in camps in case there was a larger war. Since 2012 India followed an open hostile and anti-Sri Lankan policy of voting against Sri Lanka at the UNHRC. The sixth Indian invasion was on in 2018 when it tried to take over Mattala airport, Colombo Port East terminal and Palaly airport. It was averted at the last moment by a decisive Sirisena supported by Rajapaksas.

Sirisena Assassination Plot by Indians

Having assassinated two Sri Lankan leaders for siding with China in 1959 and 1993, India was planning for the third kill. However, it was foiled by courageous action of a local. He revealed Indian plans to assassinate Sirisena and Gotabaya. Hidden animosity between Sirisena and India was simmering. A few months ago, Sirisena alleged that Tamil terrorists operating in South India were planning to attack Colombo during the last stages of the war. It is a fact that Tamil terrorists operated and still operate terrorist bases in India. This has been the case since 1970s. Sirisena and Ranil openly clashed over the latter’s attempt to sell iconic local assets to India.

Ranil, as he always does, record Sirisena’s angry rant and revealed it to India in a recent trip. As the Indian assassination plot came to light, things had come to a head. Sirisena had to take decisive action and thankfully he did.

In doing so Sri Lanka achieved the best of both worlds. Hambantota port was leased to China for the long term – a wise decision under the circumstances. And avoided handing over Mattala airport, Colombo Port East terminal, Trincomalee Port and Palaly airport to India.

So far only China welcomed Mahinda’s return to power.

India condemned it in diplomatically deceptive statements. They insist following the Constitution. However, that is subject to interpretation. One interpretation is that Sirisena was right in doing so while the other says he was unconstitutional once again. The irony is that the President can violate the constitution.

We Have Not Seen the End of Indian Invasion

However, it is foolish to think that this will be the end of Indian invasion attempts. India will try again until it is matched by an equal power. India plans to set up camp in the island to disrupt China, colonize the island with Indian language speakers and exploit the economy of the island.

India is very likely to unleash Tamil terrorists once again on Sri Lanka.

Sri Lanka cannot take a chance with another Indian invasion. As a matter of urgency, Sri Lanka must invite China to set up a military base in Trincomalee. In return, a waiver on Chinese loans can be obtained.

Sirisena is in Danger of Impeachment

UNP, TNA and JVP together have 120 seats in parliament. Pro-Indian MPs outside these parties number over 20. They can come close to 140 seats. With other UPFA MPs opportunistically voting, they can get 150 seats in parliament and impeach Sirisena. Thereafter the Supreme Court will have to decision if Sirisena violated the Constitution.

While it helps Rajapaksas to impeach Sirisena, it is highly disadvantageous for Sri Lanka. Sirisena will not go down without a fight and the ensuing political turmoil may turn violent allowing an Indian invasion. The events of last Friday showed again that there are no permanent friends or enemies in politics. Whatever one’s views on Sirisena, he must be supported at this decisive moment. Only he has executive powers that can be used to destabilize the nation. The military must be put on alert to face any security threat. Government must also have a plan to arm millions of able-bodied patriotic civilian population to face a possible Indian invasion’s local supporters.

The significance of ousting the Salesman and inducting the Guardian

October 28th, 2018

By:  A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA

The steps taken by President Maithripala Sirisena on Friday night to oust the quisling Salesman quisling Ranil Wickremasinghe from the post of Prime Minister and induct instead the populist Guardian Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa has a great significance as Sri Lanka was in the danger of losing its national assets and natural resources on one hand and be coming under the rule of a federal (Orumiitta Nadu) constitution on the other hand.  This threat was looming over the heads of Sri Lankans in the midst of unceasing, exorbitant and monthly or periodical taxes on essential items, fuel price increases, hikes in cooking gas prices, increase in rail fares, bus fares, transport fares, taxi (3 wheel) fares, food prices, rice and vegetable prices, prices of cement and construction materials, electric, electronic and household items and increase in wages to be paid to construction and manual labourers.  While the poor, middle class, white- and blue-collar workers and daily wage earners were severely burdened with these hardships unable to feed their children three meals a day, educate them properly the rich enjoyed various forms of tax concessions, tax holidays and various other privileges.

Payment of compensation for people who had suffered due to natural disasters for several years and seasons due to crop failures, droughts, floods, land and mountain slides and erosion of garbage mountains had been completely neglected and denied.  The designer turned homo Finance Minister quisling Mangala Samaraweera who cannot understand the people’s distress and difficulties and who was completely ignoramus about economy and economic management was keen only on increasing the government revenue through exorbitant taxes.

If the Ranil Wickremasinghe government had continued under these conditions for at least up to next December Sri Lanka would have undergone with:

a)

  • Sale of East Terminal of the Colombo Port to India
  • Handing over of the Kankesanthurai Port to India
  • Handing over of the Palali Port to India
  • Sale of Mattala Airport with several thousand acres of adjacent lands to India
  • Handing over of over 100 oil tanks in  Trincomalee to India
  • Indian and Japanese involvement in exploiting several thousand acres of lands in Trincomalee depriving the people access and usage of these lands.
  • Operational rights of Trincomalee harbour and the proposed Sampur coal power plant to Japan India.
  • Establishment of exclusive export processing or industrial areas by South Indian States of Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Bemngalaru
  • Negotiations for signing the horrendous ETCA which would open the way for flooding Sri Lanka with half baked doctors, engineers, other professionals, and various categories of  technicians and barbers, beauticians, and heavy duty drivers
  • A situation in which the future generations of our country having lack of land for cultivation, to compete for jobs in their own country with low paid Indians, and with the compulsion to seek employment in foreign countries.

b)

  • Adoption of a federal (Orumiitta Nadu) constitution designed and formulated by pro-separatists Jayqmpathi Wickremaratne and M.A.Sumanthiran dividing this nation to form at least nine fully autonomous provincial self-governing units with option to merge Northern and Eastern Provinces and this arrangement depriving  the prime place given to Buddhism enjoyed by the country from the time of King Devanampiya Tissa  to make the country a federal and secular state.

c)Making the country Indianized under the proposed ETCA which is expected to be signed next January and under this proposed agreement half baked Indian Doctors, Engineers, other professionals, health sector personnel, technicians, machine and heavy duty vehicle operators, the so-called beauticians and night queens, barbers and other personnel have flooded this country.  On the other hand all reusable products of this country would have been exported ti India as it was done during the IPKF operations in the4 North and East (they even took away scrap metals for their industries).

d)Sri Lanka’s central hills would have been made a nuclear and radio-active waste dump yard under the already signed Malik Samarawickrema’s Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement.  And under this agreement low quality Taiwanese goods and food items including rice would have been flooded this country under the manufactured in Singapore” label even though it is well known that there is no paddy cultivation in Singapore.

  • Other than ETCA Indian low standard personnel would have found avenues to come to Sri Lanka through Indian companies registered in Singapore.
  • Similar agreements detrimental to Sri Lanka would have been signed with have been signed with Thailand, Malaysia and Taiwan as it was boasted by Ranil Wickunanasimghe.

e)Our gallant War heroes who sacrificed their lives  to liberate this country vanquishing 30 years of ruthless terrorism would have been mustered to international war crime tribunals under the  UNHRC resolutions co-sponsored by American puppet Mangala even without the knowledge of the President of the country and the Cabinet of Ministers on the behest of his kith and kins in Tamil diaspora.

f)The economic growth which now stands at 3+% compared to 7+% during the previous government will end up at minus percent as in the despicable Chandrika government.

  • The value of the Sri Lanka rupee will further deteriorate forcing the country into an economic crisis situation similar to what happened to Greece forcing the World Bank and the IMF to dictate their terms and conditions to help the country.

The President should be commended for taking this right move, though belated, to rescue the country from the continuous destruction that that had been caused by Ranil and his cabal with least concern for the welfare  of the people despite parroting various promises of doing this and that.  The new Prime Minister Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa who command the respect and devoted admiration of the people all over the country and who loves the motherland even more than his own soul and who has already proved his determined dedication in vanquishing the terrorists and making this country the emerging economic giant of Asia next to China only was the best choice the President made to rescue this country which had been gradually pushed to an abysmal status by the rogue cabal headed by Ranil Wickremasinghe.

It is heartening to learn that Mr. Rajapaksa will head a small group of talented personalities as Ministers to administer the country until the time the elections become due and would take immediate measures to redeem the people from the current economic hardships.

President’s special message to the nation

October 28th, 2018

Courtesy Adaderana

Speaking to the nation today (28) President Maithripala Sirisena has addressed the current political change and the reasons and background behind it.

He says that politicians who are there to serve the public should always choose what is correct for the nation and its public, instead of political affiliations.

According to the President, the decision he took on October 26th in 2018 to remove Ranil Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister was far more challenging and risky than the decision he had to make on 21st November 2014, to become the common candidate at the 2015 Presidential election. Both decisions were taken for the sake of the nation, he added.

President Sirisena says that Ranil grossly violated the very principles good governance pledged to uphold. He says Wickremesinghe and his friends’ did not understand the pulse of the people and considered shaping the future of the country as a fun game.

He says that Ranil Wickremesinghe he destroyed expectations of the 49 political parties, organizations, trade unions, and civil society groups including the UNP, who signed an agreement in support of the common candidate.

President states that Wickremesinghe’s arbitrary behavior led to many conflicts and harsh consequences on the country.

The differences in him policy, culture, personality and conduct between Wickremesinghe and him aggravated into a political and economic crisis, he said.

President Sirisena says that although the public have accused him of aggressiveness and immaturity, he had practiced patience and tolerance at internal discussions and Cabinet meeting for the sake of the country.

Speaking on the Bond scam, President stated that it was a shameless robbery which led to a serious economic crisis and a political crisis. He said that he being pointed fingers at when he commenced investigation into the incident by appointing a Presidential commission. President Sirisena stated that Ranil Wickremesinghe must take the responsibility to bring Arjuna Mahendran to Sri Lanka and produce him before courts.

President Sirisena said his gratefulness towards Ranil Wickremesinghe for bringing him into power had brought bad consequences for the country.

However, according to President Sirisena, the most proximate and powerful reason for the removal of Ranil Wickremesinghe was that recent VIP assassination plot. According to him, the investigations were pressurized and certain officers of the AG department did not properly perform their duties with regard to the investigation of such a serious matter. President Sirisena also mentioned that it was revealed that a cabinet minister was allegedly involved in the assassination plot.

He mentioned that selling of the EAP group to a foreign investor is hugely corrupted and that necessary action will be taken with regard to it on due time.

President Sirisena says that the decision to remove Ranil Wickremesinghe from premiership post and appoint Mahinda Rajapaksa for the post was completely constitutional and that it was taken with the pure intention of taking the country out of the present political crisis and economic problems.

President Maithripala Sirisena appealed for everyone’s fullest cooperation for the new government formed together with Mahinda Rajapaksa to strengthen democratic governance, freedom of the people, human rights and fundamental rights and media freedom and take the nation towards prosperity.

 

The complete message of the President Maithripala Sirisena is as follows:

 

I have decided to address the nation today in the context of the recent political developments in the country; I thought it was essential to clarify the path we have to take in the future and to describe the reasons and the background, why the current political change was necessary. Today, we are at the dawn of another year. On January 08, 2015, it was with so many expectations what nearly six million and two hundred thousand (6.25 million) people of my country chose me as your first servant and the leader of this nation. I wish to pledge that I will always fulfill the expectations and honor the trust and faith you have placed on me, even at the cost of my life.

Politicians like us who are committed to serve the people, should always look at what is right for the people and will usher prosperity to the nation, instead of one’s political affiliations.  I believe that you remember the circumstances under which I became the common candidate in 2014 and the dangers I had to face in consequence. It was a risk and a challenge that no politician in the history of the country wanted to accept. I faced this challenge despite the dangers to me and my family. I hope you will believe that the decision I took on 26th of October 2018, is a decision that is far more challenging and risky than the decision I took in November 21, 2014. I must state with respect, honour, and humility that I took both those decisions for the sake of the people and the country. However, Hon. Ranil Wickremesinghe’s political conduct was unbecoming of civilized politics and belittled the victory achieved risking my life in 2015. I believe that Mr Wickremesinghe and his group of closest friends, who belonged to a privileged class and did not understand the pulse of the people conducted themselves as if shaping the future of the country was a fun game they played. I feel that Hon Wickremesinghe grossly violated the very principles of good governance we pledged to uphold.

I am sure you remember that on the evening of January 09th, 2015, moments after taking oaths as President, I appointed Mr Wickremesinghe as the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka although he had only 47 members in the Parliament. However, I am sure you know that Mr Wickremesinghe destroyed the concept and the noble expectations of good governance by his actions during the last few years. Corruption and fraud spread widely in the country. Thereby, he destroyed the pure and noble expectations of the 49 political parties, organizations, trade unions, and civil society groups including the UNP, who signed an agreement in support of the common candidate. I hope you remember a statement I made recently at a Senanayake commemoration event. The political visions of great leaders such as D.S. Senanayake, Dudley Senanayake, J.R. Jayewardene, and Ranasinghe Premadasa made the UNP a mighty political party, enriched with indigenous thinking, our cultural heritage. They stood for the national identity and territorial integrity of the country. They were committed to protect everything what could be called ‘ours’. It is my sincere hope that the present leadership of the UNP be blessed with the wisdom of those great leaders to embrace a vision with noble objectives that can take our country to the new world.

Once in the government, Mr Wickremesinghe arrogantly and stubbornly avoided collective decisions, and tended to take individual decisions. This behavior led to many conflicts. Due to his lack of collective decision making through discussion, our country had to face harsh consequences when he used to take decisions with a group of his very close associates. I must state that, there was also a policy conflict between Hon. Ranil Wickremesinghe and me, during the last three and half years. Apart from a policy differences, I noted that there were also differences of culture between Mr Wickremesinghe and me. I believe that all those differences in policy, culture, personality and conduct aggravated this political and economic crisis.

When many senior leaders were around, I have suggested to him to work together and work collectively. I suggested to him that we should take our decisions after proper discussion to achieve the goals of good governance. However, he ignored the aspirations of over six million and two hundred thousand people. I am very worried about that. I accepted the leadership of this country to ensure creative governance upholding the principles of good governance and that is free of corruption or fraud. I always tried to bring in past experiences to understand present challenges and build a better tomorrow that in terms of our noble expectations. I committed myself to them fully. However, I had to take a few steps back many times. As you have seen, I had to speak somewhat aggressively from time to time during the last three years. On such occasions, you may have blamed me, called me immature, or getting too aggressive. However, it is my conscience that best knows how much patience and tolerance I have practiced in the internal discussions and at Cabinet meetings.

I made all those sacrifices for the sake of the people of Sri Lanka. However, you know how those noble expectations of the people who espoused the concept of good governance were betrayed even before three months elapsed since we were elected. The robbery of the Central Bank dragged our country into a deep crisis. As you know, we had not heard about such a big fraud of public finances in the history of Sri Lanka. The Central Bank robbery was an abortion of the pledge of good governance we had given to the people to eliminate corruption and fraud. I remember that there came a lot of resistance and protests from people, opposition parties, political groups, civil society and responsible people in the society, when the Central Bank robbery was committed. That led to a lot of tensions within the government. At that time, Mr Wickremesinghe behaved very impatiently and restlessly. When I decided to visit the Central Bank and meet the staff of the Bank, I remember, he suddenly came to my residence and asked me the Central Bank belongs to me, why do you want to go there?” At that moment, I told him, It is true that it has been gazetted under your purview, but as the President of the country, I have the right to visit that place.” And I told him that I was planning to go to the Bank in a while anyway. Mr. Wickremesinghe left immediately. When I got there, Mr. Arjun Mahendran, who has been sent on leave pending investigation, came to welcome me with a bunch of beetle leaves. I was surprised to see how he had got there all of a sudden. I saw how disturbed, restless and panicking they were. This shameless robbery led to a serious economic crisis and a political crisis. Then, I appointed a commission to investigate into the Central Bank issue in response to people’s demand. When the Commission was carrying on the investigations independently, leaders of the UNP started pointing fingers at me. They asked why I appointed this commission. They considered this move was a disgrace to the UNP. But I assured them that the appointment of the Commission was necessary to clear those who are not involved and to bring to book those who were culprits. As you know, this robbery has dragged our country into deep economic crisis, from which it is difficult come out.

I believe that the result of the Local Government elections that was held last February was a warning by the people to correct the course of this government. At that moment, I called the Mr Wickremesinghe and other leaders of UNP and explained People have taught us a lesson about the way we have governed, and we must correct ourselves now”. And I told Mr Wickremesinghe You have acquired my powers to do what you did, and I silently gave you that power in gratitude as you took leadership to bring me to power.” As a result of my gratefulness, which is a noble human quality, the country had to suffer very bad consequences. That was because I allowed him to conduct freely, sometime even acquiring my powers. I do not wish to go into a detailed account of the negative consequences of his tenure. I wish to explain those consequences to you from time to time. I would now like to explain the most proximate and powerful reason that made me appoint the former President Mahinda Rajapaksa as Prime Minister and remove Hon. Ranil Wickremesinghe from the post of Prime Minister.

My political life is now spans over 51 years. Recently, a person called Namal kumara came before the media and disclosed about a plot to assassinate me and Mr Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. I handed over the task of investigations to Criminal Investigations Department. However, Inspector General of Police did not assign the investigations to CID. Instead it was given to another division. Then I realized that there was an issue of trust about the investigations. Within 48 hours of the disclosure made to the media by the person called Namal Kumara and investigations could be commenced on the plot, Inspector General of Police made a statement stating that there was a doubt about the voices in the tape recording provided by that person. I would like to raise the question, with respect, is it suitable for a Police chief to behave in such a shameless manner and express doubts about the recording, without seeking any technical expert advice on the tape recording, when there was a revelation that a plot was hatched to assassinate the President of the country?

The reports provided by the CID and other investigating authorities including the Intelligence Bureau showed that this is a very serious matter. In this plot, there is a wide range of information which has not been disclosed to the public.

There is also an involvement of a Cabinet Minister in this plot to assassinate me. Furthermore, there have been tremendous pressure on the investigations. There were instances of some responsible officers of the Attorney General’s Department evading the investigation duties. Under these political problems, economic troubles and the strong plot to assassinate me, the only alternative open to me was to invite former President Mahinda Rajapaksa and appoint him as prime Minister to form a new government. I extend an open invitation to all 225 honourable Members of parliament to join the new government. I do this with the pure intention of taking the country out of the present political crisis and economic problems. Now, the political crisis has been somewhat declined. I appeal to everybody to extend fullest cooperation to the new government formed by me with Mr Mahinda Rajapaksa as Prime minister to strengthen democratic governance, freedom of the people, human rights and fundamental rights and media freedom and take our Motherland towards prosperity and make a better and decent society.

While referring to past bitter experiences, I wish to reiterate here that Mr Ranil wickremesinghe must take the responsibility to bring Mr Arjuna Mahendran to Sri Lanka and produce him before courts. That is because, as everybody knows, Mr Arjuna Mahendran is a very close friend of Mr Ranil Wickremesinghe. Local industries of the country were weakened in the last few years and for them to recover, the blessings from the government alone are not enough.

In the last few years, the economic policy kept the trust merely on foreign investments and that weakened our local industries. On one side, the there were these weaknesses of the economic policy. At the same time, I ask you to examine what has happened to the amendments presented last week to the Commission I appointed to probe Bribery or corruption to bring to book those who are guilty of Central Bank Bond robbery. All those legal experts, Attorney-General’s Department, the members of the Commission on Bribery or Corruption and those who made investigations informed me earlier this year that it would take at least 15 years to punish the perpetrators of Central Bank Bond robbery under the existing laws in the country. Legal experts explained that more than 15 years will take to prosecute and punish the guilty and recover the money stolen by them. The Commission on Bribery or Corruption and Attorney-General’s Department recommended to make some amendments to the Commission Act, so that the guilty persons could be sentenced within one year and recover the huge amount of money they had stolen. Accordingly, we have drafted the amendments to the Act at the Presidential Secretariat and sent to the Parliament six months ago.

However, the amendment was not submitted for five months. It got buried in the Office of the Leader of House. I made serious inquiries into this. I asked the officials of the Commission on Bribery or Corruption. I asked the officers in the Attorney-General’s Department. Finally, the Amendment Bill to Act on Commission on Bribery or Corruption was presented to Parliament. I am sad to say that the Parliament postponed the approval of the Amendments Act indefinitely. Why was it deferred? For whose benefit? Due to pressure from whom? This will result in the country losing a large sum of money that belongs to the people.

It would take 15 to 20 years to mete out punishment to the guilty persons. That is why the Amendments Act was postponed indefinitely. You must have seen in media about the monetary deal of EAP company. That company was given to a foreigner. That deal was done fraudulently without calling for tenders. There will be a thorough investigation on this in near future. Many valuable assets were given to foreigners without tenders. Construction awards were also given without tenders. The emergency cabinet papers were presented to award such tenders and massive construction awards were given despite objections at the cabinet. One such example is the Kandy Highway project. Another is the Land Ordinance Special Act, which was presented to Cabinet last week. Then there was the paper on establishing a Land Bank. I lodged strong protests and postponed those cabinet papers. Majority of Cabinet Ministers were against these proposals.

If the last week’s Land Ordinance Special Act was passed by the Cabinet and then by the Parliament, all the lands of our Motherland could be bought outright by foreigners without any difficulty. All the agricultural settlements established by honourable leaders like D S Senanayake, Bandaranaike and Gamini Dissanayake will be destroyed. This bill presented under the political and economic vision of Mr Ranil Wickremesinghe to adversely affect the land rights of the country must be totally blocked by us.

I must also tell you that the committee set up by Mr Ranil Wickremesinghe to manage economy was totally fraudulent. The decisions taken by that committee were fraudulent. It was a major challenge to abolish it. As an alternative to that committee, I have established the National Economic Council. Mr Ranil Wickremesinghe has taken everything possible to weaken that Commission. The monthly emoluments for the economic expert, who was appointed the head the Commission was paid by an international monetary institution respected by all of us. On Mr Wickremesinghe’s advise, that payment was stopped. Mr Wickremesinghe took steps to prevent the Commission from functioning. I clearly state that this crisis situation has emerged due to Mr Wickremesinghe’s stubborn decisions.

Because of all these issues, the only alternative I was left with was to establish a new government with Mr Mahinda Rajapaksa as Prime Minister. Mr Ranil wickremesinghe and the UNP complain that the establishment of a new government and appointment of Mr Mahinda Rajapaksa as Prime Minister was contradictory to the provisions of the Constitution of Sri Lanka. I categorically state that the appointments were made totally in accordance with the Constitution and the on advice of legal experts. No constitutional violation was done when appointments were made and removal was enacted. With all respect, I completely reject the charge that what was done was a violation of the Constitution.

I wish to thank the people of the country, public officials, Police, security forces, Army, Navy and Air Force and others for the support extended to me by strengthening law and order, strengthening democratic structure and facilitating the day-to-day needs of the people. While concluding the speech, I appeal to UNPers who made a broad commitment to make me President to jointly commit ourselves to achieve that beautiful vision for our Motherland. I am confident that if a leader with a vision, who values what is local, who understands the common man’s feelings, values the vision and policies of Senanayakes, Jayewardene and Premadasa becomes the leader of your UNP in the future, we will be able to achieve those noble objectives. Finally, I appeal to the Mahasangha, other religious leaders, politicians, all the publc servants, and all the citizens to give your blessings and support to the political decision I have taken on behalf of the country and the people to end the economic crisis and political turbulence and build a prosperous economy and a decent, spiritual, enlightened society.”

President says plot linked to Fonseka was game changer

October 28th, 2018

Courtesy The Sunday Times

President Maithripala Sirisena said last night that the main reason he decided to form a new government with Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa was the plot to assassinate him. He claimed that the name of Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka had surfaced during investigations by the Criminal Investigation Department, but it was suppressed due to political interference.

The President was addressing some 95 Sri Lanka Freedom Party and ‘Joint Opposition’ MPs who have chosen to extend support to the new government. Also present were UNP MP Ananda Aluthgamage and EPDP leader Douglas Devananda bringing the total present to 97. President Sirisena said there were other big names that had surfaced during the investigation, adding that he did not wish to go into details since the probe was ongoing. He said people would be shocked when they learn of them.

The meeting took place at the Presidential Secretariat. Before it began, Prime Minister Rajapaksa walked into the upstairs office of President Sirisena’s. There he met the 24 SLFP MPs who were supporting the President. Mr. Sirisena will address the nation today and swear in a new Cabinet tomorrow morning.

අර්ජුන තෙල් සංස්ථාවට පැන වෙඩි තබයි.. දෙදෙනෙකුට මරණාසන්නයි.. සල්ලි හා ෆයිල් උස්සන්න ගිහින්..[Video]

October 28th, 2018

lanka C news

හිටපු ඇමති අර්ජුන රණතුංග සමග පැමිනි පිරිසක් විසින් සිදු කර ඇති වෙඩි තැබීමක් හේතුවෙන් ලංකා ඛණිජ තෙල් නීතිගත සංස්ථාවේ උණුසුම් තත්වයක් ඇතිව තිබේ.

සේවයකන් පවසන්නේ හිටපු ඇමතිවරයා ලිපිලේඛණ හා මුදල් තොගයක් රැුගෙන යාමට උත්සාහ කල බවත් ඊට සේවකයන් විරෝධය දැක්වී විට වෙඩි තැබීම සිදු කර ඇති බවත්ය.

වෙඩි වැදුනු සේවකයන් දෙදෙනෙකුට බරපතල තත්වයෙන් රෝහල්ගත කර ඇති බවද වාර්තා වෙයි.

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GL explains how PM was removed and why Parliament was prorogued

October 28th, 2018

Courtesy Adaderana

Chairman of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) Professor G.L. Peiris says a legal problem does not exist with regard to the new government established in the country and that a fictional issue has been deliberately constructed” to mislead the  public.

He stated that there has been a great deal of discussion during the last 12 to 14 hours about the legality of the new government that has been established in this country.

Now there is no legal issue at all. This is an artificial creation which has no basis or foundation whatsoever,” he said, speaking at a Joint Opposition press briefing in Colombo today (27).

The former foreign minister said that the main consideration here is the period during which the Prime Minister can lawfully hold that office.

He said the governing provision in that regard is contained in Section 46 (2) of the 19th Amendment to the Constitution which reads as follows: The Prime Minister shall continue to hold office throughout the period during which the Cabinet of Ministers continues to function under the provisions of the Constitution.”

That is the Prime Minister can remain in office only so long as the Cabinet continues. When the Cabinet of Minister stands dissolved for any reason whatsoever, the Prime Minister automatically steps down, Prof. Peiris clarified. He (the PM) is compulsorily removed from that office.”

The former minister also explained as to what transpired yesterday and how the Cabinet of Ministers ceased to function last evening.

It did cease to function and when it ceased to function, with the Cabinet went the Prime Minister. That is a very simple sequence of events,” he emphasized.

He said that the way the Cabinet ceased to exist has to do with section 46 (1) of the 19th Amendment, which for the first time in this country lays down a compulsory maximum for the number of ministers who constitute the cabinet of ministers.

He pointed out that until the 19th Amendment was enacted there was no such limitation and that a government could have as many ministers as it liked. You can’t do that after the 19th Amendment came into operation.”

He said that in terms of Section 46 (1), the total number of Cabinet Ministers now permissible under the law is 30 and then when the deputy ministers and state ministers are added, the grand total cannot exceed 70.

That is a compulsory legal requirement. There is however an exception to that principle, a provisory which is contained in section 46 (4).” The affect of 45 (4) is that when the largest party in parliament enters into an alliance to govern the country together with other parties. Then in that special situation the maximum does not apply, he pointed out.

Professor Peiris said that yesterday an event of great legal significance occurred. That was the General Secretary of the UPFA Mahinda Amaraweera addressed a letter to the Speaker with a copy to the President Maithripala Sirisena declaring that as of last evening the UPFA is moving out of the unity government.

He states that the UNP and UPFA came together by means of a MoU, in terms of that which this coalition government was formed. Now one of the priorities is detaching itself from that coalition government, he said, adding that it was conveyed formally in writing by the proper authority, namely the General Secretary of the UPFA to the Speaker of Parliament.

Once that happened the limitation set out in the 19th Amendment immediately comes into play. That is the maximum limit becomes applicable. Can’t have more than 30 Cabinet Ministers. The cabinet that functioned until yesterday had many more than 30 Cabinet Ministers.”

Now that cabinet no longer existed. When that cabinet when out of office, together with it went the Prime Minister.  So you have to start on a clean slate,” he said.

Then the president has the authority to select the person who in his opinion commands the confidence of the majority of members of parliament, the SLPP chairman stressed.

Peiris also referred to section 14(f) of the Interpretation Ordinance which clearly provides that the authority which makes the appointment also has the legal power to rescind that appointment. That is the appointing authority is also the dismissing authority. In this case it is the president of the country.”

He said that finally the Parliament meets again on 16th of November and on that day it will become abundantly clear” that Mahinda Rajapaksa commands the confidence of an overwhelming majority of the members of the Sri Lankan Parliament.

Why the 16th of November? Because we have to go for a Vote on Account.” He stated that the earlier expectation was that a budget would be presented on November 5, but now they are going for a ‘Vote on Account’ which enables the state to obtain the resources  that are required to govern the country for a period of three months.

He stated that a Vote on Account has to be systematically prepared and it can’t be done in 3 or 4 days. Therefore a reasonable period is required to prepare and that it will be readied by 16th of November, he said.

Apart from that, as a result of what happened yesterday not only ministers but secretaries to ministries also go out of office.” Therefore secretaries have to be appointed afresh in order to ensure the continuity of the government, he said.

Apart from that other housekeeping arraignments, the seating arraignments in parliament will have to be attended to and that also will take a few days, Professor Peiris said.

This is why parliament has been prorogued. It will meet on 16th of November and on that day it will become crystal clear that Mahinda Rajapaksa commands the confidence of the vast majority of the members of the parliament.”

Therefore a legal problem does not exist. This is a fiction that has been deliberately constructed to mislead the public both here and aboard,” he charged.

පළාත් සභා සීමා නිර්ණය කමිටු වාර්තාව ගැසට් මගින් ප්‍ර‍කාශයට පත් කිරීම සම්බන්ධයෙනි

October 28th, 2018

කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ/කැෆේ සංවිධානය

ගරු මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතා,

ගරු ජනාධිපතිතුමා,

ජනාධිපති ලේකම් කාර්යාලය.

 

ගරු ජනාධිපතිතුමනි,

පළාත් සභා සීමා නිර්ණය කමිටු වාර්තාව ගැසට් මගින්  ප්‍ර‍කාශයට පත් කිරීම සම්බන්ධයෙනි

පළාත් සභා සීමා නිර්ණය සමාලෝචන කමිටුවේ කටයුතු සදහා ලබා දී ඇති මාස 2 ක කාලය අදින් අවසන් වේ.  එම කමිටුව සිය කටයුතු ආරම්භ කරනු ලැබූවේ 2018 අගෝස්තු 31 දින යැයි සලකන්නේ නම්,  සමාලෝචන කමිටු වාර්තාව 2018 ඔක්තෝබර් 31 දිනට පෙර ඔබතුමන් වෙත බාර දිය යුතුය.  ඔබතුමන් හොදින්ම දන්නා පරිදි මෙම කමිටුවේ කාලය, දීර්ඝ කිරීමට ශ්‍රී ලංකා ආණ්ඩුක්‍ර‍ම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ ප්‍ර‍තිපාදන අනුව කිසිදු අවස්ථාවක් නැත.

දැනට ලංකාවේ පළාත් සභා 9 න් 6 ක්ම කාලය ඉකුත් වී අකර්මන්‍ය වී ඇත. ඌව, බස්නාහිර, දකුණු පළාත් සභා පාලනය වන්නේ ඔබතුමන් සභාපතීත්වය දරණ පක්ෂයේ බහුතරයක් සහිතවය.  ඔබතුමන්ට ලංකාවේම පළාත් සභා ඡන්ද විමසීම පැවැත්වීමට අවශ්‍ය බලය ද, ආණ්ඩුකාරවරුන් හරහා එය ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමේ යාන්ත්‍ර‍ණයක් ද,  ඔබතුමා වෙත පවතී.

ප්‍ර‍ජාතන්ත්‍ර‍වාදී රටක නිසි කාලයට ‘නිදහස් හා සාධාරණ මැතිවරණ පැවැත්වීම‘ අනිවාර්ය අංගයකි.  මාස 13 ක් විවිධ හේතු ඉදිරිපත් කරමින් පළාත් සභා ඡන්දය කල් දැමීම කිසි ලෙසකින් හෝ යුක්ති යුක්ත කළ නොහැකිය.  

එවැවින්, සීමා නිර්ණය සමාලෝචන කමිටුවේ ලේකම්වරයා විමසා එහි වාර්තාව ලබා ගැනීමට කටයුතු කරන ලෙසත්, එය ඔබ වෙත ආණ්ඩුක්‍ර‍ම ව්‍යවස්ථාව මගින් ලැබී ඇති බලය හා වගකීම සලකා වහා ප්‍ර‍කාශයට පත් කර මැතිවරණ කොමිෂන් සභාවට ඡන්ද විමසීම පැවැත්වීම සදහා අවස්ථාව උදාකරණ ලෙසත් ඉතා කාරුණිකව ඉල්ලා සිටිමි.

මෙයට විශ්වාසී,

 

කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්

විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ/කැෆේ සංවිධානය


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