Two officials interdicted over destruction of archaeological site

May 8th, 2018

Two officials of the National Housing Development Authority have been interdicted in connection with the incident of an ancient archaeological site being destroyed at Ipalogama, Minister Sajith Premadasa told Ada Derana.

He stated that the authority’s Anuradhapura District Manager and a technical officer have been suspended in connection with the incindet.

It had recently been revealed that the archaeological site known as ‘Balumgala’, which is considered to be fortress belonging to King Elara’s Vijithapura fortress city, had been destroyed in Anuradhapura.

Ada Derana uncovered that an area of 15 acres at the location had been bulldozered and destroyed for the alleged purpose of commencing a housing project under the National Housing Development Authority.

කන්තලේ සීනි සමාගම ඩොලර් මිලියන 3 ක කප්පම, කෝටි 10 ක අල්ලසක් වුනා නිලධාරීන් ආයෝජකයින්ගෙන් කප්පම් ගන්නේ මෙහෙමයි!

May 7th, 2018

කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ/කැෆේ සංවිධානය හිටපු උපදේශක/දුෂණ විරෝධී පෙරමුණ

රාජ්‍ය නිලධාරීන් ලංකාවට පැමිණෙන ආයෝජකයින්ගෙන් කප්පම් ගැනීම ගැන හොදම සාක්ෂිය ‘ජනාධිපති කාර්ය මණ්ඩල ප්‍ර‍ධානී සහ දැව සංස්ථා සභාපතිගේ කෝටි 10 අල්ලස් කථාවයි.  මෙය හුදෙකලා සිදුවීමක් නොව, ඉතා සැලසුම් සහගත ක්‍රියාවලියකි. ලංකාවේ  දී අත්සන් කරන ආයෝජන ගිවිසුම් ක්‍රියත්මක නොවන්නේ දේශපාලනඥයින්, නිලධාරීන් එක් වී සිදු කරන මෙවැනි කප්පම් ගැනීම් නිසාය. 

කන්තලේ අතීත කථාව

කන්තලේ සීනි කර්මාන්තය නැවත ස්ථාපනය කිරීම සදහා රාජපක්ෂ රජය යටතේ 2006 දී පළමු යෝජනාව ඉදිරිපත් වන්නේය. ඒ සදහා ජාත්‍යන්තර ටෙන්ඩර් කැදවීම සිදු කරන්නේ 2010 වසරේ දී රාජපක්ෂ රජය යටතේ ය. 

එහි දී සාර්ථකම ගැණුම්කරුවා බවට පත් වන පුද්ගලයා පසෙක සිටිය දී, එවකට රාජපක්ෂ රජයේ ප්‍ර‍බලම ලේකම්වරයෙකු මේ ආයෝජනය  තුන්වන ස්ථානයේ සිටි ගැණුම්කරුවාට ලබාදීමට උත්සහ කළේය.  මේ බව මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපතිවරයාට වාර්තා වූ විට ඔහු එය නවතා දැමීය.

2015 ජනවාරි 8 යහපාලන රජය බලයට පත් වන්නේ ය.  නවතා දමා තිබූ ‘කන්තලේ පුනරුත්තාපන ව්‍යාපාරයට‘ 2015 පෙබරවාරි 14 දින අනුමැතිය ලැබෙන්නේය.  ඒ යහපාලන රජයේ මුල්ම ජාත්‍යන්තර ආයෝජන කිහිපයෙන් එකක් ලෙසිනි. කෙටි කලකින් මේ ව්‍යාපෘතිය සදහා ආර්ථික කටයුතු පිළිබද කැබිනට් අනුකමිටුවේ අනුමැතිය ලැබෙන අතර, නැවත මේ සදහා වන කැබිනට් අනුමැතියක් 2015 ජූනි 17 දින හිමිවේ.  ඒ අනුව කන්තලේ සීනි ව්‍යාපෘතිය සදහා වන ගිවිසුම ශ්‍රී ලංකා ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලය සහ එම්.ජී. ෂුගර් සමාගම අතර අත්සන් තබනු ලබයි. ඒ සදහා, පූර්ව කොන්දේසියක් වන්නේ ඇ.ඩෝ. මිලියන 10 ක් මුල්‍ය තැම්පතුවක් ලබාදීම යි.  එම මුදල මෙම සමාගම 2015 අගෝස්තු 08 දින ලංකාවට රැගෙන විත්, අදාළ සුදුසුකම් සපුරනු ලබයි. 

නමුත්, ඉඩම් අමාත්‍යාංශය මේ කටයුත්ත දීර්ඝ ලෙස ප්‍ර‍මාද කරන්නේය.  ආයෝජකයාට සිය කටයුත්ත සිදු කිරීමට බාධා පමුණුවන්නේය. නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ ප්‍ර‍මාදයන් තමන්ට වැලැක්විය හැකි බවත්, තමා නැතිව කිසිවක් කළ නොහැකි බවත්, විටින් විට ආයෝජකයාට දන්වන්නේ අමාත්‍යාංශ ලේකම් ආචාර්ය අයි.කේ. මහානාම ය.

එදා ඉඩම් අමාත්‍යාවරයා වූයේ කන්තලේ ප්‍රදේශයට අයත්වන  ත්‍රිකුණාමල දේශපාලනය කළ එම්.කේ.ඩී.එස්.ගුණවර්ධන මහතාට ය.  ඔහුගේ සැබෑ උවමනාව වූයේ කෙසේ හෝ කන්තලේ දියුණු කොට සිය දේශපාලන බලය තහවුරු කර ගැනීමය.  ප්‍ර‍මාදය ප්‍ර‍ශ්නයක් වන විට එහි චෝදනාව එල්ල වූයේ අමාත්‍යවරයාටය. මේ අතර, අමාත්‍යවරයා මිය යන්නේය.  අමාත්‍යාංශ ලේකම්වරයා කරළියට ‘තමා නැතිව කිසිවක් කළ නොහැකි බවත් තමාට සැලකිය යුතු බවත්‘ දිගින් දිගටම ආයෝජකයා පවසයි. 

මේ වන විට ආයෝජකයා ඩොලර් මිලියන 10 ක් ලංකා ආණ්ඩුවේ ආයෝජනය කර අවසන් ය.  ජෝන් අමරතුංග නව අමත්‍යවරයාට වගකීම් ගොඩක් මැද පැවරෙන අමාත්‍යාංශය ගැන එච්චර තැකීමක් නොවීය. අමාත්‍යාංශ ලේකම් මහානාම තමන්ට කැමති පරිදි අමාත්‍යාංශය පාලනය කරන සමය යි. ලේකම් මහානාම අමුතු කළාවක් ගොතන්නේය.  මරණ මංචකයේ දී, ගුණවර්ධන මහතා තමාට ‘අහවල් අහවල් දේ කළ යුතු යැයි‘ පැවසු බව ඔහු ආයෝජකයාට පවසයි.  එය ඉටු කිරීමට නම්, මුදල් අවශ්‍යය. 

මහානාම ආයෝජකයාගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටි අල්ලස ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් මිලියන 3 කි!  

මේ සිද්ධිය පිළිබද තොරතුරු මා වෙත (කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්) ආරංචි වී කෙටි කාලයකින් ශ්‍රී ලංකා මහ බැංකුව හෝ වෙනත් වාර්තාවක් මගින් යහපාලන රජය යටතේ විදේශ ආයෝජන බිදවැටී ඇති ආකාරය පිළිබද අනාවරණය විය.  මේ කරුණ, දුෂණ විරෝධී පෙරමුණ සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍ර‍ය විසින් නැවත නැවත අවධාරණය කරන ලදී.  එවකට ශ්‍රී ලංකා ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලයේ සභාපතිවරයා වූයේ මා මිතුරු ජනාධිපති නීතිඥ උපුල් ජයසූරිය මහතා ය.  ජයසූරිය මහතා මේ ගැටළුවට පිළිතුරු දුන්නේය. තමන් ආයෝජනය ගිවිසුම් අත්සන් කරන නමුත්, ඉඩම් ලේකම් මහානාම,  විදුලිබල හා බලශක්ති අමාත්‍යාංශයේ ලේකම් සුරේන් බටගොඩ එම ව්‍යාපෘති ඉදිරියට ගෙන යාමට බාධා කරන හැටි ඔහු සවිස්තරව ජනමධ්‍ය හමුවේ ප්‍ර‍කාශ කළේය. 

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය රනිල් වික්‍ර‍මසිංහ හා අමාත්‍ය මලික් සමරවික්‍ර‍ම කළේ උපුල් ජයසූරිය මහතා ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලයේ සභාපති ධූරයෙන් ඉවත් කිරීමට මාර්ගය සැකසුනි. උපුල් සිය ඉල්ලා අස්වීමේ ලිපිය ලබා දුන්නේය.  

2017 මැයි මාසයේ මුල්ම දිනක ආචාර්ය මහානාම තමන්ගෙන් ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් මිලියන 3 ක් ඉල්ලා සිටි බව මේ ආයෝජකයා අල්ලස් කොමිසමට ලබා දුන් කටඋත්තරයේ දැක්වේ.   වත්තල, ‘ස්ටීම් බෝට්‘ බෝට්ටු සවාරි සිදු කරන ස්ථානයේ අවන්හලේ දී,  මුහුණට මුහුණ සිදුවන හමුවක දී, මෙම මුදල් ඉල්ලා ඇති බව ආයෝජකයාගේ ප්‍ර‍කාශයේ සදහන් වේ.

2017 සැප්තෑම්බර් මාසයේ 5 හෝ 6 දිනෙක බත්තරමුල්ල වෝටර්ස් ඒජ් හි දී දැව සංස්ථා සභාපති දිසානායක මුල්ම වරට ආයෝජකයා සමග අල්ලස ගැන කථා කොට ඇත. 

2017 ඔක්තෝබර් සිට 2018 පෙබරවාරි දක්වා අවස්ථා 4 ක දී ආයෝජකයා දැව සංස්ථාවට කැදවා අල්ලස ලබා නොදෙන්නේ නම්, ව්‍යාපෘතිය කරගෙන යාමට ඉඩ නොදෙන බව දිසානායක-මහානාම යුවල දක්වා ඇත.

උක් වගාව ඇරඹීම

2017 අප්‍රේල් කන්තලේ උක් වගාවට ඉඩම් ලබා දෙන අතර 2017 සැප්තැම්බර් 17 බිම් සැකසීම ආරම්භවිය.  මහානාම, ආයෝජකයාට සිය කප්පම නොලැබෙන්නේ නම්, ව්‍යාපෘතිය නවතා දමන බවටත්, ඉඩම් ආපසු ලබා ගන්නා බවටත් තර්ජනය කරන්නේ මේ අතරය.  ඒ වන විට සමාගම එංගලන්ත හා දකුණු අප්‍රිකානු ආයෝජකයින් ලංකාවට ගෙන්වා ගෙන අවසන් ය.

මේ තර්ජනය නිසා 2018 පෙබරවාරි 22 දින ආයෝජකයා අල්ලස් කොමිසමට මෙම සිදුවීම පැමිණිලි කර ඇත. එතැන් පටන් කථාව මෙම විමර්ශන කාර්යයට අගතියක් විය හැකි බැවින් හෙළි නොකරමි.  නමුත්, අප්‍රේල් 27 අම්පාර සිට කොළඹට පැමිණීමේ සිට අල්ලස් ලබා ගැනීමට සැලසුම් කළ ස්ථාන, යුනියන් පෙදෙස ස්ථානයක මුදල් හුවමාරුවට සුදානම් වූ ආකාරය (දිසානායකට යුනියන් පෙදෙස මහල් නිවසක් ඇත), වෙසක් නිවාඩුවෙන් පසුව සදුදා උදැසන මුදල් ලබාදීමට සුදානම් වීම, අවසානයේ මැයි 3 උදේ 11.30 ට මුදල් ලබා ගැනීමේ උත්සාහය සහ එය සවස 4.30 ට වෙනස් කිරීම දක්වා ඇත්තේ දිගු කථාවකි.

තමාගේ මුදල් අවශ්‍යතාවට ගැන මහානාම අයෝජකයාට පවසා ඇත්තේ ද, අපූරු කථාවකි.   තමන් තවත් ටික දිනකින් විශ්‍රාම යන බවත්, එවිට තමාට කිසිදු ආදායමක් නොමැති බවත්, තමාට කැලණිය විශ්වවිද්‍යාලය අසල ඉඩමක් ඇති බවත් එහි ගොඩනැගිල්ලක් ඉදි කොට එමගින් ආදායමක් ලබාගැනීමට තමන්ට අවශ්‍ය බවත් ඒ කථාවයි!

ජනාධිපති කාර්ය මණ්ඩල ආචාර්ය අයි.කේ. මහානාම, දැව සංස්ථා සභාපති පී.දිසානායක යන අය අල්ලස් මුදල් ලබාගෙන, මුදල් ගණන් කරන අතරතුර, විඩියේ කැමරා මැද, අත්අඩංගුවට පත් වීමෙන් අවසන් වන්නේ මෙම සිදුවීමයි.

ආයෝජකයින්ගෙන් කප්පම් ලබා ගැනීම

ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලය ගිවිසුම් අත්සන්කර, නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව ව්‍යපෘති ගිවිසුම් අනුමත කොට, එම ගිවිසුම් අනුමත කළ පසුව ආයෝජකයින් රටට මුදල් ගෙනවිත් ව්‍යෘපෘති අරඹයි.  ගිවිසුමට අනුව, රජයෙන් ලැබෙන ඉඩම් හා ගරා වැටුණු ගොඩනැගිලි, හා භාණ්ඩ වෙනුවෙන් ස්ථාපනය වන සමාගමේ 51%ක කොටස් අයිතියක් රජයට හිමිවේ.

මහානාම සිය කප්පම ඇ.ඩො. මිලියන 3 නොලැබූ විට කරන්නේ තමන් විසින් සකසන කැබිනට් පත්‍රිකාව අඩුපාඩුවක් ඇතිව සකස් කිරීමය.  එමගින් ඔහු පවසන්නේ කන්තලේ තිබූ පරණ බඩු කිසිවක් නව සමාගමට ලබා දින නොහැකි බවයි.  තමන්ගේ කප්පම නොලැබෙන්නේ නම්, මේ ව්‍යාපෘතිය කළ නොහැකි තැනට දේශපාලනඥයින්ට ඔහු කරුණු දක්වයි.  මහානාම පවසන්නේ මේ ව්‍යාපෘතිය කළ නොහැකි බවත් සමාගම පරණ යකඩ ටික විකුණා ව්‍යාපෘතිය අතහැර දමන බවත් ය. ඒ සදහා ඔහු කෝටි 34 ක පරණ යකඩ ඇති බව ප්‍ර‍සිද්ධ කරයි.  ඒ සදහා තක්සේකරුවක් සිදු කරයි.  තක්සේරුවට ටෙන්ඩර් කැදවයි.  (මේ ටෙන්ඩරය හා දෙවන අදියරේ ගාන පහත දැමූ කප්පම අතර ඇත්තේ සෘජු සම්බන්ධයකි. මහානාම ලේකම්වරයා ජනාධිපතිවරයාට, අගමැතිවරයා ව්‍යාජ කරුණු ඉදිරිපත් කොට ඇත.

Shareholders agreement හි   7.9 පරිච්චේදය මෙසේ ය.

The investor/company agrees to take possession of land and premises from the GOSL described in Article 7.1.1 (other than that described in Article 7.1.1 (c) with all the infrastructure and machinery, on an as is basis and no guarantee is given that any infrastructure, machinery, buildings or implements subsisting on the land or premises are usable or suitable for any purpose.   The company may do as it may deem appropriate with the infrastructure, machinery, buildings or implements at it’s own cost or use them as it may deem suitable.

ඒ අනුව, ලංකා රජය වෙත ලබා දෙන 51% ක කොටස වෙනුවෙන් කන්තලේ සීනි සමාගමේ ඇති ගොඩනැගිලි (බහුතරයක් අබලි හා අතහැර දමා ඇත), දිරිගිය යන්ත්‍ර‍, දිරාගිය වාහන, ආදිය මේ සමාගම සතු විය යුතුය.  නමුත්, ආචාර්ය මහානාම මේ ද්‍ර‍ව්‍ය නිදහස් කිරීමට ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් මිලියන 3 ක අල්ලසක් ඉල්ලයි.  එය ලබා ගත නොහැකි විට කෝටි 54 ක පගාවක් ඉල්ලයි.  එය නොලැබෙන විට කෝටි 45 ක් ඉල්ලයි.  එයත් හිමි නොවන විට කෝටි 10 ක් හෝ ලබා ගැනීම4ට උත්සහ දරයි. 

ඒ සදහා ඔහු ඉදිරිපත් කරනු ලබන තර්කය මේ සමාගම උක් වගාව සිදු නොකර යකඩ ටික විකුණා දැමීමට උත්සහ දරන බවට ප්‍ර‍චාරයක් ගෙන යාමය. ඒ අතර, තම තර්කයට ශක්තිය සපයන්නට අමාත්‍යාංශයේ නිලධාරීන් යොදා ගනිමින් අබලි යකඩ සදහා තක්සේරුවක් ලබා ගනී.  කිසිදු නිත්‍යානුකුල පදනමක් නැතත්, අබලි යකඩ සදහා ටෙන්ඩර් කැදවයි.  ඇමතිවරු මැදිහත් නොවීම නිසා ද, මේ දුක් ගැනවිල්ල අසන්නට කිසිවෙකු නැති නිසා ද, ආයෝජකයා අමාරුවේ වැටේ.  එපමණක් නොවේ. මේ ආරවුල බේරන්නට පත් කරන කමිටුව වැඩ කරන්නේ ද, අමාත්‍යාංශ ලේකම්ට අවශ්‍ය ලෙසම ය.  අවසානයේ ‘පරණ යකඩ  ටෙන්ඩර් තොරතුරු සගවා එකම පුද්ගලයාට පළමු හා දෙවන ටෙන්ඩරය ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමේ අවස්ථාව ලබා දෙයි. සැබවින්ම, කන්තලේ සීනි ව්‍යාපෘතිය ‘පරණ යකඩ ගණුදෙණුවක්‘ බවට පත් කරන්නේ හිටපු ඉඩම් ලේකම් ආචාර්ය මහානාම ය.

පරණ යකඩවල වටිනාකම කෝටි 50 නම්, එයට කෝටි 60 ක පගාවක් ගන්නට බැරිය.  ඇ.ඩො. 3 ක පගාවක් ගන්නට ද බැරිය. අනික,  කෝටි 50 ක යකඩ ගන්නට ඇ.ඩො. මිලියන 10 ක් අත්තිකාරමක් ගෙවන පිස්සු ආයෝජකයින් ද ලෝකයේ විරලය.

දැන් නාටකයේ හොදම තැනට පත්වන්නේය.  පරණ යකඩ සදහා ඉහළම ඉල්ලුම කෝටි 54 කි. දෙවැන්න, කෝටි 46 කි.  තෙවැන්න, කෝටි 35 කි.  පළමු හා දෙවන ටෙන්ඩර දෙකම එකම හිමිකරුගේය. 

එම්.ජී. ෂුගර් ඉඩම් ලේකම් ගේ මේ අත්තනෝමතික තීරණයට එරෙහිව සිංගප්පුරුවේ ජාත්‍යන්තර බේරුම්කරණ මණ්ඩලයට යයි. තම ගොදුර වැරදී, ඉඩම් ලේකම් විශ්‍රාම යයි.  නමුත්, කුමන හෝ ක්‍ර‍මයකට ඔහු ජනාධිපති කාර්යාලයේ කාර්ය මණ්ඩල ප්‍ර‍ධානී තනතුරට පත් වෙයි. ඔහු ආයෝජකයාට කියන්නේ කන්තලේ සීනි සමාගම අයත් වන දයා ගමගේ අමාත්‍යවරයාට පවසා මේ ගැටලුව විසදා දියහැකි බවයි.  එපමණක් ද නොව, ජාත්‍යන්තර බේරුම්කරණයට තමා මැදිහත් වී එය ද විසදා දෙන බවයි.  රාජ්‍ය දැව සංස්ථාවේ සභාපති පි.දිසානායක හරහා පණිවුඩ යවන ආචාර්ය මහානාම කෙසේ හෝ තම කුට්ටිය කඩා ගැනීමට උත්සහ දරයි. 

‘බාර් පියා‘ යැයි පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරු අතර ප්‍ර‍කට චන්ද්‍රිකා කුමාරතුංග ජනාධිපතිනියගේ ලේකම්වරයා වන මෙම නිළධාරියා එදා, පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ගෙන් අල්ලස් ලබා ගැනීමට සමත් වූ, මේ වැඩයට කප්පිත්තෙකි. අම්පාර ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම්වරයා වූ ඔහු, අත්තනගල්ලේ දී එජාප මන්ත්‍රී පෝල් පෙරේරා ගේ දේශපාලන පළිගැනීමට ලක්ව ‘පරිපාලන සේවයේ සයිබීරියාවට‘ යවයි.  ප්‍ර‍ධාන ඇමති චන්ද්‍රිකා කුමාරතුංග මහත්මිය ගේ ලේකම් බවට පත්වන්නට එය සුදුසුකමක් වන්නේය.  අල්ලස් කොමිසම ඔහුගේ දේපල පිළිබද විමර්ශනයක් සිදු කරන්නේ නම් ඔවුන්ට ග්‍රෙගරි පාරේ මහල් නිවාස දෙකක්, යුනියන් පෙදෙස මහල් නිවාසය, ගම්පහ (මොන්ටිකාලෝ) බාර් 3, මාතර තෙමහල් ආපන ශාලාව (තැබෑරුම), හා බත්තරමුල්ලේ නිවාස 2 කට ගොඩ වන්නට සිදුවුවහොත් එම නිලධාරීන් පුදුම නොවිය යුතුය.

ආචාර්ය මහානාම සහ සභාපති දිසානායක නොදැන සිටි කරුණ නම් මේ වන  විට අන්ත අසරණ වී සිටි ආයෝජකයා මේ පිළිබද අල්ලස් හෝ දුෂණ කොමිෂන් සභාවට පැමිණිලි කොට තිබු බවයි.  එපමණක් ද නොව, අල්ලස් කොමිෂන් සභාවේ අති දක්ෂ විමර්ශන නිලධාරීන් පිරිසක් කාලයක සිට මේ සිද්ධිය ගැන ඇස ගසා සිටි බවයි. 

ලංකාවට පැමිණෙන ආයෝජකයින්ට සිදුවන ගැහැට කොපමණද යන්න මැනවින් තහවුරු වන සිදුවීමක් ලෙස කන්නතේ අල්ලස් සිද්ධිය අප හදුණාගත යුතුය. සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් ආයෝජන විෂය භාර අමාත්‍ය මලික් සමරවික්‍ර‍ම ගේ ප්‍ර‍කාශය ගැන මම පුදුම නොවෙමි.  ශ්‍රී ලංකා ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලය ලංකාවේ රාජ්‍ය සේවකයෙකු ලෙස වැඩිම වැටුපක් (රු. මිලියන 1 යි) ලබන පුද්ගලයා සිටින ස්ථානය යි. එහි සභාපතිවරයා වැඩට එන්නේ සතිකයට පැය දෙක -තුනකට පමණී. ආයෝජකයින්ට සේවා ලබා ගැනීමට දේශපාලනඥයින් පසුපස යා යුතුය.  අනෙක් අතට, අයෝජකයින් මෙවැනි පීඩාවට පත් වන තෙක් රජය, අමාත්‍යාංශ, ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලය කුමක් කළේ දැයි විමසයි. මේ ආයෝජකයා මා සමග පැවසුවේ මාගේ කථාව අහන්නට හෝ ඉදිරිපත් වුණේ හිටපු මුදල් අමාත්‍ය රවී කරුණානායක පමණයි කියාය.

මේ ඉන්දීය ව්‍යාපාරිකයා 1994 සිට ලංකාවේ ව්‍යාපාර කටයුතු සිදු කළ පුද්ගලයෙකි. ලංකාවේ බොහෝ තැන්වලට සබදතා ඇති අයෙකි.  ඔහු මුහුණ දුන් තත්වය වෙනත් ආයෝජකයෙකුට හිමි වූයේ නම්, ඔහු ආයෝජන හැර දමා ගොස් බොහෝ කල් ය.

අනෙක් අතට, ඇති තරම් දුෂණ චෝදනා තිබූ ආචාර්ය මහානාම වැනි නිලධාරියෙකු ජනාධිපති කාර්ය මණ්ඩල ප්‍ර‍ධානී වූයේ කෙසේ ද? යන්න වෙනම විමසා බැලිය යුතු කරුණකි. කැෆේ සංවිධානය, දුෂණ විරෝධී පෙරමුණ හා ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍ර‍ය යන මා සම්බන්ධ වූ ආයතන ලංකාවේ ඉහළම රාජ්‍ය නිලධාරීන් 7 කට චෝදනා එල්ල කර ඇත.  ගල් අගුරු වංචාව, විදුලි මාෆියාව, බැදුම්කර වංචාව, ස්වදේශ කටයුතු අමාත්‍යාංශය, ආයෝජන ප්‍ර‍වර්ධන, එයින් කිහිපයකි.  ඔවුන් කිසිවෙකු ගැන අදටත් විමර්ශනයක් හෝ නැත.  ආචාර්ය මහානාම වැනි පුද්ගලයින් විශ්‍රාම ගිය ද, රාජ්‍ය සේවයේ ඉහළම තැන් ඔවුන් වෙනුවෙන් වෙන් වී ඇත.  දේශපාලන නායකත්වයේ අසමත්බව කදිමට පෙනෙන්නේ එබැවිනි.

 

කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්

විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ/කැෆේ සංවිධානය

හිටපු උපදේශක/දුෂණ විරෝධී පෙරමුණ

 

Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon
Executive Director/CaFFE
Executive Director/CHR-Sri Lanka
100/19 A, Welikadawatta Road,
Rajagiriya,Sri Lanka.

Unscrupulous state officials and the plight of investors to Sri Lanka

May 7th, 2018

Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon, Executive Director CaFFE/CHR

Unscrupulous state officials and the plight of investors to Sri lanka

The arrest of President Sirisena’s Chief of Staff, Dr I.H.K. Mahanama and Chairman of the State Timber Corporation P. Dissanayake while taking a bribe from an Indian investor made headlines last week. As often the case in Sri Lanka different segments interpret this incident based on their political biases.

For some this is an indication of the growing corruption under the good governance administration while others interpret as an example of independent commissions exercising their autonomy, which was given by this government. However I think that the bigger issue here is how corrupt officials like Mahanama and  Dissanayake manage to stay on top of the administrative service and how their actions affect FDI to Sri Lanka. If we do not address these two questions, nothing we do, from depoliticizing the state sector to attracting FDI, is bound to fail. The people will lose faith in the state sector and corruption becomes more normalized than it already is.

Let’s first start with the history of  Mahanama attempting to take a bribe from the Kantale sugar investor.

A long history of attempted extortion 

 The proposal to recommence the operations of the Kantale Sugar factory is first forwarded in 2006 during the Mahinda Rajapaksa administration. In 2010, international bids are called to find a suitable investor.

One of the most powerful secretaries under the Rajapaksa administration attempted to ensure that an investor, who was the third in line when it came to suitability, was awarded the tender. Due to the controversy which arose after this was exposed, the deal was put on hold.

On February 14, 2015, a month after the Good Governance administration comes into power, the approval to the recommence the operations of the Kantale Sugar factory is given.This was to be one of the first large scale FDIs under the administration. The selected investor is green lighted by the CCEM and by the Cabinet on June 17, 2015. Thus an agreement is signed between MG Sugar and the BoI. One of the conditions of the agreement was that MG Sugar must deposit US $ 10 million with the Sri Lankan government and on August 08, 2015 the company fulfills that obligation.

 

However the Ministry of Lands keeps on delaying what it needs to do on its part and places many hurdles to prevent the investment from taking place. Dr. IK Mahanama, who is the secretary to the Ministry of Lands informs the investor, repeatedly, that he can prevent the delays from the AGs department and that nothing will do done without his approval.

The Minister of Lands at that time was M. K. A. D. S. Gunawardana, who represented Trincomalee District and he wanted to develop Kantale, which in a part of Trincomalee District, which would have strengthened his hold in that area. However the Minister passes away on January 2016 and was replaced by John Amaratunga, who had a lot on his plate. Taking advantage of the lack of interest from the Minister Dr. Mahanama runs the Ministry as he pleases and he informs the investor that he needs US $ 3 million to ensure that the deal goes through. However at this point the investor had in fact deposited US $ 10 million with the government.

 

I received information of this development in early 2016 and I had exposed this on various occasions using the platform of Anti Corruption Front and the Centre for Human Rights. The head of the BoI at that time was Upul Jayasuriya who responded by saying that although he approves investments, secretary to the ministry of Lands, Dr. Mahanama and Secretary to the Ministry of Power, Suren Batagoda places constant obstacles, which delays the investments. After this revelation Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and Minister of Development Strategies and International Trade, Malik Samarawickrama made life difficult for Jayasuriya, which eventually lead to his resignation.

On the statement the investor has given to the Bribery Commission, it is said that Dr. Mahanama again demanded US $ 3 million on May 2017. The payment was to be made at the parking lot of a restaurant in Wattala. On September 2017 Chairman of the State Timber Corporation P. Dissanayake also approaches the investor and demands a bribe during a meeting at Waters’ Edge Hotel. Between October 2017 and February 2018 Mahanama and Dissanayake demands a bribe from the investor on four separate occasions and threatens that they won’t allow the project to take place unless the bribe is paid (meeting place State Timber Cooperation Chairman’s office).

Sugar cane planting begins

On April 2017 land for the cultivation of sugar cane is given and on September 17, 2017 the cultivation begins. At this point Mahanama once again threatens the investor that unless he receives his bribe he will retake the land earmarked for sugar cane planting. By this time the investor had brought his British and South African partners to Sri Lanka.

Feeling that he has no other choice the investor approaches the Bribery Commission on February 2018. According to what has been revealed, Dr. Mahanama has told the investor that he needs to take a bribe because he wants an income after he retires. Mahanama has claimed that he plans to construct a building near the University of Kelaniya and rent it out.

Extorting money from investors

One of the tactics used by unscrupulous people like Mahanama is that they prepare cabinet papers with that make it difficult for investors to commence work, unless a bribe is paid. For example when preparing the cabinet paper regarding this investment, Mahanama states that none of the old machinery of Kantale Sugar factory can’t be given to the new company and that he proposes to sell the old machines as scrap iron. In fact he calls for a tender to sell these machines at an estimated cost of Rs 340 million after misleading the President and the Prime Minister.

Article  7.9 of the shareholders agreement states that

The investor/company agrees to take possession of land and premises from the GOSL described in Article 7.1.1 (other than that described in Article 7.1.1 (c) with all the infrastructure and machinery, on an as is basis and no guarantee is given that any infrastructure, machinery, buildings or implements subsisting on the land or premises are usable or suitable for any purpose. The company may do as it may deem appropriate with the infrastructure, machinery, buildings or implements at it’s own cost or use them as it may deem suitable.

Thus all the ‘infrastructure, machinery, buildings or implements subsisting on the land or premises are usable or suitable for any purpose’must be handed over to the investor for the 51% stake the government gets. Mahanama attempts to create an impression that the company is trying to sell the machinery as scrap metal and obtains an estimate to sell them, since there is no assistance from the government, the investor gets into trouble. If they go for arbitration, that committee is appointed by the Ministry Secretary. Mahanama tried to obtain US $ 3 million to release these assets to the company or around Rs 540 million. Then he later reduces his demand to Rs 100 million.

MG Sugar goes for arbitration in Singapore against the constant harassment and Mahanama retires, only to return as President’s Chief of Staff. He again approaches the investor promising to iron out all the issues he has and brings in Chairman of the State Timber Corporation P. Dissanayake to act as a mediator.

Dissanayake who was the secretary to former President Chandrika Bandaranaike is a past master of extortion. He was known as ‘Bar Piya’ among MPs in the 90s and early 00s and has amassed considerable assets including two two story houses at Gregory’s Rad, an apartment at Union Place, three bars in Gampaha, one in Matara and two houses in Battaramulla.

However the two men didn’t know that the investor had already approached the Bribery Commission and that a number of officials had been keeping an eye on this case for a while.

This incident must not be considered an isolated incident or an indication of increasing corruption under the UNFGG government. For decades the investors who come to Sri Lanka have learnt that they need to pay large bribes to get their work on track. An investor who refuses to pay a bribe has no one to turn to. The BoI, whose Chairman is the highest paid state official (Rs 1 million), takes no responsibility after the initial agreement. In fact accessing the Chairman is more difficult than reaching the President or the Prime Minister. The Kantale investor told me that the only person who listened to his grievance was former Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayaka.

He is also a businessman who has been working in Sri Lanka since 1994 and has high level connections. Any other investor would have just quit and told his collages never to invest in Sri Lanka.

The other point to consider is how Mahanama became the Chief of Staff of the President. I have repeatedly complained about Mahanama and a number of other organizations have raised concerns about his behaviour. However despite all of that he is appointed Chief of Staff of the President. I have also raised concerns about seven other state officials but there has been no investigations against them. This makes the public disillusioned about the government, which can only benefit the Rajapaksas.

(attached images of the Kantale during the early days of the project Nov. 2017 to March 2018)

Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon,

Executive Director CaFFE/CHR

‘May ape Mahanama!’

May 7th, 2018

Reports that President Maithripala Sirisena was surprised at the recent arrest of his chosen Chief of Staff, H M Mahanama, and another senior aide, in a multi-million corruption scandal, should not shock the nation. It has been in the making for long, and in every administration for decades now, no questions asked, or no solutions sought to be found.

What, however, should surprise the Sirisena camp, though not the necessarily the nation as a whole, is the fact of the President seemingly caught unawares over the arrests. If the media narratives alone are to be believed at the moment, then no one seemed to have alerted the President’s Office about the ongoing investigations, however covet they maybe, involving a high-level official on his personal, political and administrative staff, when rolled into one.

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Barring his closest acolytes nearer home and ‘friends’, if any, overseas, none had believed the ‘high moral ground’ that Sirisena had taken since the closing days of his ministerial career under then boss and President Mahinda Rajapaksa, whom he sought to replace – and replaced, indeed. But anyone who knew the trajectory of the nation’s politics and political class should have expected that his UNP allies would be waiting for the day when they could pull out the ‘corruption sword’ that he had dug deep into their skin and beyond, and push it deep under his own – without pain or prevarication.

Rather, as and when Sirisena took the pulpit on the bonds scam, it should have been known that given a chance, his political allies and adversaries alike would target him, if and when they found an opportunity. To think that the arrested duo, and whoever was behind them, if any, had not looked at the possibilities, and acted in such a callous manner should show how casual has corruption come to dominate the present government and the polity that they guide – as it used to be under the predecessor Rajapaksa regime.

The irony of the current situation is that even on the day his top aides were being hauled up for corruption President Sirisena was reported to be talking about his government having ended up as much. This does not mean that anyone can pre-judge the issue, particularly in the political and moral contexts of it all knocking at the doors of the President – but the dictum that ‘Caesar’s wife should be above suspicion’ is as much applicable here as with the ‘bonds scam’ as with every other graft charge, big and small, against the Rajapaksas.

Normal course…

“May ape Mahanama?”, or ‘Our Mahanama?”… Sirisena is reported to have exclaimed twice when the news about the arrest of his top aide was broken to him. News reports have also spoken about their long, personal equations even before Mahanama had retired as Secretary in the Land Ministry.

According to these reports, the President had been alerted TO some deal or the other of the kind where an aide or aides of his might have been involved, but no names seemed to have been mentioned, at least to him until after the arrests. Did it mean that Sirisena wanted to stay above all graft arrests of the kind, or his camp did not anticipate anything of the kind being investigated to the point of such arrests being made without informing his office, and possibly obtaining at least an informal clearance in the matter?

Since being informed of the arrests, Sirisena is known to have directed the sacking of the two, including State Timber Corporation Chairman, P. Dissanayake, and also strict action against the ‘offenders’. In the normal course, an outright sacking or a forced resignation would have preceded such arrests of top aides of highly-placed government leaders, if only not to ‘compromise’ the high constitutional positions they hold in the national scheme – whether in Sri Lanka or elsewhere.

No-holds barred attacks?

If this has anything to do with the political one-upmanship between the UNP leader of the government and the SLFP leader of the State is anybody’s guess, but digging deeper, someone or the other is bound to throw up more mud against each other – especially the high offices that their leaders hold in the present dispensation. From now on, it could well be a no-holds barred attack on each other, to the merriment of their common SLPP-JO adversary and the utter dismay of the rest of the nation!

Mahanama was reported to have more skeletons in his cupboard for long, and was said to be under investigation not very long ago. Any full-scale probe just now could well seek to know the truth behind such allegations. More importantly, there could be questions why in such a case Sirisena put him up at an even more important post after his retirement.

If probed by a parliamentary committee, MPs may want to know the kind of pre-appointment verification processes, if any, to such high positions closer to the centre of power. Even without such a probe, parliamentarians would want to know if Sirisena would now want to appoint a presidential commission of inquiry to probe the case as with many others against the Rajapaksas in particular – and if so how does he intend insulating himself and his office, to make it all look non-partisan.

A sitting Supreme Court Judge heading such a probe alone may be in order, but that requires other formalities to be completed. A retired judge heading such a probe, where the appointing authority may also be the unintended subject matter of the probe, could create more problems of credibility than solving any in terms of morality – where Sirisena’s public standing from the day he became the presidential candidate first, and President later, is all at stake.

Quiet operator

It is not as if Sirisena’s moral standing was impeccable through his four decades and more in public life before he became the presidential candidate. Ahead of the presidential polls of 2015, anyone was better to a section of the voters (who were also the ‘deciding factor’ in a close tie) than incumbent Rajapaksa. Multiple factors, including the ‘ethnic issue’, were involved, and as Health Minister under Mahinda R, Sirisena was known to have quietly cultivated a section of the TNA leadership, both at the national-level and also in the Northern Province, where the Alliance had come to elected power in 2013.

But then, post-poll and after Sirisena had become President, a brother of his was killed in an ‘incident’ in native Polonnaruwa, where the family’s name was not as impeccable as was being sought to be made out later on. The fact that Sirisena did grow up in esteem and stature, and visibly so, could not be questioned, particularly in such departments as the one where Mahanama has since been arrested, cannot be questioned. But then, he retained and built upon his poll-image as a quiet operator par excellence may be working even more against him, now from the poll-time friends of his choice and making than the enemies that he had made then and continue to make them feel so, despite their advances during the later-day twin polls to Parliament first, and the local governments across the nation, more recently!

(The writer is Director, Chennai Chapter of the Observer Research Foundation, the multi-disciplinary Indian public-policy think-tank, headquartered in New Delhi. email: sathiyam54@gmail.com)

Having robbed CBSL, UNP eyeing Samurdhi bank – MR ‘President desperate to prevent more defections’

May 7th, 2018

Courtesy The Island


The UNP was now eyeing the assets of the Samurdhi Bank greedily after robbing the Central Bank, Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa said, yesterday, addressing the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) May Day rally in Galle.

Commenting on President Maithripala Sirisena’s declaration that he would not retire from politics in 2020, Rajapaksa said: “He has to say this. Otherwise, the few SLFP MPS who remain in the government will also decamp.”

By postponing the International Workers’ Day to May 07 the government had insulted the working class, Rajapaksa said, claiming that the government taxed the people in a worse manner than notorious British Governor Torrington.

Rajapaksa said: “This is the largest May day rally in our history. We brought the government to its knees by holding a massive rally in Galle Face last year. Now, the government will crawl.”

The former President said the incumbent government was not capable of governing even a Grama Niladari division and that the country had become a police state.

“Things are so bad that gangsters are given police protection for their weddings. There is no security for the people, but underworld goons are well protected. Due to political instability and the breakdown in the law and order situation, foreign investors are leaving the country.”

තවත් වැඩ තිබෙන නිසා 2020දී විශ‍්‍රාම නොයන බව ජනපති මඩකලපුවේදී කියයි.. හැරෙන තැපෑලෙන් පිලිතුරු ගාල්ලේදී විමල් දෙයි..

May 7th, 2018

 lanka C news

2020 වසරේදී තමන් විශ්‍රාම යන්නේ නැති බව ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතා සදහන් කරයි.

තවත් කල යුතු වැඩ බොහෝ තිබෙන නිසා තමන් විශ‍්‍රාම යන්නේ නැතැයිද ජනාදීපතිවරයා කියා සිටියේය.

ජනාධිපතිවරයා මේ බව කියා සිටියේ මඩකලපුවේදී ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂ මැයි රැළිය අමතමිනි.

තවත් වැඩ තිබෙන නිසා 2020දී විශ‍්‍රාම නොයන බව ජනපති මඩකලපුවේදී කියයි.. හැරෙන තැපෑලෙන් පිලිතුරු ගාල්ලේදී විමල් දෙයි..

ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ මෙම ප‍්‍රකාශයට ගාල්ලේදී පැවති ඒකාබද්ද මැයි රැළියේදී පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත‍්‍රී විමල් වීරවංශ මහතා පිලිතුරු දුන්නේය.

ඔහු කියා සිටියේ ජනාධිපතිවරයාට අලූත්තෙන් විශ‍්‍රාම යන්නට දෙයක් නැති බවත් පෙබරවාරි 10 වැනිදා මැතිවරණයෙන් 14%ක ඇද දමා ජනතාව විසින් ජනාධිපතිවරයා විශ‍්‍රම ගන්වා ඇති බවයි.

පාක්ෂිකයන් රඳවාගන්න ජනපති 2020 ගැන කියනවා – හිටපු ජනපති

May 7th, 2018

රොමේෂ් ධනුෂ්ක සිල්වා සහ නාලක සංජීව දහනායක උපුටාගැණීම ලංකාදීප

‘ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහත්තයා මඩකළපුවේදී කිව්වා 2020 දී එයා විශ්‍රාම යන්නේ නෑ  කියලා.  එතුමාට එහෙම කියන්නේ නැතිව මේ වෙලාවේ  ශ්‍රි ලංකා නිදහස් පාක්ෂිකයින් රඳවා ගන්න වෙන ක්‍රමයක් නැහැ ‘ යැයි හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා පැවසීය.
 
ගාල්ල සමනළ ක්‍රීඩාංගණයේදී     පැවැත්වෙන මැයි රැලියේදී හිටපු ජනාධිපතිවරයා මේ බව සඳහන් කළේය.

 
‘‘මේ ආණ්ඩුව ජනතාවට කරපු ලොකුම අපහාසය තමයි  මැයි පළමු වැනිදා  සමරන්න තිබුණු ලෝක කම්කරු දිනය මැයි 07 වැනිදාට කල් දාපු එක. ඒ වගේම  කියන්න ඕනි  සුද්දගේ කාලේ ටොරින්ටන් ආණ්ඩුකාරවරයා තමයි  වැඩිම බදු ගහපු කෙනා. ඊට පස්සේ   මේ වත්මන්  ආණ්ඩුව තමයි වැඩිම බදු ගහපු ආණ්ඩුවක් විදියට හඳුන්වන්න පුළුවන්.‘‘  

‘ජනාධිපති බලයට කෑදරයි‘- ටිල්වින් සිල්වා

May 7th, 2018

උපුටාගැණීම ලංකාදීප

‘ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහත්තයා මොනදේ කිව්වත් කළත් බලයට කෑදරයි. එතුමා කියනවා 2020 දී විශ්‍රාම යන්නේ නෑ කියලා.මෙච්චර කාලයක් කරපු දේවල් මදිද .මේ සේවය නම් තවත් එපා ‘ යැයි  ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණු  ප්‍රධාන ලේකම් ටිල්වින් සිල්වා මහතා පැවසීය.

කොළඹ බී.ආර්.සී. ක්‍රිඩාංගණයේ පැවැත්වෙන මැයි දින රැලිය අමතමින් ඔහු මේ බව සඳහන් කළේය.

වැඩිදුරටත් අදහස් දැක්වු ටිල්වින් සිල්වා මහතා.

‘මේ ජනාධිපති පුටුවේ කවුරු වාඩිවුණත්  දාලා යන්නේ නෑ.කූඩැල්ලා මෙට්ට් තිබ්බා වගේ තමයි.මෙය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදයට මරු පහරක්. අපි ආරම්භ කරපු සටන ලේසියෙන් නවත්වන්නේ නැහැ. අපිට නැති නෙවන්න කිසි දෙයක් නැහැ. අපි ජයග්‍රහණය කරා යනවාමයි.

President says he won’t retire in 2020

May 7th, 2018

Courtesy The Island

President Maithripala Sirisena, yesterday, announced that he would not retire from politics in 2020, as a lot more remained to be done for the country. Addressing the SLFP May Day rally, at Chenkalady, Batticaloa, the President said the country needed many more honest politicians.

“The country does not need corrupt politicians. There are no political leaders who love the people. Some dream of forming a government in 2020. We will support a programme which promotes reconciliation.”

President Sirisena said those who dreamt of capturing power did not genuinely care for the poor and the people should be able to see their duplicity. The country had got an opportunity to achieve development, using the goodwill and the trust of the international community.

“Politicians must be honest and we need a group of honest leaders. Some say we are weak, but we will emerge stronger in the near future,” Sirisena said.

The President noted that trade unions and the working class could play a significant role in the reconciliation process.

“Some political groups disparage what we have done to promote reconciliation. We must understand that we can’t solve all the problems with the help of guns.”

TAMIL SEPARATIST MOVEMENT AFTER EELAM WAR IV

May 6th, 2018

KAMALIKA PIERIS

The Rajapaksa government did not sit back after winning Eelam War IV in May 2009. They knew the LTTE was waiting to come back. After defeating the LTTE, the army continued to mop up LTTE cells. One group was operating in the eastern jungles at the end of 2009 supported by 50 armed cadres. There are sleeper LTTE cadres elsewhere in Sri Lanka, said the army in 2009. They are in the cities, doing odd jobs in different parts of the country and waiting till the time comes to activate themselves. They had hidden explosives and weapons in abandoned houses, bare lands, and unused boutiques.

Police had recovered several such stocks of explosives during the last few months, some after tip off by the public. Guns, explosives, and suicide jackets were recovered from abandoned lands in Mount Lavinia and Wattala. People should be concerned about houses which see a lot of activity at night but remain close during the day, warned the authorities. People should be vigilant about abandoned houses, small boutiques which have been closed for long and bare lands.

Huge caches of buried arms have been regularly unearthed from 2009 onwards. A separate LTTE group has been appointed to hide things, while another lot did the fighting.  In 2009, STF unearthed a large quantity of explosives in Iranamadu, also claymore mines and 87 other varieties of bombs and ammunition.

In 2010 Arms cache was found in Alanchipotha, Welikanda inside a sanctuary located 15 km away from Mahaweli River. It was buried by fleeing LTTE cadres. Assault rifles, T 56, mortar bombs, mortar weapons, RPG bombs, pressure mines, drums, walkie talkies chargers, walkie talkie parts, remote control devices, anti aircraft ammunition, claymore mines and more were found there.

Sri Lanka Air Force recovered two caches of arms from Pudukuduirippu, in 2010, with the assistance of LTTE cadres. They included ammunition, mortar bombs, mortar smoke bombs, air craft bombs, RPG bombs, hand grenades, fuses, mortars, pressure witches, pressure releases, instantiation fuses, explosives, claymore mines, anti tank mines, smoke bombs, rocket bombs and gunpowder. Arms and weapons were also found in Adampan, Alampil, Vishvamadu, and Oddusudan areas.

Weapons were found at Wellamulliwaikai beach, Vavuniya, including  guns, magazines, and three rifles.  Bullets were found in Karadippooval river bank, Batticaloa district. Explosives were found at Weli Oya in 2013. Army recovered an arms cache in Kumana National Park, including detonators, outboard motor, oil cans, and outboard motor RPG rounds.

In 2010, acting on information received from ex LTTE cadres in custody, Navy had recovered 1004 kg of C4 plastic explosives buried at Molikulam, Silavathurai. Three army personnel were injured in a blast while defusing bombs in Vilasikulam in Mannar in 2015. These bombs were detected by an NGO who informed the security forces.

There is no war on now, but war preparedness is necessary and the armed forces must continue as they are,  said Gotabhaya Rajapakse, then Secretary, Defence in 2012. Maintaining a sizeable army and establishing army camps in strategic locations throughout Sri Lanka is essential. Especially in the jungle areas in which the LTTE established camps and conducted operations. Defeating the LTTE was not an easy task. It took an integrated land, sea and air offensive to do so.

Army camps in the north will not be removed under any circumstances, said   President   Rajapaksa in 2014. The army will not be withdrawn from the Northern Province. ‘If all the Provincial Councils ask me to remove the army then where am I to keep the army?’

In 2009,   immediately after the war, the government announced that it would strengthen the military presence   in the north with permanent army bases and additional headquarters at Mullaitivu and Kilinochchi. Mullaitivu and Kilinochchi army camps were upgraded to the status of “Security Forces Headquarters” commanded by Major Generals, similar to the existing SFHQs in Vavuniya and Jaffna. Lands taken over for Eelam War IV will be progressively vacated but certain army camps, including Acchuveli and Mirusuvil camps will remain, said the army.

Military camps have been established in all districts, said the army in 2014. Officers and men would now reside in these camps. Permanent army bases would be established on either side of the A9 road. Land close to Ports and airports have been taken over. Private lands would be taken over, where necessary, paying compensation. However, land in the Jaffna High security Zone is mostly government land. Domestic security was not forgotten.Police stations would be set up in over 50 locations in the north and east with headquarters at Kilinochchi, said the government in 2009.

One of the greatest strengths of the LTTE was that it was   able to smuggle weapons through the sea. They smuggled light aircraft, surface to air missiles, surface to surface missiles, artillery guns, heavy and medium mortar, armored vehicles, and enormous amounts of ammunitions and explosives through the sea. LTTE had extensively used their bases along the north western regions to bring in supplies from India across the Gulf of Manner.

It is essential that the Navy be strengthened to prevent this happening, said Gotabhaya Rajapaksa in 2012. The government will reposition its naval and air assets to support ground deployment in coastal areas, and thwart any future attempt to open up illegal sea routes to the country, especially in the north eastern seas.

Of the six Naval commands four are in the north and east.  Navy has shifted its north western HQ from Puttalam to Mullikulam to exercise naval control from Udappuwa to Arippu. There will be navy cantonments at key locations in the north, east, and northwestern coast,

Sri Lanka Navy has established a cantonment camp at Mollikulam coastal areas. This was to be the first in a series of satellite camps along the coastal belt from Karuwalakuda to Pukkulam and 29 km extension in the Wilpattu National Park. A road will be constructed to run parallel to this. LTTE had used these areas for their activities. These camps will prevent this, reported the media.

NGOs had  objected to the reopening of the old Mannar road (Puttalam- Marichchikaddi) NGOs had also objected to other  such efforts   which were intended  to deny LTTE an opportunity to make a comeback.

Air defense was important and the Air force would not revert to its ceremonial role. Air defense cannot be neglected as long as the LTTE remained active overseas. Iranamadu and Mullaitivu   airstrips will become air force bases with runways.    Iranamadu, the main base, would accommodate fighter jets. A radar station has been set up at Pidurutalagala.

Sri Lanka had decided to drop the purchase of Russian fighter jet, Mikoyan MiG 29 since the war was over, but a veteran fighter pilot said that this jet should be the first choice of Sri Lanka when a replacement was sought for Kfirs and MIGs 27s.

The government of Sri Lanka continued to watch the LTTE after the end of Eelam War IV. The government found that LTTE was trying to revive the movement in Malaysia, using Malaysia as a transit point, hideout and a new base of operation. LTTE had transferred their centre of operations to Malaysia. There is a rapid buildup of the LTTE base in Malaysia. It will function as the major gathering point of top Tiger operatives,    said analysts. The navy had destroyed most of the vessels owned by the LTTE, but the group was still operating a few vessels and were on the lookout for fresh arms.

After the death of Prabhakaran, the leadership went into the hands of K. Pathmanathan, known as KP. “KP” was the LTTE chief procurement officer of arms and ammunition. KP has been criss-crossing the world in pursuit of the best weapons. He was also LTTE’s chief negotiator. KP is one of the most wanted men in the world, said the media. Interpol has issued a red notice on him. He is wanted for gun and drug running. He is also wanted for the murder of Rajiv Gandhi.

KP has been busy re-establishing the LTTE reported the media in 2009. Analysts predicted in 2009 that KP will focus on taking control of all financial deposits the LTTE keeps in various secret accounts. He will also secure control of the group’s most important assets, including its shipping operations. The LTTE is a resilient and versatile movement. It is not a spent force, said   KP.

Bogollagama said in 2009 that a determined effort was being made to revive the LTTE though the group had lost its fighting capacity. ‘They are planning ahead, may be to take us on in about ten years’. An international operation seemed to be underway in support of the group, added the media. A Colombo based diplomat had been spotted in Thailand talking to KP.

Sri Lanka asked for the extradition of KP”. They want him handed over to Sri Lanka for questioning. KP lived in both Thailand and Malaysia and the cooperation of both countries was needed to nab him. KP was arrested in August 2009. This was due to hard work done for nearly two months with the help of several countries.

It was a brilliant operation masterminded by Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, said Rohan Guneratne. The operation had begun even before Eelam War IV had ended. The key to fighting terrorism is firstly, innovative leadership and secondly, obtaining real time intelligence on terrorists, their movements and travel patterns, said Guneratne. Gotabhaya succeeded in both these. Gotabhaya is a master strategist, concluded Guneratne.

‘KP’ thought he would be killed. ‘We never expected the army to welcome us warmly, particularly at Palaly the main airbase in the Jaffna peninsula, said KP in interview. But the government allowed us to meet senior officials including top security forces commanders to exchange views. Yahapalana government however locked him up. He will be charged, said Yahapalana .

In what could be described as the third blow to the LTTE after losing the war, and getting hold of KP, Sri Lanka has seized three LTTE ships owned by KP, reported the media. They are expensive craft used by LTTE for transportation of arms, ammunition and human smuggling. They are coming into Sri Lanka under tight security, in December 2009.  The port of embarkation would be kept secret.

The Sri Lanka government  designated 424 individuals and sixteen organizations including the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) under the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373 of 2011 ( UNSCR 1378) by Gazette Extraordinary No 1856/41 dated March 21st 2014.  424 individuals from 19 countries including Sri Lanka have been listed. Those listed are  preponderantly from the Global Tamil Diaspora. They are living in Australia, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Italy, India, Malaysia, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Sri Lanka, Sweden, Switzerland, Thailand, UK and the USA.

Among those listed as designated individuals are the self-styled Prime minister of the Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE) Visuvanathan Ruthirakumaran, Global Tamil Forum (GTF)President Rev. Fr. Seemanpillai Joseph Emmanuel, LTTE International secretariat leader Perinbanayagam Sivaparan alias Nediyavan” and LTTE Headquarters leader Segarampillai Vinayagamoorthy alias” Vinayagam”. Apart from these four several present and former parliament members” from the Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam have been listed.

Government has proscribed 16 organizations functioning as terrorist fronts on foreign soil. They are LTTE , Tamil Rehabilitation Organization (TRO), Tamil Coordinating Committee (TCC), British Tamil Forum  (BTF),  World Tamil Movement (WTM), Canadian Tamil Congress, Australian Tamil Congress, Global Tamil Forum, (GTF), National council of Canadian Tamils, Tamil National Council, Tamil Youth Organization , World Tamil Coordinating Committee, Transnational government of Tamil Eelam, Tamil Eelam Peoples Assembly, World Tamil Relief Fund, and Headquarters group.”

Government intends to pursue and dismantle the LTTE overseas network, not allow them to continue to raise funds and have operations overseas and keep them on the run without allowing them to pursue their terrorist goals. They are looking into the possibility of overseas prosecutions. Also the possibility of extradition or having them prosecuted in their   countries of domicile. In 2002 the government was able to get the Australian authorities to prosecute the LTTE fundraising cell in Australia which is said to have financed the first Tiger aircraft.

However, that will not be easy. LTTE remains strong overseas. Although LTTE is weakened in Sri Lanka, the LTTE Global remained a very capable and active organization said Rohan Guneratne in 2009. . There is a vast LTTE network in North America, Europe, and Asia. The LTTE offices and assets overseas are largely intact.

The LTTE abroad has now broken into three sections, Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE). Global Tamil Forum (GFT) and ‘Nediyawan faction’ in Norway titled ‘International Council of Eelam Tamils’. The Tamil National Alliance of Sri Lanka (TNA) is the local representative in these three groups.

Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE) was inaugurated in May 2010 in the US. It is composed of representatives of Tamil organizations from all over the world   and has a 14 member advisory group.  However, more than 85% refrained from voting” at the election in 2010, said an analyst, somewhat vaguely. The head of the TGTE is Visuvanathan Rudrakumaran, a lawyer living in New York. Rudrakumaran was formerly the legal adviser to the LTTE. TGTE has established offices in all the European countries where there is a significant number of Tamil Diaspora. It has held three sessions in USA in   2010 and 2011.

TGTE said that that like the Jews, the Tamil community was a transnational population, no longer confined to a single nation, a community like that needs a transnational government to meet its needs. Therefore, a government in exile will be set up. However,  an  expert on counter terrorism, Shanaka Jayasekera, did not think the world will take the TGTE seriously.

TGTE is also committed to an independent sovereign state of Tamil Eelam in Sri Lanka’s north and east.   ‘Tamil Eelam Freedom Charter’ of the TGTE states ‘the creation of an independent and sovereign state of Tamil Eelam remain the only viable option to lead a life with security, dignity and equality both individually and collectively. For over six decades we have struggled through both non violent means and armed resistance to protect ourselves from state sponsored genocide. The north east of Sri Lanka is our tradition homeland and will be the territory of Tamil Eelam. The maritime and aerial limits of Tamil Eelam will be established according to international laws.”

Global Tamil Forum (GFT) was started in 2010 and is headed by Fr S.J.Emmanuel, former Vicar General of Jaffna, now in Germany. Global Tamil Forum  consists of 14 Tamil Diaspora groups, including ATC Australia, BTF UK, DFTA Denmark, NCET Norway, NZTC and WTS New Zealand, STF Sweden, TRF Malaysia, USTPAC US, ETU Europe, TEMP France, CTC Canada, TCF+KV Netherlands, MT Mauritius, STF Switzerland, and GT Italy.

Global Tamil Forum grew out of the British Tamil Forum, (BTF) which had been established in 2006 to influence British opinion. All major British political parties were represented at the inauguration of the Global Tamil Forum (GTF) in the House of Commons in February 2010. BTF funded the setting up of the GTF Secretariat in London.

BTF has a strong present in UK and does constituency based lobbying, influencing British politicians. In 2014 The British Tamil Forum organization a two day conference in the UK to censure Sri Lanka. One session was scheduled to take place in the House of Commons and a delegation of the TNA had arrived from Sri Lanka for this conference.

‘International Council of Eelam Tamils’ based in Norway, is  known also as the Nediyawan faction. The movement started in 2009 immediately after the war. It is  led by Perimpanayagam Sivapalan, known as Nediyawan, a hard core LTTEer.  Nediyawan is only a figure head, the matter is controlled by a group of pro LTTE activists said one analyst.  This movement controls more than 150 Tamil schools in Europe. These schools are used to inculcate Tamil nationalist sentiments and hatred toward Sinhalese in the mind of the younger generation of Tamils said an analyst.

The three factions cooperate, but they occasionally fight with each other. Nediyawan faction objected to the appointment of Rudrakumaran as head of TGTE. The leaders of these three groups are interested only in building their personal and political power and financial strength, said Rohan Guneratne. These leaders and their children are   very well off in Europe.

There are   smaller groups too. There is the ‘Tamilnet clique’ led by Jayachandran in Oslo and Sreetharan in Canada. Also Canadian HART  launched in 2008 by LTTE front organizations such as  the Canadian Tamil Congress  and the Tamil Youth Organization  of Canada (TYO). LTTE tiger flag flies on the home page of TYO Canada.

Global Tamil Forum is the nosiest and most visible of these organizations. In 2014, the Global Tamil Forum  urged the UK to intervene on its behalf at the UN Security Council to prevent Sri Lanka government exploiting UN Security Council Resolution 1373 of 2011 ( UNSCR 1378) to attack 16 Diaspora groups as well as 424 individual. This was its response to Sri Lanka’s action of March 2014. In 2016 a delegation of the GTF, representing US, UK, Canada, Australia and Germany met USA’s Assistant Secretary of State, Nisha Biswal and Assistant Secretary for Human rights,  Tom Malinowski at Washington.

In 2013, Global Tamil Forum stated that all concerned Tamil organisations had met in Berlin in January 2013, on Tamil genocide, destruction of Tamil people’s identity, oppression, threat to Tamil claim to north and east, and legitimate aspiration of Tamil people through negotiated political solution. This was a continuation of the discussion that started in Nov 2012. Participants included TGTE, GTF, and International Council of Eelam Tamils. The Sri Lanka component consisted of Tamil National alliance, Tamil National Peoples Forum, and Tamil civil society representatives.

Soon after the end of Eelam War IV,   there was a show of violence by the LTTE abroad. These were due to the disbelief, shock and other emotions over the fact that the so-called invincible LTTE had lost, said Shanaka Jayasekera  Pro LTTE sympathisers abroad are fast reaching a level of desperation.

There were demonstrations against the government of   Sri Lanka in London, Paris, Berlin, Toronto, Washington   and Brussels. For the Brussels demo, at the EU, demonstrators were brought in buses from neighboring countries.

LTTE protesters targeted embassies. They attacked the Sri Lanka embassy in Netherlands, and smashed window panes. In Britain, LTTE supporters in London attacked four embassies. They attacked the Sri Lanka and Indian High Commissions as well as the Chinese embassy. They also attacked the Vietnamese embassy. ‘That looks odd,’ said the media, and pointed out that Vietnam had opposed placing Sri Lanka on the Security Council agenda at the time.

In Britain, LTTE supporters had scaled the roof of Westminster Abbey in London and were arrested. Suspected LTTE supporters glass fronts of five ‘Sams Chicken’ outlets owned by Sam Chandrasena. He had donated a large sum to Api wenuwen Api.  More seriously, acid had been thrown at two Sinhala youth in Harrow, England. LTTE protesters blocked an express highway in Toronto.

There is new trend of violence initiated by Tamil Tigers in Australia, said H.L.D. Mahindpala in 2009. They have engaged in violent attacks of the Sinhalese there and attacked Sinhalese students who participated in a peace rally held in Victoria. One student was critically injured. Six Sinhala shops in Melbourne were attacked the same night. No arrests were made. The victims were blamed.

LTTE protestors also specially targeted Buddhism. A Buddhist temple in Paris was attacked in 2009. LTTE was suspected to be behind it.   In 2009 LTTE attacked Sri Saddhatissa International Buddhist centre in Kingsbury, London and smashed seven windows.  One of the CCTV cameras had been removed earlier.  This was the tenth time this temple had been attacked, reported the media.

In 2013 it was the turn of the Sri Lanka bhikkhus. Ven. Udathalawinne Wageesa was attacked, at Chennai railway station. He was leading a group of pilgrims returning from Buddha Gaya.  Also in 2013, Ven. Pathberiya Gnanaloka was assaulted by Tamil groups at Tanjavur where he was on a study tour, with students of the Institute of Archaeology of the Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi. He had been at the Institute, for the last one and half years.

Surprisingly Catholics were also targeted. In 2013 a group of catholic pilgrims were forced to abandon a pilgrimage to Velankanni and return. The windscreen of their bus was smashed.  Smashing up windows is the latest activity of the LTTE supporters, said the media.

The Tamil caste factor is well hidden by Tamils but it holds the key to many of the problems and issues that exist.

May 6th, 2018

Anonymous author.

(This article has been circulated by an Anonymous author….clearly fearing repercussions against his/her person. It is very interesting and factually accurate in terms of sociological and legislative aspects and the lack of resistance to the 1956 Sinhala Only Act, but intense resistance again the Social Disabilities Act of 1957—————-PLEASE READ:)

The Tamil caste factor is well hidden by Tamils but it holds the key to many of the problems and issues that exist.

The best thing about the two acts was that the 1956 Sinhala Only Act had little opposition by the Tamils, but the 1957 Social Disabilities Act saw a very agitated lot of high caste Tamils who feared that the dismantling of the caste system would affect their political careers.

The elite high caste/class Tamils soon labored their educated minds and came up with the solution – lets campaign against the government. The ‘racial discrimination’ card became the opted slogan. Of course, they needed to show examples for their false flag so Ministers were mobbed, instructions were given to tar Sinhala letters to incite racial discord and various other stunts commenced.

The racial slogan quickly hid from the low caste Tamils the reality that the 1957 Act was to protect their interests which the high caste Tamils were vehemently opposing.

Now you should wonder why the Tamil leaders did not organize mass protests, demonstrations for the 1956 Sinhala Only Act but did so within 24 hours following the 1957 Social Disabilities Act against caste discrimination implementation. You must probe into this and demand answers.

Where was the racial discrimination in bringing an Act granting the following rights to all especially to low caste Tamils who were being denied these rights by their own people? Chief Minister Wigneswaran please take note.

The Act considered the following as an offense

  •       Anyone imposing caste restrictions if found guilty would be imprisoned for a maximum of 3 years or a fine of Rs.3000.
  •       No business under a license can impose caste restrictions – if so they would face cancellation of license and may even face denial to recommence operations for 3 years.
  •       No person can be prevented because of his/her caste from being admitted to school or employed as a teacher in a school or educational institution.
  •       No person can be prevented or denied because of his/her caste from buying any item in a shop, market or fair
  •       No person because of his/her caste can be prevented or denied entering or being served in any public hotel, resthouse, eating the house, restaurant or any other place where articles of food and drink are sold to the public.
  •       No person because of his/her caste can be prevented or denied obtaining any room for residence in a public hotel, resthouse or lodging-house.
  •       No person because of his/her caste can be prevented or denied from using water from any public well, spring, water-pipe or any other source of supply of water to the public (this immediately calls to mind the racial segregation in the US
  •       No person because of his/her caste can be prevented or denied entering or obtaining services at a hairdressing salon or laundry
  •       No person because of his/her caste can be prevented or denied entering any public cemetery, attending or taking part in any burial or cremation.
  •       No person because of his/her caste can be prevented or denied wearing any kind of clothes, head-covering or foot-covering at any place to which the public has access
  •       No person because of his/her caste can be prevented or denied being carried as a passenger in any public vehicle or vessel
  •       No person because of his/her caste can be prevented or denied entering a temple, devale, kovil, church, mosque or any other place of religious worship
  •       No person because of his/her caste can be prevented or denied to be engaged in any lawful employment or activity
  •       No person because of his/her caste can be prevented or denied worshipping at any place of worship
  •       No person because of his/her caste as a public officer can deny to perform his duty which he is legally bound to perform to another because of his/her caste.
  •       No person because of his/her caste can discriminate workers or employees because of their caste
  •       No person because of his/her caste can corrupt or foul water of any public well, spring, tank or reservoir so as to make it less fit or unfit for those of another caste.
  •       No person because of his/her caste can be denied from using water as a teacher, student or employee in an educational establishment or any institution.
  •       If above violations do occur assistance of the police can be sought who will provide what the person is being denied. The police officer can even arrest the person without warrant and bring him to the police station and released after being produced to a Magistrate’s court.

IT IS SHOCKING TO EVEN IMAGINE THAT THE HIGH CASTE TAMILS DENIED THESE BASIC RIGHTS TO THEIR OWN TAMIL PEOPLE AND ARE PREACHING TO THE WORLD ABOUT HUMAN RIGHTS.

In 2008 G. D. C. Weerasinghe wrote that the very famous Nallur Kovil did NOT permit non-vellalar to enter and when a low caste using the 1957 social disabilities act right did enter, riots resulted in Jaffna. Mr. C. Sunderalingam an ex-Minister went to the extent of sleeping between gateposts to prevent non-vellalar from entering the Kovil.

In reading each of the clauses of the act, one should immediately be asking ‘Are Tamils denying these rights for their own people?” People should wonder how many such low caste Tamils have not been allowed to drink water inside their place of work, how many children were denied education because of their caste, how many wells used by low castes would have been poisoned, how many kovils still do not permit low caste Tamils to enter, how many restaurants refuse to serve to low castes, how many dead Tamil lowcastes are denied last rites in times of sorrow. People should seriously go through these clauses and realize the extent of which discrimination took place by Tamils on Tamils and this whole Sinhala discrimination thing has been an absolute lie not corrected but allowed to be flogged for people’s own personal agendas.

http://www.commonlii.org/lk/legis/consol_act/posd33370.pdf

That the common citizens have been taken for a ride by politicians of all shades and names can be seen in the 1957 Bandaranaike-Chelvanayagam pact, signed without the concurrence of either the Parliament or Cabinet (raising the legal binding of it).

Why is it that no one objected to how a fuss supposed to be over the Sinhala language ended up with a secretly devised pact promising to devolve power? Notice the timing, the demand to devolve powers to regions came immediately as a result of the 1957 Act aiming to give all Tamils equal rights. This equality was objected by the Tamil high class/caste who rallied together claiming they were being discriminated but in reality to hide their caste superiority and the ‘we want to rule our own’ is another term for we, the high caste/class will reign over all low caste/class Tamils.

It was this that promoted low caste/class Prabakaran to be enticed by India and trained with a dual objective of destabalizing Sri Lanka while keeping the Tamil leaders in tow. Inferiority complexes got the better of Prabakaran who ended up drawing his men/women and child soldiers from the low caste while keeping the high caste dead scared of even speaking against him. The high caste Tamils all hated Prabakaran but were using him to win by terror the territoriy they failed to achieve politically.

Examples taken from Dr. S. Rasalingam

  •       1847 – Arumuga Navalar a hero amongst Jaffna Tamils, left teaching at Jaffna Central College because a low caste Tamil student from Nalavar caste was admitted to the school.
  •       1871 – caste riots between Vellala and dhoby & barber castes in Maviththapuram as a result of dhoby caste refusing to wash clothes of barber caste people. Vellala’s were blamed for instigating the riots (1st caste riot between Tamils).
  •       1877 – Arumuga Navalar provided food and medicine to only Jaffna high caste Vellala’s during a famine.
  •       1923 – Sutumalai, Jaffna – Vellala’s attack Paramba caste people for hiring drummers for a funeral alleging that they had no right to employ drummers for funerals as they were low caste (now you know why this clause was included in 1957)
  •       1929 – Caste riots following government directive on ‘equal seating’ enabling low caste students to sit on benches instead of the floor in the classroom. This resulted in many houses of low caste Tamils getting burnt and low caste children were too scared to return to school. The Vellala high castes begged the British government to cancel the directive. Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan led 2 delegations to London to plead with the Colonial Office to encode Caste into all legislative enactments of Ceylon. (refer Communal politics under Donoughmore Constitution 1931-1947 by Jane Russell, Tisara publishers)
  •       (How do you like that – begging the British not to allow their own Tamil children to sit on a bench to study – now you know why this clause was included again in 1957 – Tamils did not allow low caste

Ancient archeological site destroyed in Pugollagama (English)

May 6th, 2018

 

Glyphosate will be banned;An alternative to be introduced (English)

May 6th, 2018

 

Reshuffling incompetency, inefficiency and insecurity

May 6th, 2018

BY MALINDA SENEVIRATNE

Exactly one year ago, just after the Joint Opposition picked up the gauntlet thrown by the Yahapalana Government (that of filling Galle Face Green on May Day) and put up an unprecedented show of force, I posted the following comment on Facebook: චැලේන්ජ් එකක් අවශ්‍ය නම් මෙන්න: එජාපයේ හෝ ජවිපෙ හෝ ශ්‍රීලංනිපයේ 2018 මැයි දින ෂෝ එක ගෝල් ෆේස් එකේ තියන්න (if you are looking for a challenge, here’s one: let the UNP or SLFP or JVP hold the 2018 May Day rally at Galle Face!).”
I doubt the good people who lead these parties even heard about this challenge, but the fact is that none of them had the guts to say ‘We’ll take Galle Face Green.’  No guts or as worse, no numbers.  The last, that of declining popularity, is the backdrop against which we have to consider a couple of statements made by the leaders of the UNP and the SLFP.
President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe made some honest observations at Hulftsdorp at a ceremony to mark the 25th anniversary of President Ranasinghe Premadasa’s assassination.  Sirisena said ‘Sri Lanka is currently facing various problems because of the personal agendas of politicians,’ and Wickremesinghe opined, ‘there is no alternative to the national government.’ [Please note that Wickremesinghe was alluding to the idea or concept of a ‘national government’ and not the Yahapalana Regime.]
The entire saga of the cabinet reshuffle (which was many times announced, partially attempted and re-attempted) speak to and confirm both statements. Let’s start with Wickremesinghe’s contention.
He has not specified who is not offering an alternative to the (idea) ‘national government’. Is he alluding to detractors within the party, those who believe the UNP can go it alone or those few remaining Sirisena-loyalists in the SLFP? It can’t be the Joint Opposition (JO) or the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) or the majority of the voters; they’ve all said in word and vote that the Yahapalanists could go home.  He has to be talking about his own regime; well, his and Sirisena’s.  They simply don’t have any other option but to go along with the idea of a ‘national government’.
A ‘national government,’ as per the 19th Amendment, is what allows Wickremesinghe to satisfy the ministerial aspirations of more than 30 MPs and thereby keep the detractors within the party at bay. For this he needs the SLFP. It also helps Sirisena retain some vestige of relevance because his loyalists get portfolios. 
This brings us to Sirisena’s assertion; that of ‘personal agendas of politicians.’  He may have wanted people to think he’s talking about the JO or the SLPP, but maybe he ought to have given a bit of thought to what he was going to say before he said it.  Sirisena ought to know about agendas. Personal agendas. He should know about the personal agendas of his friends or let’s say fellow-travelers or strange bedfellows.  
We need not elaborate! What’s more productive would be to talk about the true dilemmas of these two men in the matter of reshuffling.  Perhaps the wry observation posted by someone on Facebook captures the situation best: ‘this is like shuffling deck chairs on the Titanic to avoid the iceberg.’  Could be worse of course: ‘it’s like shuffling deck chairs after hitting the iceberg!’  
President Sirisena’s promise to reshuffle ‘scientifically’ is being lampooned in style right now. It is being ridiculed in terms of the ministry titles and the track-records of those given portfolios. Some of this is wicked, some of it is funny, but most of it is spot on. We need not elaborate. 
It’s about competency (or lack thereof), efficiency (or lack thereof) and security, the last referring to the anxieties of regime leaders with respect to political survival. Taking a portfolio from one incompetent and/or corrupt minister and giving him or her another won’t sort out anything. When incompetent and/or corrupt MPs outnumber those who are competent, and when loyalty is also factored in you are not going to see anything radically different to what you’ve already seen. When you don’t have the ‘science’ to understand that all state institutions can be sorted among as few as 10 ministries, you are not going to have a scientific reshuffle.
Around ten years ago Nahil Wijesuriya made a caustic remark about cabinet portfolios which is as relevant today: ‘When you go Galle on the Southern Expressway it’s under one minister; when you return it’s another.’ He added this: ‘I understand that politicians need perks, they want certain luxuries. I say, give it to them; only, tell them not to do a stroke of work!’ He was referring to the redundancies, the overlapping and such which compound the problem of inefficiency, incompetence and corruption. 
That’s exactly what’s happening even today. Instead of addressing the problem, Sirisena and Wickremesinghe, presumably anxious out of their wits over political survival, are trying to make out that the ship has not hit the iceberg. Ok, let’s be generous. They want us to believe that the waters ahead hold no icebergs or sea monsters. The problem is that few are buying their words these days.  
They have alienated themselves from the voter. They’ve failed to purchase the trust and backing of the public servants with the Rs 10,000 salary hike. Indeed, they’ve alienated the most honorable and competent among the public servants thanks to their fascination with the politics of patronage, the rewarding of loyalists and punishing of those who will not toe the line. The case of Senior DIG Latheef tells that story well. 
At the end of the day, it really boils down to this: if you shuffle incompetence, inefficiency, insecurity, corruption, vindictiveness and such, that’s what you will get at shuffle-end. The incompetent, inefficient, insecure, corrupt and vindictive have moved to different chairs on the deck of a ship that doesn’t seem to be going anywhere in a hurry or worse, appears to be sinking.  

The ‘scientific’ logic of Maithripala and Ranil

May 6th, 2018

BY MALINDA SENEVIRATNE

The word on the street thanks to President Maithripala Sirisena is ‘science’. The cabinet reshuffle, Sirisena said, would be done scientifically this time. He went on to say that he had discussed (presumably scientifically) about it and made changes. He implies that Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe submitted to the power of his (Sirisena’s) science or else the two, together, scientifically came up with the names and the relevant portfolios. 
So far, Wickremesinghe has uttered not a single word on the scientific claims. Sirisena, on the other hand, has elaborated thus: ‘Most ministries which had allegations against them were changed under the new reshuffle,’ he said.
Sirisena has not elaborated on these allegations, but if allegations there are and if ministers were moved on account of the same we have to conclude that either the particular minister is him/herself under a cloud or s/he is incompetent. Now if Minister A has been removed on account of either of these reasons, what is the (scientific) logic of putting this shady/incompetent creature in charge of a different ministry?
Do Sirisena and Wickremesinghe believe that ‘a change of scenery’ would automatically make such a person honest and competent? 
We could apply their logic to the changes. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe was effectively hoofed out of the Justice Ministry in August 2018. Technically he was not ‘reshuffled’. Neither was Ravi Karunanayake, who was forced to resign as Finance Minister. However, if they were considered ‘unfit’ to hold those portfolios, their recent elevation to the Cabinet indicates that their replacements are doing a better job and that somehow, within the course of a few months faith in their abilities has been restored. How they managed to do this of course is a mystery.  Let’s leave it at that.
What of the others? Kabir Hashim is no longer the Minister of Higher Education. Did he score low on the relevant KPIs (Key Performance Indicators), assuming of course that there are such things for ministers. He was made the Minister of Highways and Road Development. What does this say of Lakshman Kiriella? He’s been made Minister of Public Enterprises and Kandy Development. Who held these portfolios earlier? What are the allegations against the predecessor(s)?  
Before me move to others, let’s consider the scientific nature of a ministry for a single city.  Kandy is a major city, no doubt, but if the principle of consistency had been applied, we would need ministries for every capital of every province or at least ministries for Kurunegala, Galle, Anuradhapura, Gampaha and Jaffna.  
Moving on, Mahinda Amaraweera has been relieved of the fisheries portfolio. Were there allegations and if so what are they? Was it corruption or mismanagement or incompetence? He’s been put in charge of Agriculture, previously the subject of Duminda Dissanayake. Did Sirisena and Wickremesinghe believe that Amaraweera would leave behind corruption and incompetence at the Fisheries Ministry when he assumes duties as the Ministry of Agriculture? And wrong did Duminda Dissanayake do? We need to know.
We need not go on and on. This new science of reshuffling is baffling. Perhaps the problem lies with the ‘scientists’ who have done the reshuffling. Maybe they have no clue about basic logic. Maybe they are just confused or have a limited vocabulary.  Maybe they don’t know the meanings of the words they use. 
Consider this: J.R. Jayewardene turned ‘dharmista’ into a cuss word. Chandrika Kumaratunga and Ranil Wickremesinghe turned ‘peace’ into a cuss word. Wickremesinghe, along with Sirisena, made a cuss word out of ‘Yahapalanaya’. Now they’ve corruption the words ‘science’ and ‘scientist’. 
People don’t have to use words such as idiot, moron, nincompoop, blockhead, dunce, dolt, ignoramus, imbecile, dullart, dimwit, dumbo, dork or boofhead. They can simply say ‘scientist!’
That’s not something to laugh about. Seriously.

USAID Moves On The Bar Association

May 6th, 2018

Malinda Seneviratne

First they offer help and then they enslave

‘First they had the book and we had the land. Then they said close your eyes, let us pray”. When we opened our eyes, we had the book and they had the land.’ — Bishop Desmond Tutu on the relationship between invader and missionary in the conquest of Africa.

It all began innocently enough, not too dissimilar to the Europeans who upon ‘discovering’ new lands obtained first the goodwill of native peoples with bead in return for temporary shelter and later spilled their blood and robbed their lands. The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) was at the beginning full of promises and generosity. It began when Upul Jayasuriya was the President of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL). Money was offered and accepted to refurbish the old auditorium.

As of now, the agency notorious for its covert operations to destabilize countries it purports to help, is involved in numerous other projects including the development of the District Court Library, improving the BASL Library, BASL system networking project, public forums, trafficking program, ethics issues, BASL research unit and the ICT project.

Most of these projects are in the ‘in progress’ category with some having little or no progress to show. Some of them are partly funded by BASL but are conveniently referred to as ‘USAID projects’.

Interestingly apart from the BASL President, Geoffrey Alagaratnam the rest of the Bar seems to be clueless about projects, duration, budget lines and such. Such information is known almost exclusively to Prakalathan Thuraisingham (also known as ‘Prabha’), who is the on-the-spot point-man for USAID in BASL offices and activities. Thuraisingham works closely with Nayomi Wickramaratne who was the previous Administrative Secretary (Acting) of BASL.

Interestingly, she held that post even as she worked for USAID, obtaining two salaries, a fact that the then Treasurer Upul Deshapriya vehemently objected to. Whether or not Upul Jayasuriya knew this is unclear. What is clear is that through her, USAID had access to the personal files, the accounts, system information and details of the management structure, all of which could easily be used to manipulate the BASL for whatever ends. Whether this happened, we don’t know, but the opportunity was there and indeed was created either knowingly or due to gross neglect and incompetence on the part of whoever was responsible for creating these conditions.

USAID does pay a rent for the space occupied, but nothing is paid for the use of other BASL resources including employees. What might have begun in cordial terms had within the space of 18 months transformed into a situation where USAID officials operate as though they own the BASL. USAID officials are reported to be poking their fingers into administrative operations of the BASL. Thuraisingham is reported to strutting around as though he is a member of the BASL, even being present that election of Bar Council Members. The truth is he is neither member nor an employee. Whether or not he had the blessings of the BASL President and the rest of the BASL membership is not known.

Most disturbing (for lawyers) is the fact that through the ‘networking project’ funded by USAID the details of all BASL members, court cases against lawyers, projects etc., can be accessed by an outside agency. Considering the sway of the BASL in the political life of the country (it played a key role in the eviction of Mohan Peiris and the reinstating of Shiranee Bandaranayake as Chief Justice, for example), the benefits for a rogue outfit operating for a country that does not subscribe to the ethics one expects in matters that are described as ‘friendly’, are pretty obvious.

Information is key. Documentation, historically, is often a necessary first step that is followed by either purchase or outright capture. Perhaps the affairs of the BASL are not that dramatic, but a body that purports to be independent of political control (a fact seriously compromised by the election of Upul Jayasuriya, a known UNPer and an immediate beneficiary of the January 8 result) should not only steer clear of political parties but all other bodies, especially agencies that have a history of meddling and indeed subversion.

It doesn’t look as the membership of the BASL has a clue about what’s happening. The current President and the Executive Committee, for example, are contemplating a change in the BASL structure which could very well make the ‘USAID takeover’ official for all intents and purposes.
The envisaged restructuring will see the appointment of an Executive Director who will function as the Chief Executive Officer and the Chief Registered Lobbyist. This would severely diminish the discretionary powers of the Secretary, Treasurer and Administrative Secretary.

The project is the brainchild of USAID which is to provide relevant funds.

The person appointed to the position will have wide powers which include implementing programs regardless of management changes, developing income generating plans and linking the bar with other professionals and organizations.  In addition he/she will be involved in education, communication, data base and community through policy, reporting and programming.

He/she will also develop strategic plans and implement the action/operational plan and micro donation strategies, advice on all BASL activities, act as official spokesperson of the bar, represent BASL and supervise day to day operations of the BASL.

Thuraisingham’s name (Surprise! Surprise!) is being tossed around as the possible first ‘Executive Director’. BASL members would know the nature of the organization’s relationship with the Chief Justice and the Attorney General. The potential for involvement in unwarranted and dangerous ways in the affairs of justice needs no elaboration.

The proposal does not mention eligibility criteria, opening the post to people who are not members of BASL and therefore technically to people who have no understanding of the judicial system of the country, its history and traditions, or the role of the BASL. The problem then is not about Thuraisingham. If not him, then someone else, that’s the logic that can be drawn from the absence of specification. And if USAID is funding it, there’s no reason to believe that USAID will not have a say in who gets the job.
The membership needs to ask questions. Alagaratnam needs to answer questions. Will he inform the membership of all that has happened, including the role of the USAID, the operations of Thuraisingham, the status of BASL vis-à-vis USAID and what the possible appointment of an USAID-handpick would mean for the BASL?

*Malinda Seneviratne is the Chief Editor of ‘The Nation’ and his articles can be found at www.malindawords.blogspot.com

President Maithripala Sirisena appoints tainted politico as State Timber Corporation (STC) Chairman

May 6th, 2018

By Shamindra Ferdinando Courtesy The Island

Former Kegalle District JVP MP Anuruddha Polgampola, who was compelled to resign, in Sept, 2008 for allegedly helping a person enter Japan, posing as his assistant, was appointed Chairman of the State Timber Corporation (STC) by President Maithripala Sirisena on Friday (May 4).

The appointment was made within 24 hours after STC Chairman Piyasena Dissanayake was arrested along with Dr. T. H.K. Mahanama, Chief of Staff of President Maithripala Sirisena for allegedly accepting a Rs 20 mn bribe from an Indian national.

The JVP Central Committee called for Polgampola’s resignation soon after the revelation that Japanese Immigration and Emigration authorities had questioned the MP at the Narita International Airport.

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Ex-JVP MP Anuruddha Polgampola receiving letter of appointment as Chairman, State Timber Corporation (STC) from President Sirisena on Friday, May 4.

The JVP identified the person who received Polgampola’s help to enter Japan illegally as Kodituwakku Arachchige Rohan.

Japan deported the youth in late August, 2008.

JVP MP Vijitha Herath yesterday told The Island that the appointment received by Polgampola reflected the crisis in the current government administration. Herath said that the JVP had decided to expel Polgampola even before the flight taking him and the other person masquerading as his personal assistant touched down at Narita International airport. “We got to know Polgampola’s illegal operation immediately after he had left for Japan,” Herath said, adding that the MP didn’t have party approval to leave the country.

Herath alleged that Polgampola had been in remand twice in 2016 for deceiving two persons who had invested in a Vavuniya-based enterprise launched by him, with the blessings of the previous government. Having served under the former SLFP National Organiser Basil Rajapaksa after his expulsion from the JVP, Polgampola entered presidential fray in 2015 as an independent candidate and then contested the parliamentary polls in August 2015 on the UPFA ticket.

Mohammed Muzammil, spokesman for breakaway JVP faction, National Freedom Front (NFF) told The Island that Polgampola had been involved in the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) until the finalization of nominations for Local Government polls in February this year. Muzammil said that Polgampola functioned as the Organizing Secretary of the SLPP at the time he switched allegiance to President Sirisena.

Muzammil, who had been parliamentary colleague of Polgampola at the time the latter quit, emphasized the that key appointments should be cleared by the Parliamentary High Posts Committee. Both Herath and Muzammil said that there was nothing personal in their response to the latest appointment made by President Sirisena.

The Rajapaksa administration had never conducted a proper inquiry into an MP’s alleged involvement in human smuggling though the Japanese brought the Aug 2008 detection to the attention of the then government.

A senior police officer told The Island that police clearance was required and sought by state agencies. However, key appointments were made without taking into consideration alleged involvement of those receiving fresh postings in various clandestine activities, the official said.

What about nepotism and cronyism?

May 6th, 2018

In the wake of President’s Chief of Staff and Chairman State Timber Corporation being nabbed by Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) in a five-star hotel car park, accepting Rs. 20 million as part of a bribe from an Indian businessman, local media had published a statement by Secretary to the President.

The top bureaucrat has stated; “The government will not tolerate Bribery and Corruption. This government will continue to punish those engaged in bribery and corruption.”

The worthy gentleman has craftily left out nepotism and cronyism from the narrative.

article_image

The Oxford Dictionary defines Bribery, Corruption, Nepotism and Cronyism as: Dishonestly persuade (someone) to act in one’s favor by a gift of money or other inducement; dishonest or fraudulent conduct by those in power, typically involving bribery; The practice among those with power or influence of favoring relatives or friends, especially by giving them jobs, respectively; and the appointment of friends and associates to positions of authority, without proper regard to their qualifications.

Bribery, corruption, nepotism, and cronyism have had a corrosive effect on Sri Lankan society since independence. They are interrelated.

One of the earliest known cases of nepotism was the nomination by Ceylon’s first Prime Minister DS Senanayake of his son Dudley Senanayake as his successor, over the more senior and deserving SWRD Bandaranaike, which led to SWRD leaving the UNP.

Friends and family of politicians and their minions often facilitate corrupt deals. Furthermore, their imperious conduct with no accountability causes administrative havoc in government institutions.

The son-in-law of the President’s Secretary was appointed to the Sri Lanka High Commission in London in October 2015 and holds the rank of Counsellor (Consular). He is a British national and had been working in his family law firm before his appointment. His sole qualification to be appointed was having the good fortune of being the offspring of a former Government Agent, whose one-time Grama Niladhari is now the President of the country.

Career Foreign Service officers must be graduates and pass an open competitive examination to enter the Foreign Service. After completing three years of probation, they start as Third Secretaries and progress in their careers, many reaching ambassadorial rank after 15-20 years. During this time, they gain invaluable experience so necessary in the conduct of diplomacy.

On the other hand, relatives and friends of politicians and their minions or political appointees parachute into Sri Lankan missions abroad for a few years. They often lack in both formal education and necessary skills required in that line of work. They also deprive junior Foreign Service officers of valuable training opportunities impacting their performance as they progress in the Foreign Service.

The Rajapaksa regime turned nepotism and cronyism into a fine art. Yahapalanists who faithfully promised to eradicate bribery, corruption, nepotism, and cronyism during the campaign trail lost no time after January 08, 2015 electoral victory in emulating the Rajapaksas.

The chief Yahapalanist appointed his brother as the head of a cash-rich state institution, in the first week of his presidency. The deputy chief Yahapalanist, not to be outdone, appointed a member of his ‘Royal’ clan to the Central Bank. Because of the findings of his wrongdoings by a Presidential Commission, this clansman is now a fugitive.

Abraham Lincoln once said; “You can fool all the people some of the time, and some of the people all the time, but you cannot fool all the people all the time.”

CB will oversee Samurdhi Bank: PM -Won’t allow PM to bring Samurdhi Bank under CB

May 6th, 2018

Yohan Perera Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe today said the Samurdhi Bank would be soon brought under the control of the Central Bank.

All banks except the Samurdhi Bank are monitored by the Central Bank,” he said at the UNP May Day rally held today at the Sugathadasa Stadium.

Even the EPF is monitored and controlled by the Ministry of Finance.

However, the Samurdhi Bank is not being monitored or administered by any institution and therefore, we will bring it under the control of Central Bank,” he said. ()

Thilanka Kanakarathna Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Former social empowerment minister S.B Dissanayake today said he would never allow Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe to vest the Samurdhi Bank under the Central Bank’s control.

He was responding to a statement made by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe at the UNP May Day rally that the Samurdhi Development Bank would be soon brought under the control of the Central Bank (CB) .

The MP told Daily Mirror the Samurdhi Bank which had a capital more than Rs.200 Billion functions under the Samurdhi Act, which had been passed by the Parliament.

He said it was specifically mentioned in the Act that the Samurdhi Bank could not be vested under the control or controlled by the Central Bank.

The MP said Prime Minister would need a two-thirds majority in Parliament if the Act was to be amended and vowed he would make sure that the PM did not receive such a majority.

The Central bank was robbed in broad daylight. We will not let Prime Minister to lay a hand on the poor people’s money,” he said and added that in other countries such banks formed to benefit the poor were not controlled by their central banks.

It is a well known practice that such banks operate transparently when they were function in small groups and societies. People do not trust the Central Bank anymore,” the MP said.

He said the SDB had 1,754 branches countrywide and was a means of empowering the poor people. ()

MAHA SANGA MUST SUMMON  RANIL WICKREMASINGHE AND ANURA KUMARA

May 5th, 2018

By M D P DISSANAYAKE

The Supreme Council of Maha Sanga of Sri Lanka has demanded that  Executive Presidency of Sri Lanka should not be abolished  and the proposed 20 Amendment must be withdrawn.  In previous occasions,  on key issues Malwatte Maha NayakeThero disagreed with the rest.  But on this issue of proposed 20th Amendment, the Ven. Malwatte Maha NayakeThibbatuwawe Sri Siddhartha Sumangala Thero  has  given his seal of  approval for the retention of the Executive Presidency and to scrap the proposed 20 Amendment.

The crux of the issue is that Maha Sanga of Sri Lanka has no confidence on the Prime Minister Mr Ranil Wickremasinghe.  If Executive Presidency is abolished,  crooks such as Ranil Wickremasinghe will ruin the country, religion and its cultural heritage.    The actions of the Maha Sanga is therefore a clear vote of no confidence on the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka.

The Maha Sanga is fully aware that Mr Ranil Wickremasinghe has repeatedly used back-door tactics with Mr Jayampathi Wickremaratne to bring amendments at the sub-committee stages, thus nullifying the main concepts of the Legislation.  This man is not only a clever person to become the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka by back-door tactics, but he is equally clever and smart to twist and turn rules and regulations to achieve his ulterior motives.

We believe that Maha Sanga must summon Mr Ranil Wickremasinghe and his puppy puppet dog Anura Kumara to Dalada Maligawa and reprimand both of them in public.  They must be given a public dressing down in the presence of the Supreme Council of Maha Sanga.

In addition, the Maha Sanga must propose to the President to remove Mano Ganeshan from the portfolio of  Minister of National Co-Existence, Reconciliation and Official Languages. ( Appointing Mr Vasudeva Nanayakkara as Minister of National Languages and Social Integration to the Cabinet of President Mahinda Rajapakse need to be noted with deep regret).

Sweet deal turns sour for Sirisena

May 5th, 2018

ECONOMYNEXT –

The arrest of the President’s Chief of Staff while allegedly accepting a 20 million bribe may have seriously damaged Maithripala Sirisena ’s image and weakened his position within the tenuous coalition.

Sirisena was reportedly visibly shaken when a senior aide told him on Thursday that his Chief of Staff H. M. Mahanama had been caught a few minutes earlier while counting 20 million rupees at the Taj Samudra car park given by an Indian investor in the Kantale Sugar factory which has been put up for privatisation.

“May ape Mahanama?! (Our Mahanama?)” the president reportedly asked twice, not believing that his trusted aide had been arrested following a sting operation four weeks in the making.

Mahanama retired recently from the Ministry of Lands where he was secretary and he is regarded as the key figure who had allegedly obstructed the Indo-Singaporean joint venture that wants to invest $100 million in the defunct Kantale Sugar factory.

Following his retirement last month, Mahanama was chosen to be Sirisena’s Chief of Staff because of the long association between the two men, official sources said.

The second man arrested along with Mahanama on Thursday was Piyadasa Dissanayake, the Chairman of the State Timber Corporation. That appointment was also made by Sirisena as Minister of Environment.

The two men had initially demanded 540 million rupees to sweeten the sugar deal for the Indian and Singapore investors, but later reduced their “fee” to 100 million, according to the bribery detectives. The two men were receiving the first tranche of 20 million rupees when they were caught.

“The President was informed about the involvement of some officials in his secretariat, but he did not know who the target was until the arrest,” an official involved in the sting said.

The President’s office issued a statement on Thursday night in a bid to deflect responsibility. In his rush, he may have also inadvertently convicted the two men even before they were formally charged.

The president “advised the authorities to strictly enforce the law against the two offenders,” the president’s statement said, virtually pronouncing them guilty.

However, political sources say the incident is a major setback for Sirisena who is embroiled in a cold-war power struggle with Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe.

Sirisena had used the Central Bank bond scam to discredit Wickremesinghe’s United National Party, arguing that the fugitive former central bank governor Arjuna Mahendran was a nominee of the Prime Minister.

The tables have now turned. By Sirisena’s own logic, he should accept responsibility for Mahanama taking a bribe from a foreign investor. Sirisena was dislodged from his moral high ground last month following reports that his daughter had obtained a liquor licence although he himself had restored a ban on women buying or serving liquor at restaurants. The sugar deal that went sour is only making things worse for Sirisena.

Private anti-corruption activist Keerthi Tennakoon questioned why Mahanama was made President’s Chief of Staff despite long-standing allegations of corruption against him from his days at the Lands Ministry.

Sirisena attempted to discredit the UNP over the bond scam, but the sugar scandal could be a blot on Sirisena’s record and strengthen allegations of other wrong doings including in the purchase of a naval craft from Russia. The Presidential Secretariat has denied any wrong doing in buying a vessel from Russia at a cost of over $100 million, but Sirisena’s high officials being implicated in corruption could raise fresh questions about other transactions too.

Comfort and care at the end of a selfless journey

May 5th, 2018

By Kumudini Hettiarachchi

he journeyed to the nooks and crannies of the country preaching bana or delivering dharma deshana, a grim reality hit him hard.

With age making them feeble and frail, monks who had followed in the footsteps of Lord Buddha, renouncing all that was worldly including their relatives, faced absolute neglect.

These were monks in remote aranyas who had become antha asarana wela, yanna thenak nethuwa”, recalls Ven. Galigamuwe Gnanadeepa Thera, explaining that they were in dire straits, with no place to go to.

They had lived solitary, lonely and frugal lives, forfeiting money, material and relatives, going on pinda patha for their basic necessities.

Suddenly old age had come upon them and Ven. Galigamuwe Gnanadeepa Thera had found some who were very ill and bedridden, with no one to clean them up, others who had not been bathed in months and one who had even begged of him to give him something to end his misery.

This is what propelled him towards setting up the Seela Suwa Arana Gilan Bhikkhu Centre six years ago, beginning with just four kuti,which has now blossomed into a three-storey building with accommodation for 35. Currently, there are 31 ranging in age from 18 to 96 years with different ailments – some are paralyzed, some are severe diabetics, some have cancer and one is to undergo a kidney removal soon.

We visit this Healthcare Monastery set amidst lush greenery in Akkara 4, Welipatha, Kandana, about four kilometres from Horana town, passing through wel-yayas as far as the eye can see and also dense and gloomy rubber plantations on Tuesday, with the holiest day for Buddhists, Vesak, just five days away.

The Healthcare Monastery is set amidst 260 perches of land, 100 donated to Ven. Galigamuwe Gnanadeepa Thera and the balance taken on long lease from the state, an ideal location for holistic care.

There have been times when he was compelled to sell the Ata Pirikara offered to him, while his travels abroad have also brought in donations after his deshana. He has a staff of about 35 including a doctor and nurses and says one cannot expect volunteers to do all that is expected of the staff as they are trained to attend to the monks, oft cleaning them up tenderly when they soil themselves and thereafter paying obeisance to them, with a smile.

It is individualized care that is extended at the Healthcare Monastery with a dietitian looking into the nutritional requirements. For those who cannot swallow, the food is blended and fed and those who are diabetics will get a special diet.

Currently, some are being taken for ayurveda treatment and Ven.

Galigamuwe Gnanadeepa Thera says that a section for in-house treatment along with beheth oru et al is on the drawing boards, as also concrete pathways so that the monks who are wheelchair-bound can be wheeled around outside taking in the fresh air. Then both forms of treatment – western and ayurveda will be close at hand for the ailing monks.

At least once a month, all those who can be taken are gently put into a vehicle and transported to such places as the Kalutara Bodhiya where they can engage in religious activity and also have a small outing.

Whenever they become seriously-ill they are taken to the Horana Hospital by ambulance which the Healthcare Monastery owns and there will always be someone by their side when they pass away.

We see the words as deeds when we walk around the building, guided by Chief Male Nurse Ananda Kandawala. Four years ago, 18-year-old Pallewala Sumanasena Himi from Mirigama had fallen from a tree, injuring his spine. He is now in a wheelchair.

In another room, Matara Wimala Keerthi Himi, 88, calls out blessings on all those who are looking after him, smilingly and serenely saying that he has only thava sulu kalayai” (only a little time left).

Debahera Dhammawansa Himi is having a problem with his nerves after slipping and falling, while returning to his remote aranya, having preached bana about two years ago. He is also hit by diabetes and is awaiting the removal of a diseased kidney.

The tales of illness are similar and different at the same time – Kirindagalle Gnanathilake Himi, 75, is a diabetic with the disease making him blind, having only a little vision in the right eye. From the remote Athdalagala Aranya in Meegalewa, interior from Galgamuwa, he was the first who got succour at this monastery.

A one-bed Emergency Treatment Unit (ETU) and a pharmacy are all part of the care, while a Bakkula Maha Seya is taking shape on the premises.

It is comfort and care in a holistic manner for ageing monks who have served their devotees with dedication in keeping with Lord Buddha’s way.

A meritorious deed indeed

Thinking of doing a meritorious deed – you can make a donation to the Seela Suwa Arana this Vesak.

Contributions may be channelled to Account No. 0067-6000-0068 of the Sampath Bank (Athurugiriya branch) or Account No. 80074124 of the Bank of Ceylon (Metropolitan branch), with both in the Account Name of ‘Seela Suwa Arana’.

People could also make a donation towards the running of the monastery because overheads are heavy.

When celebrating a birthday or an anniversary, a family a group can donate some amount towards the cost per day for such overheads, points out Ven. Galigamuwe Gnanadeepa Thera.

For more details, please contact Phone:

034-5725795, 034-2262782 or 034-2263646.

E-mail: seelasuwaarana@gmail.com

Sri Lanka to sign deals with Total, Schlumberger for seismic study

May 5th, 2018

COLOMBO (Reuters) – Sri Lanka will sign agreements with French oil and gas major Total and a subsidiary of U.S. firm Schlumberger for a seismic study off its east coast to evaluate any prospective oil resources, a top official said on Friday.

Vajira Dassanayake, the director general at Petroleum Resources Development Secretariat (PRDS), said a first deal signed with Total in 2016 to conduct a study off the eastern coast did not take place due to some issues”.

We are hoping to sign a new agreement with Total later this month,” Dassanayake told Reuters.

Total had earlier signed a two-year agreement with PRDS to survey around 50,000 sq km off the east coast from the air, at a cost of $25 million to acquire data on unexplored areas.

Dassanayake said Total will invest $3 million to $10 million for the seismic study, while Eastern Echo Holding Ltd, a subsidiary of Schlumberger, will carry it out.

It’s a marine survey. There will be more resources allocated this time compared to the previous agreement. They will have the marketing exclusivity for a certain period until they recover their cost,” Dassanayake said.

Actual ownership of the data will be with the government of Sri Lanka. They (Total) have one year to negotiate with us and to give us a favorable contract for production and sharing.”

Officials from Total and Schlumberger did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

Sri Lanka produces no oil and is dependent on imports for all of its fuel requirements, despite trying to reinvigorate oil and gas exploration after the end nine years ago of its 25-year civil war with Tamil separatists.

Importing oil cost the island $3.2 billion in 2017.

Sri Lanka approves $500 million LNG plant near Chinese-controlled port

May 5th, 2018

COLOMBO (Reuters) – Sri Lanka’s state-run investment body has approved a $500 million liquefied natural gas plant by China Machinery Engineering Corp near a Chinese-controlled port and industrial zone, the development strategies minister said on Friday.

The state-run Board of Investment has approved investment projects worth $1 billion in the first quarter, Malik Samarawickrama said, the largest of which was the LNG project in Hambantota, where China Merchants Port Holdings controls a Chinese-built port on a 99-year lease.

The port, which is leased for $1.12 billion, is near the main shipping route from Asia to Europe and likely to play a major role in China’s belt and road” initiative

 Development projects will bear fruit in a few years: PM

May 5th, 2018

Sudath Gunasekara

5.5.2018

Why don’t you say your development projects have already born fruits to the whole nation in a right royal manner long time ago with the Central Bank robbery led by your able leadership. People know it is sweet for you but utterly sour for them, though, you don’t realize it as a Royal royalists until the next election is held.

Development projects will bear fruit in a few years: PM

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

People will reap the benefits of development in a few years time, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said yesterday.

He said this at the opening of the newly built auditorium at the Milleniya Divisional Secretariat.

Many are asking what this government had done during the past three years. One will begin to feel and reap the benefits of the development work carried out by this government only in few years time,” the Prime Minister said. One will be able to see imagined opportunities with the industrial and tourism zones being set up now. You will be able to put up hostels, shops and even one could lend his or her garden space to keep large containers and earn money. If you allow two containers in your garden that will help you to earn a considerable amount of money,” the Premier said.

He said the work on the Milleniya Industrial Zone will begin in June this year. He said the final agreement with the Thai company which is going to manage the zone would be signed shortly. The Hambantota Industrial zone is also ready to take off and so is the tourism zone in Deduwa and Iranawila,” the Premier said.

He said divisional secretariat offices have a major role to play when it came to development of villages. If the divisional secretariat becomes inefficient all development work will come to a standstill,” the Premier said and recalled that the industrial zone project in Biyagama became a success story because of the divisional secretariat carried out its work effectively and efficiently. (Yohan Perera)

In defence of Executive Presidency

May 5th, 2018

By Udaya P Gammanpila Courtesy Ceylon Today

It was pointed out in the previous column that allegations against the Executive Presidency are baseless. We posed five questions to the anti-executive Presidency camp. Before discussing any further, let us revisit those five questions.

If the Executive Presidency is dictatorial, why has it become the most popular governing method in the world? If the Executive Presidency is oppressive, the USA must be the most suffered nation because it has been under Executive Presidency for 229 years.  Why is there no campaign to abolish the Executive Presidency in the USA?  If this is a bad system, why is there a trend in the world to embrace the Executive Presidency leaving the Westminster System? The Westminster System was evolved to accommodate the British King in a democratic model. In absence of a King, why should we spend billons of Rupees to maintain a nominal President?

Finally, why is there not a campaign in any country, except Sri Lanka, for the abolition of the Executive Presidency? The answer to this question is misjudgment of weaknesses in the 1978 Constitution as the weaknesses of the Executive Presidency.  Hence, let us identify the weaknesses of 1978 Constitution.

There is a misconception that ours is the most powerful President in the world.  In fact, the US President is more powerful than ours.  Let me quote two examples. The Sri Lankan President can appoint only Parliamentarians as Ministers.  In other words, the President has been restricted in the selection of ministers to a pool of 225 persons chosen by the people.  However, the US President has a wide discretion in this regard since he can appoint any citizen as a minister.

The Sri Lankan President has no role in the legislative process. Any Act passed by Parliament becomes a law after the Speaker places his signature.  In contrast, an American Act does not become a law until the President places signature.  If he vetoes an Act, it should be approved with a two third majority by both Congress and Senate to become a law.

There is no campaign against the Executive Presidency in the USA, although it has the most powerful President in the world. That is because of the provisions contained in the Constitution to discipline the President. The Sri Lankan President is not accountable to anybody. He does not have to justify his decision before anybody. Hence, nobody can question his decisions. This situation has compelled the President to make stubborn decisions. In contrast, the US President is accountable to the Senate. The Senate has powers to summon and question the President.  Historical presidents such as Abraham Lincoln, Woodrow Wilson and Gerald Ford have been grilled by the Senate, challenging the rationality of their decisions.

The Sri Lankan President is not subject to judicial writ. He enjoys the immunity enjoyed by the British Queen. Although President Sirisena promised to strip this immunity, he did not do that. There is a misconception that the presidential immunity was removed by the 19th Amendment to the Constitution. The Supreme Court has ruled that the President can be made a respondent in Fundamental Rights petitions.  The only amendment made by 19A, in respect of the immunity, is constitutionalizing of the above judgment.

No civil or criminal legal action can be filed against the President. Hence, the President cannot be prosecuted even if he commits a massacre. If the first lady is in need of divorcing the President, she has to wait until he relinquishes his office. No action can be filed against any ex-president for his actions or inactions when he was in office.  Hilariously, it is applicable to the divorce cases as well.  In contrast, the US President is subject to the judiciary writ. That is why Monica Lewinsky and Paula Jones were able to file action against President Bill Clinton for sexual molestation.

Although there is an upper limit for the Cabinet of Ministers, there is no such a lower limit.  Hence, the President can be a one-man Cabinet by taking all ministries under him.  Fortunately, no President so far attempted this mockery.

If the majority of the Cabinet, including the vice President, is of the opinion that the President is unable to discharge the presidential powers and duties, he can function as the acting president. If the President contests this opinion, the Congress should decide the status of the President. There is no similar provision in our Constitution. Although there are provisions for impeachment, it was proven impractical when the Parliament attempted to impeach President Premadasa in 1991.

Powers of the President, introduced by 1978 Constitution, have substantially reduced by the subsequent amendments. The 13th Amendment transferred executive powers of the President to Provincial Cabinets in respect of 36 subjects.  The President has limited powers to intervene directly or through Governors only on special occasions.  The 19th Amendment further reduced the powers of the President by introducing a Constitutional Council which makes recommendations to the President for high posts such as superior Judges, the Attorney General and the Inspector General of Police.

It is crystal clear with the above analysis that Sri Lanka’s problem is absence of provisions in the Constitution to discipline the President.  Hence, the need of the hour is not the abolition of the Executive Presidency, but introduction of necessary provisions to control and review presidential actions by studying the Constitutions of the USA, France and Russia.

Will President Sirisena heed Naseby’s advise?

May 5th, 2018

by Rajeewa Jayaweera Courtesy The Island

President Sirisena met with British Peer Lord Naseby during his recent visit to attend CHOGM in the UK.

In October 2017, Naseby, after appealing to the British Information Commissioner, obtain 39 pages of highly redacted confidential dispatches from the British High Commission in Colombo during the last stages of the Vanni campaign. During a debate in the House of Lords, he urged the UK government to revisit the UNHRC Resolution 30/1. Despite redactions, dispatches estimated 7,000 to 8,000 civilian deaths during the closing phase of the conflict with around a quarter of them being LTTE cadre in civilian clothing. One such document contained, “certainly there was no policy to kill civilians by Sri Lankan army.”

article_image
Lord Naseby and Prsident Sirisena

On the other hand, the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) Resolution 30/1 is based on the UN Secretary General’s Panel of Experts (PoE) report, also known as Darusman Report.It states; “Two years after the end of the war, there is still no reliable figure for civilian deaths, but multiple sources of the information indicating that a range of up to 40,000 civilian deaths cannot be ruled out at this stage. Only a proper investigation can lead to the identification of all the victims and the formulation of an accurate figure for the total number of civilian deaths.” (PoE Report p 41, sub-para 137). It accused government forces of “(i) killing of civilians through widespread shelling (ii) Shelling of hospitals and humanitarian objects” (Executive Summary p iii para 5) deliberately targeting civilians.

Even six months after Naseby’s revelations, the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe administration has not requested a review of the Geneva Resolution.

During their recent meeting, Naseby had made some very sensible and relevant suggestions to Sirisena on how to deal with the contentious resolution.

He had suggested; (i) With the Office of Missing Persons (OMP) now activated, it could proceed with the task of resolving the issue of thousands of persons reported missing or dead during the conflict. (ii) Replace the wartime Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) with an Act more appropriate for peacetime. (iii) The need for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) as recommended by UNHRC. (iv) The government should release monthly, or quarterly bulletins with details of occupied land returned to owners in the Northern and Eastern provinces.

The first suggestion is of enormous importance to Sri Lanka and requires assiduous handling. The OMP office must necessarily embark on the task of preparing a comprehensive list of missing persons. With such a list, assistance need be sought from US, UK, other EU countries, Canada, Australia, and India to reconcile with names of all those granted asylum by said countries.

The PoE, between October 27, and December 31, 2010, received 4,000 submissions from more than 2,300 senders (PoE Report page 5, sub-para 17). The report does not contain the information if those submitting information were only from members of Tamil community or included those from the Sinhalese community, mostly JVP members who fled the country. A list of missing persons mutually agreed by Sri Lanka and asylum granting nations to Tamils and Sinhalese is vital due to the possibility of those listed as missing or killed in Sri Lankan living under assumed names in foreign countries. The workload of OMP would reduce substantially in the event missing/dead persons are found to be alive.

Three examples of such cases which surfaced during the last decade are;

The film titled ‘Dheepan’ awarded the Palme d’Or, Festival in Cannes in 2015 is a true story. Dheepan was about an LTTE terrorist (referred to as freedom fighter, refugee and immigrant in publicity material and reviews). It begins with Dheepan, in LTTE uniform, at the funeral pier of a fellow terrorist at the tail end of the conflict. After the funeral, he destroys his uniform, obtains civilian clothing and decides to flee, taking with him two total strangers – a young woman Yalini in her early twenties and a little girl Illayaal, nine years old using false documents. The ‘family’ travels from Northern Sri Lanka to South India and finally to Paris. The group eventually obtains asylum as a ‘family’ based on false documentation and declarations. The film ends with Dheepan and Yalini entering wedlock and having a child, with Illlayaal as a family member, all moving to the UK. The French and British governments need be requested to provide the real names of Dheepan, Yalini and Illayaal and details of where they lived before fleeing Sri Lanka,to ascertain if they are reported dead or missing.

According to a report filed by veteran journalist DSB Jeyaraj, a Tamil engineer named Kathiravelu Thayapararajah had functioned as Director of the LTTE operated Vanni Tech. He was a known LTTE activist but not a combatant and disappeared in September 2009. A commonly believed theory was, members of armed forces had abducted, tortured and murdered Kathiravelu. The University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna), the Australian Government Refugee Review Tribunal, Tamilnet and the European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights among others blamed Sri Lankan authorities for Kathiravelu’s disappearance. A Human Rights organization took up the issue with Robert Blake, the then US Asst. Secretary for South East Affairs and one-timeUS Ambassador to Sri Lanka from September 2006 till May 2009 who had agreed to investigate the matter through the US Embassy in Colombo. On May 06, 2014, Kathiravelu was arrested by the Tamil Nadu Police in Dhanushkodi together with nine others including five children attempting to enter India without valid travel documents.

One-time hardcore JVP activist Premakumar Gunaratnam, having fled Sri Lanka after breaking out from Bogambara Prison in 1988 had been granted asylum in Australia. He returned to Sri Lanka in September 2011 and was involved in local politics as a member of Frontline Socialist Party, a breakaway faction of the JVP. Having ‘disappeared’ sometime in early April 2012, he ‘surrendered’ to Police a few days later claiming to have been ‘dumped’ by his ‘abductors.’ The then Australian High Commissioner in Colombo Robyn Mudie turned up with Australian passport N1016123, claimed Gunaratnam was an Australian citizen named Noel Mudalige and demanded his release. He was deported on April 10.

These are, but three examples of a dead or missing LTTE combatant and two LTTE and JVP activists found to be living in overseas countries.

Nearly nine years have passed since LTTE was defeated and there have been no signs of a resurgence of terrorism. PTA was a requirement during the civil war, and there is merit in the suggestion to replace the Act with one more suitable for peacetime. Its replacement must not be viewed as a requirement to satisfy the international community but a necessity for the citizens of this country.

Different types of Truth & Reconciliation Commissions have been set up in several countries, tasked with discovering and revealing past wrongdoing by governments and non-state actors in the hope of resolving conflicts left over from the past. Some have contributed to healing wounds from the past. The Lessons Learnt & Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) was unfortunately not adequately funded and many of its recommendations not implemented. Therefore, a fresh initiative would be essential to move forward with the reconciliation process.

Sufficient time has passed for the state to make up its mind on land required in the North and East for national security purposes. Indefinite occupation of private property does not in any way contribute to reconciliation. In fact, it is a key irritant and adds to the notion that the government is not sincere in its efforts in addressing the national question. Some land has been returned since January 2015 but not given adequate publicity. Therefore, it is time for a decision on what can be released, and compensation paid for what cannot be returned.Meanwhile, the publication of periodic figures, perhaps quarterly, of land returned to rightful owners should be seriously considered.

“Only a proper investigation can lead to the identification of all the victims and the formulation of an accurate figure for the total number of civilian deaths” stated in the one-sided PoE Report makes little or no sense.

In preparing the report, they have not considered some very relevant information/documents; (i) confidential cables from US embassy in Colombo to State Department in Washington released by Wikileaks. (ii) contents of a classified cable from the then US Ambassador to Geneva, Clint Williamson after his confidential conversation with then ICRC Head of Operations Jacque de Mio on July 09, 2009, clearing SL Army of crimes against humanity, released through Wikileaks. (iii) views expressed by British Lawyer and one-time UN Chief War Crimes Prosecutor in Sierra Leon Sir Desmond de Silva and British military expert Major General Holmes. (iv) reports from the then UN country team in Sri Lanka and former UN media spokesman Gordon Weiss (v) dispatches by former British Defense Attaché in Colombo, Lieutenant Colonel Anton Gash. (vi) Causality estimates of other credible organizations, i.e., 6,710 (US State Department), nearly 7,000 (International Crisis Group), 7,721 (UN Country Team) and 10,000 (Amnesty International).

In ignoring such crucial information, PoE members have displayed extreme bias and prejudice.

The Geneva Resolution ignored the Paranagama Commission Report which called for a domestic judicial investigation, backed by international technical assistance and foreign observers.

US and UK were key promoters of the Geneva Resolution. By not insisting PoE members take all available material including confidential dispatches from their respective representatives on location in Sri Lanka in their deliberations indicates ulterior motives other than professed humanitarian considerations. It also projects a lack of faith in their representatives.

The OMP has it work cut out. The Paranagama Commission received 21,000 complaints (Executive Summary p xviii para 16) related to so-called disappearances and extrajudicial killings.This readymade list of missing and dead persons could be handed over to US, UK, other EU countries, Canada, Australia, and India for reconciliation with details of those granted asylum. States declining to cooperate could be reported to UNHRC for hindering the implementation of item 4 in UNHRC Resolution 30/1.

The OMP is an independent commission not subject to government direction. That said, there is no law against the commission requesting the assistance of government agencies in carrying out their mandate.

Most importantly, what is required is the political will on the part of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe administration and for its leaders to provide the political leadership necessary to address the issue at hand.

Furthermore, Sri Lanka must do what it takes to establish the truth about the mythical 40,000 deaths during the Vanni campaign, so critical in meeting the challenges of the Geneva Resolution.

Will President Sirisena heed Naseby’s advise?

FCID faces leadership crisis

May 5th, 2018

Courtesy The Island


The head of the Financial Crimes Investigations Division (FCID) reaches the mandatory retirement age of 60 next week with attempts to extend his services despite legal obstacles, official sources said.

Senior Deputy Inspector-General Ravi Waidyalankara submitted his papers to retire on his 60th birthday on May 14, but there were moves to grant an extension, officials said.

Inspector-General Pujith Jayasundara last month wrote to the Police Commission recommending that Waidyalankara’s retirement be accepted as there was no provision to grant him an extension.

Two senior officers had bene given extensions beyond the mandatory retirement age, but both had unblemished service records.

They are Deputy Inspector-General S. W. Wickremasinghe of Prime Minister’s security unit and Senior Superintendent R. P. Jayatillaka of the President’s security.

Both were re-employed on contract basis for one year.

However, IGP Jayasundara told the Police Commission that in Waidyalankara’s case there were two pending investigations against him — one by the SIU or the Special Investigation Unit and the other by the Bribery Commission (CIABOC).

The Commission has also been told that four senior officers had bene denied service extensions recently because they were still facing disciplinary inquiries at the time of reaching the mandatory retirement age.

Senior DIG Waidyalankara was the head of the FCID from its inception and is regarded as a capable officer. However, making an exception and extending his services could set a precedent for others in similar circumstances.

The FCID has been investigating a large number of high profile corruption cases.

Sugar buddies caught with cash in a carpark as countdown begins for their bosses’ future

May 5th, 2018

For starters today, I was planning this secular prayer: Let us first say thanks for small mercies – for keeping Ravi Karunanayake out of the cabinet in last Tuesday’s reshuffle. Two days later the thunderbolt struck –the President’s Chief of Staff and the Timber Corporation Chairman caught counting bribe cash in the carpark at Taj Samudra. How brazen has corruption become? We knew it had already climbed high. But thanks again for small mercies – to the Bribery Commission officials who arrested the two government thieves. The Bribery Commission is having better luck with real time culprits than it has been having with rogues of the past. I will spare the details of the arrests and the arrestees which are already virally known, and turn to their inauspicious effects on the new session of parliament that is scheduled to open on Tuesday, May 8.

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Already, the presidential secretariat has exhibited its ineptitude in taking three trial and error gazette notifications to properly announce the May 8 opening. Now, President Sirisena will have to acknowledge and address the embarrassment of the mid-afternoon bribery scandal involving his Chief of Staff I.M.H. Mahanama and the Chairman of the Timber Corporation P. Dissanayake. The President has already exonerated himself by interdicting the culprits and claiming that the arrests of the two men prove that his administration is being effective in the fight against corruption. What it really proves is that things will work if the law enforcement officials are given the freedom to do their job without political interference.

President Sirisena or Prime Minister Wickremesinghe, or for that matter former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, cannot so easily exonerate themselves from their general record of protecting bribe takers and corruption beneficiaries, and allegations of their own implications in some of them. What will the President say, if anything, on the matter of bringing state criminals to book? Apart from state corruption, will there be answers to state murders of intrepid journalists and a young sports star? Will anything happen before the President’s elected term is over?

The people who thought there would be changes after 2015 are now fed up and are resigned to the old curse to let ‘there be a plague’ on not just two but, now, all three houses. The SLPP cannot absolve itself because it has a new abbreviation. Name change is not rebirth. Its contents are all old stock. The people are more concerned about their livelihood woes. There is no economic commentary going around that is positive or rosy, even without the unsolicited opinions of the former Central Bank Governor. With his past locked in a glass house, Nivad Cabraal, should stop throwing stones at the current regime. As for the economists with professional credibility, what they are figuring out in their heads the people are doubly feeling in their guts.

The economic woes

Sri Lanka’s economy like most national economies can keep growing at what Nimal Sanderatne calls its ‘autonomous growth’ rate, regardless of what governments might do to spur or stall growth. But when things go wrong, it is the government that gets the blame, and rightly so as is the case almost always in Sri Lanka. The current mainstays of Sri Lanka’s economy – are tourism, exports led garment and tea and sprinkling of manufacturing and agricultural products, agriculture with a high proportion of rice production, and remittances from Sri Lankan workers overseas (90% from the Middle East). Its chronic problem is the external balance of payments – trying to keep as much foreign reserves as possible to pay for essential imports, and often measured by the number of months of import capacity. Encompassing everything is the national debt which, as Mr. Cabraal has been crowing last week, has grown to historical highs. This is a pointless argument. Hardly any government has been able to reverse the debt trend, so every year the country invariably makes history with its national debt.

The debt and deficits are also functions of our structural inability to raise revenue levels or reduce non-discretionary expenditures (e.g. public sector salaries). After about 60 years when income tax was first introduced, only 7% of the labour force and companies reportedly pay income tax. And the yahapalanya government with the gusto of a drunken sailor increased public sector salaries in its first budget in 2015. Few public servants remember that now, because those are less than crumbs compared to what politicians and officials routinely make in bond auctions or car park cash transactions.

At the household level, the pinch comes from the shortage, or the rising cost, or both, of the imported essentials. Aggregate it nationally, shortages and cost of living have been perennial political predicaments. For the first 35 years after independence the contentious commodity was imported rice closely bundled with wheat flour and sugar. Over the second 35 years, rice has been replaced by fuel. Such was the significance of rice in 1970, that a figurative opposition promise, “we will bring rice even from the moon” became an election winning slogan. Rice eventually came and in substantial quantities, not from the moon but from the island’s paddy fields in the wet zone and in the dry zone.

No one is bold, or mad, enough now to promise to bring fuel from the moon, and there is no hope for producing petroleum locally. The government is in a bind to buy fuel globally at rising prices and enable its supply locally at cost that is affordable to ordinary people. It will be political suicide if the government were to simply let the market prices determine the cost of local fuel supply. Equally, it will be economic distortion to subsidize the supply cost of fuel, as it used to be done with rice. The financial impacts will be significant and the government will be flouting one of the key conditions of the IMF’s Extended Fund Facility to Sri Lanka. Commentators like Nimal Sanderatne have suggested a politically sensitive and economically responsible way out – that is to locally cushion the impact of rising global oil prices but cut funding elsewhere to make up the deficit, in the more discretionary areas of government spending, such as perks and pensions to parliamentarians and other government extravaganzas. It will be a remarkable shift if the government were to make such a course change from past practices.

While the present government is drawing much flak, but not unjustifiably, for its handling of the economy, things were not very different when the Rajapaksas were in power. In fact, it was often said that more than astrology it was former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s fear that the economy would change for the worse that prompted him to call an early presidential election in January 2015. As blunders go, there are enough similarities between the two governments before and after January 2015. As far as the mainstays of the economy go, neither government did anything spectacular to boost tourism, exports or agriculture, apart from the 2016 restoration of EU concessions for Sri Lankan exports. According the annual World Bank overview, Sri Lanka continues to attract subpar volumes of the coveted FDI compared to peer economies. More importantly, the same report, suggests that the recent FDI inflow is “due mainly to the long-leasing of a port asset and a large land reclamation project”, which are the leasing of the port operations and port lands in Hambantota, and the Port City development in Colombo. This is only another version of what the Rajapaksas did with Chinese loans for infrastructure development.

The (UNP) government has little to show for its economic strategies over the last three years, which were centred on the promise of a million jobs based on a knowledge-based social market economy, Western Region Megapolis, free trade with anyone who wanted to talk trade with Sri Lanka, and opening industrial clusters throughout the country. What the government has been shown in return is the wrath of the people in the neglected agricultural sector, and mostly rice producers, who were left literally high and through two full paddy seasons of extreme drought. Prime Minister Wickremesinghe acknowledged that the neglect of the country’s agricultural population was a major factor in the UNP’s crushing defeat in the February local government elections. It will be interesting to see if the President’s Policy Statement to parliament on Tuesday will signal anything new that we haven’t seen so far. Or, will it be the same old, same old? The debate that will follow could be expected to offer clues about the positions the main political parties will be taking on the economy, the upcoming elections and constitutional changes.

The countdown

The new sessions will also be the start of the countdown for the final phases of the political careers of not only President Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe, but also former President Mahinda Rajapaksa. They are the three crucial political figures and rivals of today. They are also at the tail end of their political careers. All three of them have choices to make. Two of them, Sirisena and Wickremesinghe, may want to contest the next presidential election, which in theory one of them could win, but in reality both of them may lose. All three of them, on the other hand, have another common choice before them – and that is to put an end to all future presidential elections by supporting the JVP’s proposed 20th Amendment to abolish the executive presidential system in its current form. They will still have one more kick at the can – to contest the next parliamentary election as the prime ministerial candidates for their respective parties.

No matter how and where it will end, the JVP’s 20th Amendment proposal has become a cat among the pigeons in the main political parties. To date, the UNP and the SLFP including President Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe have not said anything about the JVP’s proposal. The newly minted UNP Secretary Akila Viraj Kariyawasam has let it be known that Ranil Wickremesinghe will contest the next presidential election as the UNP candidate and will win. The SLFP’s group of 16 were once the chief promoters of a second Sirisena candidacy for President, but it is not clear where they stand now given their self-selected no man’s land between the Sirisena and Rajapaksa loyalists. However, the SLFP Secretary Duminda Dissanayake has, like his UNP counterpart, announced that President Sirisena will be contesting for a second term as the SLFP candidate.

But both the UNP and the SLFP leaders will have a time explaining to their 2015 allies and the general public why they are going back on their earlier promises to abolish the executive presidency, and presenting themselves as two opposing presidential candidates. Already about 40 civil society organizations have expressed support to the JVP’s proposal. The greater onus to explain will be on Maithripala Sirisena who vowed to be only a one-term President. They may have quietly ignored their promises and filed nominations as candidates, but the JVP’s proposal has set a political trap in their tracks. They will have a great deal of explaining to do if they choose not to support the JVP’s 20th Amendment.

The TNA also has indicated support for the 20th Amendment provided its concerns on the ethnic problem are addressed in the amendment package. That will leave Ranil Wickremesinghe in a particularly awkward spot insofar as the Tamil votes are concerned. If the TNA supports the JVP amendment and the UNP opposes it and defeats the amendment, Mr. Wickremesinghewill have a hard time canvassing the Tamil vote. He may even suffer a second Tamil boycott, but a totally voluntary one unlike in 2005.

The Rajapaksas and the SLPP have their own set of calculations in coming to terms with the JVP’s proposal. The No Confidence Motion against the Prime Minister has already exposed the lines of division in the Rajapaksa camp. Those who were gung ho about the NCM are the promoters of Gotabhaya Rajapaksa for presidency. Basil Rajapaksa didn’t think much of the NCM idea; he was more for forcing the dissolution of parliament to be followed by a general election. Mahinda Rajapaksa would lead the SLPP to victory and become Prime Minister. There could even be an outside chance of a different 20th Amendment to rescind 19A and restore 18A. Then Mahinda Rajapaksa could be President again. Even Mohan Peiris and Nivard Cabraal could return and together with Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, again helping his brother as the quintessential doer functionary, they could restore the old Tuesday-Tea triumvirate meeting to mull over state business.

But Basil Rajapakasa is too sharp a person to miss out on reality through day dreaming:it is best for the SLPP to focus on early dissolution and a parliamentary election. The defeat of the NCM also took the air out of the Gotabhaya balloon. Then came, the JVP’s proposal and the SLPP leadership decided to test the political winds by letting MP and former Minister) Bandula Gunawardaneannounce that the SLPP would support JVP’s amendment if it included the provision for immediate dissolution of parliament. That would solve two problems for the family and the SLPP. ‘Abolishing’ the executive presidency would mean that the family doesn’t have to split over choosing a presidential candidate. And with dissolution and new parliamentary election, Mahinda Rajapaksa could return to power as Prime Minister and Head of Government.

There are layers and layers of political pushes and pulls, including admonitions from the Sangha, not to mention personal agendas and priorities, which Sirisena, Rajapaksa and Wickremesinghe will have to deal with while deciding what to do about the JVP’s 20th Amendment. One certainty that we can assure the three rivals is that if they decide to support the 20th amendment and facilitate its successful passage, in parliament and in a national referendum, they will leave behind a very positive political legacy that they, their allies and progenies can for ever be proud of. Conversely, they should convince themselves that they are indeed proud of opposing the 20th Amendment before opting to oppose it.

End of an era

May 4th, 2018

H. L. D. Mahindapala

With a heavy overload of historical memories, some tragic, some triumphant, some futile, and some memorable and everlasting, we have arrived, on the backs of the long-suffering people, in the 70th year of independence – the Biblical watershed to sit back and consider how far we have advanced or regressed in the intervening years. If you take a panoramic view of the political landscape and pause to assess the agonies and the ecstasies of our journey through the first seven decades, we are entitled to marvel at the fact that we have arrived at where we are now in one piece, thanks to our courageous and self-sacrificing Security Forces. To some extent we may be excused for believing that we have come out in commendable shape considering the destructive fascist forces that came up from the north and the south against the democratic centre, riddled though with all its infirmities.

Accordingly, we should be glorying now in untrammeled optimism. But, instead, there is an uneasy feeling of uncertainty and overarching hopelessness stretching all the way to the foreseeable horizon. The despondency is so thick that it hangs in the air like a mist of blinding confusion preventing any insight into the future. It was there everywhere I went during my recent sojourn. It was so palpable that I was weighed down by a pervasive depression that haunted me.

The best and the brightest – the latest being Lester Peiris – are departing. One headline screamed : Cricket has hit a new low!” So is the rupee. Only two things kept rising : 1.the cost of living and 2. the number of politicians living off the taxes collected from the poor. After the latest reshuffle we now have 114 ministers, including 42 in the Cabinet and 45 in the provincial councils for a population of only 21 million.” (The Island). Then another 441 Provincial Councillors were swept into the governing hierarchy after the recent local government elections. Add this figure to the 225 in Parliament and what do we have: the perfectly constructed irrational state which is over-governed by half-literate nincompoops who believe that the many layers of government which they occupy were made for them to make money.

To rectify the anomalies and the defects in governance dramatic changes are announced. The irony is that the more they change the more they remain the same. The following e-mail which hit my screen explains the latest changes in the ruling party, the UNP:

World Record for a School

Party Leader – Royal College
Deputy leader – Royal
Assistant leader – Royal
Chairman – Royal
National Organizer – Royal
Treasurer – Royal

No wonder the country is in a “Right Royal Mess ” !!!” Another wag wrote that Sri Lanka is now governed by FRCSs – Former Royal College Suckers. Yet another chided the Prime Minister for not abiding by the motto of Royal College ” Disce Aut Discede (Latin “Learn or Depart”)

OVER 40 YEARS IN POLITICS, NOT LEARNED ANYTHING BUT REFUSING TO DEPART.  UNFORTUNATELY THE PM IS USURPING   THE THOMIAN MOTTO “ ESTO PERPETUA“, GO ON FOR EVER,” said the e-mailer.

Does all this sound like a big joke played on the nation? Or are these stunts wending their way into a chaotic tragedy of uncontrollable proportions?

Occasionally, I was buoyed by some positive glimpses of hope. For instance, seeing the new concretized face (ugh!) of the city, where the neon lights advertise the rising power of commerce. I felt that the country was bursting at the seams, ready to grow out of the old mould into a dynamic economy. New architecture leaping vertically into the skies from lands that were vacant only a couple of decades ago project signs of a growing economy. New buildings mean new investments of new entrepreneurs entering the new market place. Also the hustle and the bustle of the noveau riche crowding the market place and the new hotels and restaurants seem to indicate that the poverty line is coming down, with a brassy showiness.

On the other hand, I felt that the political and bureaucratic panjandrums – the perennial evils — were sitting on top of new capital like a huge stone preventing any growth to take off. In particular, the absence of a technocratic leadership to meet the challenges of the 21st century is visible in the key decision-making process. On top of this we were told that 45% of the MPs in Parliament – the supreme law-making body – consist of mediocrities who have not even passed their O Level! This makes it perfectly clear why Socrates and Plato rejected the democratic form of government in ancient Greece, the home of democracy. Plato opted for philosopher-kings hoping it would generate enlightened governance. Philosopher Bertrand Russell blamed Plato for opening the doors to all-knowing Hitlers and Stalins. Hmm! So much for political theory!

The most frenzied issue that dominates the political discourse of our local philosopher-kings is the proposed constitutional reforms. The legal, constitutional and political tinkering that goes on at the highest level is, partly, about fixing the shaky political bases for the ruling elite to perpetuate their grip on power in perpetuity, if they can, and partly, to dismantle the centre and devolve power to the Tamils of the North who aim to grab the East as well. In the South they also labour indefatigably to manufacture a constitution that would serve them as their hansi putuwa  (arm chair) for them to recline in perpetuity without being thrown out by their opponents. They live under the illusion that the worst thing that can happen to the nation is for those occupying chairs of power to lose their seats in parliament or presidency.

In the North they insist on modern constitutional changes to regain and reinforce their feudal (casteist) and colonial privileges, power and perks which they lost to Prabhakaran. The permanent Vellala ruling elite (no low-caste man was ever admitted to the higher echelons of power in Jaffna unless he carried a gun like Prabhakaran, a karaiyar) has bonded with the elitist Royalist gang led by Ranil hoping to impose the biggest constitutional scam. Ranil has already lost all his worth in the Bond Scam” – the biggest financial scandal in the history of banking in Sri Lanka. Bonding with Arjuna Mahendran took him down to the lowest depth. His chances of rising by bonding with R. Sampanthan to foist a constitutional scam are as great as Prabhakaran rising out of Nandikadal.

This is the tragic malaise of our time. At no level in the societal hierarchy can one find any signs of a leader with a potential to be a redeemer. In sheer desperation, one can only surmise that there is a savior who is hiding in some dark corner in history waiting to come up, sooner or later. But that is like waiting for Godot / Diyasena.  The situation seems so grim that one is reduced to living in hopeless hope.

It is the rapidity of the moral and political decline in the last couple of years that has shocked the nation into a state of paralysis. It is frightening. The overwhelming disillusionment with the promises of Yahapalana-yakos seems to have dragged the victims into the numbed state of a patient etherized upon a table”. (T. S. Eliot). The anesthetized nation is now seen hurtling down a precipitous mountain slope like an uncoupled carriage of a train running loose without an engine. The uncontrolled momentum of going down the slippery slope is felt in every nook and corner except in the higher echelons of power which ought to be the first to wake up and act decisively to arrest the slide. But every act taken so far – even after the tremors that shook the establishment in the latest local government elections – has been to consolidate the crumbling status quo.

Like all decadent regimes the ruling elite from Royal College, oblivious of the hole into which they have fallen, are digging deeper into a black hole from which they cannot escape. Their answer to the crisis is to play musical chairs believing that replacing Tweedle-dee with Tweedle-dum-bo will solve their problems as well as that of the nation. The danger is that, in this process, they are dragging the nation along with them into the same disastrous black hole. Their dithering and diddling are threatening to dismantle all that has been achieved in the last 70 years.

The only visible bright spots seem to be the stars in the night sky — and they too are beyond any one’s reach. The bleakness seem to be deepened by the more convulsive issues rolling in like dark clouds of the thunderstorms that were pouring down  in  the evenings when I was there.  Every exploding issue seems to be heading to a crisis point, cutting deep into the stability and the future of the nation. There is the eerie feeling that the nation is on the verge of something ominous about to happen. The noises / voices   assailing the ears are alarming. The signs of everything around you collapsing disorient the mind trying to make sense of what is happening. The whole nation seems to be poised like Meetotamulla ready to collapse in one messy heap.

And the worst is the smugness with which the powers-that-be refuse to recognize the imminence of the impending collapse. That something has to give is clear. How soon it will happen is the question. And, if and when it happens, there seems to be no one around with a compass to give new directions. As usual, everyone will blame the other and there will be no end to the finger-pointing blame game.

Right now there isn’t a leadership with dedicated commitment, vision, capacity and know-how to stop the decline. By and large, most of those whom I met have fallen into a lethargic state of déjà vu. Their blank faces wear that what-to-do-I-say- look” not knowing what had hit them. The hopes that rose with the coming of Yahapalanaya have evaporated, leaving the Sri Lankans adrift in a vacuum.

On the eve of Yahapalanaya in 2014/5 they were hoping to advance swiftly and merrily into the nearest point next to paradise. In fact, they were supposed to have been there in first 100 days of 2015. But three years later, they are still walking like headless zombies wandering towards a dead-end with no exit. It is the sense of not having an alternative to the stagnant, frustrating status quo that is most depressing. Everyone is meandering in search of an outlet.  Which way the gathering subterranean forces will turn is anyone’s guess. How long the nation will continue to go along with the corrupt, incompetent and the moral bankruptcy of the UNP regime is also anyone’s guess.

Under the pressures of sharp questioning by Faraz Shauketaly, the MTV anchor man of NEWS 1, the JVP MP, Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa, admitted the other day that the Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremesinghe, is a rogue”. It’s a damning description, in any language. So what are the chances of a rogue prime minister” saving the nation that is clearly heading towards a bottomless pit?  Did our founding fathers labour to produce a Rogue Prime Minister” at the end of 70 years?

The forbearance of the people in the face of ever increasing adversity is remarkable. But how long will it take to reach the limits of tolerance? The decibel level of anger is increasing. The number of new voices screaming for a new order is gathering momentum. The impatience for justice and reform is rising. The secular ideological isms” have failed. Even the façade of Buddhism (remember Ven. Sobitha!) used by the fake Yahapalana-yakos have failed.

The centre can hardly hold things together. Sri Lanka is an orphaned nation running in search of a savior. Or at least a just moral force that could wipe out the rotten state and replace it with a new order that can contain the rising wrath and  guide them to the next level. But it is not there. The whole nation seems to be trapped inside a boiling cauldron of despondency. One is left wondering when it would spill over to the streets. Is social unrest the next answer? Will it throw up a new leadership?

The fall from hope to despair has been so sudden and unexpected that the nation has been reduced to a gulag of helpless and bemused victims of false prophets. On January 8, 2015 the nation had reached a peak point of promise and hope glowing with moral purity. Now the JVP which was a part of the bandwagon that ushered in the Yahapalanya is worried that they have labored only to produce a Rogue Prime Minister”.

All hopes were pinned on the Yahapalana-yakos because they were perceived as the best idea at the time. In essence they represented moral purity. Even the charismatic figure of Mahinda Rajapakse failed to win because he could not pass the moral test of the day.  What politicians fail to recognize is that political legitimacy is derived essentially from morality. All regimes fall when they lose the underpinning force of morality.

Political myths propagandized craftily can temporarily win the day but it can’t sustain power. Lasting political power survives primarily on its moral validity. USSR, for instance, imploded because the system had passed its use by day and lacked any moral validity. The Shah of Persia had one of the most powerful armies in the region, backed by a ruthless Secret Police Service. But he crumbled under the moral force of celluloid tapes sent from Paris by Khoumeni. The moral values of Ayotollah had a force far superior to all the military might of Shah.

Especially in a voter-based democracy the moral values carry a greater force than any organized apparatus of the state. In the contest between Mahinda Rajapakse and Ven. Sobitha the monk represented the higher values of the day. Ranil Wickremesinghe crept in under the cover of the yellow robes.  On his own he could never have beaten Rajapakse.

What we are facing is a moral crisis of the highest magnitude. The Yahapalanaya rode into power because it presented itself as a new moral force led by Ven. Sobitha. He was joined by 60-odd NGOs, Western and Indian embassies, minorities, disillusioned SLFPers – all of whom ganged up against Mahinda Rajapakse on moral grounds. It is the very moral force that lifted them up that has brought them down. It is their moral bankruptcy that has thrown the nation into a spin.

At the center of the drama that haunts the Yahapalanaya regime is the miserable failure of the political moralists to live up to their promises. The swindling of people’s money, the lying, the parliamentary manipulations, the racketeering, the eye-wash of shuffling Raigamaya to a Gampolaya’s seat and vice versa, the crooked deals to cover-up and bring back the discredited wheeler-dealers to ministerial seats, the obscene scenes of a Kafkesque judiciary, as revealed with telling effect by Ms. Sughandika Fernando, all of which are well known to the Bar Council, UNP goons attacking MTV on the night Ranil won the no-confidence motion in the House etc., etc., have eroded the people’s faith in politics as a means of finding deliverance. They have, at last, come to come to the conclusion, rightly or wrongly, that there can be no salvation in politics.

So what are the people left with? At the end of 70 years they are left only with leaders who are dressed in fanciful Emperor’s clothes. At the end of 70 years one of the culture-vultures who thronged the funeral house of Lester walked away with his precious ‘Ranamayura’ Golden Peacock Award which was given to him in 1965 at the India International Film Festival held in New Delhi for the film Gamperaliya.

Is there nothing sacred in Sri Lanka? Have we become a nation of rogues from top to bottom?

Dei-yo Saak-ki !


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