|
|
 |
Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa stated that the President should be held responsible for the Bond scandal that has severely hindered the economic growth of the nation.
He further stated that the President is also responsible for the mistakes made by the Cabinet.
The former President expressed these sentiments while addressing a gathering in Anuradhapura.
13-07-2017
යෝජිත මෙම පනත වු කලී 1505 සිට 1948 දක්වා වසර 443 ක් පුරා පෘතුගිසි, ඕලන්ද සහ බි්රතාන්ය විදේශිය ආක්රමනිකයින්ගෙන් තම රට ජාතිය හා සම්බුද්ධ ශාසනය ආරක්ෂාකොට ගැනීම සඳහා දිවිහිමියෙන් සටන් වැද දසදහස් ගණනින් ජිවිත පරිත්යාග කොට තම උරුමයන් සියල්ල අහිමි කොටගෙන තම උපන් බිමේම අනාථයින් බවට පත්ව සිටින
අ) මේ රටේ නියම භුමිපුත්රයන් වන උඩරට සිංහලයින්ගේ අහිමිවු උරුමයන් ලබාදීම.
ආ) දැනට උඩරට වතුකරයේ් ක්රියාත්මක කෙරෙන සමස්ත කඳුකරයම දකුණු ඉන්දිය වතු කම්කරු ප්රාන්තයක් බවට පත් කිරීමේ භයානක මෙන්ම ජාතිද්රෝහි වැඩ පිළිවෙලින් මේ රට ගලවා ගැනීම සහ
ඇ) දිවයිනේ සමස්ත ජිවි පද්ධතියේ මෙන්ම ශිෂ්ඨාචාරයේ පදනම වන මධ්යම කඳුකරයේ භෞතික පදනම පුරුත්්ථාපනය හා ආරක්ෂා කොට ගැනීමේ තීරණාත්මක භාවය
යන මුලික කරුණු ත්රිත්වය පිළිබද කිසිදු පැහැදිලි සඳහනක් නැති
එසේම
1. අදාල ප්රදේශයේ භෞතික, ආර්ථික, සාමාජික හා දේශපාලනික සංකීර්ණතා පිළිබද සැබෑ අවබෝධයක්,
2. එකී ගැටලූ විසදීම සඳහා යෝජිත පැහැදිලි ක්රියාමාර්ගයක්,
3. ඒ සඳහා අවශ්ය දේශපාලන දර්ශනය හා ඇපකැපවීම මෙන්ම නායකත්වයක්
4. යෝජිත වැඩපිළිවෙල ක්රියාත්මක කිරීම සඳහා පැහැදිලි හා ප්රබල අධිකාරි බලයක්් සහිත ආයතනයක්
5. ඒ සඳහා අවශ්ය මුදල් ප්රතිපාදන ලබා ගන්නා ක්රම ආදී කරුණු කිසිවක් පැහැදිලිව සඳහන්ව නැති, නිදහසින් පසු පසුගිය 70 වසර පුරාම උඩරැටියන් රැවටු පරිදි තවත් එක් දේශපාලන ප්රෝඩාවක් සහ රැවටිල්ලක් පමණි.
තවද යෝජිත කෙටුම්පත
(1) 2005 අංක 26 දරණ ශ්රි ලංකා උඩරට සංවර්ධන අධිකාරිය පනත වශයෙන් 2005 අගෝස්තු 24 වන දින ශ්රි ලංකා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සම්මත කරන ලද පනතේ අනු පිටපතක් පමණි. මෙහි ඇති එකම වෙනස එය වෙනත් නමකින් ඉදිරිපත් කොට තිබීම සහ වර්තමාන රජයේ පටු දේශපාලන අරමුණු ඉටුකර ගැනිම සඳහා අවශ්ය සුළු වෙනස්කම් කීපයක් පමණක් ඇතුලත් කොට තිබිම පමණි. 2005- අංක 26 දරණ පනත පරිච්ඡින්ත කිරීමද මින් යෝජනා කොට නැත.
(2) 2005 අංක 26 ත් මෙම පනතත් අතර දක්නට ඇති වෙනස්කම් මුල්පනතේ අරමුණු
වශයෙන් සඳහන් වනුයේ
zz උඩරට ප්රදේශය තුල සංවර්ධන ව්යාපෘති හදුනා ගැනීම, සැකසුම් කිරීම, ක්රියාත්මක කිරීම සහ සම්බන්ධිකරණය කිරීමZZ යනුවෙනි. මෙහිදි එය නම පමණක් වෙනස්කොට නැවත ඉදිරිපත්් කොට ඇත.
ෂ. මුල් පනතේ අංක 4 යටතේ කළමණාකරණ මණ්ඩලය පහත සඳහන් පරිදි සාමාජිකයින් 8 දෙනෙකුගෙන් සමන්විතය
1. නිල බලයෙන් උඩරට සංවර්ධන විෂයභාර අමාත්යාංශයේ ලේකම්
2. භාණ්ඩාගාරයේ නියෝජන්ය ලේකම් හෝ එම තත්වය දරණ අයකු
3. වතු යටිතල පහසුකම් විෂයභාර අමාත්යාංශයේ ලේකම්වරයෙකු සහ අමාත්යවරයාගේ නිර්දේශය මත ජනාධිපතිවරයා විසින් පත් කරනු ලබන සාමාජිකයින් 5 දෙනෙකු ඇතුලූ සාමාජිකයින් 8 දෙනෙකි.
ෂෂ. නව පනතින් එය නිලබලයෙන් 5 ක් හා ජනාධිපතිවරයා විසින් පත් කරනු ලබන 5 දෙනෙකු වශයෙන් 10 දක්වා වැඩිකර ඇත.
(3) තවදුරටත්
ෂ. යෝජිත අධිකාරියේ කළමණාකරණ මණ්ඩලයට අදාල විෂය පිළිබද මනා අවබෝධයක් ඇති විද්වතුන් පත්නොකොට දේශපාලන හෙන්චයියන් පත්කිරීමට ඉඩකඩ තබා අංක 13 ෂඪ යටතේ අස්ගිරි මල්වතු මහනාහිමිවරුන්ගේ ප්රමුඛත්වයෙන් උපදේශක මණ්ඩලයක් පත්කළ යුතු යයි සඳහන් කර ඇත්තේ ද දේශපාලන ප්රෝඩාවක් වශයෙනි.
ෂෂග පනතේ අංක 14 සහ 15 යටතේ් දක්වා ඇති බොහෝ කාර්යයන් භාරව ක්රියාකරණ වෙනත් විශේෂඥ දෙපාර්තමේන්තු හා ආයතන ඇති බැවින් එවැනි කාර්යන් මෙහි සඳහන් කිරීම මෙම අධිකාරියේ විෂය පථය ඉක්මවා යන ප්රායෝගික නොවන අනවශ්ය ගැටලූ ඇතිකර ගැනීමකි.
ෂෂෂග මේ සැමටම වඩා භයානකම කරුණ නම් අංක 19 යටතේ මෙම නව අධිකාරියට වතුකරයෙන් ඉඩමක් ගැනීම සඳහා උඩරට නව ගම්මාන (දෙමළ) යටිතල පහසුකම් හා සමාජ සංවර්ධන අමාත්යවරයාගේ අනුමැතිය ලබාගත යුතු බව සඳහන් කොට තිබිමයි.
මන්ද
අදාල අමාත්යාංශය පිහිටුවා ඇත්තේ වතුකරයේ දෙමළ ජනතාවගේ යහපත උදෙසාවීමත් එය නිතරම වතු දෙමළ දේශපාලඥයකුටම හිමිවන නිසාත්, එහි අවසාන අරමුණ වනුයේ රට මැද ස්වාධීන දෙමළ පාලන ඒකකයක් ඇති කිරීම නිසාත් එම අමාත්යවරයා එවැනි ඉල්ලීමකට කිසිසේත්ම ඉඩ නොදෙන නිසාය.)
එවැවින් මෙම ව්යතිරේකයෙන් යෝජිත පනතේ සියලූ බලතල සිදීබිදි බල රහිත වන බැවින් යෝජිත අධිකාරිය තවත්් එක්් රාජ්ය නපුංසක ආයතනයක් පමණක් වනු නොවැලැක්විය හැක.
(4) නව පනතේ නිිල බලයෙන් ඇතුලත් කර ඇති එක් නව සාමාජිකයකු මේ රජය විසින් 2015 දී ඇති කරන ලද, උඩරට වතු ගම්මාන (දෙමළ) යටිතල පහසුකම් හා ප්රජා සංවර්ධන අමාත්යාංශයේ ලේකම්ය. සමස්ත කදුකරම ආවරණය වන වැවිලි කර්මාන්ත අමාත්යාශය මෙහිදි ඉවත් කොට ඇත.
මෙම නව අමාත්යංශය පිහිටුවා ඇත්තේ තනි දෙමළ ගම්මාන පිහිටුවාලීම සඳහා මැතිවරණයේ දී වර්තමාන රජය දෙන ලද දේශපාලන පොරොන්දුවක් අනුවය. මැතිවරණයෙන් මැතිවරණයට තම ඡන්ද වෙන්දේසියේ දමා ඉන්දීය දෙමළ බලය වැඩිකර ගැනීමට මගපාදන මෙවැනි තනි දෙමළ ගම්මාන රට මැද පිහිටුවීම ඉතාමත් භයානක මෙන්ම ජාතික ආරක්ෂාවට මහත් තර්ජනයක් ද වන පියවරකි.
(5) නව පනත යටතේ පුරාවිද්යා අධ්යක්ෂක ජනරාල් සහ නාගරික සංවර්ධන අධිකාරියේ අධ්යක්ෂක ජනරාල්වරයා නිලබලයෙන් පත්වන සාමාජිකයින් වශයෙන් එක්කොට ඇත. මෙහි ද ගැලපුමක් නැත.
(6) තවදුරටත් 2005- අංක 26 දරණ පනතේ සහ මෙම නව කෙටුම්පතේ ද පහත සඳහන් ප්රධාන අඩුපාඩුකම් ද දක්නට ඇත.
පළමුව
ෂ උඩරට ගැමියන්ගේ ගැටලූ පිළිබද 1951 පලකරන ලද විශ්වකෝෂයක් බදු උඩරට ගැමි කොමිසම් වාර්තාව පිළිබද කිසිදු සඳහනක් වත් කොට නැත.
දෙවනුව
2005 පනතේ අධිකාරියේ බලප්රදේශය වශයෙන් මහනුවර,මාතලේ, නුවරඑළිය, බදුල්ල, මොණරාගල, රත්නපුරය හා කෑගල්ල යන සාම්ප්රදායික උඩරට දිසා සියල්ලම ඇතත් මෙම යෝජනාවේ කෑගල්ල සහ රත්නපුරය ඇතුලත් කොට නැත.
තෙවනුව
1951 උ.ගැ.කො.ස වාර්තාවේ මෙන්ම මෙම පනත් දෙකේ ද උඩරට ප්රදේශයේ බි්රතාන්යයින් විසින් විනාශ කරන ලද වනාන්තර, ජල සම්පත්, ජිව විවිධත්වය සහ ඉඩම් නිසරුකිරීම ආදිය පුනරුත්තාපනය කිරීමේ ඇති අවශ්යතාව හඳුනාගෙන නැත. කුමන හෝ ආකාරයක මානවසම්පත් සංවර්ධනයක් වුව ද කළ හැක්කේ පළමුව මහපොළොව සහ එහි භෞතික සම්පත් යථා තත්වයට පත්කිරීමෙන් පසුව පමණක් බවමේ කිසිවකු දැක නැති සේය.
සිව්වනුව
මේ එකදු පනතක හෝ උ.ගැ.කො වාර්තාවේ ද සඳහන් නොවන අනෙක් කාරණය වනුයේ අද මේ රටේ ආර්ථික , සාමාජික හා දේශපාලන පැවැත්මට බලවත් තර්ජනයක්ව ඇති 12 ලක්ෂයක් පමණ වු වතු ඉන්දියානු දෙමළ ප්රශ්නයයි. එසේම එම ගැටලූවට මේ එකම වාර්තාවකින් හෝ විසදුම් ඉදිරිපත් කොටද නැත.
පස්වනුව
මේ සඳහා ඇති එකම විසදුම 1954 තේරු කොතලාවල ගිවිසුම ප්රකාර ශ්රි ලංකා පුරවැසිකම ලබන ඉන්දියානුවන් පමණක් මෙරට පුරවැසියන් වශයෙන් පිළිගෙන භුමිපුත්රයන් සම`ග ඔවුන් සුදුසු ඉඩම්වල පමණක් මිශ්ර ජනාවාසවල පදිංචි කිරීමයි. එසේ කිරීමෙන් එසේ එකඟවන සියලූදෙනාම දේශීය සිංහල ජනතාව සමග ඒකාබද්ධවිය යුතුය.
එසේ නොමැතිව (රටමැද වතුකරයේ කිසිම තැනක) වර්තමාන ආණ්ඩුව සිදුකරගෙන යන අන්දමින් උඩරට තනි දෙමළ ගම්මාන පිහිටුවීමට කිසිසේත්ම ඉඩ නොදිය යුතුය. මන්ද එසේ කළහොත් දෙමළ ගම්මාන සියල්ල එක්වි රටමැද මලයනාඩුවක් පිහිටුවිමෙන් ලංකා රජයට හා රටේ ආරක්ෂාවට මෙන්ම භෞමික අඛණ්ඩතාවට ඉන් මහත් තර්ජනයක් සිදුවන බැවිනි.
එදා සිිට මේ දක්වාම වතු ජනතාව සිදු කලාක් මෙන් සහ අදටත් සිදුකරන්නාක් මෙන් ඉන්දියාව තම මව් රට වශයෙන් වන්දනාමාන කිරීම ඇතුලූ ඉන්දියාව සමග ඇති සියලූම දේශපාලන, සමාජික සංස්කෘතික ආදි සම්බන්ධකම් මුළුමනින්ම අත්හැර මේ රට තමන්ගේ එකම මව්බිම වශයෙන් දිවුරා පොරොන්දුවන හා දේශයේ භාෂාව ඉගෙන ගෙන දේශිය සමාජයට අනුගත වන වතු කම්කරුවන්ට පමණක් මේ යටතේ ලංකා පුරවැසිකම දිය යුතුය. පුරවැසිකම දීමට එම කොන්දේසිය අනිවාර්ය කළ යුතුය. එසේ කිරීමට එකග නොවන සියලූදෙනාම ආපසු ඉන්දියාවට හෝ එංගලන්තයට යා යුතුය. එබඳු කිසිදු පුළුල් වැඩ පිළිවෙලක් ද මෙම අධිකාරි පනතේ ඇතුලත් කොට නැත.
මේ ආදී ෙහේතුන් නිසා පවතින රජයේ පටු දේශපාලන අරමුණු ඉටුකර ගැනිම සඳහා සකස් කොට ඇති මෙම පනත මුළුමනින්ම ප්රතික්ශේපකළ යුතුය.
ඉන් පසු,
1951 උ.ගැ.පු.කො. වාර්තාව පදනම් කොටගෙන, උඩරට කියන්නේ කුමක්ද, උඩරැටියන් යනු කවරහුද, එම ප්රදේශයේ ඇති ගැැටලූ මොනවාද, ඒවා විසදීමට ඉදිරිපත් කෙරෙන යෝජනා මොනවාද, එම වැඩපිළිවෙල ක්රියාත්මක කිරීම සඳහා සකස් කළ යුතු ආයතනික ව්යුහය කුමක්ද? ප්රතිපාදන ලබාගන්නේ කෙසේද, ආදි වශයෙන් අදාල විෂයන් පිළිබද ප්රවීන දැනුමක් ඇති, රටට, දැයට හා සමයට හිතැති විද්වතුන්ගේ කමිටුවක් මගින් නව පනතක් සකස් කළ යුතුය.
එහිදී, 1951 වාර්තාවේ සඳහන් ගැටලූවලට අමතරව, ජාතියේ අනාගත පැවැත්ම කෙරෙහිි බලපාන අද පවතින භෞතික, දේශපාලන, ආර්ථික සමාජ හා සංස්කෘතික ගැටලූ ද සැලකිල්ලට ගත යුතුය.
උඩරට ගැමි කොමිසමේ බලප්රදේශයේ දැනට ක්රියාත්මක වන මිට සමාන වැඩ සටහනක් වන ශ්රි ලංකා හදබිම අධිකාරිය ද මෙයට ඒකාබද්ධ කළ යුතුය.
ඒ අනුව සකස් කෙරෙන නව වැඩපිළිවෙල පහත සඳහන් පරිදි සකස් කළ යුතු යයි මම යෝජනා කරමි.
1. 1951 උඩරට ගැමි පුනරුත්ථාපන කොමිසමේ සඳහන් විෂය පථයට අමතරව ඉහත සඳහන් කරුණු ද සැලකිල්ලට ගෙන ඒ සියල්ල ආවරණය වන පරිදි කටයුතු කිරිම සඳහාzzඋඩරට ගැමි පුනරුත්ථාපනය සහ සමස්ත උඩරට ප්රදේශයේ සංවර්ධන කටයුතු
පිළිබඳ අමාත්යාංශයක්ZZ රාජ්ය නායකයා හෝ අග්රාමාත්යවරයා යටතේ … පිහිටුවිය යුතුය.
2. එම වැඩ පිළිවෙල ක්රියාත්මක කිරිම සඳහා උ.ගැ.පු. කොමිසමේ 157 සිට 159 දක්වා ඇති
පරිදි පූර්ණ බලතල සහිත සංවර්ධන මණ්ඩලයක් ද ඉහත කී පරිදි ජනාධිපතිවරයා හෝ
අග්රාමාත්යවරයා යටතේ පිහිටවිය යුතුය.
3. එම මණ්ලය /අධිකාරිය මහවැලි අධිකාරිය වැනි පුළුල් බලතල සහිත එකක් විය යුතු
අතර උ. ගැ. පු. කොමිසමේ අංක 159 සඳහන් පරිදි කැබිනට් අමාත්යාංශයක ලේකම්වරයෙකුගේ බලතල සහිත නිලධාරියෙකු එහි ප්රධානියා විය යුතුය.එවිට මෙසේ සියලූම අමාත්යාංශ සහ දෙපාර්තමේන්තු වල සහාය පහසුවෙන්් ලබාගත හැක.
4. මෙම වැඩපිළිවෙල ක්රියාත්මක කිරිමේ දී ප්රමුඛත්වය දිය යුත්තේ වසර 443 ක් තිස්සේ බටහිර ආක්රමනිකයින්ගෙන් මේ රට ආරකෂා කොට ගැනීම සඳහා ජිවිත පරිත්යාගයෙන් සටන් කොට තම මව්බිම ඇතුලූ සියළු දෙයට අහිමි කොට ගත් භූමි පුත්රයින්ගෙන් පැවතිඑන උඩරට සිංහලයින්ටය.(එහෙත් ඉදිරියේ දි සිදුවිය හැකි ජාතික විනාශය ගැන කිසිදු සැලකිල්ලක් නොදනක්වා වර්තමාන රජය ප්රමුඛත්වය දී ඇත්තේ 1840 න් පසු බි්රතාන්යයින්ගේ තේ වතු වල බැල මෙහෙයට ඉන්දියාවෙන් මෙහි ගෙන ආ
ඉන්දියානුවන්ටය.)
5. zජාතියේ හදබිමZ වන මධ්යම කදුකරයේ වනාන්නතර, ජල සම්පත් , පස හා ජෛව
විවිධත්වය ආරක්ෂා කොට ගැනීමට මෙම අධිකාරිය ඉහළම ප්රමුඛත්වය දිය යුතුය.
මන්ද මේ රටේ සමස්ත ජිවි පද්ධතිය මෙන්ම ශිෂ්ටාචාරය ද රදාපවතින්නේ මධ්යම ක`දුකරයේ භෞතික ස්ථාවරත්වය මත වන බැවිනි.මෙහිදි අප මතක තබා ගත යුතු ප්රධාන කාරණය වනුයේ මේ රටේ සියළුම ගංගාවන් ආරම්භ වනුයේ මධ්යම කදුකරයෙන් බවය.
මෙම ගංගා පද්ධතියේ ඉහල කොටස් පිහිටා ඇති මධ්යම කදුකරය මුඩුබිමක් වුවහොත් මේ රටේ සියලූම ගංගා සිදී යනු ඇත.එසේ වුවහොත් මුළු රටම එකම වියළි කාන්තාරයක් වී සමස්ත ජිවි පද්ධතිය ද අනතුරුව ශිෂ්ටාචාරය ද මේ බිමෙන් අතුරුදහන් වනු ඇත.
අතීතයේ දී වියලි කලාපයේ කෙත් බිම් වසරට කන්න තුනක් වැඩ කලේ ද සියළු රජවරුන් විසින් මධ්යම කදුකරයේ වනාන්නතර සියල්ල තහංචි කැලෑ වශයෙන් රාජාඥා මගින් ප්රකාශ කොට ආරක්ෂා කොට තිබුණු නිසාය.
6. එබැවින් නැවතත් මුහුදු මට්ටමෙන් අඩි 5000 න් ඉහළ සියලූම ප්රේදශ දැඩි ආරකෂක හා රකෂිත වනාන්තර වශයෙන් ප්රකාශ කළ යුතුය.
7. සියළුම ජනාවාස පිහිටවිය යුත්තේ 5000 පහළ ජනාවාස සඳහා සුදුසු නිසරු තේ , ඉඩම් වල පමණි.
8. තවදුරටත් තේ වගාව යටතේ පවත්වාගෙන යාමට අදහස් කරන 5000 න්පහළ තේ වතු ද
1. නඊෘඊ ල ීඡක වැනි රාජ්ය ආයතන
2. ගොවීන්ගේ සමූපකාර ගම්මාන හා
3. කුඩා තේ වතු ජනපද ව්යාපාර වැනි ක්රමවේදයන්් යටතේ පවත්වාගෙන යා යුතුය.
9. මෙම වැඩපිළිවෙල යටතේ අනුව › ලංකා පුරවැසිබව ලබන වතු ආශ්රිත නව ජනාවාස වල සිටින ඉන්දියානු සම්භවයක් ඇති කිසිවකු දැනට කෙරෙන පරිදි ඉන්දියාව සමග සෘජුව ගනුදෙනු කිරිම වහාම අත්හිට විය යුතුය.
10. මෙම ප්රදේශය තුළ ද දිවයිනේ අනෙකුත් සියලූම ප්රදේශ වල මෙන් සෑම සංවර්ධන කටයුත්තක්ම සිදු කල යුත්තේ › ලංකා රජය විසින් පමණි.
ජාතියේ හදවත බඳු මධ්යම ක`දුකර ප්රදේශයේ දැනට පවතින භෞතික ,වාර්ගික ,දේශපාලන හා සමාජ ගැටලූ සඳහා රටට ගැලපෙන තිරසාර විසදුමක් ලබාගත හැක්කේ මෙවැනි හරවත් වැඩ පිළිවෙලක් මගින් පමණි.එසේ නොකළහොත් නුදුරු අනාගතයේ දී දැනට උතුරු හා නැගෙනහිර පවතින්නාක් වැනි වාර්ගිික ගිනි කන්දක් රට මැද ද බිහිවනු ස්ථිරය.
.
යෝජිත ආයතනය පිහිටවිය යුත්තේ මෙම පුළුල් ජාතික අරමුණ සාකෂාත් කර ගැනීමට මිස පටු දේශපාලන අරමුණ වන වතු දෙමළ ජනායගේ ඡ්නදය ලබා ගැනීම පිණිස නොවිය යුතුය.
අවසාන වශයෙන්
මෙම පනතින් හෝ ඊට සමගාමි පනතකින් බි්රතාන්යයින් විසින් 1815 සිට 1948 දක්වා අප රටට සිදු කොට ඇති පාරිසරික, ආර්ථික, සාමාජික, සංස්කෘතික විනාශයන් සහ 1817/18 සහ 1848 නිදහස් සටන් වලදී සිදු කරන ලද සමූල ඝාතන ඇතුළු සියළුම අපරාධයන් සම්බන්ධයෙන් බි්රතාන්ය රජයෙන් වන්දි ලබා ගැනීම සඳහා ද වැඩ පිළිවෙලක් සකස් කල යුතුය.
නව අමාත්යාංශයේ හා අධිකාරියේ කාර්යභාරය විය යුත්තේ කන්ද උඩරට භෞතික,මානව ,ආර්ථික,සාමාජික හා සංස්කෘතික ආදි සියළුම ෙකෂ්ත්රයන් හි ජාතික උරුමය ,හදුනා ගැනීම පුනරුත්ථාපනය කිරිම , සංවර්ධනය කිරිම හා ආරකෂා කිරිමය.
ඒ සඳහා ගැටලූ හදුනා ගැනීම , ඒවා විසදීමේ සංවර්ධන උපාය මාර්ග සැලසුම් කිරිම, ක්රියාත්මක කිරිම, වෙනත් රාජ්ය ආයතන සමඟ සම්බන්ධීකරණය සහ මෙම ක්රියාවලිය අඛණ්ඩව පවත්වාගෙන යාම ඇතුළු සියලූ කටයුතු ද ඊට ඇතුලත් විය යුතුය.
තවද
1. ප්රථමයෙන්ම දැනට තිඛෙන වතුකරයේ දෙමල ජනතාවට පමණක් සීමා වු උඩරට වතු ගම්මාන යටිතල පහසුකම් හා සමාජ සංවර්ධන අමාත්යාංශය වහාම අහෝසි කොට එහි කාර්යභාරයන් වැවිලි කර්මාන්ත අමාත්යාංශය යටතට පත් කල යුතුය.
එම අමාත්යාංශයේ වැඩ කටයුතු සැලැසුම් කිරිම සහ සම්බන්ධීකරණය කිරිම සඳහා ඹභෘඡ ආධාර යටතේ 2025 දී සම්පූර්ණ කිරිම සඳහා 2015 දි පිහිටුවන ලද zzඋඩරට නව ගම්මාන (දෙමළ) අධිකාරිය ද ..්යසකක කදමබඑරහ භැඅ ඪසකක්ටැි කැඩැකදචපැබඑ Aමඑයදරසඑහ, .. අහෝසි කල යුතුය
2. ඒ වෙනුවට යෝජිත zzඋඩරට ගැමි පුනරුත්ථාපන හා සංවර්ධන අමාත්යාංශය සහ 1951 උ.ගැ.පු. කොමිසමෙන් යෝජිත පූර්ණ බලැති උඩරට සංවර්ධන අධිකාරිය පිහිටුවිය යුතුය.
3. අධිකාරියේ පාලක මණ්ඩලය පිහිටුවීමේ දී මෙම ප්රදේශය හා අදාල විෂය පිළිබද හසල
දැනුමක් හා ඇප කැපවීමක් ඇති ප්රවීනයන් පමණක් ඒ සඳහා පත් කල යුතුය.එසේ
නැතිව වෙනත් රාජ්ය ආයතන වලට සභාපතිවරුන් හා අධ්යකෂවරුන් පත් කරන්නාක් මෙන් හුදෙක් තම දේශපාන අරමුණු ඉටු කර ගැනීමට ඥාති සංග්රහයට සහ මැතිවරණයේ දී තමන්ට උදව් කළ අයට රැකියා සැපයීමට නොවිය යුතුය.
කාර්යාලය
යෝජිත නව උඩරට ගැමි පුනරුත්ථාපන හා සංවර්ධන අමාත්යාංශයේ මෙන්ම අධිකාරියේ කාර්යාල මහනුවර ආසන්න පේරාදෙණිය වැනි ප්රදේශයක පිහිටවිය යුතු යයි යෝජනා කෙරේ.
II පරිච්ඡේදයට පසු
1. මුදල්
2. අධිකාරියේ නිලධාරි මණ්ඩලය සහ
3. සාමාන්ය යන පරිච්ඡේද ද ඇතුලත් කළ යුතුය.
5.2.2018
Yesterday I read (in Kandy News of Jan 2. 2018. Page. 02) a statement issued by a Chairman of an interim Statutory Board of Directors of nine members of an Institution called ‘The Kandaudarata (Upcountry; Note that not Kandyan as it is popularly called) Urumaya Srakiima Adhikariiya) where even the draft of that Act for setting up the said Board is not yet finalized.
The Chairman also has said that it is an interim Board for a proposed Authority in respect of which the preparation of an Act is being done at the moment. This obviously means the Act is yet to be passed by Parliament after satisfying the normal legal requirements finally by the Legal Draftsman’s Department. What made the Minister concerned to appoint a Board of Directors to a statutory Board before the Act is passed by Parliament and under what legal provision he has done it. Is it not like registering the birth of an unborn child?
I now pose the question whether a Minister has the power to appoint a Board of Directors and a Chairman to an Institution where even the proposed Act is still under preparation, leaving aside the need for such an act to be passed by Parliament before it appoints a Board of Directors and whether it is legally valid.
If immediate action is not taken on this matter I am sure all other Ministers will also follow suit and play havocs citing this as a precedent. When you look at some of the key appointments done even by the President and the PM since Jan 9th 2015 in retrospect, including the appointment of Prime Minister, one might say this is nothing. But as a responsible citizen of this country I hold very strong views on this type of blunders as such actions by irresponsible politicians will set a dangerous precedent for public financial accountability in future.
Who pays for the maintenance of such Board of Directors, their salaries and other expenses incidental to, such as vehicles, Offices and office equipment, staff, stationary etc and under what authority they make such payment. Is it out of public funds or out of the personal money of the Minister in charge? If the answer is the latter we have nothing to worry. But on the other hand if it is out of public funds it is irregular and illegal and obviously amounts to misappropriation of public funds and abuse of authority.
I suggest this matter be brought to the attention of the Auditor General by someone immediately for necessary action as a matter of public interest.
A draft copy of an Act
A draft copy of the proposed Act was given to me by a member of the Karaka Sangha Sabha of Asgiriya Chapter in June last year requesting for my observations. I carefully studied it in details and submitted my observations on 13.07.2017.
Among other things I pointed out the following serious flaws in the draft
1That there is already an Act called Udarata Sanwardhana Adhikariya Act No 26 passed by Parliament on 24th August 2005.
2 That the proposed Act does not propose to repeal the previous Act either
3 That it is only a carbon copy of the earlier Act, haphazardly an unintelligently altered with no valid substance or solid reasons only to achieve the short term political agenda of the present Government of appeasing the Tamils in the State sector, shamelessly and irresponsibly, eying for their vote, without knowing that thereby it betrays the birth rights as well as the human rights of the sons of the soil.
4 That it betrays the native Kandyan Peasants who had being there from the inception of history as under clause 9 of the said new draft it has laid down the need to obtain the concurrence of the Minister in charge of the Ministry of Upcountry new Village (Tamil) and Infrastructure Development, if any land within the Estate sector is needed for this Authority. Prior to 1972 we had to take permission from the British. Now this Government is trying to give that power to the Indian Tamils who were brought hereby the British in the latter part of the 19th century as coolies and illicitly left behind when they left in 1948 who will now replace British Colonial power with a neo-Indian expansionist agenda.
My observations
(I attach a copy of my observations for the benefit of my readers for them to get a better picture of the dangers of this proposed Act)
For the reasons I have given here I urge the Minister and the Government to immediately disband this illegitimate Board of Directors and stop all further actions on this proposed treacherous Act in the name of millions of our ancestors who have died in battle against three Colonial invaders, Portuguese, Dutch and the British, and scarified everything they had for 500 years since 1505, to protect this sacred mother land for posterity. I am sure the heroic ancestors will rise from their graves to curse the architects of this betrayal and to squeeze the necks of those are responsible for this tragic crime.
I do not know as to what happened to my observations as the party to whom I handed over the observations never spoke to me on this subject since I handed it over in July last year.
I took great pain and my precious time to prepare these observations as I have been a person seriously concerned and unofficially involved in this subject for a long time even from my University days in 1958 as I felt the person who made the request was serious and genuine.
21 years after retirement from public service I am now fully convinced that all this will not fall in to the deaf ears of those in power. But I am writing this piece to bring this serious betrayal of the Kandyan peasants to the immediate attention of everybody concerned on behalf of a group of hapless peasants of my motherland who have no one either in the Parliament or any other Council to represent their grievances in spite of the fact that there are nearly 5000 members who are supposed to have got elected by the people to represent them at the National, Provincial and Divisional level, with a distant hope that someday someone will come to the rescue of the sons of the soil from the pitiful plight in to which their own politicians have pushed them..
තව බොහෝ කාලයක් වැඩසිටීමට අවැසි වුවත් හදිසියේ අපවත් වී වදාළ මහාචාර්ය බෙල්ලන්විල විමලරතන නාහිමිපාණන් වහන්සේගේ අහිමිවීම සංඝ සමාජයටත්, සමස්ථ ලාංකීය සමාජයටත් පිරිමසාගනු නොහැක්කකි.
ශාසනික, සාමාජයීය හා ශාස්තී්රය දැනුමෙන් බොහෝ කුෂාග්රවූ උන්වහන්සේ භාෂාන්තර ඥාන ශක්තියෙන්ද සුපෝෂිත වූ අතර දැනුමට යෝග්ය තනතුරුත්, තනතුරුවලට යෝග්ය දැනුමත් සහිත වූහ. වත්මන් සඟ සසුනටත්, ශී්ර ලාංකීය දේශයටත් භික්ෂුවගේ පෞරුෂය, ශක්තිය, හා නායකත්වය මේ යැයි කියාපෑමට සිටින අතළොස්සක් තෙරවරුන් අතර විමලරතන නාහිමියෝ ප්රමුඛස්ථානයේ
වැඩ සිටියහ. තමන්ට හිමි අනුනායක පදවිය අත්හරින්නට තරම් නිර්භීත හා නිහතමානී වූ අප කථානායකයාණන් තනතුරුවලට පොරබදන්නන්ට දුන් මුෂ්ටි ප්රහාරය වේගවත්ය.
අපම කවා පොවා හීලෑකරන්නන්ම අපට එරෙහිවනවා යැයි බොහෝ විට අත්විඳින සමාජ සත්යය බෙල්ලන්විල නාහිමිට පසක්කර දුන්නේ සිය වටිනා ජීවිතයද උන්වහන්සේට අහිමිකරමිනි.
භික්ෂුව ළඟ තබාගතයුතු සෘජුව අදහස් දැරීමේ ගුණය ආරක්ෂාකරගත් විමලරතන නාහිමි සිය දැනුමෙන්, ගුණයෙන්, පෞරුෂයෙන් අදූරදර්ශී පාලකයන්ට නොනැමී සිටිමේ ශක්යතාව රැකගත් යතිවරයාණ කෙනෙකි. ”මේ රටේ භික්ෂුව පඩික්කන් පුරව පුරවා සිටින පිරිසක් ”යැයි හිටපු පාලකයෙක් කරතිබූ ප්රකාශයට එරෙහිව මාදුළුවාවේ සෝභිත නාහිමි සමග භික්ෂු පෞරුෂය රැකගනිමින් හිතුවක්කාර පාලකයින්ට එරෙහිව කළ කී දෑ උන්වහන්සේගේ ශී්ර නාමයට ගෞරවය එක්කරමින් ඉතිහාසයේ සටහන්ව ඇත.
අතිපූජ්ය මහාචාර්ය බෙල්ලන්විල විමලරතන නාහිමිපාණන් වහන්සේ සතු උසස් ගුණාංග උන්වහන්සේටම මිස අනෙකෙකුට සමකළ නොහැකිය. මෙවන් සංඝ පීතෘවරයෙකු රටට, දැයට, සසුනට අහිමිවීම එවන් සංඝ පීතෘන් වහන්සේලා විරල වර්තමානයට කිවනොහැකි තරම් පාඩුවකි. එනමුත් උන්වහන්සේගේ නිහඬ ගමන වැඩ අවසන් බැවින් ලාංකීය භික්ෂු සමාජය නියෝජනය කරමින් ජාතික භික්ෂු පෙරමුණ විමලරතන නාහිමිපාණන් වහන්සේට ගෞරවණීය උපහාරය හා සාතිශය සංවේගය පළකර සිටිමු.
ස්තූතියි.
මෙයට,
ප්රධාන ලේකම්,
ශාස්ත්රපති
වකමුල්ලේ උදිත හිමි
සභාපති,
සියම් මහ නිකායේ මල්වතු පාර්ශ්වයේ, කන්දබඩපත්තුව ඇතුළු
මාතර පළාතේ ප්රධාන සංඝනායක,
ශාස්ත්රපති
හඳුගල රතනපාල නාහිමි
ප්රධාන අනුශාසක
ශී්ර ලංකා රාමඤ්ඤ මහ නිකායේ අධිකරණ ලේඛකාධිකාරී,
මහාචාර්ය,
අත්තංගනේ රතනපාල නාහිමි
February 5, 2018, 11:22 pm
The manipulation of the secondary bond market by Perpetual Treasuries caused three state institutions, Employees’ provident Fund (EPF,) Sri Lanka Insurance Corporation (SLIC) and National Savings Bank (NSB), to lose over Rs. 31 billion, anti corruption activists said yesterday.
“On Sunday we revealed that the total loss incurred by the Employees’ Provident Fund (EPF) due to the bond scam alone was over Rs. 26 billion. However, the EPF is not the only state institute that suffered losses because of Perpetual Treasuries’ secondary bond market manipulation,” Centre for Human Rights (CHR) Executive Director Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon said yesterday, addressing a press conference at Rajagiriya.
The loss incurred by the Sri Lanka Insurance Corporation due to the bond scam alone was over Rs 4.11 billion while the NSB lost over Rs. 819 million.
As the Auditor General had not received necessary documents, there were no details about the losses suffered by the Sri Lanka Insurance Corporation, in the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) or Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) reports, Tennakoon said.
“However, we have found that Perpetual Treasuries and the Sri Lanka Insurance Corporation have had six transactions, under International Securities Identification Numbers (ISIN) LKB 03045 C013, LKB 01528 I 017, LKB 01530 E 152, LKB 01236 F 014, LKB 01025 C 157, LKB 02035 C 155. These show that Perpetual Treasuries bought treasury bonds worth Rs. 8,594 million and resold them to Sri Lanka Insurance Corporation for Rs. 12,708 million, within a few days. The company made a profit of Rs. 4,114 million,” he said.
Meanwhile, retired senior banker, Rusiripala Tennakoon said that they had found that Perpetual Treasuries and the NSB have had over four transactions, under ISINs LKB 0528 I 017, LKB 01530 E 152, LKB 01226 F 014, LKB 01025 C 157. “The company made a profit of Rs. 819 million therefrom,” he said.
He added that they were looking at all the transactions by Perpetual Treasuries using the International Securities Identification Numbers and would continue to unearth more incriminating evidence.
Has the UN & its key bodies followed due process on UN member sovereign Sri Lanka? How does the UN system handle terrorist movements & what international laws are applicable to them? In what manner can the UN intervene without violating its own Charter and how sure is the UN on the evidence or allegations they make are just a handful of the questions where UN & its system has shown discrepancies in. It is no coincidence that the same players that promoted the independence of Kosovo are now indulging in the same lies on Sri Lanka albeit for the same reasons.
The world has known LTTE by name since 1980s. FBI has designated LTTE as the “most dangerous and deadly extremist outfit in the world” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uONelGk0RpU
LTTE remains banned by India, US, Canada, UK, EU and 32 countries even 9 years after LTTE defeat. While LTTE ground force was eliminated in May 2009, the key players who raised funds, promoted LTTE & provided material & other support and who live overseas most of whom are foreign passport holders and have various businesses in foreign climes, remain uninvestigated still while many of them are today exerting pressures through various lobbying tactics against a sovereign nation. Many of these entities were declared LTTE fronts in 2014 and these are the very entities post May 2009 determining UN actions against Sri Lanka and are even been quoted in UN reports while they are even invited to UN sessions without investigating them for these allegations and exonerating them if they are innocent.
Military intervention ONLY after failed peace talks/ceasefires & 30 years of suffering LTTE terrorism
The world seems to have conveniently forgotten that the military option against LTTE was taken after 30 years, suffering over 300 LTTE attacks and countless failed peace talks & ceasefires some with foreign intervention too. Afghanistan was attacked and remains occupied by US/NATO without any investigation to determine its links to the 9/11 attack.
What was shocking is that the UN that took no action when LTTE was killing thousands of innocent unarmed civilians in non-combat areas, 3 days after the end of the military offensive in May 2009 the UN Secretary General arrives and has been harping on about a joint statement where there is no English line that shows any commitment by the GOSL to do so. (LTTE defeated on 19 May 2009, UNSG arrives in SL on 23 May 2009 & the below statement was released)
Note – UN did not command Sri Lanka to carry out an accountability process & neither did Sri Lankan Government agree or give assurance to carry out one. The UNSG only ‘underlined the importance of an accountability process’ there Sri Lanka was not bound in any way to give assurance to hold one with dates & timelines.
However, the pressures brought upon Sri Lanka by the UN & IC forced the appointment of the LLRC in May 2010 but note how the UNSG appoints his advisory panel the POE in June 2010 hardly a month after LLRC appointment harping on a joint statement that obviously did not exist.
Questioning the legality of the Panel of Experts appointed by the UN Secretary General
PoE was appointed in June 2010 and its report released on March 31, 2011
Shamindra Ferndinando questioned the PoE-LTTE lobby link How Moon Panel gathered war crimes info revealed” 20 April 2012.
Questionable actions of the UNHRC – Questioning the Legality OISL
While the legality of PoE is in question, how is it that the OISL was based on the PoE (a personally commissioned report)
OISL mandate was only to cover the period of the LLRC 2002-2009 but it has included after the conflict to cover one party only.
Navi Pillai’s Controversial Picks: Sandra Beidas – South Sudan’s expelled UN officer & Dame Silvia Cartwright to lead investigation on Sri Lanka
The credibility of the OISL investigators was also raised as Marti Ahtisaari was accused of accepting bribes by the Albanian Mafia to deliver Kosovo independence.
On 25 October 2014 an unrehabilitated LTTE cadre was arrested. He had in his possession signatures on blank UNHRC war crimes submission forms with OHCHR Logo which he was collecting on the instructions of a TNA political advisor Sun Master alias Alvapulle Vijendrakumar who was also associated with US embassy political affairs officer Mike Erwin. What a nexus this is.
The UNHRC failed to answer if these forms were printed in Geneva & delivered to the TNA and if a monetary compensation was given to those who signed on blank forms and agreed to give false testimony? Instead of being alarmed that blank submission forms with OHCHR logo with signatures were in circulation the response of the OHCHR was to issue a statement that the GOSL were impeding their investigation.
http://www.ohchr.org/en/newsevents/pages/media.aspx
The statement issued by the new head of the UNHRC Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein issued on 7th November
However the OHCHR head has so far not informed how many such forms had been sent & accepted by the OISL investigators as genuine complaints when obviously they were not. There has been no denial that monetary compensation was not promised for witness testimonies also. How many of these fraudulent witness forms have been given ‘witness protection’ status of anonymity for 20 years?
The Death Guestimates
Any war crimes tribunal and allegations of genocide or war crimes holds water if there are dead bodies or at least skeletons. So far other than plucking numbers from the sky there has been no names given of the 40,000 dead. UNSG who toured the conflict zone 3 days after the conflict in a helicopter did not even make any statement to seeing newly dug graves and the US satellite images also could not produce evidence to where the 40,000 dead could have been buried. This questions why PoE refused to accept the UN country team estimate of 7721 deaths and why Charles Petrie was brought into the scene with a report to claim UN had failed its victims. Well the UN sure had failed all victims of LTTE since 1980s but where was Charles Petrie then?
Bias of Yasmin Sooka
Questioning the lies & distortions by Media/Human Rights Organizations
Presented with examples is the manner that media and Human Rights Groups purposely misinterpreted the PoE by replacing ‘credible allegations’ with ‘credible evidence’. http://www.onlanka.com/news/how-media-and-hr-groups-purposely-misinterpreted-ban-ki-moons-panel-of-expert-report.html
International Laws UNHRC overlooked
Sri Lanka’s conflict is described as a non-international armed conflict (NIAC).
LTTE does not have a legal status under IHL but LTTE is legally obliged to as an armed group ensure its members respect IHL.
Laws applicable are Common Article 3 to the Geneva Convention & Article 1 of the 1977 Additional Protocol II to the 1949 Geneva Convention.
LTTE are not entitled to POW or Combatant status and has to be charged under domestic laws.
Customary International Law applicable to NIAC LTTE as combatants do not enjoy protection against attack accorded to civilians.
Rule 6 declares civilians are protected against attack unless they take direct part in hostilities. UNHRC has failed to provide evidence of how many LTTE cadres died in combat, how many LTTE cadres fought in uniform, how many LTTE cadres fought in civilian clothing and died in combat, how many civilians engaged in some form of hostilities and died as a result (what can never be forgotten is that the LTTE had an active trained civilian armed group) how many civilians did not take part in hostilities but died (how many died from LTTE gunfire, how many died from SL Army gunfire and how many died naturally)
Without being able to ascertain above with figures and evidence how can the National Army be accused of war crimes especially when the Armed Forces delayed the military victory by months to bring to safety close to 300,000 Tamils and sacrificed the lives of 2500 soldiers as a result?
US Law of War manual says party that employs human shields in an attempt to shield military objectives from attack assumes responsibility for their injury” – LTTE is guilty
UNHRC has ignored LTTE violations which all accrue to committing war crimes
The most important unanswered question is if the Sri Lankan Military had been indiscriminately firing at the No Fire Zone since 21 January 2009 how did 11,000 LTTE cadres live to surrender themselves in May 2009?
UN bias on civilians & unarmed military personnel
UN bias on resettlement
Bias of UN envoys
UN silence on LTTE illegal activities
The LTTE has been engaged in a nexus of illegal international criminal acts that include sea piracy, human smuggling, drug trafficking, human organ trafficking, social security fraud, counterfeit currency trading, money laundering, satellite piracy, credit card fraud, passport forgery. Jane’s Intelligence estimated LTTE’s profits in 2004 to be $300m and without the expense incurred on procurement of arms and maintenance of LTTE cadres this profit must have tripled and it is no surprise that they are able to virtually buy over foreign mouthpieces to speak on their behalf and massive amounts as retainer fees for Western lawyers while they are able to lobby accrue advantage by throwing money in a world where so much corruption prevails even inside the halls of the UN. The book Unsilenced: Unmasking the United Nation’s Culture of Cover-ups, Corruption and Impunity” by Rasna Warah reveals lies, cover-ups, corruptions and immunity to UN officials & inherent conflict of interest in the UN’s internal justice system that does not punish criminal acts of UN officials & their unethical behaviors.
UN Watch Executive Director Hillel Neuer told Newsweek magazine People don’t realize this, but most of what happens at the U.N. is vote-trading,”
If UN has been accused of financial misappropriation, bribe taking, corruption etc what is the guarantee that UN officials have NOT been monetarily or otherwise benefitting from LTTE diaspora who are not shy to throw money even to buy foreign MPs?
We make special mention that immediately after retiring the former UNHRC head was invited to an event organized by one of the LTTE fronts proscribed under UNSC 1373 in April 2014. Her role in demonizing Gaddafi & helping to lay the groundwork for the US/NATO intervention needs mention too as she quoted casualty figures without verifying them and called for foreign military intervention – does the UNHRC head have such a mandate? Is this not a violation of Article 1 & 2 of UN Charter that declares calling for regime change of a sovereign country as a war crime. In fact Justice Patrice Nyaberi objected to the former UNHRC head as President of the ICTR in view of her bias.
UN/UNHRC partiality against smaller UN member states
Questioning the Resolutions against Sri Lanka
In April 2017 Amnesty International admitted that the very basis of the Geneva Resolution 30/1 adopted in Oct 1, 2015 is questionable.
4 Resolutions were passed in UNHRC in 2012, 2013, 2014 and 2015 based on the unsubstantiated PoE report.
The resolutions are going behind the conflict and touching areas that has no relation to the conflict – changing the constitution, country’s penal codes, the structure of the military, the status of Buddhism
Consultative committee
September, 2006, the President authorized the setting up of Consultative Committee on Humanitarian Assistance (CCHA). The grouping included ministers, senior officials, including Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa; top Colombo based diplomats and senior representatives of UN agencies – FAO, UNICEF and WFP. 1st meeting of the CCHA was on Oct 14, 2006 and the last meeting on 11 May 2009. Minutes of CCHA meetings are available with Jeevan Thiagarajah, executive director of the Consortium of Humanitarian Agencies (CHA) US, EU, Japanese, UN Resident/Humanitarian coordinator too had been represented in CCHA deliberations. The Colombo-based diplomats had direct access to Government Agents, Ms Imelda Sukumar (Mullaitivu), Vedhanayagam (Kilinochchi), Ms P.S.M. Charles (Vavuniya), Nicholas Pillai (Mannar), as they too were members of the CCHA.
The CCHA had met 28 times from Oct 14, 2006 to 11 May 2009 – why did no one raise issue of GOSL lapses during these 28 meetings without complaining years later to the OHCHR/OISL & PoE?
The former defense Secretary, Gotabaya Rajapakse is on record to say that none of these envoys had complained about shortage of food and other essential items, though there were requests for zinc sheets, cement and iron.
At a CCHA meeting on 30 March 2009 the UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator (R/HC) in Sri Lanka, Neil Bhune, estimated the maximum number of civilians trapped at 180,000. The minutes of this meeting revealed that Ambassador Blake admitted that the LTTE was continuing to hold civilians against their will.
Did the PoE or the OISL have a look at the meetings of these meetings before throwing allegations that the Sri Lankan Government/Armed Forces did not supply food/medicines etc to the Tamils held by LTTE?
From October 2008 to January 2009 – 12 food convoys to the Vanni (Kilinochchi and Mullaitivu districts) delivered 7,694 metric tonnes of food.
ICRC
During the final phase of the conflict, the ICRC evacuated 13,800 casualties and accompanying relatives from the war zone to Trincomalee by sea – while the Sri Lankan Armed forces laying down 5000 military lives saved close to 300,000 Tamil civilians! Upto 21st April even ICRC did not know that the LTTE had 300,000 people.
Jacque de Maio, ICRC Head of Operations for South Asia on 9 July 2009 said that the LTTE commanders, objective was to keep the distinction between civilian and military assets blurred. In fact, the army actually could have won the military battle faster with higher civilian casualties, yet chosen a slower approach which led to a greater number of Sri Lankan military deaths. https://www.onlanka.com/news/icrc-sri-lanka-during-final-phase-of-war.html
Lord Naseby has been one of the handful of non-Sri Lankans to have come out to search for the truth and taken trouble to use the UK Right to Information Act and discover that even the British Government had been fiddling with data and hiding data and he has clearly shown that the figure of 7721 dead quoted by the UN Country Team and kept hidden by the UN system is most likely to correct death toll in Sri Lanka’s 30 year conflict. The lies and the scheming that has gone into the process of vilifying a UN member state is shocking and that discrimination, bias, hypocrisy and lies seem to be continuing still. No UN Charter allows UN envoys to demand changes to a country’s constitution, penal codes, removal of the historical heritage and place of Buddhism… these are exactly what is taking place at present by envoys who function as Viceroys after they land in Sri Lanka.
This nonsense must stop and the UN system must appoint a very independent team to assess whether due process was followed by the UNHRC/OHCHR Head on Sri Lanka from the appointment of the PoE, the OISL, the Resolutions and the many visits of the UN envoys who have been functioning outside their mandate. These findings should be presented to the UNGA and UNSC. These are areas that other UN member countries should worry about too as they can be the next victim.
Shenali D Waduge
පර්පචුවල් සමාගම පළමු බැදුම්කර වංචාවෙන් සේවක අර්ථසාධක අරමුදල, ඉතිරිකිරීමේ බැංකුව හා රක්ෂණ සංස්ථාවට හරහා අවිධිමත් ලෙස උපයාගත් මුදල රු. බිලියන 31 පනී.
අර්ථසාධයකට රු. මිලියන 26316 යි. රක්ෂණ සංස්ථාවට මිලියන 4114 යි. ඉතිරිකිරීමේ බැංකුවට මිලියන 819 යි. ගිණුම්ගත නොවූ සල්ලිවලට මොකද වුණේ?
පළමු බැදුම්කර වංචාව මගින් අර්ථ සාධක, රක්ෂණ හා ඉතිරිකිරීමේ බැංකු යන ආයතන 3 සදහා රුපියල් බිලියන 31 ක ට අනිසි ලාභයක් ලබාගෙන ඇතැයි ශ්රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්රය අද නිකුත් කළ වාර්තාවේ දැක්වේ. ද්විතියීය වෙළෙදපොල වංචනික ලෙස හැසිරවීම තුළින් මෙම අනිසි ලාභය ලබා ඇත.
මේ අනුව, විගණකාධිපතිවරයා, සහ කෝප් කමිටුවත්, බැදුම්කර කොමිෂන් සභාවත් විසින් සිදු කළ ගණනය කිරීමට වඩා වැඩි පාඩුවක් රජයට මෙම රාජ්ය ආයතන තුන හරහා පමනක් සිදුව ඇත.
මේ වන විට අත්අඩංගුවේ පසුවන පර්පචුවල් සමාගමේ විධායක අධ්යක්ෂ කසුන් පළිසේන විසින් බැදුම්කර විවාදයේ දී රජයට පාඩුවක් සිදු නොවු බවට තර්ක කිරීම සදහා පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්රීවරුන් වෙත වාර්තාවක් ලබා දි ඇත. එම වාර්තාව අනුව, කසුන් පළිසේන විසින් මේ දක්වා සගවා සිටි සමාගම බැදුම්කර මිලගත් මුදල පිළිබද ගණුදෙනු 17 ක් පිළිබද නිශ්චිත දත්ත හෙළි වේ.
රු. 100 ක මුහුණ අගයක් සහිත බැදුම්කර ගණුදෙනු 7 ක් බෑනා ගේ සමාගම හා සේවක අර්ථ සාධක අරමුදල අතර සිදුව තිබේ. මහ බැංකුවෙන් එම බැදුම්කර මිල දී ගෙන ඇත්තේ රු. 94, රු. 72, රු. 71 (අවස්ථා 2), රු. 73 (අවස්ථා 3) ලෙසිනි. LKB 03045 C013, LKB 01528 A017, LKB 02541 A016, LKB 01530 E 152, LKB 01226 F 014, LKB 01025 C 157, LKB 02035 C155 දරණ අංක යටතේ ය. අර්ජුන ඇලෝසියස් සමාගම විසින් අදාළ බැදුම්කර මිලදී ගෙන ඇත්තේ රු. මිලියන 52826 ක මුදලකටය. දින කිහිපයකින් ඒවා රු. 121, 105, 108, 118, 110, 116 බැගින් සේවක අර්ථසාධක අරමුදලට විකුණා රුපියල් මිලියන 79146 ක මුදලක් සමාගම උපයා ඇත. ඒ අනුව සේවක අර්ථ සාධක අරමුදල බෑනාගේ සමාගම හරහා නොව සෘජුව මහ බැංකුවෙන් මෙම බැදුම්කර මිලදී ගත්තේ නම් මේ රටේ ලක්ෂ 60 ක් වන අර්ථසාධක අරමුදල් හිමියන්ට සිදුවන ලාභය රු. මිලියන 26316 කි. නමුත්, එම ලාභය සිය සමාගමට ලබා ගැනීමට පර්පචුවල් සමාගමට හැකිවී ඇත.
බැදුම්කර වංචාවට මග පාදමින් සෘජු ගණුදෙනු වෙනුවට වෙන්දේසි ගණුදෙනු කරා යාම සදහා තමාට උපදෙස් ලැබුණු බව මහ බැංකුවේ හිටපු අධිපති අර්ජුන මහේන්ද්රන් ප්රකාශ කර තිබුණි. රජයට පාඩු සිදු වී, අර්ජුන ඇලෝසියස් ගේ සමාගමට බිලියන 2.6 ක ලාභයක් අර්ථසාධක අරමුදලෙන් පමණක් ලැබී ඇත්තේ බැදුම්කර කොමිෂන් සභා වාර්තාවේ දැක්වෙන ‘සබැදියාවන් අතර ගැටුම‘ මත සංවේදී තොරුතුර හුවමාරුව නිසාය.
විගණකාධිපතිවරයා වෙත අවශ්ය තොරතුරු ලබා නොදීම හේතුවෙන් පළමු බැදුම්කර මගඩියෙන් රක්ෂණ සංස්ථාවට සිදු වූ පාඩුව පිළිබද බැදුම්කර වාර්තාවේ හෝ කෝප් කමිටු 1 හා 2 වාර්තාවන් හි විස්තර කරුණු ඇතුලත් නොවේ. ISIN සිරියල් අංක LKB 03045 C013, LKB 01528 I 017, LKB 01530 E 152, LKB 01236 F 014, LKB 01025 C 157, LKB 02035 C 155 යටතේ බෑනාගේ සමාගම හා රක්ෂණ සංස්ථා අරමුදල අතර ගණුදෙනු 6 ක් සිදුව ඇත. ඒ සදහා බෑනාගේ සමාගම රු. මිලියන 8594 කට මිලදී ගෙන දින කිහිපයකින් රු. මිලියන 12708 ක මුදලකට ඒවා රක්ෂණ සංස්ථාවට විකුණා ඇත. එමගින් ප්රශ්නගත සමාගම ලැබූ ලාභය රු. මිලියන 4114 කි. රු. 100 මුහුණත අගය සහිත එක් බැදුම්කරයකට රු. 44 ක ලාභයක් සහිතව විකිණීමට සමාගමට හැකිවී ඇත්තේ සංවේදී තොරුතුරු හුවමාරුව හා අල්ලස් ලබාදීම මගිනි.
අර්ජුන ඇලෝසියස් ගේ සමාගම බැදුම්කරයට අදාළව ජාතික ඉතිරිකිරීමේ බැංකුව සමග ගණුදෙනු 4 ක් හෝ එයට වැඩි ප්රමාණයක් සිදු කර ඇත. ඒ අංක LKB 0528 I 017, LKB 01530 E 152, LKB 01226 F 014, LKB 01025 C 157 යටතේ ය. උක්ත ගණුදෙනු 4 මගින් රු.මිලියන 819 ක් ඉතිරිකිරීමේ බැංකුවට පාඩු සිදුවී ඇත. වෙන්දේසියෙන් රු. 73 ට මහ බැංකුවෙන් මිලදී ගත හැකිව තිබූ බැදුම්කර පර්පචුවල් සමාගමෙන් රු. 98.50 බැගින් ද, රු.71 ගත හැකිව තිබිය දී රු. 95 කට බැදුම්කර මිල දී ගැනීම යනු ගණුදෙනු 2 තුළින් පමණක් පිළිවෙලින් රු. මිලියන 204 ක් හා රු. මිලියන 480 ක් ඉතිරිකිරීමේ බැංකුවට පාඩු කර ඇත.
අර්ථසාධයකට රු. මිලියන 26316 ක්, රක්ෂණ සංස්ථාවට මිලියන 4114 ක්, ඉතිරිකිරීමේ බැංකුවට මිලියන 819 ක් ලෙස පළමු බැදුම්කරයෙන් මෙම රාජ්ය ආයතන 3 හරහා පමණක් පර්පචුවල් සමාගම උපයා ගෙන ඇති මුදල රු. මිලියන 31249 කි. එනම්, රු. බිලියන 31 කට වැඩිය.
එවකට මහ බැංකුවේ අධිපතිවරයා වූ, අර්ජුන මහේන්ද්ර් විසින් නිවැරදි තොරතුරු ලබා නොදීම හේතුවෙන්, පාඩුව පිළිබද අස්තමේන්තුව රුපියල් බිලියන 12 ක් බව දක්වා ඇත. බැදුම්කර කොමිෂන් සභා වාර්තාව ද එම කරුණු දක්වීම තහවුරු කර ඇත. නමුත්, මේ වන විට ISIN අංක හරහා මෙම බැදුම්කර මිලදී ගත් මුදල හා අලෙවි කිරීම සිදුකළ මුදල නිශ්චිතව හදුණාගෙන ඇති බැවින් සත්යය වශයෙන්ම මේ එක් එක් ආයතනයට සිදු වූ පාඩුව නිවැරදිව ගණනය කිරීමේ හැකියාව ලැබී තිබේ.
බැදුම්කර කොමිෂන් වාර්තාවේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් නොකළ පිටු සංඛ්යාවක් ඇති බව ශ්රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්රය හෙළි කරුනු ලැබීය. ජනාධිපතිවරයා විසින් ඒ බව මේ වන විට පිළි ගෙන ඇත. ජන. 6 දින පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට බැදුම්කර වාර්තාවේ තවත් පිටු 7000ක් ලබාදීමට නියමිතය.
කසුන් පළිහේන අත පැවති මේ තොරතුරු ඔහු විසින්ම විකෘති කොට, කරුණු සගවා පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්රීවරුන් අතට පත් කොට ඇත. ඒ තුලින්, මේ දක්වාම විගණකාධිපතිවරයාට හෝ නොලැබුණු සිරියල් අංක හෙළිදරව් වී ඇත.
සංවේදී තොරතුරු සහ අර්ථසාධක, රක්ෂණ සංස්ථා හා ඉතිරිකිරීමේ බැංකුව මෙම වෙන්දේසිය සදහා ඉදිරිපත්වීම වැලැක්වීම මගින් පර්පචුවල් සමාගම රු. බිලියන 31 ක ලාභයක් ලබා ඇත. අල්ලස් ලබාදී මෙම ආයතනයන් හි නිලධාරීන් ඉහළ මිලකට බැදුම්කර මිල දී ගැනීමට පොළඹවා මෙම ලාභය ලබා ඇත.
සමාගම විසින් ලැබූ ලාභය රු. බිලියන 12 ක් බව සමාගමේ අවසන් ගිණුම් වාර්තාවේ සදහන් වේ. එය ඉතා පැහැදිලි ලෙසම විගණන නිලධාරීන් හා මහ බැංකු පරීක්ෂකවරුන් මුලා කර සිදු කළ ඇති ඉලක්කම් විජ්ජාවකි. සැබෑ ලාභය වසන් කිරීමටත්, එම ලාභය උපක්රමශීලි ලෙස වෙනත් බැංකු ගිණුම් වෙත හැරවීමත් සිදුව ඇත.
පලිසේන විසින් පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්රීවරුන්ට ලබා දී ඇති වාර්තාවට අනුව, බැදුම්කර ගණුදෙනුව සම්බන්ධයෙන් තවදුරටත් විමර්ශන සිදු කර දැනට ගිණුම්ගත වී නොමැති මුදලට කුමක් සිදුව ඇතිදැයි අනාවරණය කර ගත යුතුව ඇත.
සකස් කළේ
රැසිරිපාල තෙන්නකෝන් (හිටපු සභාපති මහජන බැංකුව)
රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් (විධායක අධ්යක්ෂ/ශ්රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්රය)
| සේවක අර්ථසාධක අරමුදලට සිදු වූ පාඩුව | ||||||||||
| කසුන් පළිසේන විසින් වාර්තාවේ සදහන් කළ ගණුදෙනු සදහා අදාළ ISIN අංක | මුහුණත වටිනාකම හා PTL මිලදී ගත් මුදල රු. මිලියන | PTL සමාගම වැය කළ මුදල රු. මිලියන | සේ.අ.අ. මිලදී ගැනීමට වැය කළ රු. මුදල | සේ.අ.අ. ඒකකයක් මිලදී ගත් මුදල රු. | PTL දින 7 ක් තුල ලැබූ ලාභය රු. මිලියන | කල් පිරීමේ දී බැදුම්කරය සදහා ආපසු ලැබෙන මුදලින් ඇතිවන පාඩුව හෝ ලාභය | ||||
| 1 | LKB 03045 C013 | 2000 @ 94/= | 1872 | 2431 | 121/= | 560 | 2455 – 2000 = 455 | |||
| 2 | LKB 01528 A017 | 11600 @ 72/= | 8353 | 12276 | 105/= | 3923 | 12492-11600=892 | |||
| 3 | LKB 02541 A016 | 13950 @ 71/= | 9904 | 14995 | 108/= | 5091 | 14921-13950 = 971 | |||
| 4 | LKB 01530 E 152 | 31400 @ 71/= | 22294 | 33000 | 105/= | 10706 | 32223- 31400 = 823 | |||
| 5 | LKB 01226 F 014 | 4000 @ 73/= | 2920 | 4730 | 118/= | 1810 | 4519 – 4000 = 519 | |||
| 6 | LKB 01025 C 157 | 4150 @ 73/= | 3030 | 4592 | 110/= | 1562 | 4559 – 4150 = 409 | |||
| 7 | LKB 02035 C155 | 6100 @ 73/= | 4453 | 7122 | 116/= | 2669 | 7193 – 6100 = 1093 | |||
| 52826 | 79146 | 26316 | 5162 | |||||||
| රක්ෂණ සංස්ථාවට සිදු වූ පාඩුව | ||||||||||
| 1 | LKB 03045 C013 | 1300 @ 94 | 1222 | 1588 | 122/= | 366 | -296 | |||
| 2 | LKB 01528 I 017 | 500 @72 | 360 | 480 | 96/= | 120 | 4 | |||
| 3 | LKB 01530 E 152 | 1650 @71 | 1172 | 1608 | 98/= | 436 | 42 | |||
| 4 | LKB 01236 F 014 | 1900@73 | 1387 | 2047 | 107/= | 660 | -75 | |||
| 5 | LKB 01025 C 157 | 1500 @ 73 | 1095 | 1563 | 104/= | 468 | -74 | |||
| 6 | LKB 02035 C 155 | 4600 @ 73 | 3358 | 5422 | 117/= | 2064 | -861 | |||
| 8594 | 12708 | 4114 | 1260 | |||||||
| ජාතික ඉතිරි කිරීමේ බැංකුවට සිදු වූ පාඩුව | ||||||||||
| 1 | LKB 0528 I 017 | 250@72/= | 180 | 242 | 96/= | 62 | -1 | |||
| 2 | LKB 01530 E 152 | 2000 @ 71 /= | 1420 | 1900 | 95/= | 480 | 143 | |||
| 3 | LKB 01226 F 014 | 800 @ 73/= | 584 | 788 | 98.5/= | 204 | 32 | |||
| 4 | LKB 01025 C 157 | 400 @ 73 /= | 292 | 365 | 91.25/= | 73 | 20 | |||
| 2476 | 3295 | 819 | 204 | |||||||
| සේවක අර්ථසාධක අරමුදල, රක්ෂණ සංස්ථාව හා ජාතික ඉතිරි කිරීමේ බැංකුවට සිදු වූ පාඩුව රු. මිලියන 26316 + 4114 + 819 = 31249 | ||||||||||
| 31249 | ||||||||||
An eight-month-old girl was raped by her 27-year old cousin in Shakurbasti, an area in the northwest Delhi; really unbelievable, really shocking. The incident is no doubt another blob of shame for the Shinning India where rape is never dealt as a crime. According to the details published in different newspapers of India, the eight-month-old baby girl was raped by her relative Suraj when she was alone in her home on Sunday, 28th January this year.
The doctors at the Kalawati Saran Hospital later performed a three-hour-long operation on the girl. The girl is still battling for her life, sources say. But unfortunately for the Indian society this is neither a shocking nor an unbelievable incident though people there from every walk of life are strongly condemning and criticizing this brutal act. It is true that the whole nation must not be held responsible for a personal or an individual act but things become painful when sometimes such acts are provided an ‘official shelter’. Most of us and most of the people in India would not have forgotten 23rd February 1991, certainly a black day for the people living in the Indian Held Kashmir. That was the day when the government of India provided a legal shelter to 144 soldiers of its army who were involved in rape of more than 60 women in the valleys of Kunan and Poshpura in Kupwara district of Kashmir.
Those who survived this brutality are still fighting and looking for justice. Every year different seminars and conferences are organized by different human rights organizations in which these survivors narrate the tale of sexual brutality they had to face on that horrible night of 23rd February, 1991.
Last year, a seminar on the same topic was organized by an NGO in Srinagar in which some women publicly recounted the horrors of that night; the narration brought tears into the eyes of most of the participants. They all cursed the soldiers of 4th Rajputana Rifles of the Indian Army’s 68th Brigade who entered the villages like hunters and ruined the lives of helpless women. Syed Mohammad Yasin, the Deputy Commissioner of Kupwara in 1991 was also present there. He told the participants with tearful eyes, I was shocked to see the plight of the women … A woman told me that she was kept under jackboots by the soldiers while her daughter and daughter-in-law were being raped before her eyes. A pregnant woman was not spared either.” Ghulam Ahmed Dar is also one of those who are eye-witness to this brutality. His niece and his wife were also among the raped ones. He said talking to the media, I could hear my wife’s cries as soldiers raped her while their comrades started beating me, giving me electric shocks and pushing my head into a bucket of chilies.” He further said, For years, unmarried village girls could not find suitable grooms because of the social stigma of rape. Young boys even now drop out of school unable to bear the questions of classmates.”
According to the media reports, many of the alleged victims, who were middle-aged mothers then and are grannies now, say they don’t know what to say when their young grandchildren ask about that night. They say that a very painful reality is the silence of Indian civil society on Kunan-Poshpura tragedy.
As far as the Indian civil society is concerned, the major portion of this society comprises on very learned, moderate and civilized people. These people always stand with the aggrieved ones whenever there is any case of civil-rights violation.
Rape is also one of the most horrible examples of human rights violation. Most of the people in India would never forget the horrible night of 16th December 2012. That was the night when a 23 years old girl Jyoti Singh was brutally gang-raped in a bus going to Dwarka from Delhi and then thrown out of the moving bus. She could not bear the agony, insult, disgrace and certainly the physical injuries and died after fighting with death for more than twelve days on 29th December. Jyoti had a dream of becoming a physiotherapist but she did not have the required resources to fulfill her dream that is why she was working nights in an IBM call centre. Expectedly or unexpectedly, the incident received ever-worst reaction from the Indian society.
People thronged the roads and blocked the traffic in protest, against this brutality. The government had to take a seriously prompt action and the culprits behind the crime were arrested soon. Some analysts are of the opinion that this all was the result of an uncontrollable public pressure or reaction of the civil-society. But astonishing is the fact that the Indian civil society shows no such reaction when the ‘aggrieved’ ones are from the Indian–Held Kashmir. Particularly in case of Kunan-Poshpura rape incident, where more than 60 women lost their chastity, no one in Delhi or Mumbai thronged the streets in protest.
It seems that inwardly the Indian civil society has not accepted the people of Kashmir as a part of it but on the other hand the government of India keeps on harping on the same string, Kashmir is our Atoot Ang.” It is really a very strange contradiction that the people and the government are moving in two opposite directions in the matter of Kashmir.
Why are not the people of Kashmir given an independent choice of deciding their fate and their future; it is also an important question. Every 5th February, we the people of Pakistan try to make the world realize that the people of the Indian-Held Kashmir are a living nation; they must not be deprived of their right of self-determination.
නිදහස ලැබී වසර 30ක් යයි ජනාධිපති මෛත්රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතා විසින් ඊයේ නිදහස් දින උත්සවය අමතමින් කරන ලද ප්රකාශය සම්බන්ධයෙන් හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා ප්රතිචාර දැක්වීය.
ශ්රී ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණේ ජනරැළියක් අමතමින් රාජපක්ෂ මහතා අදහස් පල කල අයුරු සමාජ ජාලයන්හි වීඩියෝවක් මගින් පල කර ඇත්තේ මෙසේය.
https://www.facebook.com/118282528507832/videos/571180643218016/
Attention of the Local and International Monetary Institutions and reputed Economists has drawn on the statement made by President Sirisena to the Heads of Media Institutions on 6th January about the financial situation of the country. One of the statements he had made at this media gathering was that the previous government during the 10 years of its office had taken foreign loans amounting to 10 Trillion and out of this amount only One Trillion has been recorded as receipts. I re-checked about this statement with the official records of the Presidential media unit and got confirmed that the President has made this statement.
As per the Oxford Dictionary one Trillion is equivalent to one million of millions. To say it simply it is ten laks of ten lakses or one lak of ten millions. Although the previous government within its 10 years in office has obtained foreign loans amounting to 10 Trillion the President’s statement said that only One Trillion has been recorded and nine tenth of the loans was missing.
Given below are the details of foreign loans obtained during the 10 years of the previous government as announced by the Central Bank of Sri Lanka.:
Even if you take into account all the loans taken during the 66 years from 1948 to 2014 it does not come to Ten Trillions. The total comes to only Trillion 4.045. The foreign loans taken from 2006 to 2014 amounted to only Trillion 2.156. Accordingly, the statement that the previous government has taken foreign loans of Ten Trillions is totally untrue.
The second point is the statement that out of the 10 Trillions taken as foreign loans only one trillion has been recorded as government’s receipts. As 10 Trillions has not been taken there is no way getting recorded details of 09 Trillions in the Treasury records. The amount of Rs, 2.157 Trillions obtained as foreign loans by the previous government has been received from the governments of China, Japan, International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and Asian Development Bank. The International Monetary Fund releases the tranches of its loans only after ascertaining and getting satisfied that the amount given earlier has been fully utilized on the set objectives and there had been no violations of the condition stipulated. The previous government has obtained foreign loans only through diplomatic channels, international monetary institutions, and through international markets. Under such conditions it is not possible to utilize such loans without making proper entries in the official records. Therefore the second point also becomes a blatant lie.
On the other hand the mega projects implemented by the previous government such as Hambantota harbour, Mattala Airport, Expressways, main and provincial roads, have been recorded in the state properties register. If not it will not be possible for this government to sell some of these projects to foreign countries. In 05 years out of those 10 years the government had to spend on purchasing of attack aircrafts, frigates and arms to defeat the world’s ruthless terrorist organization. A major portion of foreign loans taken by any government is mainly utilized to cover the budget deficit. A major portion of foreign loans taken by the previous government from 2006 to 2014 has also been utilized to cover budget deficit and to make repayment of loan instalments. All these details have been recorded in the budgets, Central Bank Reports, and in the Government Loans Department.
President Sirisena in his aforementioned statement has also mentioned about the present government’s activities during the last three years as well. He has said that funds obtained from foreign institutions by the current government are being misused by the government. The present government is President Sirissena’s government. President is the Head of this government and the Prime Minister and the Minsters of the government are appointed by the President. If the government funds are being misused and if government’s revenue has been directed to private enterprises and if the President knows all such details he has the responsibility of immediately removing the concerned Ministers and take actions against them.
The amount of foreign loans obtained by the Mahinda Rajapaksa government during its 10 years was Rs. 2.157 Trillion. But the present government obtained Rs. 0.431, and Rs. 0.501 Trillion as foreign loans in 2015 and 2016 respectively. Official details of foreign loans obtained in the year 2017 are not available yet. But statistics relating to local and foreign loans that have been already released indicate that the loan amount for the year 2017 will be Rs. 10.4 Trillion. It was Rs. 7.4 Trillion in 2014. Accordingly the loans obtained for the three years amount to Rs. 3 Trillion. This is the massive loan amount taken by this country in its entire history in a short period.
Although it had taken such a massive loan amount the government could not launch any development project during the last three years. Due to election targeted salary increases made during the 100 days government and increase of interest rates due to the Treasury Bond Scams the government has to spend large sums as day to day expenses. Funds being received locally and from overseas are being used to cover day to day expenses. Even the money obtained by the sale of the Hambantota harbour had been unable to utilize for repayment of the loan taken to construct that harbour. As the loan remains as it is the money obtained from the sale has become necessary to cover government expenses.
It will become difficult to maintain credibility of the economic situation when government leaders make statements false and harmful to the country. When it is announced about the foreign loans taken by the country and said that 9/10th of that loan amount gone missing this information gets spread like wild fire throughout the world. It is this type of information that foreign institution use to decide about high corruption and unsuitability for investment in a country. These institutions consider statement of state leaders as factual and responsible statements. But those institutions do not know that such statements are being made due to political problems in a country, due to political destability in a country, and such statements are made without obtaining factual information.
Although cases were filed and remanded some people whoo were in the previous government and who held responsible posts and not connected with this government on charges such as misinformation in ID cards, misuse of vehicles, purchase of flag posts, printing of Almanacs, and so on no one has been charged so far for corruption and misuse of funds. If a matter like Treasury Bond Scams happened in a foreign country all those accused of having connection to it would have resigned. But no one resigned here. No one was presented to the Courts as well. It has become necessary to enquire why the judicial institutions in the Kaduwela area which remained open even in mid night are not being kept open now.
The outcome of spreading of election related falsehood will be that the people will have no way to ascertain the truth and arrive at right decisions. It has become quite clear now that stories spread during the 2015 election period about the golden horses, Lambogini cars, aeroplanes have become mere canards. Instead of that cases are being filed based on purchase of GI pipes. Nevertheless even in this election similar to the presidential election the old scandals are being repeated.
The President making a statement a few months ago said that a massive fraud has been carried out in the Nilwala project and said all details will be revealed within a few days. Minister Rajitha Senartne keeps on telling from the day this government came to power that all information has been received about money that had been deposited in Dubai Banks by Rajapaksas and they will soon be imprisoned. But nothing has happened. Despite that it has been decided by a Presidential Commission that Treasury Bond Scams have taken place and all those who have been accused mingle with the people as nothing has happened.
Senior Professor Sunanda Madduma Bandara
Economic Science Education Unit
Kelaniya University.
ජනවාරි 6 වන දින ජනාධිපති මෛත්රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතා රටේ ජනමාධ්ය ප්රධානීන් අමතා කළ ප්රකාශය පිළිබඳව දෙස් විදෙස් ආර්ථික විද්යාඥයන්ගේ සහ ජාත්යන්තර මූල්ය ආයතනවල අවධානය මේ වන විටත් යොමු වී ඇතැයි සිතිය හැක. එයට හේතුව එතුමා රටේ ආර්ථික කටයුතු පිළිබඳව ඉතා ආන්දෝලාත්මක කරුණු කිහිපයක්ම එම හමුවේදී අනාවරණය කර තිබූ බැවිනි. ඉන් එක ප්රකාශයක් පසුගිය රජය යටතේ අවුරුදු දහයක කාල පරිච්ෙඡ්දය තුළ ලබාගත් විදේශ ණය සම්බන්ධයෙනි.
පසුගිය රජය විසින් අවුරුදු දහයක කාලය තුළ රුපියල් ටි්රලියන 10 ක මුදලක් විදේශ ණය වශයෙන් ලබාගෙන ඇති නමුත් ඒවායින් රජයේ වත්කම් ලෙස ඇතුළත්ව ඇත්තේ ටි්රලියන එකක් පමණක් බව ද මහා භාණ්ඩාගාර ලේඛනවල ඉතිරි ටි්රලියන නවය පිළිබඳව ඇතුළත්ව නැතැයි ද ජනාධිපතිවරයා ප්රකාශ කළේය. මම මෙම ප්රකාශය නැවත වරක් ජනාධිපති මාධ්ය අංශයේ නිල ලේඛනවල පිරික්සා බැලූ අතර ඒවායින් ද ජනාධිපතිවරයා එම ප්රකාශය කර ඇති බව තහවුරු විය.
ටි්රලියනයක් යනු ඔක්සෆර්ඞ් විශ්වවිද්යාල ශබ්දකෝෂය අනුව මිලියනයේ ඒවා මිලියනයකි. තවත් සරලව ප්රකාශ කරන්නේ නම් රුපියල් දස ලක්ෂයේ ඒවා දස ලක්ෂයකි. එසේත් නැතිනම් කෝටි ලක්ෂයකි. පසුගිය රජය පසුගිය වසර 10 තුළ රුපියල් කෝටි ලක්ෂ දහයක ණය ලබාගෙන ඇතත් ඒවාට අදාළව මුදල් අමාත්යාංශයේ ලේඛනවල ඇතුළත්ව ඇත්තේ රුපියල් කෝටි ලක්ෂයක් පමණි. රජය ලබාගත් විදේශ ණය වලින් දහයෙන් එකක් අතුරුදහන්ව ඇතැයි එම ප්රකාශයෙන් කියවේ.
ශ්රී ලංකා මහ බැංකුව විසින් පසුගිය රජය පැවති වසර 10 තුළ ලබාගෙන ඇති ණය පිළිබඳව ප්රකාශයට පත්කර ඇති තොරතුරු වලට අනුව ශ්රී ලංකාව විසින් ලබාගෙන ඇති ණය ප්රමාණය පහත සඳහන් වේ.
ඒ අනුව 1948 වසරේ සිට 2014 වසර දක්වා අවුරුදු 66 ක කාල පරිච්ෙඡ්දය තුළ ලබාගෙන ඇති මු`ඵ ණය ප්රමාණය එකතු කළ ද ටි්රලියන 10 ක ණය මුදලක් ලබාගෙන නැත. ලබාගෙන ඇති සියලූ විදේශ ණය මුදල්වල එකතුව රුපියල් ටි්රලියන 4.045 කි. 2006 සිට 2014 දක්වා ලබාගෙන ඇති විදේශ ණය මුදල රුපියල් ටි්රලියන 2.157 කි. ඒ අනුව පසුගිය රජය විසින් රුපියල් ටි්රලියන 10 ක විදේශ ණය ලබාගෙන ඇතැයි යන ප්රකාශය සම්පූර්ණ අසත්යයක් බව පැහැදිලි වේ.
දෙවන කරුණ වන්නේ එම කාලය තුළ ලබාගත් ටි්රලියන 10 කින් රජයේ වත්කම් ලෙස සදහන් වන්නේ රුපියල් ටි්රලියනක මුදලක් පමණක්ය යන්නයි. ටි්රලියන 10 ක් ලබා ගෙන නැති බැවින් ටි්රලියන 09 ක වත්කම් මහා භාණ්ඩාගාර ලේඛනවල සටහන්වීමට කිසිදු හේතුවක් නැත. පසුගිය රජය විසින් ලබාගෙන ඇති ඉහතින් දැක්වූ රුපියල ටි්රලියන 2.157 ක මුදල ලබාදී ඇත්තේ චීන රජය, ජපන් රජය, ජාත්යන්තර මූල්ය අරමුදල, ලෝක බැංකුව සහ ආසියානු සංවර්ධන බැංකුව වැනි ආයතන විසිනි. ජාත්යන්තර මූල්ය අරමුදල ණය වාරික නිකුත් කරනු ලබන්නේ එක් වාරිකයක් නිකුත් කර එය නිසි පරිදි වැය කළේ ද ඊට අදාළව ඇති කරගත් කොන්දේසි ඉටු කළේ ද ආදී කරුණු හොඳින් පරික්ෂා කිරීමෙන් පසුවය. පසුගිය රජය විසින් ණය ලබාගෙන ඇත්තේ රාජ්ය තාන්ත්රික මාර්ග වලින්, ජාත්යන්තර මූල්ය ආයතන වලින් සහ ජාත්යන්තර මූල්ය වෙළෙඳපොළ ම`ගිනි. එවැනි තත්ත්වයක් තුළ කිසිදු මුදලක් රජයේ වත්කම් ලේඛන වල ඇතුළත් නොකර පරිහරණය කිරීමට නොහැකි වේ. එබැවින් දෙවන කරුණ ද සම්පූර්ණ අසත්යක් බව පැහැදිලි වේ.
අනෙක් අතට පසුගිය රජයේ දස අවුරුදු කාලයේ හම්බන්තොට වරාය, මත්තල ගුවන් තොටුපල, අධිවේගී මාර්ග, ප්රධාන සහ පළාත් මාර්ග ආදී මහ පරිමාණ යෝජනා ක්රම රාජ්ය වත්කම් ලේඛනයට ඇතුළත් වී ඇති බව නිශ්චිතය. එසේ නොවන්නට එම වත්කම් වලින් සමහරක් විදේශ රටවලට අලෙවි කරන්නට මේ රජයට හැකි වන්නේ නැත. එම වසර දහයෙන් පහක් යුද්ධය වෙනුවෙන් යෙදවීමට සිදු වූ අතර ලොව දරුණුම ත්රස්තවාදි සංවිධානය පරාජය කිරීම සඳහා ප්රහාරක යානා, නැව් සහ අවි ආයුධ ආදිය මිලට ගැනීමට සිදු විය. ඕනෑම රජයක් ලබාගන්නා ණය මුදල් වැඩි වශයෙන්ම යොදාගනු ලබන්නේ අයවැය හි`ගය පියවීම සඳහාය. 2006 වසරේ සිට 2014 දක්වා කාලය තුළ රජය විසින් ලබාගත් ණය මුදල් වලින් සැලකියයුතු ප්රමාණයක් අයවැය හි`ගය පියවාගැනීම සඳහා ද ණය ගෙවීම් සඳහා ද යොදාගෙන ඇත. ඒ සියල්ල අයවැය ලේඛනය, මහ බැංකු ගිණුම් වාර්තා, රාජ්ය ණය දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ ගිණුම් වාර්තා ආදියෙහි ලේඛනගත කර ඇත.
ජනාධිපති මෛත්රිපාල සිරිසේන මහතාගේ ඉහත සඳහන් ප්රකාශයේදී පසුගිය වසර තුන තුළ වත්මන් රජයේ ක්රියා පිළිවෙත සම්බන්ධයෙන් ද සඳහන් කර තිබේ. ලබාගත් විදේශ අරමුදල්වලින් විශාල ප්රමාණයක් අයථා අන්දමින් යොදාගන්නා බවද, පුද්ගලික ව්යාපාරික ආයතනවලට රජයේ ආදායම යොමු කර ඇතැයි ද ජනාධිපතිවරයා විසින් ප්රකාශ කර ඇත. වත්මන් රජය යනු මෛත්රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතාගේ රජයයි. එහි ප්රධානියා ද ජනාධිපතිවරයා වන අතර අගමැති සහ මැති ඇමතිවරු පත්කරනු ලබනනේද ජනාධිපතිවරයා විසිනි. එවැනි තත්ත්වයක් තුළ රජයේ ආදායම අයථා ලෙස භාවිතා කර ඇත්නම් හෝ ඒවා පුද්ගලික අංශයේ ව්යාපාර ආයතනවලට යවා ඇත්නම් සහ ඒ පිළිබඳව තොරතුරු ජනාධිපතිවරයා මේ තරමට දන්නේ නම් ඒවාට වගකිව යුතු මැති ඇමතිවරු සහ නිලධාරීන් එම තනතුරු වලින් ඉවත් කර වහාම ඔවුන්ට එරෙහිව කටයුතු කිරීමේ වගකීම ජනාධිපතිවරයාට පැවරේ.
මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ රජයේ වසර 10 ක කාලය තුළදී ලබාගත් මු`ඵ විදේශ ණය ප්රමාණය ටි්රලියන වලින් සඳහන් කරන්නේ නම්, රුපියල් ටි්රලියන 2.157 කි. එහෙත් වත්මන් රජය 2015 දී පමණක් විදේශ ණය වශයෙන් රුපියල් ටි්රලියන 0.431 ලබාගත්තේය 2016 දී රුපියල් ටි්රලියන 0.501 ක ණය ලබාගත්තේය. 2017 දී ලබාගත් මු`ඵ විදේශ ණය ප්රමාණය පිළිබද නිළ සංඛ්යා ලේඛන තවමත් නිකුත් වී නැත. එහෙත් දැනට නිකුත් වී ඇති දේශීය සහ විදේශීය ණය ඇතුළත් මුලූ ණය ප්රමාණය පිළිබද සංඛ්යාලේඛන අනුව 2017 වසරේ මුලූ ණය ප්රමාණය රුපියල් ටි්රලියන 10.4 කි. 2014 දී එය රුපියල් ටි්රලියන 7.4 ක් විය. වසර තුනට ලබාගෙන ඇති ණය ප්රමාණය රුපියල් ටි්රලියන තුනකි. මෙය මෙරට ඉතිහාසයේ කෙටි කලක් තුලදී ලබාගත් විශාලතම ණය කන්දරාවයි.
මේසා විශාල මුදල් ප්රමාණයක් ණයට ගෙන තිබුණ ද පසුගිය වසර 3 ක කාලය තුළ දී කිසිදු සංවර්ධන ව්යාපෘතියක් ආරම්භ කිරීමට රජයට නොහැකි විය. දින සියයේ වැඩසටහන යටතේ වැටුප් වැඩි කිරීම වැනි ඡුන්දය අරමුණු කරගෙන කි්රයාත්මක කළ යෝජනා නිසා ද බැදුම්කර වංචාව හේතුවෙන් පොලි ප්රමාණය ඉහළ යෑම නිසාද රජයට එදිනෙදා වියදම වෙනුවෙන් අති විශාල මුදලක් වැයකිරීමට සිදුව තිබේ. විදේශීය වශයෙන් මෙන් ම දේශිය වශයෙන් ද ලබා ගන්නා අරමුදල් යොදවනුයේ එදිනෙදා වියදම් පියවා ගැනිමටය. අඩුම තරමින් හම්බන්තොට වරාය අලෙවි කර ලබා ගත් අරමුදල් හෝ එම වරාය ඉදි කිරීම සදහා ලබාගත් ණය පියවීමටවත් යොදා ගැනීමට නොහැකි වී ඇත. එම ණය එසේම තිබිය දී ලබා ගත් මුදල් රජයේ වියදම් වෙනුවෙන් වැය කිරීමට සිදුව තිබේ.
රජයේ ඉහළ ම නායකයන්ගෙන් සත්ය නොවන සහ රටට හානිකර ප්රකාශ සිදුවන විට ආර්ථිකය පිළිබ`ද විශ්වාසනීයත්වය පවත්වාගෙන යාම දුෂ්කර වනු ඇත. රට ලබා ගෙන නැති විදේශ ණය ප්රමාණයක් දැක්වීම, ඉන් 10න් 9ක් රටට ලැබී නැතැයි ප්රකාශ වීම හේතුවෙන් එම තොරතුරු ඉතා ඉක්මනින් විදේශවල ප්රචාරය වේ. රට ආයෝජනවලට අහිතකර වී ඇතැයි ද දුෂණය අතින් ඉහළ තත්ත්වයකට පත්ව ඇතැයි ද වැනි නිගමන වලට එළඹිම ස`දහා රටවල් සහ ආයතන ආධාර කරගනු ලබන්නේ මෙවැනි ප්රකාශයන්ය. රාජ්ය නායකයන්ගෙන් ප්රකාශ වන සමහර තොරතුරු වගකීම් සහිත ප්රකාශන ලෙස එවැනිි ආයතන භාරගනී. එහෙත් රටතුළ පවතින දේශපාලන අර්බුද නිසාත් අස්ථාවරභාවය නිසාත් රජයේ පාර්ශව අතර එක`ගතාවක් නොමැතිවීම නිසාත් නිසි තොරතුරු ලබා ගැනීමකින් තොර ව මෙවැනි ප්රකාශන ඉදිරිපත් කෙරෙන බවක් එම ආයතන දන්නේ නැත.
පසුගිය රජයේ මැති ඇමති තනතුරු දැරූ, යහපාලනයට සම්බන්ධ නොවු අයගේ හැදුනුම්පත්වල තොරතුරු වැරදි වීම, වාහන අව භාවිතය, කොඩිකණු මිලට ගැනීම, ලිත් ගැසීම වැනි වැරදි සදහා නඩු පවරා රිමාන්ඞ් කර ඇතත් සැලකිය යුතු මුදල් වංචාවක් සිදු වූ බවට නඩු පැවරීමක් සිදුව නැත. බැදුම්කර වංචාව වැනි දෙයක් විදේශ රටක සිදු වුයේ නම් සම්බන්ධ බවට චෝදනා එල්ල වී ඇති සියලූ දෙනා ම ඉල්ලා අස්වීම සිදුවනු ඇත. එහෙත් කිසිවකු ඉල්ලා අස් වුයේ නැත. කිසිවකු උසාවිය වෙත ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමක් සිදු වුයේ නැත. මහා රාත්රියේ නිවාඩු දිනවල විවෘත ව තිබු කඩුවෙල පැත්තේ අධිකරණ ආයතන දැන් විවෘත නොවන්නේ ඇයිද යන්න විමසිය යුතුව ඇත.
මැතිවරණ අරමුණ කරගෙන බොරු ප්රචාරය කර හැරීමේ අවසන් ප්රතිඵලය වන්නේ 
මහජනතාවට තීරණවලට එළඹීමට හෝ සත්යතාව මැනගැනීම සඳහා අවකාශයක් නොලැබීමයි. 2015 ජනාධිපතිවරණය සමයේදී ප්රචාරය කළ ලැම්බෝ ගිනි, රත්තරන් අශ්වයන්, ගුවන් යානා ආදී සියල්ල අසත්ය බව දැන් පැහැදිලි වී ඇත. ඒ වෙනුවට GI පයිප්ප මිලදී ගැනීම වැනි කරුණු මුල් කරගෙන නඩු දමනු ලැබේ. එසේ වුවද, ජනාධිපතිවරණයේදී මෙන්ම මෙම මැතිවරණයේදී ද පැරණි අවලාද නැවත නැවතත් ඉදිරිපත් කෙරේ.
ජනාධිපතිවරයා මාස කිහිපයකට පෙර ප්රකාශයක් කරමින් නිල්වලා ගඟ ව්යාපෘතියෙන් විශාල වංචාවක් කර ඇතැයි ද ඒ සිය`ඵ තොරතුරු දින කිහිපයකින් හෙළිකරන බවද ප්රකාශ කළේය. රාජිත සේනාරත්න ඇමතිවරයා මේ රජය බලයට පත් වූ දිනයේ සිටම ඩුබායි බැංකුවල ඇති රාජපක්ෂවරුන්ගේ මුදල් පිළිබඳ තොරතුරු සියල්ල ලැබී ඇතැයි ද වහාම ඔවුන් සිරේ දමන බවද ප්රකාශ කරයි. එහෙත් ඒ කිසිවක් සිදුව නැත. ඒ අතරම බැ`දුම්කර ම`ගින් මහ බැංකු මංකොල්ලයක් සිදුව ඇතැයි ජනාධිපති කොමිසමකින් තීරණය කර තිබියදී චෝදනා එල්ල වන අය කිසිවක් සිදු නොවූවා සේ මහජනතාව ඉදිරියේ සැරිසරති.
ජ්යෙෂ්ඨ මාහාචාර්ය සුනන්ද මද්දුමබණ්ඩාර
කැලණිය විශ්වවිද්යාලයේ ආර්ථික විද්යා අධ්යයන අංශය
February 4, 2018, 9:16 pm
My title, in no way, is intended to cast aspersions on the good people of Raigama or Gampola but simply to remind the readers of a folk tale; one that is supposed to have happened during the time of Sinhala kings which came to my mind watching the antics of our two great leaders. Raigamaya and Gampolaya were traders, friends but competitors, who went from village to village selling betel leaves and arecanuts. Each, without knowing what the other was up to, decided to gain unfair advantage by cheating with substitution and hoping the other would sell the substituted product. Raigamaya substituted pepper leaves for betel and Gampolaya substituted ‘Domba’ nuts for arecanuts. They met for the night, before their travels the next day, and after sleeping in an ‘ambalama’ left in the morning taking the other’s bag. It did not take long for them to realise that they had only fooled each other. Is this not what is happening with the President and Prime Minister? Perhaps not, as they do not seem to have realised that they are fooling each other; instead, they seem convinced that they can continue to fool the voters!
Even thirty years of terrorism, not even the warnings of the international ‘do-gooders’ that ‘mighty’ Prabakaran could not be defeated militarily, could cause unity between the two major political parties. In fact, the only support the UNP offered were sarcastic comments in the Parliament, disparaging not only the Government that was attempting to defeat terrorism but also members of our services who were achieving it, sacrificing limb and life. But, to grab power, a grand coalition was formed and grand thefts occurred. Having disappointed all those who craved for good governance, they held off elections as long as feasible, using every trick of the political trade. Now that the inevitable expression of franchise is, at last, upon the voter, the two leaders and their minions blame each other, in order to get votes.
The President, guilty of dissolving parliament enabling the second, bigger, bond-scam, has extricated himself to some extent by appointing the Presidential Commission. As George Orwell showed in ‘Animal Farm’ that not all animals are equal, our politicians have shown that not all politicians are equal. A Commission, whose workings were exemplary, was tainted at the last lap when the Attorney General stepped in to have ‘a friendly chat’ with the Prime Minister instead of cross-examining him or allowing the team that did an excellent job to do so. Rather than using his power to sack the errant, the President uses his powers to supress women, in the guise that he is protecting women. If alcohol is bad why not ban it for all, not only women. The President is behaving more like a medieval religious leader than an elected democrat! Sorry, I forgot; he referred to bond scammers as pick pockets but then, he did not have guts to name them.
Meanwhile, the Prime Minister, who mocked the opposition referring to James Bond when the issue of the bond scam was raised initially and then behaved disgracefully as a rabble rouser in Parliament, goes on appointing committees of henchmen entrusted with the task of clearing the names of his flock. He seems to have lost all sense, not even understanding the concept of conflict of interest. May be, he is smarter; knowing that there is a UNP ‘block-vote’, he knows he can continue to fudge over issues. His supporters can always point out that he acted with firmness: getting the assistant leader of the party to step down though it was done when nothing else was feasible! What a joke ‘Yahapalana’ has become!!
Talking about jokers, the two jokers in the pack never fail to entertain. Mangala Samaraweera accused Mahinda Rajapaksa of an attempted coup but he was not charged for treason. Mangala then went to Geneva as our Foreign Minister and co-sponsored a resolution against the country he was representing! I could not help bursting out in laughter when I saw a video-clip of the Saudi Arabian Ambassador to the UN, after announcing that his government has allowed women to drive, starting to clap without any others joining, perhaps, because they knew that Saudi Arabia was the last country in the world to do so. To his credit, he was doing what was expected of him by his country whereas our Foreign Minister was serving the international community. Perhaps, having realised there are no steps left for him in the political ladder in Sri Lanka, Mangala may be aiming at a UN appointment. While I fully support his decision to equate women to men as far as alcohol is concerned, I cannot understand why he did not respond when the President reversed hisdecision. Surely, he should have resigned but, then, resignations on matters of principle is a long-lost art in Sri Lankan politics. It was recently reported that a minister in the British House of Lords tendered his resignation from government because he got late, by a few minutes, to arrive in Lords, to answer questions. Theresa May had refused to accept the resignation as Lords from both sides of the House had wanted him to stay, as he is an effective minister. Can we even dream of achieving this degree of integrity?
Rajitha Senaratna, who has put monkeys to shame by the way he jumps from side-to-side, never fails to surprise. He has announced that Gotabaya Rajapaksa will be jailed just after the elections. As the cabinet spokesman, is he conveying a cabinet decision? When did the cabinet or the honourable minister assume the duties of a law-enforcement authority? Whatever crimes Rajapaksas committed should be punished but that should be done in the proper way, not by political decisions. Had Rajitha done this in an attempt to sway the voters, then the elections commission should take action. It is highly irregular for ministers to make pronouncements about jailing people, worst of all, during an election campaign. May be there will be an unintended consequence to this foolhardy act; do hope voters will get wiser!
There was a time, a very long time at that, we, as Sri Lankan were anxious about our country. Then there was a short period when we could justly be proud and hold our heads high; after all, we achieved something no other country achieved, eradicating terrorism. Now we are in a phase where we are ashamed of ourselves, simply because of the misdeeds of our politicians; Yamapalanaya more than a Yahapalanaya!
As Sri Lanka marks the 70th Anniversary of the British departure from her shores on February 4 we wonder whether we have paved the way for the emergence over the decades of corrupt and blundering rulers from among our own politicians to replace the old colonial masters, in the name of independence and democracy.
To cap it all we have seen the failure of our supposedly national leaders to get rid of their slavish colonial mentality for the past 20 years. The first display of this servility was inviting England’s Prince Charles as the chief guest at our 50th ‘independence’ anniversary celebrations – 26 years after we became a republic. Thereafter an attempt was made to celebrate the 500th Anniversary of the arrival of the Portuguese in the country. Fortunately, the government which planned the celebrations lost the Parliamentary election of 2005.
Now our leaders have invited another member of the British royalty, Prince Edward as the chief guest at the February 4th event. Why could not our rulers invite the head of state of a neighbouring country for this? If they wanted royalty to grace the occasion why could not they invite a member of the Thai or Bhutanese royal family? Merely because Sri Lanka is a member of the Commonwealth she is not bound to invite a member of the British royalty.
It is in this context we need to discuss the ‘meaning’ of Sunday’s celebrations.
Without understanding the different periods of European occupations this country since 1505 we can never understand the struggle against colonialism, which culminated with the fall of the Kandyan kingdom in 1815.
All the foreign invasions prior to the Portuguese encounter caused mainly physical and material destruction and political upheavals. There were no vast differences between the religious cultures, traditions and values of the invaders and those of the people of this country.
The entry of European adventurers to Asia changed all that. In addition to the loss of life and property it had a destructive impact on all spiritual beliefs and knowledge the conquered peoples had inherited from their ancestors. Sri Lankans were no exception. They were subjected to brainwashing by the colonialists in a way that no non-European invader did. (This servility is still reflected in many Sinhalas who have become ignorant of their roots including language)
We cannot see the true picture of this without demolishing the myth of the bloodless struggle for independence.” This was spread by ‘Uncle Toms’ who wanted to indirectly create the impression that the real freedom fighters were those who campaigned for constitutional reforms and convinced the British to give the country dominion status (supposedly independent but still attached to the British crown under which foreign policy was executed).
These slavish leaders hardly paid attention neither to the blood sacrifices of our forefathers up to 1848 nor to the fact that the country gradually began losing its independence and identity 300 years before the British the occupation.
Our true independence struggle began with the arrival of European armies, starting with the Portuguese. Veediya Bandara, Seethawaka Rajasinghe (Rajasinghe I), Vimaladharmasuriya I and Rajasinghe II were among the pioneers who led that armed struggle. Thanks to their efforts we were able to preserve our national and cultural identity to a considerable extent though our country eventually capitulated to the British, primarily due to the treachery and stupidity of some members of the Kandyan aristocracy.
If not for the aforementioned heroes this island would have ended up like the former Spanish colony, Philippines – an Asian aberration – almost totally uprooted from its Asian cultural roots. In fact that is what Sinhala traitors like Don Juan Dharmapala (who willed his kingdom to the King of Portugal) wanted Sri Lanka to become.
The second stage of our freedom campaign began after the fall of the Kandyan kingdom. In the two armed uprisings of 1818 and 1848 patriots like Monarawila Keppettipola, Puran Appu and Gongalegoda Banda sacrificed their lives fighting against British imperialism.
After 1848 their mantle was taken up by personalities like Ven. Miggettuwatte Gunananda, Walisnghe Harischandra and Anagarika Dharmapala on a cultural level, spearheading a strong movement for revival of Buddhist rights and values.
Politically however there was neither violent nor non-violent freedom struggles (like the civil disobedience campaigns of Mahathma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr.) though some leaders were imprisoned by the British merely on suspicion during the communal riots of 1915.
The situation was different in the neighbouring subcontinent, where the British established ‘India’ (later to break up into three nations). From the anti-British Indian (sepoy) mutiny which broke out in 1857 to the time the British gave up the colony in 1947 the country experienced both armed struggles and non-violent civil disobedience campaigns causing much bloodshed and executions of freedom fighters. The last of these uprisings was the Royal Indian Navy mutiny of 1946.
However most of these campaigns did not cause noticeable cracks in Britain’s Empire on which ‘the sun never set.’ It was external factors that really forced the British to change their minds (these are hardly taught in Sri Lankan history books)
The event that heralded the beginning of the end of British imperialism, sooner than expected was the outbreak of war between Britain and Germany on September 3, 1939. Two years later it became World War II with Japan’s entry to the conflict following her attack on the American naval fleet in Pearl Harbour.
The national leaders of India and Myanmar decided to exploit the situation to the maximum. According to the late Indian author Kushwant Singh the dilemma the Indians faced at the time was whether to give their unstinted support to Britain in the war and pressure the British to give independence afterwards or to first declare independence (the Quit India movement) and then offer support to the British. The latter could not afford to face the war without Indian support. At the time it also meant the support of those in today’s Pakistan and Bangladesh. Soldiers belonging to various ethnic groups in the British-Indian Army were fighting in the Middle-East, Europe and Asia.
Elsewhere Indian (Bengali) nationalist Subhas Chandra Bose and Myanmar’s General Aung San (father of Aung San Suu Kyi) had formed armies with Japanese support to fight the British. (Japan’s early successes in the war shattered the myth of the white man’s superiority over the ‘coloured’ races).
All these developments weakened Britain’s hold on the colonies and drained her economy despite the eventual defeat of the Axis Powers, Germany, Italy and Japan in the war. Consequently, the British were no longer in a position to maintain her Asian empire.
When they lost the Indian subcontinent (their ‘jewel in the crown’) there was little purpose in keeping Sri Lanka as a colony.
However since 1983 the island has been opened once again to foreign meddling, this time by the so-called international community, which includes our last colonial master. With a set of cowardly rulers at the helm the process will no doubt be accelerated.
 |
| The ‘Welcome Committee of British Royals’ |
The total loss incurred by the Employment Providence Fund (EPF) due to the bond scam alone is over Rs 26 billion, Center for Human Rights (CHR) Executive Director Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon said yesterday addressing a press conference at Rajagiriya.
Referring to a report prepared by former Chief Executive Officer (CEO) Kasun Palisena, who was arrested yesterday, Tennakoon added that the EPF had suffered that loss due to seven transactions made by Perpetual Treasuries Pvt Ltd. “In the report Palisena prepared, he neither revealed prices paid by Perpetual Treasuries to purchase bonds nor the prices they resold the bonds. But using the reference numbers he provided we did some digging and we found that the loss incurred by the EPF alone is Rs 26 billion.”
Tennakoon added that from the transaction, LKB 02035 C155, alone Perpetual Treasuries made a profit of Rs. 2.66 billion. For the seven transactions Perpetual Treasuries spent Rs. 52.82 billion and resold the bonds to EPF, within four and five days, at Rs. 79.14 billion.
Senior Banker Rusiripala Tennakoon, who also addressed the press briefing said that, based on this new evidence, the total loss incurred by the bond scam is far greater than Rs. 12 billion estimated by the Auditor General and the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI).
If our motherland is fortunate to have a government in future, with leaders who are upright and patriotic, it should, as a priority, take action to inquire into human rights violations and economic devastation caused to our people and our motherland during the British colonial rule.
Based upon findings, the government should call upon the Government of the United Kingdom to pay compensation for atrocities committed by the British during their rule in Sri Lanka, then Ceylon.
There is ample documentary and other evidence available that vividly reveal the most barbaric manner in which our people were treated by the racist British.
In addition, the Sri Lankan Government should call upon the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs of the United Kingdom to initiate such an inquiry and display their genuineness on accountability in such matters.
British War Crimes In Sri Lanka
All colonial powers associated with our motherland, in the past, are guilty of serious war crimes of acute proportions. The British were the worst of them all. The British occupation of Sri Lanka was not only gravely crime-prone, but one of sheer treachery, exploitation and devastation of our country and people.
Their motive was the exploitation of the country’s natural and human resources to the fullest, in order to reap benefits for the British government. They installed a well-planned program of activities in Sri Lanka, for a continuous period of about 150 years, which led to the greatest damage to the country’s social cohesion, unity and dignity.
Their ‘divide and rule’ policy of providing special privileges to Tamils and setting the Tamils against the Sinhala people was definitely the beginning of racist Tamil ethnic and terrorist problems in Sri Lanka.
Perhaps there was no other time in the long history of Sri Lanka that so much of blood was shed by the Sinhala people to free the country from British crime and oppression.
Prior to the Kandyan Convention of 1815, thousands upon thousands of Sinhala people sacrificed their lives to free the country from colonial repression. More were killed by the British during the rebellion of 1818 and 1848. During the Kandyan rebellion of 1818, every man over 14 years was ordered by the British to be killed and some sixty thousand Sinhala people were massacred.
Among the large number of local leaders annihilated by the British, the better known were Veera Keppetipola, Veera Puran Appu and Veera Gongalegoda Banda.
This is the story of war crimes of the British in Sri Lanka, but similar or much worse war crimes have been committed by this monstrous nation globally – in Africa, South and North Americas and other Asian countries in the past.
රැකියා විරහිත උපාධිධාරී සංගමයේ කැදවුම්කරු තැන්නේ ඥාණානන්ද හිමියන්ට තර්ජනය කර පහරදීමට තැත් කළ ඌව මහ ඇමතිවරයා වහා එම තනතුරෙන් ඉවත් කරන ලෙස කැෆේ ඇතුළු මානව හිමිකම් සංවිධාන ජනාධිපතිවරයා වෙත විවෘත ඉල්ලීමක් සිදු කරයි.
ඒකාබද්ධ රැකියා විරහිත උපාධිධාරී සංගමය ඌව පළාත් ගුරු විභාග සමතුන් දැනට පවත්නා පුරප්පාඩු සදහා බදවාගන්නා ලෙස සිදු කළ උද්ඝෝෂණය අතරතුර මහ ඇමතිවරයා විසින් තැන්නේ ඥාණානන්ද හිමියන්ට පහරදීමක් සිදු කර ඇත. ඌව පළාත් සභා ගොඩනැගිල්ලේ දී මෙම පහරදීම සිදුවන විට මාද්යවේදීන් ද එම ස්ථානයේ සිටි නමුත් මෙම සිදුවීම ඔවුන් වාර්තා කර නැත. එයට හේතුවී ඇත්තේ එම වාර්තාකරුවන් පළාත් සභාවේ වැටුප් ලබන්නන් වීමය.
විදුහල්පතිනිය දණගැස්සවීව හා භික්ෂුන්වහන්සේ නමකට පහරදීම පිළිබද චෝදනා එල්ල වී ඇති ඌව මහ ඇමති වහා එම තනතුරෙන් ඉවත් කළ යුතුයැයි, කැෆේ සංවිධානය ජනාධිපතිවරයාගෙන් විවෘත ඉල්ලීමක් සිදු කරයි.
උද්ඝෝෂණයෙන් පසුව ප්රධාන අමාත්යවරයා හමුවීමට ඔහුගේ කාර්යාලය ගිය අවස්ථාවේ දී මෙම තර්ජනය හා පහරදීම සිදුව ඇත. ඌව පළාත් ප්රධාන අමාත්යවරයා විදුහල්පතිනිය දණ ගැස්සවීමේ සිද්ධිය හෙළිදරව්වීමෙන් පසුව ඔහු විසින් සිදු කළ තවත් මෙවැනි තර්ජන හා බැනවැදීම් කිහිපයකට සම්බන්ධ තොරතුරු මේ වන විට හෙළි වී ඇත.
සිද්ධිය පිළිබද කිසිදු සාක්ෂියක් නොමැතිවීමත්, ජංගම දුරකථනයක් මගින් සිදුකළ පටිගත කිරීම මකා දැමීමත් හේතුවෙන් මෙම සිදුවීම යටපත් විය. ගුරුවරියන් දණගස්වන, භික්ෂුන්වහන්සේලාට පවා බැනවැදී තර්ජනය කර පහරදීමට ඉදිරිපත් වන අයෙකු මහ ඇමති ධූරයට කිසි ලෙසකින්ම සුදුසු නොවන බැවින් ඔහු වහා එම ධූරයෙන් ඉවත් කිරීමට කටයුතු කිරීම ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ වගකීමක් බව කැෆේ සංවිධානය අවධාරණය කරයි.
කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්
2018 පෙබරවාරි 4
කසුන් පලිහේන ඔහුගේ බේරුමට සැකසූ වාර්තාව බැදුම්කර වාර්තාවේ සත්ය අනාවරණය කරයි. ගණුදෙනු 7 කින් සේවක අර්ථසාධකයට පමණක් පාඩුව රු. බිලියන 26 යි. කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් පුවත්පත් සාකච්ඡාවක දී කියයි.
බෑනා ගේ සමාගමේ විධායක අධ්යක්ෂ පලිසේන විසින් හෙළි කළ තොරතුරු අනුව එම සමාගම විසින් ගණුදෙනු 7 ක් තුලින් සේවක අර්ථසාධක අරමුදලට රු. බිලියන 26 ක පාඩුවක් සිදු කර ඇතැයි දැන් හෙළිවන බව ශ්රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්රයේ විධායක අධ්යක්ෂ කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් මහතා පැවසීය.
කොමිසම හමුවේ හෙළි වූ ලෙස කසුන් පළිසේන ගේ බෝසන් එක රුපියල් මිලියන 10 කි. ඔහු කොමිසමට බොරු කිව්වේ, සේවක අර්ථසාධක අරමුදලේ නිලධාරීන්ට අල්ලස් දුන්නේ, දුරකතන සංවාද මැකුවේ, පරිගණක දත්ත මකා දැමුවේ ආණ්ඩුවට ලාබ කරන්නට යැයි කසුන් පළිහේන විසින් වාර්තාවක් ලියා ඇත. ඒ පෙබ. 6 දින පාර්ලිමේන්තු විවාදයට බැදුම්කර වංචාවක් සිදු නොවූ බව කියන්නටය. ඔහුගේ මේ කථාව පට්ටපල් බොරුවක් බව අද හෙළි වී ඇත.
පලිසේන විසින් සකස් කළ ව්යාජ වාර්තාවේ පර්පචුවල් සමාගම බැදුම්කර මිලදී ගත් හා විකුණු මුදල සදහන් නොවේ. අපි ඒ අංක අනුව යමින් මෙම බැදුම්කර මිලදී ගත් මුදල හා විකුණු මුදල සොයා ගනු ලැබීවා. ඒ අනුව, සේවක අර්ථ සාධක අරමුදල විසින් සිදු කළ ගණුදෙනු 7 ක් මගින් පමණක් මේ රටේ වැඩකරන ජනතාවට රු. බිලියන 26 ක් බව රුසිරිපාල තෙන්නකෝන් හා කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් යන මහත්වරු හෙළි කළේ අද රාජගිරියේ පැවති පුවත් පත් සාකච්ඡාවක දී ය.
පලිසේන විසින් සැකසූ ව්යාජ වාර්තාවේ දැක්වෙන්නේ LKB 02035 C155 අංකය යටතේ සිදු වූ ගණුදෙනුව මගින් සේවක අර්ථ සාධක අරමුදලට ලභායක් ලැබී ඇති බවයි. එය පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්රීවරුන් නොමග යැවීමට සකස් කර ඇති මෙම ලේඛනය පට්ටපල් බොරුවකි.
පලිසේන රු. 100 කට ඉලක්කම් දක්වා ඇති නමුත් එහි බැදුම්කර 6100 ක් මිලදී ගෙන ඇත්තේ රු. 73 ක මුදලකට ය. ඒ සදහා පර්පචුවල් සමාගම රු. මිලියන 4453 ක් ගෙවා ඇත. රු. 73 කට ගත් බැදුම්කරය සතියක් තුල රු. 116 ට එනම් රු. 43 ක ලාභයක් ඇතිව සේවක අර්ථ සාධක අරමුදලට විකුණා ඇත. අංක LKB 02035 C155 ගණුදෙනුව මගින් පමණක් පලිසේන ගේ සමාගම ලබා ඇති ලාභය රු. මිලියන 2669 කි.
කසුන් පලිසේන සිය වාර්තාවෙන් ඔහු පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්රීවරුන්ට කියන්නේ බැදුම්කර රු. 100 බැගින් ගත් බවකි. සත්ය නම් එම ගණුදෙනු 7 හි ISIN අංක මේ සමග ඇත. මේ ගනුදෙනු 7 සදහා පර්පචුවල් සමාගය වැය කළ මුදල රු. මිලියන 52826 කි. දින 4-5 ක් තුල ඔවුන් එය සේවක අර්ථ සාධක අරමුදලට විකුණා ලැබූ ලාභය රු. මිලියන 79146 කි. ඒ අනුව, මේ ගනුදෙනු 7 න් පමණක් බෑනා ගේ සමාගම ලැබූ ලාභය බිලියන 26 කි.
එයින් ගම්ය වන්නේ මෙම වංචාවේ සැබෑ පාඩුව විගණකාධිපති හෙළි කළ අයුරින් බිලයන 12 ක් හෝ කොමිසම හෙළි කළ අන්දමින් බිලියන 11.4 ක් නොවන බව එයට වඩා විශාල බවයි. හෙට දිනයේ ශ්රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්රය විසින් මේ පිළිබද සවිස්තර වාර්තාවක් නිකුත් කරන බව ද රැසිරිපාල හා කීර්ති මහත්වරුන් පැවසූහ.
Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon
Executive Director/CaFFE
Executive Director/CHR-Sri Lanka
The public are starving while the govt.’s concern is on dances – Mahinda (English)
Former Sri Lankan Ambassador to Russia Udayanga Weeratunga had been reportedly detained at the Dubai Airport this morning, while in transit to the United States, sources said.
He was to be handed over to the Dubai Police by the immigration officers.
Udayanga Weeratunga, Sri Lanka’s former envoy to Russia was accused of being the centre of a probe into the acquisition of MiG-27 fighter jets from Ukraine, while he was also accused of supplying weapons to anti-Government forces.
Interpol arrest warrant was taken in October 2016 following an FCID request made to the Colombo Fort Magistrate.
On January 04, 2017 Colombo Fort Magistrate Lanka Jayaratne ordered to suspend the transactions of 16 bank accounts with a balance of USD 1.5 million funds kept by Mr Weeratunga over the inquiry conducted into the huge financial loss caused to the Government in the purchase of Ukraine-built MIG-27 aircraft in 2006.
Fort Magistrate Lanka Jayaratne on January 19 directed Attanagalle and Colombo Land Registrars to prevent the sale of Udayanga Weeratunga’s properties found by the FCID, where Rs.40 million and a one-acre land worth of Rs.25 million in Dompe and a luxury apartment (Trillium Residencies) worth Rs.29 million in Borella.
On August 21, 2017, Weeratunga’s request to annul the arrest order was rejected by Magistrate Lanka Jayaratne.
However, Police sources told the Daily Mirror that although Mr Weeratunga was detained at the Dubai Airport it would take a considerable period to return him to country due to diplomatic and legal concerns. (Thilanka Kanakarathna)
The Foreign Affairs Ministry and the British High Commission today said the document which is currently being circulated purporting to be a guide in ‘royal etiquette’ issued by a ‘Welcome Committee of British Royals’, was false.
In a joint statement, the ministry and the High Commission said no such committee has been constituted by either.
A document with the heading ‘Welcome Committee of British Royals’ which stipulated 18 guidelines to be followed when welcoming the visiting Earl and Countess of Wessex, is being circulated in social media.
The document has been signed by one D.F.P de Mel who is the supposed committee’s secretary.
The document which is being circulated
With President Maithripala Sirisena continuing to openly criticize the acts of his main coalition partner United National Party (UNP) – which many believe as an act designed to save his face and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) in the run-up to the Local Government Elections – Speaker Karu Jayasuriya who met the former at his official residence at the Paget Road, Colombo 7 has requested the President to mind his tongue as his utterance could bring serious blows to the economy in the long run.
Jayasuriya in his diplomatic way has pointed it to the President that more he engage in attacking his government ally more damage he brings it upon himself.
“Several parties, especially the business community, the investors and foreign delegates have voiced their concerns about the verbal battle between the UNP and the President. This is not good for the country. Risk of losing faith in the Government will increase amongst the foreign investors and the international community, as long as two sides engage in attacking each other,” Speaker Jayasuriya has pointed out.
political hostility
He has told President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe that political hostility would be detrimental to achieve the Good Governance objectives of the Government.
“Hon. President, Hon. Prime Minister, I am making a request. There is no politics here. As the Speaker, I am independent. I notice the orators from both parties relentlessly expressing their views on political platforms. We have a plan of work to be achieved. We have to fulfil the objectives of late Ven. Maduluwave Sobhitha Thera. The economy has become unstable due to certain political speeches. There is fear in the minds of investors. The Stock Exchange can collapse. Investors think the country will turn unstable after the election. The international community that got close to us recently is facing a problem over this. Such problems will not be good for the country. I am humbly making a request for both of you to limit your hostility on the political stage. It is the need of the moment,” the Speaker said.
According to sources, both leaders have agreed to enter into a truce by cordially agreeing to the Speaker.
However, President Sirisena was quoted as saying that the one-day Parliamentary debate on the Bond Commission’s report and the PRECIFAC report scheduled for 6 February, is simply a ‘gimmick’ instead of a fruitful one.
In an interview with media personnel at his official residence, the President has said this was a debate which should have taken place days ago and continued for days without a disruption.He also said the United National Party (UNP) should take the responsibility of failure to take action against the Rajapaksas over the charges levelled against them.
“When ministerial portfolios were allocated in the Unity Government, the portfolios which have an impact on taking legal action against wrongdoers were given to UNP Ministers. Therefore, the ministers who are in charge of the Law and Order, the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) and the Attorney General’s Department should take the responsibility,” he said.
propaganda activities
“I’m the one who told to hold the debate prior to 10 February. My request grew into a public opinion. Therefore, they had to take this up for a debate before the 10th. However, I’m not certain to which extent this debate will be successful. It is impossible to debate the contents of two reports within a mere few hours. On the other hand, I don’t believe at least 90 per cent of MPs will show up for the debate. The debate should have been held earlier. Election propaganda activities will come to an end on 7 February. All ministers and MPs will be engaged in propaganda activities in their respective wards on 6 and 7 February. From that number, how many will turn up for the debate? Even if they turned up, how many will engage in the debate productively? For how long will one person speak? This is not a debate which can be done in 5 to 10 minutes. This is more complicated than that. The debate had been arranged in a hurried manner as a mere show to the country only because I made a challenge. The complete responsibility of not taking legal action against the Rajapaksas, should be taken by the Ministers who are having the Police, the CID, the AG’s Department under their purview. I have told this before as well. Then, one may ask whether the same thing will happen to these Commissions. It won’t be, because I’m the one who appointed Presidential Commissions. All the other things happened from 2015 were done by the respective ministries. The Anti-Corruption Secretariat office was at Temple Trees,” he noted.
In response to this, Speaker’s office in what appeared like a clarification to the President’s statement said the proposed 6 February debate on the Bond Commission and PRECIFAC reports could be extended to 7 February as well.
Speaker Jayasuriya said that the debate wouldn’t be restricted to 6 February.
The Speaker emphasized that party leaders decided on 30 January to have the debate on 6 February after the National Election Commission (NEC) pointed out the impracticability of having the debate on 8 February as suggested by PM Wickremesinghe as the day falls within the ‘silent period’.
Another Commission
A presidential commission to inquire into allegations of large scale frauds and malpractices in SriLankan Airlines, SriLankan Catering Ltd and Mihin Lanka (Pvt.) Ltd, during the period of 1 January 2006 to 31 January 2018 has been appointed.
President Maithripala Sirisena signed the Gazette Notification appointing this Presidential Commission.
Retired Supreme Court Judge Anil Gunaratne, Court of Appeal Judge Gamini Rohan Amarasekara, Retired High Court Judge Piyasena Ranasinghe, Retired Deputy Auditor General Mallawa Arachchige Don Anthony Harold, the Director General of the Sri Lanka Accounting and Auditing Standards Monitoring Board Mrs. Wasantha Jayaseeli Kapugama have been appointed as the members of the Commission.
Accordingly, the new Commission will look into the following irregularities in the relevant companies.
1. Monetary allocations, loans, shares, investments and other finances from the Treasury, Central Bank, People’s Bank, Bank of Ceylon or any other financial institution,
2. The establishment, operation and cessation of Mihin Lanka (Pvt.) Ltd,
3. The reasons for the termination of the agreement entered between the SriLankan Airlines and Emirates Airlines, which is the international Airlines Company of the UAE and its complex results,
4. Entering, extending and termination of agreements to purchase of aircraft and other assets, selling, leasing, selling and re- renting, conveyance, exchange, releasing and disposal,
5. Purchase, hire, lease, charter, sale, and transfer of aircraft or any assets valued more than Rs 50 million,
6. Consigning and appointing of sub agents, brokers and consultants, companies, individuals or entity to supply goods, services or any other function,
7. Opening, maintenance and suspension of networks and offices in other countries,
8. Interactions between SriLankan Airlines, SriLankan Catering and Mihin Lanka,
9. Human Resource Management including selection, appointment, remuneration, promotions, transfers, employee restructuring and retirement of the Board of Directors, CEOs, Chairman and other senior management.
10.Financial reporting, compliance with relevant accounting and auditing standards, and financial and operational performance and standards,
Rajitha predicts Gota‘s arrest
The Colombo High Court on Friday (2) turned down a request made by former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa and seven others that they be released from a corruption case filed by the Bribery Commission over the Avant-Garde incident.
Former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa and seven others had filed a revision petition in the Colombo High Court challenging Colombo Chief Magistrate’s decision to refuse preliminary objections raised by them regarding the Avant-Garde corruption case.
The Bribery Commission had filed a corruption case against former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa and seven others for allegedly causing a Rs.11.4 billion unlawful loss to the Government when permitting Avant-Garde Maritime Services to operate a floating armoury.
High Court Judge Sampath Wijeratne decided to dismiss the revision petition in limine citing that the Director General of Bribery Commission is vested with power to file cases in the Magistrate’s Court in accordance with the Bribery Commission Act. The Bribery Commission alleged that the accused had given permission to Avant-Garde Maritime Services to operate a floating armoury.
The decision comes in the wake of Minister Rajitha Senaratne who is known to be one of the close confidantes of President Sirisena addressing a public rally on Wednesday (31) stating that all arrangements have been made to arrest Gotabaya Rajapaksa.
Surveys on LG Polls
Results of several surveys conducted by various independent groups and political parties on the forthcoming LG Elections are now being circulated amongst the public.
While all these surveys points at the overall victory of the UNP, many have suggested a very poor performance by the Maithri-faction of the SLFP suggesting that both UNP and SLFP will have to work together in local governing bodies as well.
According to intelligence reports, UNP under the leadership of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe is expected to win over 225 councils out of 341 while, Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna led by MP Mahinda Rajapaksa is predicted to bag over 40 councils. The Tamil and Muslim parties will win the majority of North and East LG bodies which is estimated to be over 50.
Reports also suggest that Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna will not be able to win a single council while the SLFP will only be able to take charge of less than 7 councils.
The intelligence reports also suggest that of the postal votes cast by the tri-forces, the majority is for the SLPP while the majorly of police votes have gone to the UNP.
හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා සහභාගී වන 360 වැඩසටහන දෙරණ නාලිකාවේ හෙට සදුදා දිනයේ විකාශණය කිරීමට නියමිතය.
එම වැඩසටහනේ පූර්ව ප්රචාරය මහා නවත්වන්නැයි ආණ්ඩුවේ ඉහල බලපෑමක් එල්ල වී ඇති බව දෙරණ නාලිකාවේ අභ්යන්තර ආරංචි මාර්ග කියයි.
ඒ අනුව එහි පූර්ව ප්රචාරය සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම නවත්වා දමා ඇත.
එමෙන්ම අද දිනයේ දෙරණ නිලාකවේ විකාශණය කිරීමට නියමිතව තිබූ ‘ගාමිණී’ චිත්රපටයද එම බලපෑමෙන්ම නවතා දමා තිබේ.
කෙසේ වෙතත් යොදා ඇති පරිදිම මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා සහභාගී වන 360 වැඩසටහන හෙට දිනයේ විකාශණය කිරිමට නියමිතය.
I am penning these few words in response to the excellent write up on the following article that appeared in yesterday’s Lannkaweb by Shenali Waduge (31.1.2018).
Nothing to celebrate about a Dominion Status in 4 February 1948. Sri Lanka must celebrate 22 May 1972 Republic Day”
While I commend Shenalis article to everyone to read I would like to add few more ideas to her attempt to argue that we have not got any independence either in 1948 or even up to date.
Are we an Independent Country? Who says we are Independent. Are we not still ruled by the forces and elements left behind by the British colonial rule? I am one who has been consistently maintained and argued that Sri Lanka has not been given Independence by the British or no have our leaders been able to negotiate full independent status for this country in 1948. It was only a camouflage and a fake independence ceremonially conferred on this country by the British keeping all colonial reins tightly in the grip of their own hands. The Independence Act of 1947 and the Soulbury Constitution ensured that the country will be governed under their legal prescriptions by their own local agents nursed and indoctrinated by them over the years in the manner the British wished to happen until their vicious objectives of destroying the Sinhala Buddhist Civilization in this country is complete. This is exactly what they are pursuing even today through various International agencies dominated by them like the UNO, their Embassies and the World Bank under the pretext of helping us using their own concepts like democracy, human rights, reconciliation, R2 , economic and institutional re-structuring etc that are both alien and irrelevant to our historical traditions, culture and customs.
Talking about independence, to begin with, have we got our motherland freed from the clutches of colonial rule on Feb 4th 1948? Have we got legislative, executive or judicial freedoms as a free and independent country? Instead they planted the Westminster Parliament, the Senate and the judicial system reserving appellate power with them. Have we got the vacant possession of the motherland occupied by the invaders in 1815 and subsequently populated with immigrants they imported to work on their various exploitation projects both in the North and the Central hill country? Have we got the right to dispense our administration, justice, education or any other thing in our own language as it was done before 1815? Have we got at least the name of the country, Sinhale, that we cherished and loved for millennia restored that was handed over in 1815? Have we got the freedom to think and act as an independent nation? Have we been able to re-name the place names, or names of people or institutions at least, just to name a few only. We still perpetuate place names like Kandy, Colombo. Jaffna, Batticalloa Galle, Chilaw, Mannar, Negambo and personal names like Silva, Perera, Fernando, Peiris, Stanley Lionel Peter, Mary, Rosy, Ernal, Junius Richard, Don Stephen, Alwis, Simon etc extensively used by the natives. The national resurgence movement started by Anagarika Dharmapala and others in the late 19th century also has died a natural death and completely disappeared after 1948 with the introduction of the Political Party system. A foreigner going through the above list will naturally get the impression that this country had been a part of Britain or Portugal once upon a time. Our politicians today are not concerned at all about these issues. Thought they are called people’s representatives they represent only their interests. They are only concerned about political power to amaze wealth and enjoy life at public expense. They have got reduced to the level of vote hunting greedy vultures. They have no country, a nation or a religion in their mind. They have only money, wealth and power haunting in their minds day and night. This country will never be free , independent or prosperous until and unless we find a leader who puts the country and the wellbeing of the people first, second and last in keeping with the sacred teachings of the Buddha.
Celebrating Independence on Feb 4th
While I fully agree with Shenali’s discourse I urge all true patriots of this country to boycott all celebrations connected with this shear political function, rather the political gimmick, by not hoisting the national flag in any place private house or any other building or vehicle in protest against having National Independence day celebrations on Feb 4th at least now and stop servility and abject stupidity to British Colonial invaders and assert as a proud nation that inherits a much longer history than the British invaders and celebrate national Independence by hoisting the national flag on 22nd May every year.
The fact that this Government has invited Prince Edward the youngest son of Queen Elizabeth clearly shows the stupidity and the slavish mentality of our politicians that has permanently settled down in their empty heads. I only hope this Government will not plead the Prince to visit the Tamils in the northern, Eastern and central hill country areas to witness how the British conspiracy of divide and rule has successfully gained ground on this land of the Sinhalese and also to meet Vignesvarana and Sambandan and ordinary Tamil people there and discuss as to what more Britain should do to make their joint conspiracy and the dream of ruining this country.
As it is too late to cancel the function on the 4th and cannot afford to disappoint the Prince and the Queen with whom Sirisena has had the privilege and honour of shaking hands (even sans gloves) in 2015, I suggest the he marks this as the last Feb 4th Independence Day in Sri Lanka and I call upon the Government to recommence celebrating the Republic Day again on May 22 the day Sirimavo Bandaranayaka’s Government declared this country a fully Independent Republic in 1972 since it was ceded to Britain on 2nd March 1815 and 74 years after the 1948 fake independence conferred by the British and accepted by the then UNP leadership in lock stock and barrel including the British political, legal, administrative system also with their language as the official Language thus ignoring and denying even the right of the natives to their mother tongue, that was there for 2600 years when both India and Burma had already did otherwise. All this was imposed on us through the made in England Soulbury Constitution. In short the Independence given by the British was only by name so much so only the jockeys were changed the horses were the same as it was pre-designed. The white jockeys were replaced with browns but their language, manners, dress, food and all values remained fully English. I have pointed out this in several articles before in this column and also in Sinhala media way back in 1998 (Divayina Independence Day supplement), where I have clearly argued and pointed out that we never got Independence in 1948 for the following reasons.
1 The right over the motherland was not returned as nearly 600 000 acres of land in the central hill country remained under British Sterling companies.
2 It was only Dominion status under the British Commonwealth of Nations where they reserved the power to appoint the Governor General, the appellate power of the judiciary which were changed only in 1972.
3 The name of the country Sinhale that was ceded in 1815 under the Kandyan Convention March 2 was not restored in 1948
4 Katunayaka and Trincommallee British Air bases were also kept in their hands until Badaranayaka took them over in 1957
5 Over I million Indians estate labour brought by the British to work on their plantations and who were British citizens at that time were left behind on our land leaving behind an eternal headache and a burden of feeding them, with the intention of creating a future Tamil State right at the center of the Island to deprive the Kandyan peasants of their heritage land with the vicious plan for achieving the colonial policy of divide and rule to destroy this country.
So now you see what a faux pas it is to call Feb 4th 1948 the Independence Day of this country?
I think the people of this country should openly protest against the British Prince and his retinue who had already arrived on a holiday at our tax payer’s expense in the Island thinking that this country is still a colony of theirs on the invitation of our stupid and servile politicians who continues to worship the descendants of colonial invaders who have plundered and destroyed this nation for 143 years and who still continue to do so both directly and indirectly through all their subversive activities.
It is high time that at least now the patriotic people of this country start a massive public agitation movement to make this country once again a free, independent, prosperous and proud nation as it had been in the distant past.
In fact the SLFP Government under Sirimavo Bandaranayaka stopped this February joke in 1972 and it continued until 1977. It was again changed to Feb 4th as the Independence Day, with no protest by any, by the UNP under JR and restored the colonial servility of the UNP which they embraced in 1948. Thereby the UNP took back the nation again to pre- colonial status. This aptly demonstrates the stupidity and servility of the outdated, outmoded, decayed, decadent, fossilized, unpatriotic, anti-Sinhala and anti-Buddhist policies of the UNP.
Between 1948 and 1972, Ceylon was independent but remained a dominion status where the head of state was the Monarch of England. At the time of Ceylon Independence George VI was King of England. His daughter Elizabeth II became Queen of England and Head of State of Ceylon from 1952 to 1972. Moreover, UK still held judicial prerogative through the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. In reality there was no independence per se from 1948 to 1972 as then Ceylon had the Monarch as its head. True independence came only after 1972 and that is what Sri Lanka should celebrate.
On 4 February 1948 Ceylon gained independence granted under the Ceylon Independence Act 1947. The Head of State was the British Monarch and she was represented through the ceremonial figure of the Governor General.
Unlike in India, there was no struggle for freedom, no blood shed to demand the country back from the British. All attempts to win back the country was squashed by the British during the 1818, 1848 rebellions.
Post-independence Ceylon too never claimed its original name – Sinhale, the name that the British signed the Kandyan Convention with.
When Ceylon applied for membership to the UN, it was vetoed by Russia on the grounds that Russia felt Ceylon was not a fully independent country. The argument was certainly valid. Sri Lanka remains a member of the Commonwealth of Nations where the Queen is the ceremonial monarch. Burma after its independence left the Commonwealth.
How ‘independent’ was Ceylon when Britain continued to maintain air & sea bases and British officers continued to fill the high ranks in the army? English remained the official language spoken by less than 1% of the population. It was only in 1957 that the British bases were removed. The Official Language Act of 1956 was introduced also with the consent of the UK Privy Council which held its legality. However, the Tamil parties that objected appealed to the UK to revoke the Act though it was turned down. Even the Citizenship Act of 1948 came with the consent of the British!
Another example of how British judicial rule was above the supposed-independent Ceylon was in 1960s during the R v Hemapala (1963) case when Ceylon’s Court of Criminal Appeal ruled that the Privy Council did not have the authority to function as the island’s highest court of appeal. The UK Privy Council overturned the decision in the case Ibralebbe v R (1964) asserting its powers over the Ceylon judiciary. In the 1964 case the UK Privy Council held that though the British monarch held nominal authority in the legislative & executive branches of Ceylon, Britain continued to hold prerogative over Ceylon’s Judicial matters. Whats more the British monarch still held final authority on all legislation – no bill presented to the Ceylon Parliament could become law until it had the Monarch’s royal assent. This was so because the Ceylon Constitution Order in Council made the British monarch a part of Ceylon’s Parliament. So where was this independence and why are we celebrating it?
The clause was reversed in 1972 Republican Constitution with Article 3 asserting that Sovereignty was in the People and in alienable” while Article 13 removed the British monarch from Sri Lanka legislature. Article 5 stressed that Sri Lanka’s new national assembly would remain the ‘supreme instrument of the State power of the Republic’. The architects of the 1972 constitution requested the UK government to note the changes and the new name of Sri Lanka instead of Ceylon and the UK government conceded.
The Ceylon constitution at independence was a model of the UK – legislature had a Senate & a House of Representatives. The Senate was modelled on the House of Lords in the UK. Of the 30 members selected (not elected) half were named by the Monarch’s representative the Governor General.
The Senate was abolished on 2 October 1971 by the eighth amendment to the Soulbury Constitution before the new Republican Constitution of Sri Lanka on 22 May 1972. The House of Representatives was replaced by the National State Assembly in 1972. The House of Representatives initially consisted of 101 members, of whom 95 were elected by vote from the 89 electoral districts and six appointed by the Governor-General. Ceylon’s First Prime Minister was D S Senanayake, he was succeeded by his son Dudly Senanayake after D S Senanayake died in March 1952.
The 1st National election was held in 1947 before independence & under the Soulbury Constitution UNP winning 42 out of the 95 seats.
The next election was in 1952 where for the first time SWRD Bandaranaike who broke away from UNP formed the Sri Lanka Freedom Party. UNP won with 54 seats against 9 seats won by the SLFP.
In the 1956 parliamentary elections the alliance led by the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna won 51 seats while UNP’s seat reduced to just 8. SWRD Bandaranaike became Prime Minister until his assassination in 1959 when power was handed to Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike.
UNP regained power in 1960, 1965-1970, 1977-94, 2002-2004, 2015 to present.
In 1881 the Ceylon Volunteers (CV) which became the Ceylon Volunteer Force and renamed Ceylon Defense Force in 1910. Ceylon entered into the bi-lateral Anglo-Ceylonese Defence Agreement of 1947.
The Defence Agreement of 1947 meant that Britain was under the strategic purview of Britain and British military advisors would be used. Brigadier James Sinclair, Earl of Caithness became the 1st commander of the Ceylon Army.
The first non-Britisher to become Commander of the Ceylon Army was Maj. Gen. Anton Mutukumaru (A Tamil)
The first internal security operation of the Ceylon Army began in 1952, code named Operation Monty to counter the influx of illegal South Indian immigrants brought in by smugglers on the north-western coast
In 1949 CDF became the Ceylon Army and renamed Sri Lanka Army in 1972.
The current Sri Lankan Navy was established on 9 December 1950 when the Navy Act was passed for the formation of the Royal Ceylon Navy. The term “Captain of the Navy”, introduced in the Navy Act, was changed to “Commander of the Navy”. Captain W. E. Banks CBE, DSC was the first Commander of the Royal Ceylon Navy in 1950. Rear Admiral Gerard Royce Maxwell De Mel OBE was 4th Commander of the Royal Ceylon Navy – he was the first non-British and 1st Sinhalese to head the Navy in 1962 serving till 1970.
The Royal Ceylon Air Force came into being in 1951. Air Vice-Marshal Ekanayake Edward Rohan Ameresekere became the 3rd Commander of the Air Force and first non-Britisher to the role in 1955.
Ceylon Police was established in 1866. Their uniforms followed standards of the British. The post of Inspector General of Police in Sri Lanka can be traced as far back as 1797. Richard Aluwihare became the first non-British Inspector General of Police in 1947. He was knighted in 1950.
When colonial Britain began education system in then Ceylon most schools were affiliated to the Anglican Church. Ceylon Medical School was established in 1870, the Colombo Law College in 1875 the Government Teaching College in 1893. Education was key to creating a west-worshipping group of people to whom leadership would be handed over.
The University of Ceylon was the only university in Sri Lanka (earlier Ceylon) from 1942 until 1972 when it became University of Sri Lanka till 1978 when it was separated into 4 independent universities as the University of Colombo, University of Peradeniya, University of Kelaniya & Vidyodaya University
The Ministry of Finance and the Treasury was formed in 1947,
In July 1948, the Government of Ceylon requested for technical expertise from the United States Government to set up a Central Bank and accordingly, Mr. John Exter, an economist of the Federal Reserve Bank of USA, was appointed to do a study. Based on the recommendations of his report, the Central Bank of Ceylon was formed in 1949 with the Ceylon Rupee being designated the standard unit of monetary value of the country. It was only in 1929 that the Ceylon Rupee was separated from the Indian Rupee. However, the Ceylon Rupee remained pegged to the India Rupee till 1966 after 1966 the Ceylon Rupee was pegged to the US Dollar at 4.76 rupees per 1 US dollar.
Ceylon became a member of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) on 29th August 1950. In 1951 the Central Bank of Ceylon began to issue paper money starting with 1 rupee and 10 rupee notes. Only in 1963 that the British monarch’s portrait on coins were removed.
In 1972, the country officially became a republic within the. Commonwealth and William Gopallawa became the first President of Sri Lanka.
In 1972, a new Constitution was enacted and the Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka was established on 22nd May with Hon. William Gopallawa as Sri Lanka’s First Non-Executive President while Hon. Sirimavo Bandaranaike continued in office as the Prime Minister. The period immediately following its own constitution also marked the emergence of JVP rebel movement and Tamil armed militancy and one wonders whether these too were part of the scheme of things!
As the examples above clearly reveal there is nothing special about 4 February 1948 to be celebrating yearly as ‘independence’. Final decisions remained in the hands of the British Monarch and this status quo ONLY changed in 1972 with the new Republican Constitution that removed all provisions where the British Monarch ruled over the island. The only mistake made was not returning to the name Sinhale which the British changed to Ceylon.
In bringing down representatives of the present British Monarch to ‘celebrate’ 1948 supposed ‘independence’ we are only ‘commemorating’ the British rule over our island.
We should ideally be celebrating 22 May 1972 and not 4 February 1948.
Moreover, there is little point in spending lavishly on cerebrations if leaders are servile to foreign nations and have no nationalism or patriotism in them.
Shenali D Waduge
Ven. Prof. Bellanwila Wimalarathana Nayake Thera, the chief incumbent of the Bellanwila Raja Maha Viharaya, died yesterday following what sources described as “an attack by the temple’s tusker”.
The prelate usually feeds the elephant named ‘Miyan Kumara’ between 6.00-6.30 am as a practice on a daily basis. On Friday morning, he had approached the pachyderm, chained to a tree in the backyard of the temple premises, to feed it around 6.30 am when the animal suddenly attacked him, the sources said.
“The tusker had struck the monk with its trunk and tried to move forward with its head down when the mahout raised cries and, with the help of some others, evacuated the fallen monk to safety”, the sources said.
The prelate was taken immediately to the Colombo South Teaching Hospital and later transferred to a private hospital, where he succumbed to his injuries yesterday morning.
Initial reports indicated that the monk had suffered broken ribs in the attack and also injured his right hand.
An erudite monk, Ven. Prof. Bellanwila Wimalarathana Nayake Thera (77) was the Chancellor of the University of Sri Jayewardhenepura since 2000. Earlier, he served as professor, associate professor, lecturer and visiting lecturer of the university.
He was also a visiting professor at the School of Oriental and African Studies University of London, United Kingdom. He read for a doctorate in Philosophy (Ph.D) in 1980 at the University of Lancaster, United Kingdom.
The prelate also served as the Deputy Chief (Anunayaka) of the Kotte Sri Kalyani Samagri Dhamma Maha Sangha Sabha of the Syamopali Maha Nikaya.
A widely respected monk who had earned plaudits internationally as well, the Ven. Thera he was actively involved in creating inter-religious harmony in Sri Lanka, particularly easing ethnic tension in the country. (Suresh Perera)
A call is made today for increased awareness of ‘silent’ heart attacks that may follow surgery. In a session at this week’s Annual Congress of the Association of Anaesthetists of Great Britain and Ireland (AAGBI), Professor Daniel I. Sessler, Michael Chudahy Chair of the Department of Outcomes Research at the Cleveland Clinic, Ohio, USA, will present evidence that about one in 11 patients having major non-cardiac surgery will have a heart attack, and among these one in 10 will die within 30 days of the operation.
Some 80% of postoperative heart attacks are clinically silent, with no physical signs or symptoms to show that they have occurred. It is only through testing blood for the biomarker troponin that such heart attacks can be detected. Prof. Sessler will emphasise that currently few postoperative patients get troponin screening, but available data suggest that many more should so that timely treatments can be provided for those who have a heart attack.
”Blood concentration of troponin is the best indicator of a post-surgical heart attack. Furthermore, the test for troponin is inexpensive, quick, and accurate.” says Prof. Sessler. Many of these patients appear outwardly to be recovering well from their surgery. In four of five patients who have a postoperative heart attack, there are no clinical symptoms or signs: no chest pain or shortness of breath, and electrocardiograms and echocardiograms are normal. Clinicians will thus miss most of these heart attacks without specific blood testing for troponin.”
There are different options for treating such postoperative heart attacks, Prof. Sessler explains, but patients should at very least be started on aspirin. Other options include angiography and coronary artery stenting, or treatment with anticoagulant drugs. How to prevent heart attacks also remains unknown, although POISE-2, a major trial of low-dose clonidine and low-dose aspirin involving 10,000 patients, will finish by the end of 2013.
Available data, though, indicate that low blood pressure during surgery is strongly associated with both kidney injury and heart attacks. In most cases, naesthesiologists can prevent levels of hypotension that might be dangerous by giving less anaesthesia or drugs that raise blood pressure.” concludes Prof. Sessler.
AAGBI President Elect Andrew Hartle commented ’These are important findings with implications for improving patient care and making surgery even safer than it already is.” To contact Professor Daniel I. Sessler, Cleveland Clinic, Ohio, USA, please contact Wyatt DuBois, Senior Manager, Corporate Communications, Cleveland Clinic T) +1 216-445-9946 E) duboisw@ccf.org
Notes to editors:
What is moderate to high risk surgery? This is defined as operations on people aged 45 and
over requiring at least one night in hospital
How many surgical procedures a year? There are approximately 240 million non-cardiac
surgeries carried out globally each year. Prof Sessler estimates that at least one third of
these would be moderate-to-high risk surgeries.
Electrocardiograms look at the electrical activity of the heart
Echocardiograms use ultrasound to show how the heart muscle is contracting in real time
Angiography involves injecting dye to see the blood supply to the heart, and allows
cardiologists to open blocked arteries with drugs or stents to restore the interrurpted blood
supply that causes a heart attack.
Anticoagulant drugs thin the blood and prevent from clotting, although they are useful in
treating heart attacks, they increase the risk of bleeding associated with surgery.
AAGBI contact:
Karin Pappenheim, Executive Director, AAGBI
T) +44 (0) 20 7631 8802; +44 (0) 7825 295745 E) karinpappenheim@aagbi.org
Varsha Ramani, Communications Manager, AAGBI
T) +44 (0) 20 7631 8854; +44 (0) 7825 299549 E) varsharamani@aagbi.org
Alternative contact: Tony Kirby of Tony Kirby PR Ltd. T) +44 7834 385827 E)
tony@tonykirby.com
About the AAGBI
The Association of Anaesthetists of Great Britain and Ireland (AAGBI) is the leading membership
body for over 10,500 anaesthetists in the UK and Ireland. The AAGBI promotes patient care,
safety and advances anaesthesia through education, publications, research and international
work, as well as the professional aspects of the specialty.
To find out more about the work of the AAGBI, visit www.aagbi.org
About the AAGBI Annual Congress 2013
Annual Congress is the flagship event of the AAGBI and the 2013 conference is being held at
Dublin from 18-20 September. The Annual Congress is one of the leading anaesthetic meetings,
with an attendance of around 800-1000 national and international delegates. It features
informative sessions, high profile speakers and an extensive trade exhibition. Aimed at all levels
of anaesthetists from trainees to consultants, it is a European CPD accredited meeting.
For more information on the meeting, please visit www.annualcongress.org
Addressing a meeting held at the Weerasingham Hall in Jaffna, the former President Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa emphasized that he is not a racist and he cannot be a racist as one of his sisters is married to a Tamil from Jaffna. He focused his whole speech to compare the services done to the North by his government and by this government and said that the present government is a fusion of UNP/SLFP/JVP and TNA. But yet this government has failed to construct even a culvert in the North. He said that Sambandan is fooling the Tamil people and slavishly remains in the pocket of Ranil Wickremasighe.
Speaking further he said that he is happy to come to the North after 3 years and speak to the people of the North. He asked whether prices of goods are cheaper in the North now. He explained that in the past that there freedom had been restricted and if they wanted to go to Colombo they had to face about 100 barriers and there were no electricity, no water supply and no development activities and everything were completely destroyed and people used to look at each other suspiciously and even children were not safe. Mr. Rajapaksa said that his government freed them from all this hassle and now people in the North can live freely and children can attend to their studies. We were happy when s student from this area became first in the Advanced Level Science Stream. Unfortunately for various reasons we lost on 8th January 2015, but he said that he got several hundred thousand more votes from this area than the votes he got in 2010. He asked what was not developed in the North during his period? Mr. Rajapaksa reminded that 90% of the population of the North was provided with electricity and water, roads, schools and science laboratories were given, the historical library destroyed by the UNP was reconstructed and given, the train service which had been suspended for several years was given, and the best hospital in Sri Lanka was given. He said that his government did all this work because it wanted to have development in the North similar to the development we had in the South. Speaking further he also stated that his government demined paddy fields and made it possible to undertake paddy cultivation and provided subsidized fertilizer at Rs. 350 per bag. He said there is no fertilizer today and if it became necessary to get fertilizer for cultivation they have to wait until a fertilizer ship comes from Pakistan. Similarly for everything we have to wait now for the arrival of ships from overseas. All these things were produced earlier by you locally but there is no market for your products.
This government is a combination of four main political parties. Mr. Sambandan is now in Ranil Wickremasinghe’s pocket. He is the uncle of this Arun Thambimuttu. But Sambaandan is on the other side. Mr. Saambaandan comes here and utters lies saying tht they will give a separate state, they will give this and they will give that. He is fooling you, and distancing you from us.
I made a prposal to Sambandan to hold a discussion to get the existing problems solved. He said that he will come back after discussing with Sumnthiran and others and never turned up. When we were having 54 members he was appointed as the Leader of the Opposition with only 16 members. But the opposition leader should represent the opposition, on the contrart it was he who first voted for the budget
I was surprised to hear when the MP Sivashakthi Ananthan said recently that the UNP government provided Rs. 20 Million each for 15 TNA MPs to vote for the budget. It was a serious charge and there is no response for this charge yet. One MP however admitting making of this payment has said that it was given for a project but no project has been implemented. The time has come for the people to question about this. There is no point of blaming us.
The government should refrain from fooling the people of theNorth. The people of the North and the people of the East should live honourably. If they took their votes with false promises they should fulfil those promises. Therefore do not cast your valuable vote for any of the combine parties in the government UNP/SLFP/JVP and TNA.
We are not racists as we have been misbranded for political expedienct by some racist politicians. In my case I can never b a racist. A sister of mine is married to a Tamil from the North with Mr. Thiru Nadesan. At least we must get ready to put an end to this fooling of the people of the North without solving any of their probles and keeping it ever like the wound of a begger. Therefore please trust us. We are now coming from a different party, and a different group with a new thinking and with a new symbol. The Flower Bud is our symbol. Vote for the Flower Bud this time and see the difference. Be victorius and let Flower Bud be victorious!
Copyright © 2026 LankaWeb.com. All Rights Reserved. Powered by Wordpress