by Daya Gamage Foreign Service National Political Specialist (rtd.) US Department of State Courtesy The Island

India’s security needs consolidate US manoeuvring strategy in Indo-Pacific:

Aware or unaware of the intricacies of big power play in the Indo-Pacific region to the emerging political entity in Sri Lanka, JVP-led National People’s Power (NPP) leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake has declared that he and his political party are (now) alive to India’s security concerns after his return from India having had discourses with External Affairs Minister and other leading Modi administration officials needs serious scrutiny.

In an interview with Sri Lanka’s Sirasa TV on February 15, Dissanayake reiterated that the ‘incoming’ National People’s Power administration will not do anything that undermines Indian security”.

If Dissanayake had been aware that ‘India’s national security’ was somewhat beyond her ‘control’ and connected to the larger Indo-Pacific or Asia-Pacific region with ‘outside forces’ deeply embedded in, he would have made a ‘measured statement’ about India’s national security.

Before examining how India is tied to ‘a foreign military and technological force’ connected to the Asia-Pacific Region and that India’s national security cannot be isolated from ‘outside forces’ engaged in the region, it should be found out how Sri Lanka is connected to the overall regional security, an issue that Dissanayake doesn’t seem to have paid much attention to. The eight-page, 2007 (disclosed) US-Sri Lanka signed Acquisition and Cross-Services Agreement (ACSA) and the 83-page, 2017 ACSA (still kept classified by both Washington and Colombo) have much relevance to the overall Indo-Pacific region.

US Code Title 10 Section 2342: Cross-Servicing Agreement, under which a long process of US government assessment takes effect, how useful a non-NATO country, such as Sri Lanka could be to the national interest of the United States is vital to the understanding of Sri Lankan policy.

The US Code declares (Quote) (a)(1) Subject to section 2343 of this title and to the availability of appropriations, and after consultation with the Secretary of State, the Secretary of Defense may enter into an agreement described in paragraph (2) with any of the following: (Among others)

(D) The government of a country not a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization but which is designated by the Secretary of Defense, subject to the limitations prescribed in subsection (b), as a government with which the Secretary may enter into agreements under this section. (End Quote)

Before scrutinising other Sub-Sections, Sub-Section (D) is well connected to a ‘declaration’ of a diplomatic cable that reached Washington from the American Embassy in Colombo: 20 February 2007 diplomatic cable sent under the signature of Ambassador Robert Blake made it very clear (Quote) Since this agreement primarily benefits US forces, we think there are strong arguments to proceed with the signing the agreement (End Quote) referring to the 2007 ACSA. It is not difficult to understand why the 2007 agreement was expanded to 83 pages in 2017 and why it is still kept a secret.

Now to Sub-Section (b) of the U.S. Code Title 10 Section 2342: Cross-Servicing Agreement:

(Quote) (b) (which is well connected to the signing of both the 2007 and 2017 ACSA) The Secretary of Defense may not designate a country for an agreement under this section unless –

(1) the Secretary, after consultation with the Secretary of State, determines that the designation of such country for such purpose is in the interest of the national security of the United States; and

(2) in the case of a country which is not a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the Secretary submits to the Committee on Armed Services and the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate and the Committee on Armed Services and the Committee on International Relations of the House of Representatives notice of the intended designation at least 30 days before the date on which such country is designated by the Secretary under subsection (a). (End Quote)

The Pentagon, the State Department and Armed Services and International Committees of the US Senate and House of Representatives are very much involved in the process of using feed backs and assessments from the US diplomatic post in the host nation.

This writer, who was knowledgeable about this process during his engagement with the State Department for more than two decades, was aware of the manner in which the US diplomatic mission in Sri Lanka played that role.

To enter into an ACSA treaty, the designated country – in this case, Sri Lanka, which entered into the agreement in March 2007 and 2017– Washington has to determine (Quote) the designation of such country for such purpose is in the interest of the national security of the United States . (End Quote)

Sri Lanka occupies some very important real estate in the Indo-Pacific region, and it’s a country of increasing strategic importance in the Indian Ocean region”, declared Alice Wells, US State Department’s Deputy Assistant Secretary addressing the foreign media at the department’s Washington Media Center on 24 January 2020—three weeks before she was in Colombo meeting newly-elected President Gotabhaya Rajapaksa.

The 2018 National Defense Strategy guides the Department of Defense to support the (US) National Security Strategy – the Asia Reassurance Initiative Act of 2018 – specifically calls for expanding cooperation with democratic partners in South Asia, including Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka.”

This 2018 document – declassified in January 2021 – evinces a special interest in Sri Lanka’s survival in the Indo-Pacific region, the formulation of its foreign policy, and its relations with India, the United States and China.

It should be mentioned here that the writer along with another (retired) Senior Foreign Service/Intelligence Officer (American) is currently developing a manuscript (for publication) exploring Washington’s foreign policy manipulations and discharges toward Sri Lanka and India, and the manner in which Sri Lanka and India were (and are) playing their roles in response to Washington’s excessive and (almost) hegemonic role in the Indo-Pacific region.

It is in this context that India’s national security can in no way be isolated from Washington’s military/defense and intelligence approaches and activities in the Asia-Pacific region and its foreign policy discharges that this writer and his co-author discovered through their extensive research and investigations.

Some of the salient policy determinations and projections in the now-declassified 2018 National Security Strategy – the Asia Reassurance Initiative Act document of the US government are as follows:

· A strong India, in cooperation with like-minded countries, would act as a counterbalance to China.

· India remains preeminent in South Asia and takes the leading role in maintaining Indian Ocean security, increased engagement with Southeast Asia, and expands its economic, defense, and diplomatic cooperation with other US allies and partners in the region.

· US Objective: Accelerate India’s rise and capacity to serve as a net provider of security and Major Defense Partner; solidify an enduring strategic partnership with India underpinned by a strong Indian military able to effectively collaborate with the United States and her partners in the region to address shared interests.

· US Actions: Build a stronger foundation for defense cooperation and interoperability; expand US defense trade ability to transfer defense technology to enhance India’s status as a Major Defense Partner.

· US Objective: Strengthen the capacity of emerging partners in South Asia, including the Maldives, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka, to contribute to a free and open order. US Action: Establish a new initiative with South Asian partners modeled on the Maritime Security Initiative.

· National Security Challenges: How to maintain US strategic primacy in the Indo-Pacific region while preventing China from establishing new illiberal spheres of influence.

· US Action: Enhance combat-credible US military presence and posture in the Indo-Pacific region to uphold US interests and security commitments.

Now, let’s see how ‘Indian National Security’ that Anura Kumara Dissanayake has referred to, and aspires to safeguard under a JVP-led NPP government he is hoping to form, is tied to the Indo-Pacific Region that Washington is playing a dominant role in.

US-India Relationship: Critical to Indo-Pacific

A shared vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific bolsters the US-India relationship as the two countries continue to strengthen defense ties, a senior Pentagon official said on Sept. 19, 2023.

Siddharth Iyer, the Director for South Asia policy in the Office of (US) Secretary of Defense, said the defense partnership had experienced an incredible and unprecedented amount of momentum” as evidenced by Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin twice traveling to India recently and the warmth and familiarity” between the two countries.

This relationship is one of the top priorities for the department,” Iyer said. Our belief is that getting the US and India relationship right is not just necessary, it’s essential to achieving our strategy in the Indo-Pacific.”

What he meant by our strategy” is the United States’ strategy.

I think one of the ways in which we think about the roadmap is really a manifestation of Secretary Austin’s commitment to accelerating India’s military modernization, and for him, putting the department on the hook to find targeted opportunities to propose to advance India’s indigenous defense production capabilities,” Iyer said during a discussion on furthering US-India security cooperation hosted by the Hudson Institute in Washington.

department on the hook”, meaning the United States on the hook.

India’s Minister of Defense Rajnath Singh and Minister of External Affairs Dr. S. Jaishankar engaged with (US) Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken and Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin for the fifth US-India 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue in New Delhi on November 10, 2023.

They reaffirmed the importance of the US-India Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership in ensuring international peace and security. The Ministers also underlined their strong commitment to safeguarding a free, open, and an inclusive Indo-Pacific.

The Joint Statement released November 10, 2023 on the Fifth Annual India-US 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue reaffirmed the US-India”commitment to further deepen the multifaceted defense partnership through wide-ranging dialogues and military exercises of increasing complexity and sophistication, accelerated joint projects initiated under the June 2023 Roadmap for US-India Defense Industrial Cooperation and expanded collaboration in emerging domains, such as space and artificial intelligence. They expressed satisfaction with the pace of cooperation in Maritime Domain Awareness and looked forward to identifying pathways to promote stronger service-to-service ties and share technologies to address an array of maritime challenges, including in the undersea domain.”

These discourses, dialogues and rapport have prompted steps to deepen and diversify” the two countries’ so-called Major Defense Partnership.

The two (US and India) militaries signed their second Master Ship Repair Agreement, with the US Navy and Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Ltd., in August 2023, recommitting themselves to advancing India’s emergence as a hub for the maintenance and repair of forward-deployed US Navy assets and other aircraft and vessels, according to the White House. The countries also made further commitments to the US companies investing more in India’s maintenance, repair and overhaul capabilities and facilities for aircraft.

In late September 2023, Ely Ratner, the US Department of Defense’s Assistant Secretary for Indo-Pacific Security Affairs, Donald Lu, State Department’s assistant secretary for South and Central Asian Affairs, Vani Rao, a secretary in the Indian Ministry of External Affairs and Vishwesh Negi, the Joint Secretary of Indian Ministry of Defense engaged in a wide range of ambitious initiatives” dialogue between the two nations.

According to a US Defense Department statement The officials also discussed regional security developments and strategic priorities across the Indo-Pacific region. A strong US-India partnership is essential to upholding security and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region.”

India having entered into a military partnership with the United States, and Sri Lanka’s close proximity to India in political and economic spheres, Sri Lanka is at a crossroads surrounded by Washington, New Delhi and Beijing.

As an emerging leader, Anura Kumara Dissanayake could have made a ‘measured statement’ on the official policy of the government he is planning to form towards ‘India’s security’ as data given above show the manner in which Washington has tied up with New Delhi, and the strategy the United States has adopted to forge a strong defense ties with India; contrary to what Dissanayake believes, India is not developing an ‘isolated national security policy’. New Delhi has been formulating her national security policy in collaboration with Washington, and that security policy – to which JVP-NPP has undertaken to protect and safeguard – provides for a dominant role for Washington in the Indo-Pacific (or Asia-Pacific) region. Sri Lanka is unable to escape Washington’s machinations in the Indo-Pacific region as noted at the outset.

Isn’t Dissanayake aware of the US-India defense collaboration? If so, is he concealing that fact, or if not so, isn’t he capable of strategic thinking?

As a footnote, it is necessary to refer to Dissanayake’s pronouncement about foreign nations and their diplomatic agents’ special interest in communicating with him and his political entity, according to him in an interview with SIRASA TV on February 15 (Quote) Anyone who can think logically can understand that states engage with political actors that have power. India, China, the US, and many others are now engaging with us because they think we will win elections (Unquote).

The writer finds it very unusual for the (US) Chief of Mission to entertain the notion that she should maintain close rapport and contact with a non-ruling political party leader. The US diplomats were expected to maintain contacts with (about) two national political parties that alternately exchanged power; they established contacts with ‘non-national’ political parties and their leaders to fulfill ‘diplomatic niceties’ and obtain alternative interpretations to that of what main political leaders and their national parties express.

In the case of JVP-NPP, undoubtedly, they are emerging as a national entity, and foreign diplomats, including the American ambassador Julie Chung, have taken note of the emerging political reality to maintain relations with it. Whether Ambassador Chung believes, in a confused political atmosphere, the JVP-NPP could form the next administration is another matter.

Two questions emerge from Dissanayake’s belief that foreign nations and their diplomats ‘suddenly’ reach out to his political alliance because they strongly believe that its rise to power is imminent: (1) Is it because the reconciliation between the JVP-NPP and India and Dissanayake’s undertaking not to obstruct that nation’s national security interests suits Washington and if JVP-NPP ever captures power or reaches the level of an influential and formidable opposition power Washington (and/or Julie Chung) will have tamed the once anti-American/anti-Indian JVP? (2) Shouldn’t JVP- NPP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake declare his policy towards the US; the defense collaboration between Washington and New Delhi; and that Ambassador Chung is aware that JVP-NPP has conveniently ignored India’s defence collaboration with the US? Is this a diplomatic achievement of Washington?

As much as JVP-NPP owes the Sri Lankan public an explanation, elucidating its undertaking to safeguard the national security interests, Sri Lankan policymakers and lawmakers need to have a comprehensive understanding of where Sri Lanka stands in this complex foreign policy issue.

(The writer is a retired Foreign Service National Political Specialist of the U.S. Department of State accredited to the Political Section of the U.S. diplomatic mission in Sri Lanka)

DIYESA TV

ඇස් දෙකම නොපෙනෙන කැම්පස් ජෝඩුව ජීවත් වෙන්න ගහන ගේම සමහර මාසවල ගෙවල්කුලී ගෙවලා අපි බඩගින්නෙ ඉන්නවා දෑස් දෙකම නොපෙනී කාටවත්ම බරක් නොවී ජීවිතේ ගොඩදාගන්න මාර ගේමක් ගහන කැම්පස් ජෝඩුව.. ඔවුන්ව සම්බන්ද කර ගැනීම සඳහා අමතන්න.. 077 2577868 ගිණුම් අංක 032200267681312 I.H.D.N tharunethmi මහජන බැංකුව මාතර උයන්වත්ත ශාඛාව

Mahinda Pathirana

The Netherlands has returned six artefacts taken by force from Sri Lanka during the colonial era. This is the first batch of treasures to be returned.

Comment

The artifacts that were stolen from Ceylon rightfully belong to Ceylon (now renamed as Sri Lanka). Additionally, Sri Lanka has a strong claim under the Law of Unjust Enrichment to part of the revenue collected by the Rijks Museum in Amsterdam by selling tickets to visitors over the last 150 years. That money must be repatriated to Sri Lanka. We are shareholders and co-owners of our artifacts illegally seized and taken abroad.

This principle of sharing profits with the victims of Western Colonialism in Africa, Asia, and the Caribbean islands through repatriation of revenue collected over 200 years or more by exhibiting stolen goods taken from the Colonies, is a universal principle that is applicable in any part of the world.

I call on the Govt. of Sri Lanka to pursue this matter as a matter of urgency within the framework of Public International Law.

Senaka Weeraratna

Attorney-at-Law

Prime Minister’s Media Unit

Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardena handed over laptops to software engineering students at a function held at the Temple Trees yesterday (February 29).

Japanese IT University has provided free laptops to software engineering students of newly-established Lanka Nippon BizTech Institute (LNBTI), with the contribution of funds from Japan.

The Prime Minister attended the ceremony and handed over laptops to several students marking the importance of this significance gesture to bridge the digital gap and his LNBTI’s unwavering commitment to enhancing student access to technology.

Acting Japanese ambassador, Katsuki Kotaro and the Secretary to the Prime Minister, Anura Dissanayake handed over laptops to another group of students. The Acting Ambassador said Japan is committed to support Sri Lanka’s digital development and urged the students to make best use of state of art technology available to them to successfully navigate their future careers.

These cutting-edge devices, equipped with state-of-the-art technology, are poised to empower LNBTI students pursuing their Software Engineering Degree Program. LNBTI, a collaboration between “hSenid Ventures” of Sri Lanka and “Metatechno Inc.” of Japan, stands as the first and only Japanese higher education institute with degree-awarding status in South Asia.

Director LNBTI said several free laptops are available for students from rural areas who wish to join the Institute.

The event culminated with the Prime Minister encouraging LNBTI students to harness the power of technology for innovation, education, and socio-economic development. This ceremony stands as a beacon of progress, epitomizing LNBTI’s commitment to unleashing the potential of technology to uplift forthcoming graduates and serving as an inspiration for future initiatives dedicated to bringing the two nations closer through the contribution of professionals in the IT industry. LNBTI Directors Saman Kumara and Ravinder Perera, academic staff, students and parents attended this function.

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

ජාතික ජන බලවේග ආණ්ඩුවක් යටතේ විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය අහෝසි කිරීම අනිවාර්යයෙන්ම සිදු කරන බව ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණේ ප්‍රධාන ලේකම් ටිල්වින් සිල්වා මහතා සඳහන් කරයි.

තම ආණ්ඩුවක් යටතේ නව ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්මාදනය කර විධායක ජනාධිපති ධුරයද අහෝසි කිරීම ද සිදු කරන බවද ඔහු පැවසීය.

ඉදිරි මැතිවරණ පරාජය පිළිබඳව බියට පත්ව ඇති පාලකයන් විවිධ උපක්‍රම භාවිතා කිරීමට පටන් ගෙන ඇතැයි ද හෙතෙම පෙන්වා දුන්නේය.

ඉදිරි ජනාධිපතිවරණයට කවුරුන් ඉදිරිපත් වුවද එය ජාතික ජන බලවේගයට අභියෝගයක් නොවන බවද ඒ මහතා තවදුරටත් සඳහන් කළේය.

ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණේ පක්ෂ මූලස්ථානයේ දී මාධ්‍ය හමුවක් අමතමින් ඒ මහතා මෙම අදහස් පළ කරන ලදී.

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

2022/07/09 වන දින රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතාගේ පුද්ගලික නිවසට අයුතු ලෙස ඇතුල් වී නිවස තුළ තිබූ බෝතලයක් තුළ වූ රුවල් නැවක ආකෘතියක් නො.21/1,ඒ 03 වන පටුමග, කටුවාවල මාවත, ඇඹිල්ලවත්ත පාර,බොරලැස්ගමුව ලිපිනයේ පදිංචි චූදිත අබේධීර ආරච්චිගේ දිල්රුක් මධුශංක යන අය විසින් සොරකම් කිරීමේ වරදට ලං.ද.නි.ස 394 වගන්තිය යටතේ නිතිපති උපදෙස් ප්‍රකාරව ගල්කිස්ස ම/උ 22689/23 යටතේ නඩු පවරා වරද පිළි ගැනීමෙන් පසු 2024.03.01 වන අද දින දඩුවම් නියම කරන ලදි.

දඩුවම – මාස 6ක බරපතල වැඩ සහිත සිරදඩුවම් අවුරුදු 5කට අත්හිටුවන ලදි.

2022/07/09 වන දින රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතාගේ පුද්ගලික නිවසට අයුතු ලෙස ඇතුල් වී නිවස තුළ තිබූ ලෝහමය හක් ගෙඩියක් අංක 133/ඒ, අබේරත්න මාවත, බොරලැස්ගමුව ලිපිනයේ පදිංචි චූදිත හේවාරුහුණගේ සුපුන් හන්සක යන අය විසින් සොරකම් කිරීමේ වරදට ලං.ද.නි.ස 394 වගන්තිය යටතේ නිතිපති උපදෙස් ප්‍රකාරව නුගේගොඩ ම/උ 22179/23 යටතේ නඩු පවරා වරද පිළි ගැනීමෙන් පසු 2024.03.01 වන අද දින දඩුවම් නියම කරන ලදි.

දඩුවම – වසර 1 ක බරපතල වැඩ සහිත සිරදඩුවම් අවුරුදු 5කට අත්හිටුවන ලදි. දඩය මුදලින් 1500/- දඩය නොගෙවන්නේ නම් මාසයක බරපතල වැඩ සහිත සිරදඩුවම්.

– Repoter

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

රංගන ශිල්පිනි දමිතා අබේරත්න මහත්මිය හා ඇගේ සැමියා එක්ව තමන් විශාල මූල්‍ය වංචාවකට හසු කළ බවට පුද්ගලයෙකු චෝදනා එල්ල කරයි.

තමන් විදේශගත කරන බව පවසමින් ඔවුන් දිගින් දිගටම තමන්ගේ සියලු වස්තුව දේපළ ඔවුන් දෙදෙනා විසින් සැලසුම් සහගතව සූරා කෑමකට ලක් කල බවටත් ඔහු චෝදනා කරයි.

තමන් මෙම යුවල සමග බොහෝ හිතවත් වූ ඔවුන්ගේ නිවසේම වාසය කළ බවත් එක් අවස්ථාවක දමිතා අබේරත්න මහත්මියගේ කකුල් මසාජ් කරන්නයිද ඉල්ලා සිටි බවද ඔහු සඳහන් කළාය.

දැනටමත් තමන් රහස් පොලිසියට පැමිණිලි කර ඇති බවත් ඒ පිළිබඳව විමර්ශන සිදුවෙමින් ඇති බවත් ඔහු කියා සිටීම.

මෙවන් ආකාරයේ කටයුතු අසාධාරණයන්ට ලක් වූ තවත් පුද්ගලයන් කිහිප දෙනෙකු සිටින බවත් මෙම අදාළ විමර්ශන කටයුතු ඉදිරියට යද්දී ඔවුන් ද ඉදිරියට පැමිණ ඒවා හෙළි කරනු ඇති බවත් ඔහු තවදුරටත් කියා සිටියේය.

හෙතෙම මෙම අදහස් පළ කළේ අන්තර්ජාල නාලිකාවක සාකච්ඡාවට එක්වෙමිනි.

දමිතා අබේරත්න මහත්මියගේ සැමියා ඩුබායි රාජ්‍යයේ සිරගතව සිටි පුද්ගලයකු බවත් ඒ එරටදී සිදු කරන ලද මුදල් වංචාවක් සම්බන්ධයෙන් බවද පැවසූ ඔහු තමන් ද මත්පැන් පානය කිරීම නිසා එම බන්ධනාගාරයේම සිටි බවත් එහිදී ඇති වූ සම්බන්ධතාවයක් මත ඔවුන් හඳුනාගත් බවත් හෙතෙම එහිදී තවදුරටත් සදහන් කලේය.

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

ආණ්ඩුව පවත්වා ගැනීම සඳහා ප්‍රමාණවත් ආදායමක් නොලැබෙන බව ප‍්‍රවාහන, මහාමාර්ග හා ජනමාධ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය බන්ධුල ගුණවර්ධන මහතා සඳහන් කරයි.

පසුගිය වසර පුරාම මහා භාණ්ඩාගාරයට ලැබී ඇත්තේ රුපියල් ත්‍රිලියන තුනක් පමණක් බවත් ඉන් ට‍්‍රිලියන දෙකකට වැඩි ප්‍රමාණයක් රාජ්‍ය සේවක වැටුප් ආදිය ගෙවීමට වැයවූ බවත් හෙතෙම පැවසීය.

රට තුළ ගෙන ඇති ණය වලට පොලිය සදහා ට‍්‍රිලියන දෙකකට වැඩි ප්‍රමාණයක් ගෙවීමට ඇති බවත් එ් අනුව ඉතිරි වියදම් පියවාගෙන ඇත්තේ ණය ලාබාගෙන බවත් ඒ මහතා සදහන් කරයි.

එ් අනුව විදේශයන්ගෙන් ලබාගත් ණය ගිවිසගත් ආකාරයට නොගෙව්වහොත් ලංකාව දවසක්වත් පවත්වාගෙන යන නොහැකි බවද හෙතෙම කියා සිටියේය.

මාර්ග ව්‍යාපෘතියක් ආරම්භ කිරීමේ අවස්ථාවට එක්වෙමින් අමාත්‍යවරයා මෙම අදහස් පළ කරන ලදී.

BY MEERA SRINIVASAN Courtesy The Hindu

New Delhi had objected to a Chinese energy project in the location, instead offering a grant for the initiative

The initiative is the third India-backed energy project coming up in Sri Lanka’s north and east. The National Thermal Power Corporation is spearheading a solar venture in the eastern Sampur town, while the Adani Group is setting up renewable energy projects in Mannar and Pooneryn in the north | Photo Credit: ANI

Three years after objecting to a Chinese energy project in northern Sri Lanka, barely 50 km off Tamil Nadu’s coast, India is set to implement a hybrid power project in three islands off the Jaffna peninsula with a $11-million grant.

Sri Lanka Sustainable Energy Authority, the Government of Sri Lanka, and Indian company U-Solar Clean Energy Solutions on Friday signed the contract for building Hybrid Renewable Energy Systems” in Delft or Neduntheevu, Nainativu and Analaitivu islands off Jaffna peninsula in the island’s north.

The project, which is aimed at addressing energy needs of the people of the three islands, is being executed through grant assistance from Government of India. The hybrid project combines various forms of energy including both solar and wind, towards optimising capacities,” a press release from the Indian High Commission in Colombo said.

In a post on social media platform ‘X’ thanking the Government of India, Sri Lanka’s Power and Energy Minister Kanchana Wijesekara said: The project with 530 kw Wind power, 1,700 kw Solar power, 2,400 kwh Battery power and 2,500 kw of stand by diesel power system will be constructed at the 3 Islands by U-SOLAR.” The Bangalore-based company was chosen through a competitive bidding process conducted by the Sri Lankan government for Indian firms, officials said.

The initiative is the third India-backed energy project coming up in Sri Lanka’s north and east. The National Thermal Power Corporation is spearheading a solar venture in the eastern Sampur town, while the Adani Group is setting up renewable energy projects in Mannar and Pooneryn in the north.

India’s offer

The Sri Lankan Cabinet first cleared Sinosoar-Etechwin Joint Venture in China, to execute renewable energy projects in the three islands. The company was chosen through a competitive bid backed by the Asian Development Bank. Concerned by the prospect of a Chinese project very close to India’s southern coastline,  India offered to implement the same project with a grant instead of a loan, and Sri Lanka took it up.

A Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was signed in March 2022, during External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar’s visit to Sri Lanka. China’s displeasure at the turn of events is no secret. The Chinese Ambassador in Colombo voiced rare criticism of Sri Lankan authorities for suspending the original projects for unknown reasons” and sending out the wrong message” to potential investors.

Meanwhile, Sino Solar Hybrid Technology, whose energy project was suspended in Sri Lanka, in December 2021, signed a deal to implement a similar project in the Maldives.

Courtesy News18

Sri Lanka awards solar and wind power projects to Indian company, signaling strategic shift amid concerns over Chinese influence. India boosts bilateral energy partnership

Sri Lanka on Friday awarded the construction of three solar and wind hybrid power generation facilities to an Indian company after cancelling a tender won by a Chinese firm. This decision follows the temporary shelving of the project, initially financed by an Asian Development Bank (ADB) loan, two years ago.

This came amid strategic competition for major infrastructure projects in the island nation, which is currently emerging from its worst economic crisis since independence. Beijing, which is also Sri Lanka’s single largest bilateral creditor, accounted for around 10 percent of the island nation’s $46 billion foreign debt at the time of a government default at the peak of the crisis in 2022.

India’s assistance for the energy deal underscored the significance New Delhi attached to bilateral energy partnership”, the Indian embassy said in a statement. India: a committed partner! HC @santjha & Hon.State Minister Indika Anuruddha witnessed contract signing of the Hybrid Renewable Energy Project in Nainativu, Analaitivu & Delft islands, off Jaffna. This grant project by India addresses energy needs of the people of the 3 islands,” the Indian mission in Sri Lanka said in a post on X.

The project will consist of work to construct 530 kw of wind power, 1,700 kw of solar power, 2,400 kWh of battery power and a 2,500 kw diesel power system for Delft, Analativu and Nainativu islets, Sri Lanka’s Energy Minister Kanchana Wijesekara said in a statement. Sri Lanka’s energy ministry said Friday that the project had been revived and was now fully funded by an $11 million Indian government grant. It added that renewables firm U-Solar from India’s tech hub of Bengaluru had been awarded the building contract.

The Indian envoy in Colombo Santosh Jha was present at the ceremony. The Sri Lanka Sustainable Energy Authority, the Government of India and the U Solar Clean Energy Systems, a Bengaluru-based company signed the agreement.  India’s assistance to the project for the people of the three islands, which are not connected to the national grid, underscores the significance attached by GOI to bilateral energy partnership as well as the human-centric nature of development partnership, officials said.

Several landmark initiatives such as the power grid connectivity, multi-product two-way oil pipeline are currently under discussion between India and Sri Lanka in the energy sphere, according to a report in NewsFirst.lk, a Sri Lankan news portal. India’s overall development partnership portfolio stands at USD 5 billion with almost USD 600 million being in grants alone, it said.

(With agency inputs)

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

ඉදිරි ජනාධිපතිවරණයේ දී වත්මන් ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා නැවත ජයග්‍රහණය කරවීම මගින් තම න්‍යායපත්‍ර ඉදිරියට ගෙනයාම සඳහා වික්ටෝරියා නූලන්ඩ්ලා සහ අජිත් දොවාල්ලා අවසානයේ දී කරන දේ පිළිබදව ජාතික සංවිධාන විසින් පත්‍රිකාවක් නිකුත්කිරීම මගින් විශේෂ හෙළිදරව්වක් සිදුකර තිබේ.

ලංකා ලීඩර් වෙත අදහස් දැක්වූ දේශපාලන විචාරකයකු සඳහන් කළේ එවැනි විග්‍රහයක් කිසිඳු පාර්ශ්වයකින් ඉදරිපත් කර නොමැති බවය.

එම පත්‍රිකාව පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ට, දේශපාලන පක්ෂවලට සහ මහා සංඝරත්නයට යැවිය යුතු බවද ඔහු සඳහන් කළේය.

එම පත්‍රිකාව මගින් ඉදිරි ජනාධිපතිවරණයේ දී ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණට හිමිවන භූමිකාව ගැනද අදහසක් ඉදිරිපත් කර ඇත.

පත්‍රිකාව පහළින්…

https://smartecampaign.com/runningimages/candidate/lankaleader/media/image/1709261833.pdf

Courtesy Adaderana

The Finance Ministry on Thursday (Feb.29) unveiled the Government Action Plan, which was prepared based on the Governance Diagnostic Assessment (GDA) furnished by the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

Taking to his X handle (formerly Twitter), Finance State Minister Shehan Semasinghe said this action plan further demonstrates the Sri Lankan government’s commitment to building a sustainable economy and good governance in the country.

The IMF had prepared the governance diagnostic report at the request of Sri Lanka, and the publication was deemed imperative for the authorities to adopt their own action plan to implement the recommendations in the assessment, beyond the priority commitments under the EFF arrangement.

Sri Lanka is the first country in Asia to have undergone the IMF Governance Diagnostic exercise.

The IMF earlier lauded the timely publication of the GDA, highlighting that it was a commendable first step towards addressing deep-rooted corruption weaknesses.

https://www.scribd.com/embeds/709701041/content?start_page=1&view_mode=scroll&access_key=key-0kwslFwMxXkHp8tageRG

Government Action Plan – Up… by Adaderana Online

KAMALIKA PIERIS

The Buddhist lobby set out to re-establish Buddhism in the Northeast when the Eelam war ended in 2009. They were helped in this task by the army. The Buddhist lobby started off by setting up Buddha statues. Buddha-images were planted triumphantly in Tamil areas of re-conquest” lamented Tamil Separatist Movement.  By 2012 the number of Buddhist statues from Omanthai to Yālpāṇam had increased to 29.

A Buddha statue came up in Sambaltheevu in Trincomalee with police protection. Construction work started on the Buddha statue at Mahindaramaya, Valaichchenai In 2019. The 60-foot statue will be the tallest in Batticaloa said chief priest, Ven. Katugastota (Kaddukasthodda) Mahindalangara.

Buddha statues were placed in sensitive locations. One statue was in front of Thirukoneswaram Hindu temple in Trincomalee and another was at Thiruketheeswaram temple in Mannar.A large Buddha statue has been built near Yālpāṇam harbor making it clearly visible to the vessels, complained Tamil Separatist Movement.

The military has built Buddha statues within or in close proximity to Hindu temples at Vavuniya, Kilinochchi, and Point Pedro, complained Aadalayan Centre. A 67 foot Buddha statue is coming up in front of the Nainai Nagabhooshani Amman Hindu temple, at Nainativu. 

 The Buddhist lobby then went on to build temples in the northeast, regardless of opposition from the Tamil Separatists. They started with Kankesanturai in the north (Tissa vihara) then   Mullaitivu,   Trincomalee, Batticaloa.  A Vihara has come up in front of the hot water springs in Kinniya.

In 2016 Tamil Separatist Movement stated that new viharas were coming up at Omanthai, Semmadu, Kanakarayankulam, Kilinochchi, Mankulam, Paranthan and Pooneryn. Nine Viharas are coming up in Mullaitivu district alone. In Kokkilai which is in Mullaitivu district, a Buddha vihara is coming up with army support .There is   a Buddhist site at Muḷḷivāykkāl as well. 

Northern Province Governor Reginold Cooray   replied in 2016   that there are only 13 Buddhist temples in the entire Northern Province.  There is nothing wrong in constructing Buddhist temples.

These newly constructed Buddhist sites are becoming places of devotion, lamented the Tamil Separatist Movement. Many tourists stop at these key junctions and make donations.  Pilgrim resorts have started to appear. Then Sinhala settlements   come up near   these resorts, complained the Tamil Separatist Movement. One example is the Madhu Road Housing Scheme that came after the vihara and pilgrim resort were built.

Tamil Separatist Movement complained that Buddhist places of worship have been built in strategic places in the north. There is a temple at Navatkuli. Navatkuli is a strategically a very important location.   Two important Jaffna roads, A32 and A9 intersect at Navatkuli. These two roads are the only land route between the Jaffna Peninsula and the rest of the island. A Buddhist temple at this location would help the Buddhists control access to Jaffna.

Similarly Maṅkuḷam is the main junction between Vavuṉiyā and Kilinochchi towns. Mankulam junction and Kaṉakārayaṉkuḷam junction connect roads from all four directions. They are the key business locations in Kilinochchi district.

There is a newly built large Buddhist stūpa on the A9 road, near Maṅkuḷam junction. It is designed as a proper Buddhist monastery” with the aim of bringing monks to reside there. A plan for expansion is visible.  The building of a large stūpa at this key commercial junction not only has a religio-military dimension, but also a commercial aspect.

 A sapling of the Śrī Mahā Bodhi has been planted on a 20 feet-high mound at Kanakārayaṉkuḷam on the A9 road. The place is guarded around the clock by four soldiers who live in a nearby military barrack. A soldier also operates as a tourist guide at this site and gives the history of Śrī Mahā Bodhi and how the sapling was brought here after the military victory over the LTTE. There are plans to arrange for Buddhist monks to reside at the site.  Devotees who pass through the A9 route daily in their thousands donate generously to the site. The site is continuously expanding. 

Jude Fernando (2013) [1]  speaks of the malāsanayas which have been set up all over the north .The term Malasanaya refers to the stand for flowers placed before a Buddha statue, but in this case, Malasanaya probably means a small outdoor shrine.

The end of the Eelam war led to a rapid growth in malāsanayas in the north.  New Buddhist malāsanayas can be found in Mullaitivu district, and in Mallāvi, Vaṭakau and Tarmapuram in Kiḷinocci district, said Jude. In the Eastern Province there is a new Buddhist malāsanaya near the hot water wells in Kiṇṇiyā.

Malāsana have been built on the intersecting junctions of roads. There was one at Parantan junction, which connects the A9 road to two other directions..  They are frequently visited by Buddhists who travel on the A9 road as tourists going to the Northern Province.

There were malasanayas in police stations, in public places,  and military camps as well. Some are located inside the camps but could be seen from the road. A good number are located in between the main road and the barbed-wire fence of the camp.

There were 12 clearly visible Buddhist sites of worship within 129km, along the main A9m road from Ōmantai to Yālpāṇam. there are five such places Within 33.8 km on the road from Yālpāṇam to Paruttittuṟai there were  at least 20 such sites from Matavācci to Maṉṉār visible from the road. These figures came from a random count done by a team of Tamils and Siṃhalas as part of a Human Rights training programme in 2010. 

The Buddhist lobby is reaching out beyond Jaffna as well. .Vediyarasan Fort on the island of Delft was declared an ancient Buddhist site by the Archaeological Department of Sri Lanka. The construction of a Buddhist shrine on the island of Katchatheevu, a notable place of pilgrimage for Tamil Catholics, has raised fears around the possibility of Sinhala colonization, said Tamil Guardian.

Tamil Separatist Movement has charged that Buddhist temples are built on Hindu temple lands. In Kōkkiḷāi in Mullaitīvu district, a Hindu temple (Piḷḷayār kōvil) which was damaged during the war has been demolished and replaced by a Buddhist shrine.

The entire district of Maṉṉar though populated by Tamils has been brought under the archaeological province of Anurādhapura. A section of Thirukeetheswaram temple (Mannar) has been taken over for a shrine for Buddhists. The District Secretariat in Mannar had granted rights to a monk to build within the precincts of a Hindu temple, but the trustees of the Hindu temple managed to get the Buddhist temple stopped.

In the Eastern Province the animosity towards Buddhism   is leading to confrontations. There is now an open tussle between the Buddhists and non Buddhists in Eastern Province. Neither side is prepared to give in. Kurundi is one example.

Buddhists are determined that the Eastern Province must maintain its position as a Buddhist province. They are setting up new Buddhist temples and enlarging the existing ones. A new building for Sri Pantharma temple in Vellaveli (Batticaloa) was provided by the army in 2015.  The commemorative plaque was entirely in Sinhala, complained Tamilnet.

The Eastern Province Development Committee found at its meeting   of August 2023 that land had been given to places of worship in the Trincomalee District without any formal procedures. Arisimale temple had got 100 acres.  The 365 acres requested by the Tiriyaya temple was reduced to 265 acres, by a Parliamentary Select Committee. 27 perches of land has been requested for Boralukanda Rajamaha Vihara. It was decided to re-survey and settle the issue.

In 2023, it was reported that the President intended to appoint a committee to determine whether Kurundi and Tiriyaya had historically owned 2,000 and 3,000 (sic) acres of land respectively. President wanted to know how these two Viharas could own more land than Maha vihara in Anuradhapura. The committee must show historical evidence about the land once owned by the Kurundi and Tiriyaya Viharas. This did not go down well. A cartoon in Island newspaper of 18.6.23 made fun of the Presidents observations on Maha vihara. 

The Buddhist lobby has taken an interest in Trikoneswaram temple in Trincomalee. R.Sampanthan had written to President Ranil Wickremesinghe on 14 September, 2022 saying I am informed that meetings have been held in Trincomalee regarding Thirukoneshwaram and certain decisions are to be taken.

A proposal has been made that a new route be opened to the Buddha statue and from there to Thirukoneshwaram kovil. This is not necessary. It can result in persons encroaching and occupying land on the route. This will result in the sanctity and piety of the two sites getting diminished. I kindly request that the opening of this new route be stopped. This will only result in evil being done. DBS Jeyaraj said in November 2022   that this controversial move seem to have been put on hold.

Some years ago some traders from Ratnapura were brought and installed on the route to Koneshwaram, continued Sampanthan. Meat and Fish were cooked there. A decision was taken that these persons be shifted from this area but not been implemented. He also complained that some persons claiming to be Archeological officials have visited this area

Sampanthan then recalled that In August 1968, a group of prominent Hindus representing several Hindu organizations wrote to Prime Minister Dudley Sanganayake and the Hindu Minister in the Government M. Tiruchelvam regarding the Koneshwaram Temple. They requested that the Fort Fredrick precincts be declared a sacred area on account of the historic Koneshwaram Temple being located within.  

The appointment of the committee on ‘Declaration of Fort Fredrick of Trincomalee, a Sacred Area’ was gazetted on 27 August 1968.   Three days later on 30 August the Ven. Mangalle Dharmakirti and Sri Dambagasare Sumedhankara Nayaka Thera of Tammankaduwe lodged a protest with Prime Minister Senanayake.

 According to Minister Tiruchelvam’s former Private Secretary Ram Balasubramaniam, the Buddhist monk claimed that an ancient place of Buddhist worship” would get into the hands of those who are neither Sinhalese nor Buddhists” because of the committee being appointed to declare Koneshwaram a sacred area. A widespread agitation was threatened if the project was not shelved immediately.   Dudley Senanayake vehemently denied that Fort Fredrick was going to be declared a Hindu sacred area. He emphasized that Fort Fredrick was under the Defence Ministry. 

 In May 2023 there was a   test of strength, between The Tamil Separatist Movement and the Buddhist lobby. This time, for once, the Buddhist lobby won. In May 2023 the Buddhist lobby had arranged for 50 Thai monks to arrive by boat to Trincomalee, and conduct a ceremony near the Bo Gas Hatara temple, to celebrate the arrival of the Siam Nikaya upasampada in 1753.  Derana news of 14.5.2023 reported on what happened next.

The delegation arrived and got as far as Jaya Sumanaramaya by foot. They were prevented from proceeding any further by students of University of Jaffna who had set up an attalaya blocking their route.   They had stayed the previous night there. These students said that the Buddhist lobby must stop their procession immediately; otherwise they will gather all the undergrads of Northeastern University as well and demonstrate.

The Sangha then went to the Trincomalee clock tower. Camera showed a row of monks seated looking formidable. They did not sit there for long.  They pushed through the army barriers using poles and reached Bo Gas Hatara.  The Tamil students who were there   departed and the ceremony was held.

This is the place where the new upasampada started” said the chief priest, standing before the gate of St Mary’s Convent. TNA must understand that there is a loyal, patriotic, Buddhist community of monks and laymen here.

 Derana news also reported that Sampanthan had said in Parliament, that there was a sacred kovil near Bo Gas Hatara and this is why they were objecting. Homeland Democratic Party” had written to India, USA and Thailand to stop this ceremony.  (Continued)

[1] As at 2013, Dr. Jude Lal Fernando (Jūd Lāl Pranāndu) was a post-doctoral research fellow and lecturer in Buddhist-Christian dialogue at the Irish School of Ecumenics, Trinity College Dublin. He has written on Expansion of Siṃhala Buddhism into the Tamil Region: Religio-Military Dimensions of Post-War Lanka”. He has collected documentary pictures of the Sinhalisation of the Tamil area in Īlam’s North-East region after the defeat of the LTTE . the  quotations that follow are taken from: Buddhism among Tamils in Tamilakam and Īlam Part 3 Extension and Conclusions Editor-in Chief: Peter Schalk https://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:604163/FULLTEXT06.pdf

KAMALIKA PIERIS

Buddhist lobby made it a point to celebrate Wesak in the Northern Province. Wesak celebrations were organized in Jaffna in 2005. Religious activities were at Naga Vihara and Kadurugoda temple. Large crowds had thronged to Jaffna for Wesak to view the celebration. There were lanterns and dansala at the Alfred Duraiyappah stadium.

Jaffna celebrated Wesak in 2009 too. The celebration lasted for three days. Wesak lanterns were lit along the main trunk roads.  Wesak was celebrated   at Lumbini Vihara, Kilinochchi.

The most celebrated moment of Buddhist rituals and festivals in the post-war” Tamil region was the government sponsored celebration of Vēsak in May 2011 said Tamil Separatist Movement.

N 2011 there were no Buddhists in the North except the occupying army, Jude Fernando observed. But, the whole of North, from Vavuniya to Jaffna along the A-9 road, was full of colorful Vesak decorations, huge lanterns and flying Buddhist flags as if the people of the North are Buddhists. A number of Vesak dansal had been set up in several places. All this was done by the occupying Sri Lanka   Armed Forces and Police as a sign of subjugation of the Tamils by the Sinhalese Buddhists, Jude said.

In 2014, Wesak celebrations were organized by the Jaffna Buddhist Society” with the assistance of the army. This too attracted large crowds. There was a special Wesak zone with a giant pandal and a dansela run by the army.   The Wesak zone attracted over 100,000 on first day.  Bhakthi Gee were sung by soldiers, students of Jaffna schools and the students of the Manipay Nandarama Tamil Buddhist Dhamma School.

Wesak celebrations organized by the Jaffna Security Force Headquarters in 2018 were very popular, judging from the crowd turnout.  The Wesak Dansela catered to over 15,000 people each day. The Wesak pandals attracted large crowds.

 Previously, if a person from Jaffna needed to witness the Wesak celebrations, they would have to travel either to Anuradhapura or Colombo, but now with the Wesak celebrations being held in the North, the Northern people too could enjoy this festival,” said viewers.  Both the young and old come for the Wesak celebrations. They enjoy seeing the lanterns and pandals and it also gives them an understanding of the Buddhist culture, they said. Tamil politicians, however, objected to the Wesak celebrations.

The Buddhist lobby is now in a position to initiate a string of Buddhist pilgrimages to the north and east. In the past the Buddhists only went to Nagadipa, now there is Sapumalgaskada and Kurundi, in Mullaitivu, Boralukanda and Tiriyaya in Trincomalee. 

It is now time to transfer worship of Nagadipa from Nainativu island to the Jaffna peninsula. Jaffna was the original Nagadipa. Therefore Jaffna must now be recognized as Nagadipa, and made a part of the Solosmastana pilgrimage.

The Buddhist lobby must also consider propagating Buddhism in the north and east. There is no rush to obtain converts. The Buddhist philosophy must be available to any Tamil who wishes to learn about Buddhism. That will be sufficient, in my view.

At a talk I attended in 2019, It was suggested, that Tamil should be taught in the Pirivenas, so that they can teach Buddhism to Tamil speakers.  The present objection to temples is because there is a distrust of Buddhist temples in Jaffna, said one analyst. Ethnic discord may not have arisen if in the 30s and 40s monks learnt Tamil and preached the Buddha’s words in the North and East, said another. It may be better to sponsor Buddhism in the north east without enforcing Sinhala colonization, said a third commentator.  The presence of more Buddhists may have diffused the situation and prevented a war. So it should be Buddhistization and not Sinhalisation, he said.

There was a short period in Jaffna when in 1962 a small group of Tamil speakers converted to Ambedkar-Buddhism and later re-converted to Hinduism. There was a short-lived conversion to Buddhism in villages such as Caṅkāṉai, Kāṅkēcanturai, Puttūr and Karaveṭṭi in the mid-1960s said AJV Chandrakanthan.

The Maviddapuram Temple entry crisis and the growing political and social discriminations that were meted out to the minority Tamils, culminated in the declaration by a group of minority leaders, their families and children of their desire to convert to Buddhism. This led to the formation of The All Ceylon Tamil Buddhist Association (Akila Ilaṅkai Tamilar Pauttac Caṅkam) in 1962. [1]

They jointly ventured into the task of establishing Tamil Buddhist schools to respond to the need for education of minority Tamil children and to facilitate the religious needs of the newly converted Tamil Buddhist children. Four schools were established in four villages in the Paruttittuṟai district. These are: Puthoor Panchaseela Vidyalaya, Atchuvely Shree Vipasi Vidyalaya, Karaveddy, Kanpolla ShreeNaratha (Kanpollai) and  Alvaii Somage Vidyalaya

these schools gradually became Tamil schools for all Tamil children in the area and the short lived Buddhist religion eventually lost its fire and fervour. In retrospect, conversion to Buddhism was seen only as an abortive short cut to sharp and swift social emancipation. By climbing the ladder of Buddhism the minority Tamils hoped for  social egalitarianism which they thought was enshrined as a fundamental Buddhist religious principle. Thus, those who opted to climb this ladder were soon disillusioned as their expectation was unattainable.

The Tamils knew that this conversion will wither away and die in a matter of months. As expected it did. Critics observed that  this activity received no support from the Buddhist public. What form of sustainability did the Sinhala Buddhist officialdom provide for the new converts?  did they ever provide a system that would enable the continuity of their newly founded mission, t Asked critics. ( continued)

[1] The following were the office-bearers of this Association: President: Taviṭ Mārimutu Vairamuttu, J.P. Joint Secretaries: K. Kanagaliṅkam, V. Mārkkaṇṭu Vice-Presidents: N. Ciṉṉattampi, M. Poṉṉuturai, S. Kiruśnacāmi Treasurer: S. Iyāturai Buddhism among Tamils in Tamilakam and Īlam Part 3 Extension and Conclusions Editor-in Chief: Peter Schalk https://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:604163/FULLTEXT06.pdf p 171

The Pathfinder

The Pathfinder Indian Ocean Security Conference Phase III was held in Colombo. President Ranil Wickremesinghe was the chief guest with Julie Chung, U.S. Ambassador to Sri Lanka Hayashi Makoto, Japanese Deputy Assistant Minister for Southeast and Southwest Asian Affairs, and Milinda Moragoda founder of Pathfinder Foundation. The distinguished speakers were joined by other heads of diplomatic missions, regional experts, and think tank leaders to provide insights into the complex topics for discussion at the conference.

The Pathfinder Foundation, in consultation with its International Advisory Group, has curated a program to stimulate discussions and propose actionable recommendations.

Ambassador (Retd.) Bernard Goonetilleke, Chairman PF and Ambassador (Retd.) Shivshankar Menon, former Indian Foreign Secretary and National Security Advisor, the co-chairmanship of the conference explores critical themes affecting the Indian Ocean community, including the Indo-Pacific strategy and its regional implications, recognition of the importance of underwater domain awareness within security and economic dimensions, the pressing problems of climate change, maritime disaster management, and promoting a blue-green economy. The Pathfinder Indian Ocean Security Conference live streaming is available on the Pathfinder web and  FB page.

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

ශ්‍රී ලංකාව සතිපොළක් මට්ටමටම අද පත්කර ඇති බවත්, මේ රට උරුමයක්, ඉතිහාසයක් හා අයිතියක් ඇති රටක් මිස සතිපොළක් නොවන බවත් මහාචාර්ය ලලිතසිරි ගුණරුවන් මහතා පවසයි.

රාජ්‍ය ව්‍යවසායකත්වය රටේ අනිවාර්ය අංගයක් බවත්, පෞද්ගලික අංශයක් තිබුණ ද සියලුම දේට මැදිහත් වීමට එම අංශයට නොහැකි බවත්,  උපායමාර්ගික අරමුණුකරා යන විට වෙළඳපොළ න්‍යාය මතම පදනම් වී අන්ධව ගමන් කිරීම යනු රටේ අනාගතය විනාශවී යාමක් බවත් ඒ මහතා පෙන්වා දෙයි.

රාජ්‍ය ව්‍යවසාය නොමැතිව රටක් ඉදිරියට යා නොහැකි බවද, පෞද්ගලික අංශයේ ව්‍යවසායකත්වය හරහා ලාභයක් ඉපයීම අනිවාර්ය වනවා සේම රාජ්‍ය අංශයෙන් ද එමගින් ලාභයක් ඉපයීමේ වරද කුමක් දැයි ඒ මහතා ප්‍රශ්න කරයි.

‘රාජ්‍ය ව්‍යවසායකත්වය සහ රටේ සම්පත්’ යන මැයෙන් දෙරණ නාලිකාවේ පැවති විද්වත් සංවාදයකට එක්වෙමින් ඒ මහතා මෙම අදහස් පළකළේය. 

එම සංවාදය සඳහා  ජනාධිපති නීතිඥ මයුර ගුණවංශ, වෘත්තිකයන්ගේ ජාතික පෙරමුණේ සභාපති ඉංජිනේරු කපිල රේණුක පෙරේරා, බහාලුම් රථ සංගමයේ උපදේශක ජයන්ත අතපත්තු යන මහත්වරුන් ද එක්ව සිටියහ.

වීඩියෝව නරඹන්න…

By Sarath Wijesinghe President’s Counsel (LL.M (UCL London)), former Ambassador to UAE and Israel, former Chairman of the Consumer Affairs Authority, President of the Lanka Ambassador’s Forum – United Kingdom, Solicitor in England and Wales

Legal education is paramount in Sri Lanka, where there is a legal profession comprising 20,000 lawyers and academics in universities. Despite this, legal education remains minimal due to a lack of facilities and promotional activities. In contrast, other countries give legal education more prominence.

Legal education in Sri Lanka is based on the constitution and the legal framework of the country, which is mainly based on Roman-Dutch law, with influences from Sri Lanka and South Africa. Other legal systems, such as Kandyan law and maritime law, also play a role. Legal education is generally conducted in English in the higher courts, while other courts use Tamil and Sinhala, but records in the highest courts are maintained in English. There is a debate over whether the case records of the highest courts should be in Sinhala, especially for controversial matters decided by governors.

Dr. Jayatissa De Costa’s book, “Laws of Sri Lanka,” is an excellent reference for students, academics, and the public, even though law is not taught to them. Under the Chapter of 1933, advocates and proctors can be admitted, a practice dating back to 1874. The entire admission process for legal education is in the hands of the Law College, headed by the Honorable Chief Justice, which is a point of interest for academics and professionals.

There is ample time to educate lawyers academically. Currently, the lawyers admitted are also officers of the Supreme Court, following the amalgamation of two professions advocates and proctors by the administration of law introduced by Hon. Felix Dias Bandaranaike. This reform was initiated with high hopes for the commoner to address law’s delays, but unfortunately, it did not fully materialize.

The Law College exams are difficult, and there are other qualifications available, such as a Bachelor of Laws degree (LLB) from Sri Lanka or abroad. Institutions involved in teaching include the Law College, Colombo University, Open University, Peradeniya University, Jaffna University, General Sir John Kotelawala University etc., which conduct law degrees accepted by the Law College. The Law College also recognizes degrees from other universities, but its exams are excessively tough for entry into the legal profession. However, they maintain certain standards, ensuring that those who pass the exams are well-qualified.

Another famous book for legal education is by LJM Cooray in 1975 on legal education, with the rest of the information available on the internet. The bodies responsible for legal education are the Law College and other law faculties, which maintain certain standards. Legal education in Sri Lanka was initially influenced by British rule, starting with the Charter of Justice, where advocates were enrolled, and the administration of justice and law fused the two professions, a practice that continues today.

Law is not taught in schools and institutions aimed at the commoner, which is a societal need. Civics was taught in schools, but this is no longer the case, which is a concern for academics and concerned citizens given the current situation in the country regarding law and order. The Ambassadors’ Forum is planning to compile the 12th volume of its Foreign Policy Perspectives series on Law and Order to discuss this issue, in addition to the volumes compiled on many important topics such as agriculture, peace, and reconciliation, which are academic, practical, and aimed at professionals and academics in society.

The legal profession is seen as a partnership of judges, lawyers, academics, etc., who are educated and competent, but there is a need for a proper training institute for judges and for judges who understand life and judicial temperament. Some judges in minor courts need a lot of training. There are concerns about the standards for lawyers, which is true for standards of education, language proficiency, etc. The Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) and the Law College must take notice of these issues.

The Law College is an independent body, and the principal has authority and responsibility. Academics and lawyers have concerns about the way the principal is trying to do the job without assistance from legal professionals. It is time for the principal to address this matter. This also contributes to the rise of criminal activities due to a lack of knowledge and provisions by the respective parties on the rule of law.

Legal education is a complex study on the development of professional identity and studies. Sri Lanka has leading visionaries and world-renowned judges and professionals, such as Justice Weeramantry, who is held in the highest esteem worldwide. The profession must take notice of these figures and use them as examples.

Therefore, as the Bar Association of Sri Lanka is completing 50 years of existence, it is time to look back, learn from mistakes, and take steps for the future to ensure that Sri Lanka’s legal system is not second to any in the world, including the UK, from which the system was imported. It is time for the judiciary, Bar Association, academics, and professionals to come together in one forum for their benefit and the benefit of citizens at large, especially now when the legal profession is at a low ebb. In the recent past, we were at a reasonably good level, so at this juncture, legal professionals, academics, and the judiciary must resolve to make things right, using this anniversary as a platform.

Palitha Mapatuna

It is evident that a recent claim is being made by some that the Buddha was born, attained enlightenment, delivered his teaching and passed away in Sri Lanka.

However, evidence seems to strongly indicate that the Buddha was born outside Sri Lanka (most probably in Lumbini in the country known today as Nepal) and that the events of attainment of enlightenment, delivery of the teaching and passing away took place in the northern part of the country known today as India. 

Evidence in India

Of the much evidence that support this, two  pieces that pertain to India are as follows.

1. It is known that names of places, such as Kuru, Videha and Kosala and of rivers, such as Yamuna and Ganges, found in ancient Indian literature, including the Mahabharata, are found in the Buddha’s discourses (e.g. Kosala samyutta and Udana 5.5).

2. The four classes (Brahmins, downwards) in the caste system in India are indicated in relevant discourses of the Buddha (e.g. Digha Nikaya 27).

Apart from these two pieces of evidence, there is much other evidence (including the availability in India of many Buddhist stupas, sculptures and relics) to support that the aforesaid events took place in India.

However, these two pieces of evidence alone seem sufficient to establish that these events took place in India.

Evidence in Sri Lanka

Additionally, there is much evidence that pertain to Sri Lanka that dispel the claim that the events, referred to above, took place in Sri Lanka. 

Two pieces of such evidence are as follows.

1. The ancient chronicles of Sri Lanka, including the Mahawamsa, do not state that these events took place in Sri Lanka.  

2(1). None of the many Kings and other heads of state or any others in the past 2500 years and more had indicated that these events took place in Sri Lanka.  

(2). This failure on their part is indeed very strange if they had in fact taken place in Sri Lanka!

These two pieces of evidence alone seem to be sufficient to dispel this claim.

                                                                ***

Yet, in spite of the contrary evidence in both India and Sri Lanka, there seem to be those who adhere to this claim.

Possible Consequences 

Two of the possible consequences of promoting this claim would be:

1. The division of buddhists in Sri Lanka,  resulting in a general weakening of their position in the country, and 

2. The devaluation of the  many ancient sources of the history of Sri Lanka, including the Mahawansa.

It may be appreciated that the devaluation of these sources would effectively mean the devaluation of the country as a whole, as they are an intrinsic part of it.

                                                                 ***

Thus, it seems necessary that a prudent and effective response be made by concerned citizens and authorities regarding the recent claim, taking into account evidence in both India and Sri Lanka and the indicated possible consequences. 

Palitha Mapatuna

උදයංග වීරතුංග චමුදිත සමරවික්‍රම සමග

Iraj Show

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

රංගන ශිල්පිනී දමිතා අබේරත්න හා ඇගේ සැමියා නිසි වරෙන්තුවක් නොමැතිව අත්අඩංගුවට නොගන්නා ලෙස කොටුව මහේස්ත්‍රාත් අධිකරණය විසින් නියෝගයක් නිකුත් කර තිබේ.

ඒ ඇය හා ඇගේ සැමියා විසින් ගොනු කරන ලද ඇපේක්ෂිත ඇප අයදුම් පත්‍රයක් සලකා බලමිනි.

කොරියානු රැකියා ලබාදෙන බව පවසමින් රුපියල් ලක්ෂ තිහකට ආසන්න මුදලක් වංචා කරන ලදැයි සිදුකරන පරීක්ෂණ වලට අදාළව පේක්ෂිත ඇප අයදුම් පත්‍රය යොමු කර තිබින.

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

රංග­න­වේ­දිනී දමිතා අබේ­රත්න සහ ඇයගේ සැමියා කොරි­යානු රැකියා ලබා­දෙන බව පවසා රුපි­යල් ලක්ෂ 30ක මුද­ලක් වංචා කළ බව කියන සිද්ධි­යක් සම්බ­න්ධ­යෙන් විම­ර්ශන පව­ත්වන බව අප­රාධ පරී­ක්ෂණ දෙපා­ර්ත­මේ­න්තුව කොටුව මහේ­ස්ත්‍රාත් තිළිණ ගමගේ මහ­තාට (26) දැනුම් දුන්නේය.

දමිතා අබේ­රත්න සහ ඇයගේ සැමියා කොරි­යානු රටට යවන බව පවසා රුපි­යල් ලක්ෂ 30කට අධික මුද­ලක් වංචා කර ඇතැයි අප­රාධ පරී­ක්ෂණ දෙපා­ර්ත­මේ­න්තුව අධි­ක­ර­ණ­යට දන්වා සිටි අතර ඔවුන් දෙදෙ­නාට බොර­ලැ­ස්ග­මුව පොලි­සි­යට පැමි­ණී­මට දැන්වු­වත් එය නොස­ලකා හැර ඇති බැවින් අධි­ක­ර­ණයේ පෙනී සිටින ලෙස නොති­සි­යක් නිකුත් කරන ලෙස අප­රාධ පරී­ක්ෂණ දෙපා­ර්ත­මේ­න්තුව අධි­ක­ර­ණ­යෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටි­යේය.

එම දෙදෙනා සැක­ක­රු­වන් ලෙස නම් කර තිබේද යන්න කොටුව මහේ­ස්ත්‍රා­ත්ව­රයා ඒ අව­ස්ථාවේ විමසා සිටි­යේය.

මෙතෙක් සැක­ක­රු­වන් ලෙස නම් කර නැහැ. විම­ර්ශන අව­ස්ථාවේ සිටින්නේ. පොලි­සි­යට පැමි­ණෙන ලෙස දැනුම් දුන්නද පැමි­ණියේ නැහැ. අධි­ක­ර­ණයේ පෙනී සිටි­න්නැයි නොතී­සි­යක් නිකුත් කරන්න යැයි පොලිස් නිල­ධා­රීන් කොටුව මහේ­ස්ත්‍රා­ත්ව­ර­යා­ගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටි­යේය.

සැක­ක­රු­වෙක් ලෙස නම් කර නැති නම් නොතීසි නිකුත් කරන්න බැහැ. නිසි ආකා­ර­යෙන් නියෝග ඉල්ලන්න. යැයි කිය­මින් මහේ­ස්ත්‍රා­ත්ව­රයා එම ඉල්ලීම ප්‍රති­ක්ෂේප කළේය.

– Dinamina

KAMALIKA PIERIS

The Tamil Separatist Movement angrily noted that a process of BUDDHISIZATION and SINHALISATION started in the north and east from the year 2009. Buddhist temples were being constructed in places where no Buddhists reside and outside Sinhala Buddhist people” were being settled in Tamil villages, the Tamil Separatist Movement complained.  

The Tamil Separatist Movement vehemently objected to what it calls the Buddhistization” of the north and east.  It does not object to Christianization, Islamisation or Hinduisation”, only to Buddhistization”. There is a deep fear of Buddhistization.

The word Buddhistization” has not been used before, as far as I know, either internationally or locally.  Buddhistization” should mean conversion to Buddhism, but in this case, it means the construction of Buddha statues and   Buddhist temples, with resident bhikkhus and hordes of worshippers arriving thereafter.

The Buddhist temples that have started to sprout in the northeast are of two kinds, brand new temples and restored ancient temples, now got ready for modern worship.  

Jude Fernando elaborates on this. He says   Buddhistization” includes several strategies.  They are: i) the construction of Buddha statues ii) new Buddhist temples in the north and east, iii) the settlement of monks at these temples, iv) organization of Buddhist rituals and festivals v)     geo-strategic locations selected for new  Buddhist sites vi) renovation of ancient  Buddhist sites. Vii) Declaration of ancient Buddhist sites as part of the ancient Sinhala Buddhist civilization. 

Sinhala colonies, Buddhist temples, and Buddha statues are being aggressively constructed with military sponsorship with the sole purpose of Sinhala Buddhistization of the North-eastern Tamil homeland, said Tamil Peoples Council in 2016. Buddhist temples are being constructed in places where no Buddhists reside People in the north are worried and suspicious that Sinhalas from outside would invade Tamil villages. 

The military’s construction of Buddhist viharas in traditionally Tamil areas with no Buddhist population is a preliminary step to the Sinhala-Buddhist colonization of these areas and a re-assertion of Sinhala Buddhist dominance, said Adaalayam Centre for Policy Research, Jaffna in 2017.

Tamil Separatist Movement fears that it may not be able to stop this Buddhistization, single-handed. They have written to the UK, Canada, and India asking for help. The National Council of Canadian Tamils submitted to the government of Canada in July 2021. They stated inter alia, that the Tamils in the northeast of Sri Lanka are facing state-sponsored colonization, Sinhalization, and Buddhistization:

Buddhist monks with the assistance of police and security forces are trying to replace the Tamil people’s places of worship with Buddhist temples.  Religious institutions like Kovils, mosques, and churches are under threat of destruction or forced relocation to make room for Buddhist shrines for the new Sinhala settlers, the National Council of Canadian Tamils said.

There were many objections to the construction of new Buddhist temples, Buddha statues, and shrines in Northern Province.  There have been many demands for the removal of these  Buddhist statues.

A 67-foot Buddha statue is coming up in front of the Nainai Nagabhooshani Amman Hindu temple, complained the Tamil Separatist Movement. A Buddha statue has come up in Sambaltheevu (Trincomalee) with police protection.

In some areas, such as Vavuniya, Kilinochchi, and Point Pedro, the military has built Buddha statues within or near Hindu temples. Buddha statues have come up in front of the 2500-year-old Thirukoneswara Hindu temple in Trincomalee and the Thiruketheeswaram temple in Mannar.

The Tamil Separatist Movement complained loudly that Buddhist temples were being built where there were no Buddhists. Buddha viharas are coming up in Omanthai, Semmadu, Kanakarayankulam, Kilinochchi, Mankulam, Paranthan, and Pooneryn.

Tamil Separatist Movement made special mention of Mullaitivu.  Nine Buddha Viharas are being built in the Mullaitivu district alone, according to the Tamil Separatist Movement. These Buddhist viharas were constructed after the armed conflict ended. 

Mullaitivu District has witnessed the military’s construction of Buddhist structures on both state and private Tamil lands. In Kokkali, (Mullaitivu district), a Buddha Vihara is coming up with army support despite a claim to the land by a local Tamil.  Security forces arrested this Tamil landowner in 2015 for protesting against the military land grab, said Adaalayam Centre.  

Mullaitivu was important because Mullaitivu was both north and east. It was where the Northern Province met the Eastern Province. Mullaitivu has forcefully opposed the construction of Buddhist structures in the area, Adaalayam said.

Tamil Separatist Movement took aggressive action against temples in Jaffna, Mullaitivu, Vavuniya, and  Trincomalee. These have been described earlier in this series. Here is another event.

A protest was carried out at the Wesak celebration of Tissa Vihara at Kankesanturai on May 6. 2023. A video clip showed  Tamil leaders, including MPs such as Sumanthiran arriving at the spot by car, looking very concerned.  A small group of Tamil residents were seated on the roadway a little away from the temple entrance, holding placards and calling our slogans. They were there till nighttime. One slogan was ape ahasa apita one. Ape idama apita one”.  This means that the  Tamil Separatist Movement is now claiming, ownership not only of the land but also the sky above.

Tamil Separatist Movement has used many strategies to halt the advance of Buddhistization. One is to argue that there is no historical basis for saying that the northeast is Sinhala and  Buddhist. International Crisis Group issued a report in 2008 that documented how arbitrary the process of claiming ancient Siṃhala Buddhist heritage is. This report, which I have not seen,  would have tried to show that there is no historical basis for an ancient Sinhala-Buddhist heritage in the north and east.

Tamil Separatist Movement has also put forward the outrageous claim that the ancient Buddhist ruins in the north and east are not genuine ruins. They are false. The ancient Buddhist artifacts were planted there by modern Buddhists.

Tamil Separatist Movement speaks of a detailed well-researched report compiled by the Minority Rights Group International in 2011, which has revealed using eye-witness accounts of those living in Trincomalee that such artifacts were planted by unknown persons. They say people came at night, on motorcycles, with sacks full of items which they planted in the area. It was done by state officials., they said. [1]

Rajiva Wijesinha in his book Triumph and Disaster: the Rajapaksa Years says that he had been told that Ellawela Medhananda had brought artifacts from elsewhere and dumped them in sites he wanted taken over.

These statements are absurd. They can be made only by persons who know nothing about the matter. The evidence for a Sinhala-Buddhist civilization in the north and east is fixed, immovable items as well as heavy items that cannot be easily transported. The first category includes cave inscriptions, visible stupa mounds,  flights of steps cut into rock, and rock-cut ponds. The second category includes  Buddha statues, pillars, guard stones, and moonstones.

Tamil Separatist Movement has also gone to the opposite extreme and has stated that these Buddhist ruins are  Tamil Buddhist ruins not Sinhala Buddhist ruins. Tamil Buddhists were living in the north in ancient times, they said.

A critic responded to this utterance.  There is nothing to link ‘Tamil’ to ‘Buddhist’ in the evidence except the fact that these artifacts have been unearthed from areas where Tamils now form the majority. It is like saying that the discovery of a Nestorian cross is evidence of Christians in Anuradhapura. Or saying that there were white people who held Mayan beliefs because some Mayan artifacts have been unearthed in some spot in the Andes where whites now reside.

 What is interesting about the statement, continued the critic, is the fact that the TNA has finally understood that it has to back rhetoric with fact. The long years of Eelam posturing were bereft of any reference to ‘Tamil Buddhists’ except Peter Schalk, whose efforts were largely ignored by the Christians in the Tamil Separatist Movement.

This Tamil Buddhist argument has been crushed by other critics too.  If indeed there had been   Tamil Buddhists in  Eelam then the Tamil Separatist Movement would not have destroyed the Buddhist ruins. They would have looked after them and displayed them as evidence, critics said.

The desperate Tamil Separatist Movement also fell on another strategy. Tamil Separatist Movement challenged the orientation of the Department of Archaeology. They argued that Sri Lanka had a Tamil Hindu tradition as well as a  Sinhala-Buddhist one and the Department of Archaeology should look at both.

 In April 2023, M.A. Sumanthiran speaking in Parliament pointed to the Archaeology Department’s logo and told the House: What does this logo have? It has a dagoba and a dharma chakra.  It is like the Ministry of Buddha Sasana. Why does the Department of Archaeology have a logo of one religion? That shows what this Department is protecting, and what it is determined to destroy.”

This got publicity. In June 2023 Lanka Lead News said, ,පුරාවිද්‍යා දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව සඳහා හඳුන්වා දුන් දාගැබ සහිත ලාංඡනය ඉවත් කිරීමට, වීඩියෝවක් මේ දිනවල සමාජ මාධ්‍ය වල වේගයෙන් සැරිසරනවා.

Tamil Separatist Movement protested at  Luppukulam Junction, Trincomalee in September 2023 objecting to the Buddhist temple that was going to be built there. One protestor held a placard that asked whether the  Archaeology Department was only for Buddhist archaeology.

The answer is, that there is no evidence that Hinduism ever took root in Sri Lanka. There are no ancient Hindu temples in the north and east, only Buddhist ones, and there were no  Hindu Kovils in the Udarata kingdom either. The Esala Perahera in Kandy consisted initially of Devala Peraheras. The  Dalada Perahera was added on later. The Pillaiyar Kovil near the Police station was built in the 20th century during British rule. (Continued)

[1] Buddhism among Tamils in Tamilakam and Īlam Part 3 Extension and Conclusions Editor-in-Chief: Peter Schalk https://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:604163/FULLTEXT06.pdf  p   221

Tissa Jananayake

 –  රෝහිත මුණසිංහ, පැරිසිය, ප්‍රංශය

         ජවිපෙ, දේශපාලනයේදී මුල පටන්ම ඉලක්ක කළේ ග්‍රාමීය, දිළිඳු,  ගැමි තරුණ පරම්පරාවය.  ඔවුන්ට පහසුවෙන්ම දිනාගත (ගොදුරු කරගත) හැකිවුයේද තමා ජීවත් වූ වපසරිය මිස ලෝකය ගැන එතරම් නොදත්, එතරම් ඉහළට ඉගෙන ගැනීමට අවස්ථාව නොලද මේ පිරිසය. රහසිගත ස්වභාවයෙන්  කළ පන්ති 5 මෙම ප්‍රජාවට විශ්මිත ආකර්ෂණයක් එන්නත් කළ බන්ධනයක් මෙන් වීය. හේන්, කුඹුරු, ගොඩ ගොවිතැනින් හා ධීවර  කර්මාන්තයෙන් හෝ කුලී වැඩෙන් යැපුණු, කිසිදු  රැකියාවක් නොමැති වශයෙන් වූ මෙම පිරිසට ගැලපෙන  ආකාරයට ජවිපෙ විශේෂ තර්ක දෙකක් ගොඩ නැගුවේය.

         ඉන් පළමුවැන්න, උගතා සහ බුද්ධිමතා යන තර්කයයි. උගතුන් නොවූ පිරිස අල්ලා ගැනීමේදී ජවිපෙ පැවසුවේ උගතුන් යනු පොත් හා නිබන්ධන කටපාඩම් කොට විභාග සහතිකය  නමැති කඩදාසිය ගත් පිරිසක් බවය. බුද්ධිමතා යනු අත්දැකීමෙන් සහ ජීවිතයෙන් බොහෝ දේ ඉගෙනගත් මිනිසා  බවය.

         දෙවැන්න, දැන් පවතින්නේ ධනේශ්වර අධ්‍යාපන ක්‍රමය බැවින්  පලක් නැති එය ඉගෙන නොගෙන, මාක්ස්වාදී අධ්‍යාපනය  ලබාගත යුතු බවය. පන්ති 5 න් පසු පවත්වන අධ්‍යාපන  කඳවුරින් එම අධ්‍යාපනය ලබා දෙන බවය.

         ඒ අයුරින් ජවිපෙ මූලික ඉලක්කය වූයේ රටපුරා කොක්ක ගසා අල්ලාගත් තරුණ පරපුර අර්ධ හා පූර්ණ කාලීනයන් වශයෙන්  පක්ෂයට බඳවා ගැනීමය. ඒ සඳහා ඒ වනවිටත් අධ්‍යාපනය ලබමින් සිටි පිරිස් පමණක් නොව, යම් යම් රැකියා කරමින් සිටි පිරිස් පවා පාසලින් සහ වැඩ පොළින් ඉවත් කරගෙන පක්ෂයේ කාඩරයන් බවට පත්කර ගත්තාහ. මේ පිරිස්වලට පක්ෂයේ වැඩ මිස  පුහුණුවක් ලැබීමට අවස්ථාව ලබා දුන්නේද නැත. 

         3 වැනි කරුණ ලෙස, රටේ විශාල තරුණ පරපුරකට අධ්‍යාපනය  ලබා ගැනීමට හෝ රැකියාවක් කිරීමට ඉඩනොදී (නාමික)  මාක්ස්වාදීන් හා වෘත්තීය විප්ලවවාදීන් කළ ජවිපෙ, තමා කිසිදු  ඉපැයීමක් නොකොට අනුන් දෙන දෙයකින් යැපෙන නිකමුන්  කොටසක් බවට පත් කළේය. 

         මේ ගැන මගේ පුද්ගලික අත්දැකීම පැවසීමට අවසර දෙන්න.

         නාගරිකයෙකු වූ නිසා මම මාතර ශාන්ත තෝමසයේ ඉගෙන  ගත්තෙකු වීමි.  “වික්‍රමපාල රණවීර” මගේ පන්ති සගයෙකි. එමෙන්ම මිත්‍රයෙකි. 

         1969 දී පමණ තමා රහසිගත විප්ලවවාදී ව්‍යාපාරයකට සම්බන්ධව සිටින බව  මට පැවසූ වික්‍රම, මේ ඉගෙනීම පලක් නැති දෙයක් බවත්, ඒ ව්‍යාපාරයට එක් වීමට  අප මෙයින් පලා යායුතු බවත් කියමින්  මට පෙරැත්ත කරන්නට වීය. 

         ඔහු ඉන්නවාට සිටියා විනා, පන්තියේ කිසිදු වැඩක්  හරියට කළේ නැත.  එහෙත් ක්‍රිකට් සහ  ශිෂ්‍යභට හෙවත්  කැඩටින් වලටත්,  එසේම රොඩ්රිගෝ නම් ලංසි ගුරුවරයාගේ  ඉංග්‍රීසි ඉගැන්වීමටත් ප්‍රිය කළ මම එවන් තීරණයක් ගැනීමට  නොසිතුවෙමි.

         1971 අප්‍රියෙල් කැරැල්ල පැන නැගුණි. මාස ගණනක් විදුහල වැසී තිබී යළි ආරම්භ වූ විට වික්‍රම යළි පාසැලට ආවේ නැත.  

         කැරලිකාරයෙකු ලෙස පොලිසියට අසුවූ ඔහුගේ මළ සිරුර  ගන්දර පොලිසිය ඉදිරිපිට ගසක එල්ලා තිබු බව ප්‍රචලිත විය.

         කෙසේ වුව විදුහලෙන්  ඉවත්වී වැඩි කලක් යාමට පෙර පැරණි  සම්බන්ධතා මා සොයා පැමිණියෙන් වැඩිදුර අධ්‍යාපනය   අමතක කළ මම ජවිපෙ පුර්ණ කාලීනයෙකු වී 1981 පමණ වෙද්දී වැලිගම ආසනයේ සංවිධායක වීමි.  මාතර උයන්වත්ත ක්‍රීඩාංගනයේ පුරා සතියක් පැවති අප්‍රේල් විරු සමරු උත්සවය පැවැත්වුණේ එම වසරේ විය යුතුය.  කළුතර විරු සමරු උත්සවය අවසන් වන දින හවස එහි ගොස් එම ප්‍රදර්ශණ භාණ්ඩ මාතරට රැගෙන එන මෙන් මට භාරදුන් මාතර දිසා ලේකම්  ඇල්ගිරියේ මුණසිංහ සහෝදරයා ඒ සඳහා මට ඩෙලිකා රථයක් ලබා දුන්නේය. මම හමුවිය යුතු වුයේ කළුතර දිසා ලේකම් ය. 

         මා එහි ගියවිට, කළුතර දිසා ලේකම් ලෙස සිටියේ මරා දැමුණේ යයි මා එතෙක් සිතා සිටි මගේ පන්ති සගයා – වික්‍රමය.

         ” වැලිගම සංවිධායක මුණසිංහ කෙනෙක් බව මම දැනගෙන  හිටියා…. හැබැයි “මුණේ” කියල මට හිතුණේ නැහැ…”. වික්‍රම පැවසුවේය. 1982 පමණ ජවිපෙන් ඉවත්ව සිට බොරැල්ලේ  රෙදි කඩයක් කළ වික්‍රම රණවීර රෝගාතුරව පසුගිය නොවැ: 15 දා  මිය ගියේය. ශාන්ත තෝමසයේ මගේ පන්ති සගයන් වික්‍රම  ගැන  මේ කතාව දැන සිටිනු ඇත.

          ඉදින්, ධනේශ්වර අධ්‍යාපනය  කියා නිග්‍රහ කරමින්, රටේ තරුණ පරපුරකට ඉගෙන ගැනීමට ඉඩ නොදෙමින්, උගතා සහ  බුද්ධිමතා යනු දෙදෙනෙකු යයි කියමින්  මහා පරපුරක් වල්මත්  කළ ජවිපෙ, පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ මෙතරම් ප්‍රමාණයක් නූගතුන් සිටී, 

          අරයා ගිහිල්ල තියෙන්නේ දෙකේ පන්තියට යනුවෙන්  ගෝෂා කිරීමේ ඇති සදාචාරය කුමක්ද? අපේ පක්ෂයේ අරයා  මහාචාර්ය, මෙයා ආචාර්ය, අපි අහවල් විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ    උපාධිධාරීන් යනුවෙන් උජෝ වැඩීමේ තේරුම කුමක්ද?

          හොඳයි, උගතා සහ බුද්ධිමතා යනු දෙදෙනෙකු නම් ඉදිරි  මැතිවරණ වලදී කෙසේවත් පාසල් නොගිය හෝ අපොස  සාමාන්‍ය පෙළ සමත් නොවූ, එහෙත් වෙනත් අංශ වලින් බුද්ධිමතුන් වූ, ගොවි , කම්කරුවන් කී දෙනෙකුට ජන්ද  අපේක්ෂකත්වය ලබා දෙනවාද?

          ඉතාම බුද්ධියෙන් යුතුව ජවිපෙ අධ්‍යනය කරන්නෙකුට වැටහීයා යුතු කාරණයක් නම්, ජවිපෙට කිසිදාක ස්ථිර ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් තිබී නැති බවය. ඔවුන් දැන් රැස්වීම්වල  පවසන්නේද අනෙකුත් දේශපාලන පක්ෂ ජනතාව රැවටීමට කියන  තුට්ටු දෙකේ කතාම බව වැටහිය යුතුය.  වසර 76 ක සාපයක් ගැන  මැත දොඩවන ඔවුන්ද එම වසර 76න් වසර 59 කම අයිතිකරුවන් බව  වටහාගත යුතුය. තමන්ද පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ 225 හේ සාමාජිකයන් බවද,  සංවර්ධන සභා, පළාත් සභා, නගර සභා, ප්‍රාදේශීය සභා සහ මන්ත්‍රී වැටුප් දශක ගණන් ගත්  බවද  සිහි තබා ගත යුතුය. කව්රු හෝ මේ රට විනාශ කළේ නම්  ඒ විනාශ කරුවන් සියලු දෙනාම බලයට ගෙන ඒමට ජවිපෙ රෙදි නැතිවම කඩේ ගිය බවත් සිහිතබා  ගත යුතුය. 

          රටේ ණයබර මහා පරිමාණයෙන් වැඩි කිරීමට විනාශකාරී ක්‍රියාවන් කළ බවත්  සිහිතබා ගත යුතුය.

          අපේ රටේ මිනිසුන්ගෙන් යම් කොටසකට හොඳටම පිස්සු නැත්නම්, ඉහත කී සියලු දේ  ඉතා පහසුවෙන් තේරුම් ගත හැකි සත්‍යයන් වේ.

       විවෘතව හා අවංකවම පැවසුවහොත්,  රටේ සිදුවූ කිසිදු විනාශයකට වගකිවයුතු නැති පිරිසිදු කොටසකට අද දේශපාලන භුමියේ සිටින්නේ” උවිඳු විජේවීර සහ ඔහුගේ දෙවැනි පරපුර ” පක්ෂය පමණි.

       වයස 50, 60, 70 නොවූ සැබෑම තරුණ නායකයන් සිටිනුයේ ද  එම පක්ෂයේ පමණකි.

                ●   රෝහිත මුණසිංහ, පැරිසිය, ප්‍රංශය    Rohitha Munasinghe – Paris – France

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

By P.K.Balachandran

Colombo, February 28: Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesinghe has said that Sri Lanka does not want to get involved in great power rivalry in the Indian Ocean Region. He was giving the keynote speech at the Pathfinder Indian Ocean Security Conference – Phase III, here on Wednesday.

Wickremesinghe traced the growth of the Indian Ocean’s importance since the days of decolonization, explained how the countries of the region fashioned plans to meet the emerging issues and challenges and what new challenges they face in the fast changing geopolitical scenario of today.

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He noted that events around Sri Lanka had made it an important geopolitical entity. But such importance has created the possibility of its becoming a theatre of conflicts between big powers. He made it clear that Sri Lanka would not want to become a theatre of great power competition or rivalry in the region.

Wickremesinghe said that India’s independence in 1947 was brought about by the difficulties that Britain was facing in holding on to the Indian Empire.  A few months before the British left India, India’s  leader Nehru organized an Asian Relations Conference in New Delhi to discuss issues arising from decolonization.

According to information available on the New Delhi conference, the topics discussed at the ARC were: National movements for freedom; Racial Problems; Inter-Asian Migration; Transition from Colonial to National Economy; Agricultural Reconstruction and Industrial Development; Labour Problems and Social Services; Cultural Problems; Status of Women and Women’s Movement.

Significantly, Defence and Security questions” were not discussed.

The next step in collective deliberations was the Colombo Conference in 1954, Wickremesinghe said. This was between Ceylon, India, Pakistan, Burma and Indonesia.

Reports of the time said that the Indo-China question, colonialism and Communism were discussed. But there were clashes between Ceylon’s pro-West stand and India’s tolerance of the Communist bloc. A compromise was effected and number of expressions of hope” about Asian unity were made.

At the insistence of Indonesia, the Bandung conference took place in 1955. This was the next landmark, Wickremesinghe said.

The issues at the Bandung conference were broader such as Human Rights, the UN charter, respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations; recognition of the equality of all nations large and small; abstention from intervention or interference in the internal affairs of another country were discussed.   

In order to address the anxieties of the West and the Soviet Bloc, Nehru affirmed that the Bandung conference was not opposed in any way to America or the Soviet Union or any other power or group of powers.”

The Non Aligned Movement came as the next logical step. The canvas was expanded to cover the entire Afro-Asian region.

However, in the last five years, various other developments had taken place, complicating the geopolitical situation in Asia. The inexorable rise of China, the resurrection of the China-Taiwan conflict, China’s expansion as a global economic power through its Belt and Road Initiative, the debt crisis, were new factors shaping the region, Wickremesinghe pointed out.  

West Asia emerged as a factor with the rise of Saudi Arabia, Dubai and Iran as independent players. New alliances are being struck with Iran and Saudi Arabia burying the hatchet thanks to China’s mediation, he noted.

Even as China became a factor in West Asia, India entered the fray in that region with connectivity schemes involving Iran.

New groupings like BRICS have come up breaking old barriers. But at the same time new problems are coming up in the region, such as a resurgent Somalian piracy and Houthi attacks on shipping in the Red Sea, Wickremesinghe said.

The Bay of Bengal is also set to be an area of contention with China seeking a route to reach it from its mainland through Myanmar.

The former National Security Advisor of India, Shivshankar Menon, said that relations between States in the Indian Ocean region are victims of geopolitical rivalry, made worse by the rise of authoritarian leaders who make compromises harder to arrive at.

Menon also noted that the world does not have a settled order. What we have is an uncertain space between orders, he said. This has given scope of countries to balance opportunities. A notable feature of the situation is that the UN has become ineffective. Global powers will have to work with other powers and take their interests into account.

The US Ambassador Julie Chung said that Sri Lanka occupies a critical place in the Indo-Pacific and can play a key role in ensuring that global supply chains are not disrupted. That is why the US has given  US$ 533 million dollars to support the development of a deep-water container terminal in the Port of Colombo, that will provide critical infrastructure for the South Asian region.

To see that Sri Lanka maintains its sovereignty, the US has donated  three Coast Guard Cutters and a fourth is on the way, Chung said. She suggested that Sri Lanka realise its centrality in the Indo-Pacific region and take a leadership role in it. However, she spoke approvingly of Sri Lanka’s wish to join the China-led Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP).

Dr.Liu Zongyi, Senior Fellow and Director, Centre for South Asia Studies, China, denounced the concept of the Indo-Pacific as a destructive” concept which is mainly aimed at stemming China’s growth and spoiling its relations with other countries.

He faulted India for joining QUAD, an association with the goal of opposing China in the Indo-Pacific region. But advised countries in India’s neighbourhood to have good relations with India while cultivating good relations with China. He cited the case of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh who has been maintaining good relations with both India and China.

Hayashi Makoto, Deputy Director General/Deputy Assistant Minister Southeast and Southwest Asian Affairs Department, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Japan, explained Japan’s contribution to the origin and growth of the concept of the Indo-Pacific.

Ambassador Bernard Goonetilleke, Chairman of the Pathfinder Foundation, Si Lanka, in his introductory remarks, talked on Maritime Domain Awareness, the need to develop capabilities to safeguard the Exclusive Economic Zones and the importance of finding out what lies in the seabed as these have security implications.