Colombo, August 14: Sir Robert Chalmers, an Oxonian and an eminent scholar of Buddhism and Pali, was excited when he was appointed Governor of Buddhist-majority Ceylon in 1913. The assignment was right up his street.
While being an official in the British Treasury, Chalmers had pursued his interest in Buddhism and Pali, having been a favourite student of Prof.Thomas William Rhys Davids, the founder of the Pali Text Society in the UK.
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Ceylonese Buddhists and political liberals were equally enthusiastic about Chalmers’ coming. They were in the midst of a politico-religious reawakening led by the Temperance Movement and Anagarika Dharmapala. And liberal Ceylonese, cutting across communities, expected Chalmers, the Orientalist, to be more accommodative than his predecessor, Sir Henry McCallum, on the issue of representation in the Legislative Council. MacCullum, a military engineer, was hard as nails in many matters including Ceylonese political aspirations. He had acerbically dismissed the Ceylonese elite’s claim for greater representation in the Legislative Council saying that they were not representative of the masses.
But Chalmers, with his sensitivity to Buddhism, was expected to bridge the political deep gulf naturally and effortlessly.
Chalmers’ Scholarship
According to Dr.R.P.Fernando, historian of the British Raj in India and Ceylon, Chalmers published a paper in the Journal of the RoyalAsiatic Society (JRAS) in 1894 entitled The Madhura Sutta – concerning caste”. The sutta, which is contained in the Majjhima Nikaya, gives the Buddhist view on caste.
The Majjhima Nikaya consists of 152 discourses by the Buddha and his chief disciples, which together constitute a comprehensive body of teaching concerning all aspects of the Buddha’s teachings.
In 1895, Chalmers published another paper in the JRAS entitled Nativity of the Buddha” with the Pali text of an unpublished Sutta from the Majjhima Nikaya dealing with the ‘marvels and mysteries’ of the Buddha’s nativity. He then took over the task of translating the Jataka tales from Prof.Rhys Davids. The first volume of translations came out in 1895. According to Dr. R.P.Fernando, this contained Jataka No.1 (Apannaka Jataka) to Jataka No.150 (Sanjiva Jataka).
Dr. Fernando further says that at the Paris Congress of 1897, Chalmers made a presentation on the Pali term Tathagata and published a paper on it in the JRAS in 1898. In this paper, Chalmers says that the first title assumed by the Buddha was not Samma-sambuddha but Tathagata. He also pointed out that the Buddha used Tathagata in his dying words Tamhehi kiccam atappam akkhataro Tathagata.
One of Chalmers’ first public engagements in Ceylon was to preside over the prize-giving ceremony at the Vidyodaya Pirivena. The monks thought that he would not be able to pronounce Pali properly but he floored them with an extempore speech in chaste Pali!
1915 Buddhist-Muhammadan Riots
However, Chalmers’ three-year tenure in Ceylon as Governor was marked or rather marred by the widespread rioting in the Central and Western Provinces in 1915 involving Buddhists and Hambayas” who were Muslim traders of South Indian origin living in the Western, Central and Sabargamuwa Provinces. A panicky Chalmers unleashed Martial Law with draconian provisions for three months to crush Buddhists who he thought were trying to overthrow the government. He was replaced in 1916 before his tenure was to end.
The contentious issue was playing music in front of mosques during Buddhist religious processions (Peraheras).
In his book Riots and Martial Law in Ceylon -1915” the Tamil scholar, lawyer and leader Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan says that the Hambayas of Kandy had objected to Buddhists playing music in front of their mosques during Peraheras. The matter was taken to the District Court.
The Basnayake Nilame of the Gampola temple argued before the District Court of judge Paul E.Pieris, that as per Art 5 of the 1815 Kandyan Convention, the British rulers were bound to respect all Buddhist customs including playing music in religious processions.
In his ruling dated June 4, 1914, District Judge Paul.E.Pieris said that music is an essential part of Perahera rites and that the Kandyan Convention is binding and unalterable.
The Hambayas then took the case to the Supreme Court. On February 2, 1915, the Supreme Court reversed the order of the District Court. It ruled that the application of the Kandyan Convention was subject to the Police Ordinance of 1865 and the Local Bodies Ordinance of 1898, which required licensing of processions. In other words, the right to take processions was not absolute and unfettered.
Though jolted by the ruling, the Kandyan Buddhists applied for a license to hold a procession on the birthday of the Buddha that fell on May 28, 1915. The Hambayas opposed the move. The Kandy District Government Agent told the Buddhists that the procession could pass through the Castle Hill Street mosque (in Kandy) after it was closed at 12 in the night. But when the procession reached the mosque at 1 am on May 29, it was both open and fully lit and stones were hurled on the procession.
What followed was unbridled looting and destruction of Hambaya shops and properties. Villagers around Kandy went about in gangs attacking Hambaya shops and properties all along the railway line up to Colombo, shouting Kolle Kolle” (Loot Loot). Before long, many parts of Colombo were engulfed in violence in which rowdies played a predominant part.
The police were nonplussed. There was no firm chain of command. Inspector General Herbert Dowbiggin was at sea. Police were issued rifles but without ammunition. However, things changed radically on June 2, when Governor Chalmers imposed Martial Law with draconian provisions. A free hand was given to the cops and the 28 th.Punjabis, a British-officered, Muslim-majority Indian army unit deployed in Ceylon at that time to fight an expected German invasion.
According to Ramanathan, Chalmers was persuaded to take extreme steps by some vested interests and ill-infomed advisors. Besides the tough commander of the army, Brig.Gen. H.H.L Malcolm, the others were a section of the traditional Sinhalese aristocracy who were jealous of the newly emerging Sinhalese bourgeoisie making a name for themselves and aspiring for leadership through the Temperance Movement.
Chalmers and Brig. Gen.Malcolm also mistakenly viewed the spreading violence as a movement by the new bourgeoisie to overthrow the government with the help Germans, who were then fighting the British in World War 1 (1914-18). Chalmers and Gen.Malcolm took no note of the fact that no White person or government property was attacked and that the clashes were only between two native communities. Charmers did not consult any knowledgeable Ceylonese, including his Maha Mudaliar (chief Ceylonese official) Solomon Dias Bandaranaike.
Many leading Ceylonese, including those who were manifestly loyal to the British, were imprisoned. The well- known businessman and philanthropist, Henry Pedris, was executed for firing in the air to scare away a mob trying to attack his shop. Hundreds of ordinary people were flogged or shot dead for the flimsiest of transgressions, on mere suspicion or on the complaint of rivals. Among the elite locked up in stinking cells for weeks was D.S.Senanayake.
Heavy fines (in some cases in pounds sterling) were imposed on the wealthy. Heavy compensation was sought for arbitrarily assessed damages to property. British barrister Eardley Norton remarked that the government was suffering from treasonitis”.
An estimated 116 people were killed, including 63 in police firing; 4075 houses and boutiques were looted, 250 houses and boutiques were burned down, 17 mosques were burnt and 86 damaged.
Though violence had ceased in four days, by June 6, Chalmers lifted Martial Law only on August 30. To save himself, he simultaneously issued an order indemnifying himself and other officials for actions taken to suppress the rioting.
However, Chalmers was replaced by Sri John Anderson in 1916. Chalmers was not only unrepentant but nonchalantly returned to his first love, Buddhist and Pali studies. As Master of Peterhouse College in Cambridge in 1924, he produced a metrical translation of the Sutta Nipata, the earliest teaching of the Buddha in Pali verse.
As China’s rise threatens the democratic rules, values, and institutions that have shaped the post-war world order, the United States (US) is increasing its outreach in the Indo-Pacific region. Distant South Asian island nations such as Sri Lanka are today receiving greater attention from the US. This brief seeks to bridge the gap in the literature on the US’s Sri Lanka policy and highlights how the current US government positions Sri Lanka in its broader Indo-Pacific strategy. The brief uses the economic crisis of Sri Lanka as a case in point to assess the US’s Sri Lanka policy and its broader implications for South Asia.
Introduction
Since the establishment of their diplomatic relations in 1948,[1] Sri Lanka and the United States (US) have had a tumultuous relationship broadly spanning the following phases: From the 1950s to 1970s, the US viewed Sri Lanka through the lens of the Cold War; in 1953, Vice-President Richard Nixon visited Sri Lanka,[2] and some years later in the 1970s, the US installed a military base in Diego Garcia.[3] Starting from the 1980s, with the onset of the civil war in Sri Lanka, the US became interested in peace-making efforts. However, it worked in tandem with India’s policies and leadership, despite the former’s scepticism of the US.[4]
The beginning of the millennium saw the US expand its bilateral relations with Sri Lanka, as the Cold War ended and the US war on terror began; the US’s relations and assistance was largely subject to Sri Lanka’s ability to find a peaceful resolution to its civil war.[5] However, the final phase of the civil war (2006-2009) resulted in a surge in human rights abuses and war crimes against Tamil minorities in the country. With the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), the Rajapaksas became heroes for the majority Sinhala population,[a] even as the US and the West urged for reconciliation and the strengthening of democratic institutions. The US and the West consequently suspended military aid for the country and continued to criticise the regime.
This alienation and the need for post-war reconstruction compelled Sri Lanka to approach China and capital markets for International Sovereign Bonds (ISB).[6] An alienated Colombo was willing to embrace close relations with China, which had historically shown little concern for Sri Lanka’s domestic affairs. China’s funding and assistance—which was swift and tied to less conditionalities—as well as relations with elites, and its exploitation of corruption and systemic vulnerabilities fostered a strong relationship with Sri Lanka and the Rajapaksas.[7]
Beijing’s commercial lending to Sri Lanka commenced in 2001 through a loan facility for an oil tank farm project, but its presence in the country rapidly increased in the final years of the civil war and thereafter.[8] Sri Lanka borrowed heavily from China, even as most of these loans were on high-interest rates and opaque in nature. China’s direct development finance increased from US$0.45 billion in 2005 to US$12 billion by 2019.[9] Similarly, China’s debt profile in Sri Lanka rose from 0.3 percent in the 1990s to 20 percent (US$7.4 billion) in 2022, making it Colombo’s largest bilateral lender.[10]
China’s assistance came at a cost for Colombo’s economy, polity, and strategy. Leveraging Sri Lanka’s debts and economic dependency on it, China entrenched its influence in the country, as seen in the 99-year lease of the Hambantota port to a Chinese state-owned enterprise in 2017. It also emboldened the regime to ignore much-needed democratic and economic reforms being demanded by the West and the US.
As Chinese coercion and intimidation continue to challenge the current values-based international order, the US is growing increasingly concerned. The contemporary interests of the US in Sri Lanka can be narrowed to two interconnected issues—the reconciliation of Tamils and strengthening democracy in Sri Lanka; and limiting China’s influence and presence in the country.
Concerns about China’s presence and activities in Sri Lanka had already surfaced in the US by 2009.[11] The US began efforts to renew, revive and strengthen” relations with Sri Lanka in 2015[12] following the electoral defeat of pro-China Mahinda Rajapaksa. John Kerry became the first US foreign secretary to visit Sri Lanka in a decade[13] and offered more carrots than sticks to incentivise Sri Lanka to promote reforms. The US further attempted to consolidate its influence through defence engagements. In 2017, the US and Sri Lanka renewed the Acquisition and Cross-Services Agreement (ACSA), and in 2019, negotiations started for the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA).[b],[14] US attempts to promote robust engagement came to a halt with the Rajapaksas returning to power in the 2019 presidential and the 2020 parliamentary elections.
Today Sri Lanka sits at the heart of the evolving dynamics in the Indo-Pacific, owing to its location and crucial Sea Lines of Communication (SLOC).[15] More than 80 percent of the world’s seaborne oil trade transits through the chokepoints in the Indian Ocean,[16] of which nearly 30 percent of the world’s oil traffic and 90 percent of China’s oil passes through Sri Lanka’s coasts.[17] Crucially for the US, all of its Navy vessels passing between the Fifth and Seventh fleet transit through Sri Lankan waters.[18] In this regard, it is crucial to study how the US perceives important island nations such as Sri Lanka.
The next section highlights how the current US government positions Sri Lanka in its broader Indo-Pacific strategy. The brief uses the Sri Lankan economic crisis as a case in point to assess the US’s Sri Lanka policy, and closes with a summary of its key findings on the broader implications for the region.
Locating Sri Lanka in the Indo-Pacific
The Joe Biden administration’s broader Indo-Pacific policy is seen in a number of strategic plans: the Interim National Security Strategy of March 2021,[19] the Indo-Pacific Strategy of February 2022,[20] and the National Security Strategy of October 2022.[21] The strategic plans are largely a continuation of those of preceding administrations.
In all these documents, the US expresses its concerns for the decline in the post-Cold War world order as a result of both external and internal factors. Externally, the US blames China and other authoritarian regimes for challenging the stable and open international order; however, the US is concerned about China using its economic, diplomatic, political, military, and technological capabilities to exploit the weaknesses of democracies and the open world order. In addition to cross-border aggressions, China has exploited the free economic choices, media, and political space of open societies to influence and coerce governments. This has strained the values of sovereignty, self-determination, territorial integrity, economic choices, free information, and political independence.
Internally, China’s coercive statecraft has damaged the democratic institutions and values of countries. The COVID-19 pandemic only exacerbated pre-existing democratic challenges such as corruption, inequality, populism, polarisation, disinformation, human rights abuses, and nationalism, further straining the values-based order. The US intends to defend the values-based order from these threats by strengthening international institutions; promoting self-determination, territorial integrity, and political independence; supporting countries in making sovereign decisions; deterring external pressures; and building resilient supply chains. Further assessment of the Biden administration’s strategic plans indicates the following objectives to achieve this vision:
Allies, Partners, and Institutions: The US is determined to remain proactive in the Indo-Pacific. However, considering its constraints, there is increasing attention to sustaining and building allies, partnerships, and multilateral and minilateral institutions with countries that share common interests in defending the international order. These allies and partners include NATO members, Australia, Japan, ASEAN countries, and India. The US, with its allies and partners, aims to promote coordinated development efforts, economic approaches, and posture planning. This will promote a favourable balance of power, deter China from dominating any region, and limit further cross-border aggressions. That said, the US will be prioritising its values and interests even as it engages with these partners.
Regional Leadership: The US is keen to focus on all the regions of the Indo-Pacific, including South Asia. However, there is an acknowledgment that its role is stronger when it engages with its partners. Thus, the US is interested in its partners embracing regional leadership roles in the Indo-Pacific while it continues to support and supplement them. The US will support its allies and partners to promote humanitarian assistance, disaster needs, and maritime security, with the aim of deterring chaos or Chinese domination in certain regions. For instance, the US sees a strong and resilient India as crucial to upholding the values-based order in the Indian Ocean and South Asia and coordinates with it to promote economic connectivity and deter further Chinese coerciveness.
Democratic Values and Capacity Building: The US has shown interest in bilateral assistance and relations with the Indo-Pacific countries. Capacity building, promoting accountability and human rights, fighting corruption, strengthening democracy, providing development assistance and investments, access to markets, increasing maritime capacity and domain awareness, defence and military cooperation, and addressing infrastructure gaps in the Indo-Pacific countries has become crucial for the US. This will help the states strengthen democratic institutions and build resilient economies as well as strong and prosperous societies that will mitigate transnational threats and deter Chinese assertiveness.
Responsible Competition and Transnational Threats: The US also aims to compete with China responsibly, while cooperating with China to build resilience against transnational threats such as migration, health, climate change, food security, and energy shortage.
To be sure, these plans speak broadly of the Indo-Pacific, without any specific references to Sri Lanka. However, in February 2021—soon after the Biden administration came to power—there were signs that Sri Lanka was being deemed a crucial part of the US’s Indo-Pacific strategy. US Secretary of State Antony Blinken referred to Sri Lanka as a partner and friend that will promote regional security and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific. He stressed celebrating the shared principles and values of protecting and promoting democracy, human rights, the rule of law, and justice.[22] President Biden’s letter to Sri Lanka’s President Ranil Wickremesinghe in February 2023 further expressed the US’s willingness to cooperate with Sri Lanka to maintain a secure, free, and open Indo-Pacific.[23]
The Integrated Country Strategy elaborates on Sri Lanka’s position in the Indo-Pacific strategy.[24],[25] The US views Sri Lanka as the fulcrum of the Indo-Pacific and has promoted military cooperation and modernisation, foreign assistance, and capacity-building programs in the country. Its efforts in Sri Lanka are intended to promote accountability, reconciliation, transparency, and rule of law; strengthen economic and democratic institutions/governance; respect human rights; bolster civil society; promote market-driven reforms and economic reforms; limit corruption; and compel the country to adhere to international norms, transparency, and fiscal responsibility. This will promote the values-based order by strengthening democratic and economic institutions and limiting Chinese influence. The US also intends to improve its commercial engagements, exports, investments, and market opportunities with its partners to promote an open and robust economy in Sri Lanka. However, the strategy document asserts that the US’s engagements will depend on the Sri Lankan government’s reconciliation and responsive governance, and willingness to strengthen democratic institutions and respect human rights.
A Case Study of the Economic Crisis
The US sees the crisis in Sri Lanka as a means to create a more sustainable and inclusive economy[26] and to promote a representative, democratic, and responsive government.[27] It expanded its outreach to Sri Lanka during the crisis bilaterally and through its regional partner, India. Despite this enthusiasm to tackle Sri Lanka’s economic issues, the US’s rhetoric has focused on criticising Beijing for using opaque lending mechanisms and debt trapping.[28],[29] ISBs—which contribute to nearly 35 percent of the government’s debts—have hardly been mentioned by the US.[30]
Assistance and Bail-out
The initial response of the US to the Sri Lankan crisis was slow. Early signs of the crisis surfaced in mid-2021, and in September 2021, Sri Lanka declared a food emergency. Yet, the US’s outreach to Sri Lanka began only in March 2022. On par with its Indo-Pacific policy, the US’s role was largely favoured to supplement that of India’s by offering humanitarian assistance to Sri Lanka and helping the island nation reach an agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
The US’s outreach to Sri Lanka in March was driven by two reasons: First, starting late-2021, as tensions between China and Sri Lanka escalated, India took the lead to assist Sri Lanka. By March 2022, India had offered new lines of credit to Sri Lanka worth US$1 billion, paving the way for other countries to provide supplementary and humanitarian assistance.[31] Second, in March, Sri Lanka finally reversed its policy and decided on approaching the IMF, where the US enjoys significant influence.[32]
Since March 2022, the US has offered Sri Lanka assistance of US$270 million. In the same month, following Under Secretary for Political Affairs Victoria Nuland’s visit to Sri Lanka and the Fourth Sri Lanka–US Partnership Dialogue, the US offered Sri Lanka assistance of US$80 million to boost renewable energy projects in the island nation.[33] In June, the US offered over US$27 million in grants for technical assistance to the dairy industry in Sri Lanka, followed by US$12 million grants for humanitarian assistance and livelihood support.[34] This was followed by President Biden’s announcement of US$20 million to assist Sri Lanka with food security and nutritional requirements for school children.[35] The US also offered a loan of US$120 million to help support Sri Lanka’s small and medium enterprises.[36] In September, USAID Administrator Samantha Power offered an additional US$40 million to help Sri Lanka with fertilisers, food, and nutritional support.[37]
The US has been the second largest aid provider to Sri Lanka during the crisis, after India. Since Sri Lanka’s independence in 1948, the US has offered the island nation US$2 billion in assistance.[38] If seen in absolute numbers, the US’s assistance to Sri Lanka during the crisis year alone has constituted 13.5 percent of its total aid. This assistance is still small compared to the US’s assistance to other countries in the region,[39] but the US’s role has been largely supplementary. It preferred India to take the lead, following which it has provided humanitarian assistance to vulnerable communities and helped build a sustainable and robust economy that is resilient to external shocks. Its assistance to Sri Lanka has largely been focused on food security, public health, economic well-being, disaster risk reduction, shelter, agriculture and livelihood, fertilisers, and nutritional support for schoolchildren and women.
Besides humanitarian aid, the US has played a crucial role in Sri Lanka’s IMF negotiations.[40] For the US, the IMF’s ‘Get Well, Stay Well’ plan is best suited to strengthen Sri Lanka’s economic and democratic institutions.[41] Its policy prescriptions, such as promoting revenue-based fiscal consolidation, debt restructuring, rebuilding reserves, restoring price stability, increasing taxes, reducing corruption, and ensuring the independence of the Central Bank,[42] were expected to strengthen institutions and promote transparency, stability, and good governance. Thus, even with deepening political instability, the US helped Sri Lanka negotiate with the IMF.[43]
Subsequently, a high-level delegation from the Department of State and the US Treasury visited Sri Lanka to explore further ways of cooperation and assistance.[44] Later, it was acknowledged that the Treasury and Department of State played a keen role in supporting Sri Lanka’s approach to debt restructuring and negotiating with the IMF.[45] The US continued follow-up negotiations and assured Sri Lanka of support from the IMF at the highest level.[46] On multiple occasions, India and the US have collaborated closely with Sri Lanka’s IMF bailout. For instance, Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar’s visit and assurances of debt restructuring were closely followed by Victoria Nuland’s second visit to Sri Lanka.[47] The US also assured Sri Lanka’s bailout on fair terms and criticised China’s half-hearted efforts when it offered only two years of debt moratorium to Sri Lanka.[48]
The US has used the crisis to provide symbolic messaging, exhibit its willingness to assist Sri Lanka, and anchor its presence in the Indo-Pacific. Besides the US Ambassador’s proactive engagement in Sri Lanka, Colombo had several high-profile delegations visiting from the US (Table 1). These delegations offered fresh assistance, followed up on IMF negotiations, and explored further ways of assistance and cooperation.
Table 1: Delegation Visits from the U.S.
Delegation
Designation
Date
Outcome of the Visit
Victoria Nuland
Under Secretary for Political Affairs
22-23 March 2022
Fourth Sri Lanka–US Partnership Dialogue
Kelly Keiderling; Robert Kaproth
Deputy Assistant Secretary, Department of State;Deputy Assistant Secretary, US Treasury
26-29 June 2022
Explored effective ways of US assistance to Sri Lanka
Samantha Power
Administrator, USAID
10-11 September 2022
US$40 million announced for humanitarian assistance
Donald Lu
Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs
17-19 October 2022
Discussed recent developments with the IMF and Sri Lanka’s debt restructuring
Victoria Nuland
Under Secretary for Political Affairs
1 February 2023
Announced additional US$30 million aid
Jedidiah Royal
Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defence for Indo-Pacific Security Affairs
16 February 2023
Discussed defence cooperation, regional stability, and Indo-Pacific Security
Source: Author’s own
This interest in the region also exists at the top level: Biden announced additional aid to Sri Lanka and interacted with the Sri Lankan envoy,[49] and Secretary Blinken has had multiple engagements with the Sri Lankan foreign minister.[50] The US has also indicated some sensitivities to Sri Lanka’s interests and adopted flexibilities in its policy. For instance, the US envoy to Sri Lanka held a meeting with China to ensure further assistance to the country.[51] Similarly, the US expressed its understanding of Sri Lanka’s situation and its rationale for importing Russian oil.[52]
However, US policy appears solely focused on strengthening Sri Lanka’s democratic institutions, entrenching the US’s influence and pushing back against China. This explains the US’s ambiguity on ISBs; the US has realised but has not acknowledged that the ISBs have contributed to Sri Lanka’s debt burdens, too. Much of its rhetoric and policy has been focused on pushing back against China. While the US’s assistance with IMF negotiations helped Sri Lanka with credit ratings and offered bargaining opportunities with private players, this was largely a byproduct of the US’s strategy to strengthen Sri Lankan institutions and push back against China.
The US itself has had a limited role to play in negotiating with private players; the Sri Lankan government took the lead in convincing its private creditors to negotiate debt restructuring.[53] Indeed, one of Sri Lanka’s bondholders from the US, Hamilton Reserve Bank Ltd, had also filed a suit against the Sri Lankan government for defaulting on its loans.[54] Since most of the ISBs are dollar-denominated or Eurobonds, scholars have criticised the US and the West for pushing Sri Lanka into the debt crisis and not doing enough to assist it.[55]
Democracy and Reconciliation
In parallel, the Biden administration showed keen interest in Sri Lanka’s democratic institutions and reconciliation, albeit with some limited flexibility. Here, the US has followed an independent path to achieve some of its foreign policy goals, because of its historical differences with India on reconciliation in Sri Lanka (Table 2). Except for the 2012 and 2013 voting, the US and India have largely differed in the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC). India’s efforts to promote reconciliation in Sri Lanka are bilateral, whereas the US prefers multilateral approaches, and follows it up with bilateral means.
Table 2: The U.S. and India on UNHRC Sri Lanka Resolutions
Year
Resolution
US Stance
India’s Vote
2009
Sri Lanka urges the international community to help with reconstruction efforts and assistance.
N.A.
In favour
2012
Criticism of human rights situation, and calls for measures.
Sponsored Resolution
In favour
2013
Criticism of human rights situation, and calls for measures.
OHCHR is authorised to collect, analyse, and preserve evidence of human rights violations.
Co-sponsored Resolution
Abstained
2022
Reinforce the capacity of OHCHR; link human rights violations to corruption and economic crisis.
Co-sponsored Resolution
Abstained
Source: Author’s own
The US sees this crisis as a making of China’s debt trap diplomacy as well as the weak democratic and economic institutions of Sri Lanka. In February 2021, the Biden administration hinted that democracy, human rights, the rule of law, and equal justice are crucial aspects of its relations with Sri Lanka.[56] The Fourth Sri Lanka–US Partnership Dialogue also witnessed discussions on reconciliation, human rights, democracy, good governance, the controversial Prevention of Terrorism Act, and justice provision.[57] In 2022, the US even co-sponsored a UNHRC resolution that links the economic crisis and human rights violations with corruption.[58]
Reconciliation, promotion of human rights, and strengthening democratic values and institutions are crucial for the US-envisioned values-based order in the region. The US sees the UNHRC as a means for strengthening democratic institutions in Sri Lanka. To date, the US has sponsored multiple resolutions against Sri Lanka in the UNHRC. This includes the resolutions in 2012, 2013, and 2014.[59] In 2015, the US co-sponsored a resolution with the government of Sri Lanka that intended to establish a truth commission, an office of missing persons, an office of reparations, and a transnational justice mechanism from which the Rajapaksas government withdrew in 2019.[60]
The Biden administration’s approach to Sri Lanka has been no different: The government co-sponsored a resolution in 2021 that authorised the OHCHR to collect, analyse, and preserve evidence of human rights abuses and war crimes in Sri Lanka.[61] This was despite the US not having rejoined the UNHRC. In October 2022, even as the US assisted Sri Lanka, it co-sponsored another UNHRC resolution, which extends and reinforces the capacity of OHCHR to collect, analyse, and preserve evidence. It also called on Sri Lanka to take accountability for human rights violations caused by corruption and economic crisis.[62] However, the Sri Lankan government and the Sinhala majority have not reciprocated well to this US ‘coercion’. [63]
Even as the US has increased its outreach to Sri Lanka, it has shown a distrust of the government of Sri Lanka and its military when it comes to human rights. As Sri Lanka witnessed mass protests and political instability in April 2022, the US expressed its concerns about Sri Lanka’s use of unnecessary force against the demonstrators. It criticised Sri Lanka for imposing a second emergency within a span of two months and defended citizens’ right to peaceful protest.[64] The US also called on Sri Lanka to see the crisis as an opportunity to create a more inclusive, representative, democratic, and responsive government.[65] Even after achieving relative political stability, subsequent US delegations visiting and assisting Sri Lanka emphasised political reforms, accountability, and reconciliation.[66] The US also urged the Sri Lankan government to be more democratic and hold the much-delayed local elections at the earliest.[67] In addition, the US has engaged with the Tamil parties and delegation, where it has expressed its lack of satisfaction with reconciliation.[68]
Further, the US has continued to impose sanctions on Sri Lankan military officials. The Biden administration has imposed sanctions on four senior Sri Lankan military officials—two in December 2021, one in December 2022, and another in April 2023.[69],[70] Shavendra Silva—the Chief of Defence Staff when Biden came to power—continued to be placed under sanctions under the Biden administration.
The US acknowledges that its engagements and assistance to Sri Lanka depend on the latter’s willingness to promote reconciliation, responsive governance, democratic institutions, and human rights.[71] Although the US has consistently demanded reforms and used UNHRC resolutions, bilateral means, and sanctions to pressure Sri Lanka, it has not singled it out. This is notable, especially since the Biden administration consists of several high-level officials who have criticised Sri Lanka on several occasions in the past.[72] The US’s interests in Sri Lanka and hesitancy to push it further closer to China have likely motivated this flexibility. However, there is a perception in the US of a lack of ‘real results’. [73] It is this lack of progress, along with the trust deficit for the Sri Lankan government and the army, that has likely led to Sri Lanka not being extended an invitation to the US’s Democracy Summit to date and deterred robust cooperation between both countries.
Implications
Sri Lanka, the Indo-Pacific, and the U.S.
Sri Lanka holds a crucial position in the US’s Indo-Pacific strategy, and the US is determined to stay relevant in the region, continuing to help the island nation in its economic recovery. The US has taken the lead role in IMF negotiations and humanitarian assistance to further consolidate its influence and push back against China. As a result, it has also shown leniency with its approach to Sri Lanka’s reconciliation and human rights. Several high-level officials who had criticised Sri Lanka in the past for failing to reconcile have not condemned or singled out Sri Lanka in recent times.
However, the US’s Sri Lanka policy is limited by several challenges. The US continues to see Sri Lanka solely through the prism of its Indo-Pacific strategy. Its stance has been ambiguous when Sri Lanka faces challenges that go beyond the usual defendants, such as the ISBs. This perception of seeing Sri Lanka through its own interests only can be counter-productive for the US. Second, despite some flexibility from the US on the reconciliation issue, the lack of progress on human rights has impeded a more robust relationship. The US’s attempts to push back against China by strengthening Sri Lankan institutions are increasingly at odds with each other. Its use of bilateral pressure and multilateral institutions such as the IMF and the UNHRC could only fuel pre-existing anti-Western sentiments among the elites and the Sinhala populace, thus making it easier for elites to distance themselves from the states, even as China continues to have a deep influence on them.
Convergences and Divergences with India
Sri Lanka’s crisis also illustrates the US’s increasing cooperation with India. Both countries have displayed an understanding of each other’s interests and sensitivities which have, in turn, shaped their convergences and divergences.
On convergences, there is an understanding of regional security and order. The US acknowledges and prefers India’s leadership rather than challenging it; thus, it has limited itself to playing a supplementary role. Second, both countries have closely cooperated and coordinated when it comes to pushing back against China and its influence in Sri Lanka. As seen in the Sri Lankan crisis, India and the US have supplemented each other on humanitarian relief as well as the IMF negotiations and bailout.
In the case of divergences, both countries subscribe to different visions of the Indo-Pacific. While the US focuses on both democracy and China, India’s focus has been on the latter. That said, both countries have shown a clear understanding of each other’s preferences, sensitivities, and interests. The US has initiated and followed its independent policy when it has sensed such differences, especially when it comes to reconciliation and democracy. However, India has also co-existed with these differences, merely observing the US’s sanctioning of high-level officials and UNHRC resolutions rather than influencing the US’s policy in these areas. This is despite India’s reservations against such international pressure, indicating increasing maturity in the India–US relationship.
Opportunities and Challenges in the Region
The Sri Lanka crisis indicates increasing trust and cooperation between India and the US. While the nature of such cooperation commenced only recently, both countries could explore ways to cooperate. India’s influence in the region, combined with the US’s economic power and institutional influence, could push back against China and strengthen the capacity of South Asian institutions, democracy, and economy. However, since cooperating only to counter China might be counter-productive, both countries could explore domains such as climate change, maritime security, defence cooperation, and infrastructure investments to kickstart their partnership. India’s and the US’s outlooks on the region will also vary on the basis of their priorities and interests, especially when it comes to democracy and human rights. However, given the increasing trust, both countries have, at least for now, learned to manage these differences.
Conclusion
As Chinese belligerence continues to challenge the current values-based international order, traditional spheres of influence are witnessing increasing competition. The US has increased its outreach in the Indo-Pacific region, including in Sri Lanka, where the two countries share a tumultuous history.
The Sri Lankan crisis has illustrated that the US is keen to stay proactive in the region. In a single year, the US has had six high-level visits to Sri Lanka and spent nearly 13 percent of what it had offered as aid in Sri Lanka since the 1950s. However, its policies largely rely on the convergence and divergence of its interests with New Delhi. In cases of convergence, as seen with pushing back against China, the US has let India take the lead and has only played a supplementary role. In cases of divergences, such as human rights, corruption, and strengthening democratic institutions, the US has initiated or followed its independent policy.
The US will continue to face challenges in Sri Lanka, as its policies are increasingly growing at odds with each other. Insisting on viewing Sri Lanka through its own interests will only limit the US’s engagements with the country, leaving China at an advantage to deepen its influence.
Aditya Gowdara Shivamurthy is Junior Fellow at ORF.
Endnotes
[a] Mahinda Rajapaksa, elected as President in 2005, along with his brother and then Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa are largely credited for bringing an end to the three-decade civil war in the country. Other members of the Rajapaksa family also held key portfolios during this period.
[b] The ACSA agreement was first signed in 2007, but an updated and lengthy version of the agreement was renewed in 2017. The agreement allows both countries to transfer and exchange logistic supplies, support and refuelling services. The SOFA agreement was first signed in 1995, and a new pact was negotiated in 2018. The pact asserts that the US military, civilian, and contractors present in Sri Lanka in connection with the docked ships will enjoy diplomatic immunity, and would be allowed to carry arms when on duty. SOFA lapsed as protests erupted across the country. It was feared that both the agreements would reduce Sri Lanka to a US colony.
[c] Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights
[3] Dennis Kux, India and the United States: Estranged Democracies (Washington DC: NDU Press Publications, 1993)
[4] Jeffery Lunstead, The United States’ Role in Sri Lanka’s Peace Process 2002-2006,” San Francisco, The Asia Foundation, 2007, https://asiafoundation.org/
[5]The United States’ Role in Sri Lanka’s Peace Process 2002-2006.”
[24] The Integrated Country Strategy is a four-year strategy that articulates the US’s priorities in a country. This is led by the Chief of Mission to develop coordinated planning and policies among various US departments and agencies. See: https://www.state.gov/integrated-country-strategies/
[25] Department of State, Integrated Country Strategy: Sri Lanka.
[26] US Delegation Meets Sri Lankan President Rajapaksa: Discusses Economic Crisis,” Outlook, June 27, 2022,
[59] Deborah Ross, Recognizing 12 years since the end of the war in Sri Lanka on May 18, 2009, honoring the lives lost, and expressing support for justice, accountability, reconciliation, reconstruction, reparation, and reform in Sri Lanka to ensure a lasting peaceful political solution and a prosperous future for all people of Sri Lanka” US Congress, https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-resolution/413/text
[60] Ross, Recognizing 12 years since the end of the war.”
[61] Ross, Recognizing 12 years since the end of the war.”
[62] Mitra, Explained: What Is the UNHRC Resolution About Sri Lanka and How Will India Vote?.”
It is no secret that President Ranil Wickremesinghe always rooted for a federal solution. Nevertheless, regardless of his own personal beliefs, he, as an astute politician, is also aware that majority of the country (which is not to be read as ‘majority community’) bitterly oppose such a power-sharing structure that will effectively castrate the Central Government.
13A opposed more by the minority communities than the majority
This has not stopped him from trying to dabble with it and the last time he did, it almost cost him his political career. Even at that time, he knew he was taking a dangerous gamble. Therefore, he never took ownership of the proposed constitution that TNA Spokesman M.A. Sumanthiran penned. In that document, a question mark was designed to be cast on the word ‘unitary’. Even in the English translation, the word ‘unitary’, that had established legal context, was replaced with the Sinhala word for unitary with a slash and a Tamil word that translates as a collective. As such, the Yahapalana Government tried to play a mean trick on both sides of the divide on the question of unitary status of the country.
Of course, Ranil Wickremesinghe’s then political debacle was not simply due to the promotion of federalism or the attempted chicanery. The Central Bank bond scams, treacherously co-sponsoring the UNHRC 30/1 Resolution, persecuting war heroes, retarding the robust economic growth of seven per cent to a mere two per cent and the Easter Sunday Attack were the primary factors that almost booted out of politics.
However, it is notable that the minority parties, who he had been unashamedly and unreservedly serenading and courting, did not come to his rescue at his hour of need. This is because federalism is opposed more by the minority communities than the majority.
RW’s rise to power from the ashes
In 2019, voters sent him to the ‘naughty boy’s corner’ with only one national list seat for UNP – the oldest political party. Not a single UNP member won at the 2020 General Election that was held on 5 August. Everyone in that party, including Party Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, failed to win enough votes even to warrant a count.
By that time, the UNP had been reduced to a ‘ghost town’ as the then Deputy Leader Sajith Premadasa left to form his own party, the SJB. He took with him majority of the UNP MPs, who were only too happy to escape the sinking ship.
It was with this one national list seat that Ranil Wickremesinghe, as the lone UNPer, entered the 16th Parliament of Sri Lanka. Undeterred, he used his wit, honed by over 50 years in politics, to turn every opportunity to his advantage. Two years later, on 21.07.2022, Ranil Wickremesinghe was sworn in as the eighth Executive President of Sri Lanka.
A country like Japan would have included into their textbooks the fall and rise of Ranil Wickremesinghe to teach their children the value of perseverance. Unfortunately, in Sri Lanka we do not teach these kinds of life lessons to anyone.
The man of the hour
It was a jarring moment when Ranil Wickremesinghe became the President. The man we got rid of two and half years ago was back. However, there were more pressing issues. Our country was in near anarchy and he might be the only person who could save us.
When President Gotabaya Rajapaksa was voted into Office in 2019 with one of the strongest mandates, he was expected to lead our country into prosperity and instill discipline. While not everyone blames him for the near economic collapse, almost none exonerates him for mismanaging anti-government protests.
When he resigned on 14.07.2022, every essence of democracy was under siege and was about to be overrun by anarchists. The situation needed to be rolled back quickly and the only man who could do it at that moment was Ranil Wickremesinghe.
He was a prominent member of the Ranasinghe Premadasa Government, who played a pivotal role to break the 1988-89 JVP insurgency. His methods were not popular then and still have the power to send shivers down anyone’s back. Everyone knew he would not tolerate any nonsense. Therefore, even those who worked hard to depose him in 2019 were not totally opposed to Ranil Wickremesinghe assuming the presidency.
As expected, as President, he restored order and put everyone – including foreign diplomats, who were running interference with internal affairs, in their place. This time there was no bloodshed and within days the country was back in business. This earned him a second glance from those who despised him.
The hour has passed. what now?
President Wickremasinghe was indeed the man of the hour. However, even at that crucial moment, the question remained as to what he would do when the hour passes. He always felt that rather than the Sinhala Buddhist majority community, his meal ticket came from the minority parties. As such, he was always an ardent supporter of federalism and hence the 13th Amendment to the Constitution (13A).
Last July-August, it was desperately hoped that the era of the Yahapalana Government would have served him as a valuable lesson and he would never traverse that path again. In many ways, he did seem to have reformed. During his one year in Office, anyone who mocked or ridiculed Buddhism has found themselves in deep trouble with the law. This must be compared to the productions as ‘Budunge Rasthiyaduwa’ by KK Srinath, which key characters of Yahapalana Government endorsed.
Exactly a year has passed since the last protester had been packed off home. According to Verité Research (Pvt) Ltd survey, 60 per cent believe that the ‘Aragalaya’ was a flop. Thus, any threat of anarchy has been nullified for the moment. Unfortunately, the other threat, the threat of federalism, which was feared by many when Ranil Wickremesinghe became President, has manifested.
Late 2022, President Wickremesinghe broached the possibility of implementing the 13A in full. There were some discussions with all the parties on this subject. Other than a promise for a definite solution by February 2023, nothing really came out of it. Last week, President again pledged to implement the 13A.
Strengthen the economy to bin 13A
This has again agitated the nationalists. Whether they will be able to quell it as they did last time remains to be seen.
It is noteworthy that the 13A is India’s pet project. This is the reason for the TNA to demand it even though their one time master, the LTTE rejected it and accused India of betraying the Tamil aspirations.
India has been our superhero during our economic crisis. Since then, we have entered into a number of agreements with India. As such, even if President Wickremesinghe might no longer believe in the 13A, he might not be in a position to reject it.
Therefore, there is an important task for all those who oppose the 13A. That is, we must get our act together and strengthen our economy. This must be a national and not a mere government effort. While depending on another economy, it is just not feasible for our government to act independently.
ranasingheshivanthi@gmail.com
(The views and opinions expressed in this column are those of the author’s and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of
Ceylon Today)
Civilisations evolve independently and through mutual interaction. Trade, invasions, emissaries and missionaries and the diffusion of ordinary folk across borders represent avenues of cultural interrelationship. The ideas and information aliens bring and their potentialities affirmatively further the advancement of a nation. Equally important would be the genetic advantage of ethnic mixing. Sri Lanka stands as a prime example of a country that progressed in this manner.
Few cultures have succeeded in exerting their influence far away from their indigenous territory. Here, the first and foremost have been Romans. For that reason, they also gathered a wealth of information about foreign lands.
A man who lived when the Roman Empire was marching towards its climax and wrote a compendium on all affairs of the world, from cosmology to cosmetics, was Gaius Plinius Secundus, popularly known as Pliny the Elder. His 2000th birthday falls this year. He will be remembered for thousands of more years as one of the greatest writers of all time.
Pliny researched and recorded so much about different cultures in the world, until the time he lived. His reference to a visit of ambassadors from the Anuradhapura Kingdom to the Court of the Roman Emperor Claudius fascinated historians worldwide. Pliny dispelled the myth that, apart from Italy and Greece, people living in other lands are barbarians, showing the world in the Anuradhapura era, Sri Lankans were just as civilized as Romans.
In ancient times, large distances limited human movement. The advent of navigation mixed up cultures faster, changing the world. The Phoenicians, the tribes on the Mediterranean coast between Lebanon and Greece, were the pioneer navigators. By about 1000 BCE, their ships sailed almost every corner in the oceans of the region. The Romans acquired ship-building technology and the art of navigation from the Phoenicians, expanded their fleet and conquered lands, becoming the greatest political power in the world by the 1st century. The Roman Empire, lasting for about 1000 years, from 625 BCE, influenced culture and happenings in Europe, the Middle East and Africa profoundly. Despite the motto Roma Invicta”, meaning undefeatable Rome, the empire failed to repulse an attack by Germanic forces in 476 CE.
The Anuradhapura culture in Sri Lanka evolved independently but followed a path parallel to Rome in its rise and fall. The era beginning around 370 BCE, continued longer than Roman civilisation, overlapping with it for nearly 800 years. Although we advanced to the highest standards in empirical technology, unlike the Romans, our ancestors did not strive to acquire foreign lands by installing a huge naval infrastructure. Instead, they concentrated on agriculture, building remarkable irrigation systems. Anuradhapura was always under the threat of South Indian invasions but succeeded in defending itself until 1017 CE. And later, as the art of navigation advanced worldwide, because of its unique geographical coordinates, the island became an attraction for trade and invasion.
Traditionally, the religion of early Roman civilisation was mythology, but they were also inspired by Greek philosophers. The favoured philosophy was stoicism, which tells people to live following the virtues of wisdom, justice, temperance and courage. Buddhism, a religion as well as a philosophy that originated in India, guided the Anuradhapura culture. The teachings of Buddha are not very different from stoic ideals. In both cultures, the rulers subscribed to religion and philosophies, but many of them, in their deeds, acted contrarily because of their greed for power. Nero, who studied stoicism as a young adult, killed his mother and second wife. Kashyapa I, brutally asphyxiated his father, King Dhatusena, to death by immuring him in a wall. It is said that Dahutsena had previously ordered the burning of his own sister alive. Society often ignores the grave crimes of rulers and highlights their achievements!
Many historians attribute the fall of Rome and Anuradhapura to the fault of rulers.
Ramsay MacMullen, a leading authority on Roman history, argues in his book Corruption and Decline of Rome” a key factor in Rome’s fall was the steady loss of focus and control over the government as its aims were thwarted for private gain by high-ranking bureaucrats and military leaders. Historians have also said that the oppressive taxation of citizens to support the government and army contributed much to the downfall of the Empire in 476 CE. Poor improvised by heavy taxation, preferred invaders taking over the government.
Similar circumstances opened the way for the collapse of Anuradhapura. The kingdom grew into prosperity, of course not without intermittent calamities, primarily because of the principles of righteousness advocated by Buddhism, which created a favourable environment for the collective effort essential to promoting agriculture and technology. Erudite monks in monasteries devoted their entire lives to studies, qualifying them to advise the rulers, their reputation reached foreign lands, notably India and China. In later years, internal strife and greed for power to enjoy royal pleasures escalated, driving the country into poverty. The Buddhist establishment became more demanding than scholarly. Just as in Rome, conditions suited to a foreign invasion emerged.
Although Anuradhapura and Rome advanced rapidly in the 1st century CE, well above other nations, direct contact between the two cultures has been limited. Despite the strength of the Roman navy, their ships could not sail vast distances and reach Sri Lanka because of the difficulty of determining geographical locations without instrumentation, even a compass. The Romans heard stories about Taprobane from Persian traders and Greeks and considered it a different world.
Pliny the Elder’s Natural History”, a thirty-seven volume encyclopedia, stands as one of the greatest writings of antiquity, covering all branches of knowledge. The book is frequently cited in Sri Lankan literature because it discloses a vivid description of a delegation of emissaries from Sri Lanka to the court of the Roman Emperor, Tiberius Claudius Caesar (41-54 CE). What Pliny enumerates is undoubtedly centered on a fact. Some have endorsed all he has said as accurate and looked for clues in Sri Lankan history, while others consider many of his claims to be taken with a grain of salt. An extract from an English translation of Natural History reads:
During the reign of the Emperor Claudius, an embassy came from this distant island to Rome. The circumstances under which this took place were as follow: Annius Plocamus had farmed from the treasury the revenues arising from the Red Sea. A certain freedman of his, while sailing around Arabia, was carried away by a gale from the north beyond the coast of Carmania. In the course of fifteen days he had drifted to Hippuros, a port of Taprobane, where he was most kindly and hospitably received by the king; and having, after a study of six months, become well acquainted with the language, was enabled to answer all his inquiries relative to the Romans and their emperor. But of all that he heard, the king was more particularly struck with surprise at our rigid notions of justice, on ascertaining that among the money found on the captive, the denarii were all of equal weight, although the different figures on them plainly showed that they had been struck in the reigns of several emperors. By this circumstance in especial, the king was prompted to form an alliance with the Romans, and accordingly sent to Rome an embassy, consisting of four persons, the chief of whom was Rachias.”
Above is a reasonable and acceptable story. The weight of the Roman silver coin denarii remained constant (3.9 grams) from 200 BCE to 64 CE. The King of Sri Lanka appreciated the fact that Roman currency stood undepreciated for a long period.
Pliny signifies the episode by telling, a 1st century Sri Lankan ruler, having learned from a sailor of a foreign country where prosperity and justice existed, wished to form an alliance by sending an emissary. Pliny was aware that justice did not prevail in Rome all the time. Claudius earned recognition as a reasonable emperor, whereas those before and after (Caligula and Nero) were the cruelest. Pliny finalised his book during reign of Emperor Vespasian, who always sought Pliny’s advice and firmly reestablished the rule of law in Rome.
Pliny does not indicate how he obtained information about the envoys and the year of their visit is not mentioned. He famously accused writers for not acknowledging the authorship of the sources from which information was gathered. Perhaps to avoid being criticized on the same grounds, he seems to have adopted a clever style of writing. On the basis of some good evidence, he researched and wrote a story connecting existing information (not verified), to imply all the details came from the envoys.
According to Pliny, the vessel in distress landed in the port of Hippuros, Taprobane. Although various interpretations exist, there is no evidence of a port by that name in Sri Lanka, certainly not at the time the sailor landed. In other sections of his writing, he states the most famous city on the Island is Palesimundus and there is a river, lake and promontory by the names; Cydra, Megsbe and Coliacum – words derived from Greek. The Ancient Greeks sometimes confusedly described Sri Lanka and Anuradhapura as Palesimundus. It is unlikely the ambassadors have said they are from Palesimundus. According to Pliny, the people of Taprobane, worship Hercules. In Greek Buddhism, the most powerful god Hercules is the defender of Buddha. Many other legends in Pliny’s Natural History, including the statement, the people of Taprobane do not hire slaves, are found in more ancient Greek texts.
Since the Greek invasion of Persia in 492 BCE and Alexander’s conquest of territories further east and his march to India in 327 BCE, the Greeks seem to have acquired a wealth of information about Sri Lanka and the surrounding region. Based on the data they collected, Eratosthenes (276-194 BCE) estimated the size of Sri Lanka, and later Ptolemy drew a map. Geographic locations were given names by the Greeks. It is said that more than 90% of ancient Greek literature was intractable since the pre-modern era. Presumably, during Pliny’s time, many of these documents were available.
When there are so many uncertainties and ambiguities in Pliny’s account, Sri Lankan authors have presented lengthy arguments to trace the origin of the name of the leader of the delegation, mentioned as Rachias, primarily to ascertain his ethnicity – a glaring reflection of our immaturity. Can we be certain someone would remember and spell a foreign name correctly?
Pliny also wrote the Sri Lankan ambassadors who visited Rome were astonished to see the constellations Great Bear and Pleiades, as these are not visible from Tabrobane soil. It may be because Sri Lankans are not stargazers; instead; they confidently believe their destinies are fixed by the positioning of planets, which they never dare to see by looking at the sky. And having seen the northern sky upon arriving at the shores of Italy they were amazed. Pliny also presents another inadmissible story; according to the ambassadors, in their country, the star Canopus lit the night, casting shadows. It is true that in Sri Lanka, Canopus appears higher in the horizon compared to Italy, but everyone knows, no star is sufficiently bright to cast shadows – possibly an exaggeration by Pliny.
The historical chronicles of any culture are important and need to be venerated. At the same time, we should keep in mind, their contents not be taken as absolute truth for natural reasons. As the accurate recording of data did not exist in those days, many claims stem from hearsay, folklore and speculation. The writers were biased and opinions and facts are intermingled. A danger would be the use of their contents as supporting evidence for decision-making.
Reading chapters of Pliny’s book, devoted to other subjects indicates he resorted to rational argument, compared to Eastern historians of the time, but sometimes linked factual and fictional data and assertions of others without critical examination. Pliny was a polymath, but not an original thinker like Plato or Aristotle. Although he denounced extravagances, his thinking seems to have been influenced by Roman elitism.
Pliny the Elder’s (22-79 CE) biography is strange, unique and exemplary. Born to a wealthy family, he studied in Rome, beginning his career as an officer in the army.He served in Germany. Africa and Spain as a higher- level administrator in the Roman Empire. Literarily and philosophically inclined, he devoted his entire spare time to reading and writing, did not get married and led an honourable life entirely free of vices. His nephew, named Pliny the Younger, has said that his uncle did not waste even a minute distracting from official duties or studies. He read and wrote until late at night. At the time he was eating or taking a bath, a servant was instructed to read a book aloud for him to listen to. He rarely walked, but carried in a chair by slaves, so that he could read while moving. His incomparable volume of writing and his knowledge in areas of science, engineering, geography, history and art attest to what his nephew said.
The last appointment, Pliny held was commander of the Roman fleet. In CE 79, he lived with his sister and nephew near Pompeii and close to the naval headquarters. On August 24th afternoon, Pliny was working on a manuscript, when his sister told him smoke was rising above a mountain. He wanted to rush to the scene out of scientific curiosity. Minutes later, he received a message from a friend, telling him Mount Vesuvius had started to erupt and asking help for evacuation. He commanded a fleet of boats for rescue missions and traveled to shore, ignoring warnings of the assistants who followed him. Because of his feebleness, he suffocated to death by inhaling toxic gases.
Pliny was a defender of the Roman cause and the Emperors, particularly Claudius and Vespasian sought his advice. Many times he made statements implying prosperity of the Roman Empire exceeded all the other parts of the world, but often he lamented the extravagances of citizens and corruption of rulers as a deterrent to progress.
According to Pliny, the Sri Lankan delegates who visited Rome said, in their country, an elderly man of mild and clement disposition without children is elected as the king and if he happens to father children, abdication would be the consequence; this is done so that there may be no danger of the sovereign power becoming hereditary. We know this was not practiced in Sri Lanka or in Roman Empire. Perhaps, Pliny wrote these lines as a message to Roman polity, because he witnessed the dangers of imperial succession based on hereditary claims. Though an ardent advocate of Roman expansionism, he hinted that justice and fair play stood higher in Anuradhapura those days than in Rome.
Lt. Gen. Dias warns of Eelam through constitutional means
Former Army Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Jagath Dias asks whether a plan is underway to help establish Eelam by constitutional means.The Gajaba Regiment veteran asked a gathering at Sri Sambuddhathva Jayanthi Mandiraya whether they realised that the full implementation of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution would pave the way for a separate state in the Northern and Eastern province for all practical purposes.
The former frontline combat veteran said so, addressing a recent meeting to educate the people on the danger of the full implementation of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, enacted in the late 1988 in terms of the Indo-Lanka Accord signed in the previous year virtually at the point of a gun held by New Delhi.
Having served the Army for over 35 years, Jagath Dias retired in Dec. 2015. At the time of his retirement, he held the rank of Major General. The ex-soldier said that he felt the urgent need to oppose the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government move as it would lead to the disintegration of the country.
Those who had fought the LTTE, at the risk of their lives to bring the war to a successful conclusion in May 2009, were aghast at the current moves to facilitate the separatist agenda, the wartime General Officer Commanding (GoC) of the 57 Division said. The first Division, deployed on the Vanni front in March 2007, as the LTTE abandoned its bases in the East, the formation was tasked with regaining Kilinochchi.
The former GoC queried whether withdrawal of some military bases, at the expense of national security, giving up control of archeological sites, privatization of public assets and weakening of the military, were meant to create an environment, conducive for the breaking up of the country.
Lt. Gen. Dias who had never addressed such a public gathering before said that the implementation of the 13th Amendment couldn’t be justified, under any circumstances, as India failed to execute her side of the Accord that was forced on Sri Lanka.
Recalling the direct Indian military intervention, in 1987, as troops engaged in first brigade-level offensive in the Vadamaratchchi region of the Jaffna peninsula were on the verge of capturing Vellupillai Prabhakaran, the retired officer recalled stressing that the LTTE couldn’t be disarmed in terms of the Agreement. Therefore, Sri Lanka was not obliged to honour the accord, the Gajaba veteran said, urging fresh appraisal of the country’s response to the emerging threat.
India completed the withdrawal of its troops in March 1990. Referring to the May 1991 assassination of Congress I prime ministerial candidate Rajiv Gandhi contesting the general election, Lt. Gen. Dias explained how in the absence of proper defence and foreign policies, the LTTE gradually developed into a formidable conventional fighting force, inclusive of a deadly suicide wing that claimed the lives of so many innocents. The ex-combat officer compared the growth of the LTTE with the corresponding failure on the part of successive governments to realize the impending danger and counter the threat.
Sri Lanka should keep in mind that India forced the controversial constitutional amendment after having threatened the then executive, Lt. Gen. Dias said.At the onset of his speech, the ex-solder emphasized that he didn’t represent any political party or particular ideology. I was influenced by the unexpected political changes last year and subsequent developments,” Lt. Gen. Dias said, declaring that the division of the country wouldn’t be allowed.
President’s Counsel Manohora de Silva, who had been always at the forefront of campaigns against separatist agenda, warned that President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s real intention was to implement constitutional proposals that were submitted by a parliamentary committee during the Yahapalana administration during which he served as the Prime Minister.
The constitutional expert said that President Wickremesinghe had been quite clear about his intention when he addressed the Parliament on 09 Aug., regarding the course of action he intended to take with regard to the issue at hand.
Referring to the constitutional proposals formulated by a parliamentary committee that included Presidents Counsel M.A. Sumanthiran (TNA) and Jayampathy Wickremaratne (UNP National List), Manohara de Silva PC said that the overall project was meant to strip Sri Lanka of its unitary status.
Pointing out that the Chief Government Whip Prasanna Ranatunga declared their support for 13A plus, immediately after President Wickremesinghe’s 09 Aug. speech, Manohara de Silva said that the UNP leader and the SLPP leader Mahinda Rajapaksa seemed to be on the same page.
Recently, rebel SLPP MP Prof. Channa Jayasumana asked former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to state his position on President Wickremesinghe’s plan as the latter was elected in July last year to complete the five-year term won overwhelmingly by the former President at the Nov. 2019 presidential election. Prof. Jayasumana said that the former President could not keep quiet when his mandate was used contrary to the wishes of the electorate that elected him.
The President’s Counsel said that all previous presidents, including Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, who believed in devolution, refrained from implementing certain provisions in the 13th Amendment as they realized the danger.
Referring to the relevant sections in the 13th Amendment, Manohara de Silva explained how the full implementation could quickly lead to chaos. The lawyer discussed the circumstances under which the Northern and Eastern provinces could amalgamate again to consolidate the Tamil homeland theory.
Reminding how Dinesh Gunawardena voted against the 13th Amendment in 1988 when it was presented at the behest of India, Manohara said he was utterly disappointed at the way the MEP leader remained silent when President Wickremesinghe advanced his political agenda. The lawyer stressed the responsibility on the part of Cabinet ministers to state their position on the 13th Amendment or be prepared to face the consequences.
The President’s Counsel explained how the full implementation of the 13th Amendment could reduce the national police to the task of providing protection to ‘VIPs’ whereas provincial police, under the Chief Ministers, take charge of law and order.
The outspoken lawyer urged the PM and other parliamentarians to ascertain the rapid developments taking place and take decisions with national interest in their hearts.
Dermatologist Natalia Zhovtan has identified certain products that can accelerate skin aging in Russians, Life reports.
Photo: pixabay.com
According to the expert, the consumption of products such as
frankfurters
Sausages
chip
smoked meats
and canned food,
may contribute to premature external aging. These foods are rich in monosodium glutamate, which can lead to obesity, liver cell damage, and permanent skin damage. “In addition, excessive salt intake in the diet can trigger early cell aging. Consuming more than four grams of salt per day leads to a shortening of telomeres – the tips of chromosomes. When they become critically small, the cells lose their ability to divide, accelerating the aging process,” the doctor explained.
In addition, Zhovtan highlighted the detrimental effects of energy drinks on skin health due to their high sugar content. In addition, these products contain significant amounts of caffeine and sodium, which contribute to dehydration.
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( Text of the speech is in ITALICS and the comments are in smaller fonts)
1.… we recently organized an all-party conference, which saw participation from representatives of various political parties, for which I am appreciative.However, during the conference, we couldn’t arrive at a comprehensive agreement on power devolution.
In the Sinhala speech the term used is vimadyagatha kireema/ which is ‘decentralization.
2.In our region, notable examples from countries such as India and China, as well as in the Western world including the United States of America and Canada, reveal instances of successful power devolution. Even smaller countries like the United Kingdom, Netherlands, and Japan have adopted devolution.
They are large countries where some of the cities have larger population than that of SL.
Small Federations are where presently existing independent units like in the case of Switzerland or historically separate units have come together.
3.For instance, let’s consider China, where ethnic minorities account for less than 9 percent of the population. Despite this, China has granted autonomous powers to these minorities through various administrative entities such as zones, county (korale), and cities.
China is a one-party government, and the unity of the country is ensured by the party.
4. We must explore cases from different nations where national policies have effectively decentralized power. By learning from these experiences, we can identify a suitable system for our own country.
All modern states have decentralized governance. We are concerned not with decentralization which is a must but inappropriate devolution. The socio-political condition of every country is unique. More important is regional politics in the neighborhood. In the case of Sri Lanka politics of India have influenced the power in SL historically and more so in the recent past where the hegemonic politics if the Gandhi family have been a threat on the territorial integrity and the political scenario of SL.
5. Our annual expenditure on provincial councils amounts to around Rs. 550 billion. Have these councils justified this investment? Has this substantial funding truly benefited the populace? This is a crucial aspect that deserves attention.
That is the very reason that Provincial Councils should be abolished. Other than the Western Province Council the other 8 are financially not viable and each of them have to be subsidized by the Central Government with tax revenue collected from the rest of the country.
6.The division of power and authority between provincial councils, central government, and local governing bodies lacks clarity. Consequently, subjects overlap between provincial councils and the central government, resulting in duplication of efforts and delayed actions. Instead of resolving people’s issues, problems are escalating due to these inefficiencies.
The confusion is inevitable as 13A is a hurried document prepared by two Indian Ministers based on the power sharing scheme between the Center and States of India. But in that outrageous rush 13A has in some cases exceeded the powers enjoyed by the States of India. It is more the reason that 13A has to be abrogated. Please seehttps://www.lankaweb.com/news/items/2023/01/26/13th-amendment-goes-beyond-the-indian-constitution/
7.Many of the Ministers currently seated in this House have traversed a path from provincial council members to Chief Ministers and beyond.
Many better examples have come from Local Government bodies. There were many more former Mayors as distinguished ministers in the Parliament like N.M. Perera, V.A. Sugathadasa, M.H. Mohamed.
8.During the inception of provincial councils, certain political parties expressed opposition. Some parties chose democratic protests, while others resorted to undemocratic means to voice their dissent.
13A was passed in Parliament in the most undemocratic manner where the Cabinet was bullied to submission by the Indian High Commissioner Dixit and MPs were detained in Hotels to ensure their presence in Parliament. It was a time that the President had the resignation papers of MPs with him. JR threatened to dissolve parliament if it was not passed.
9. An additional aspect demands our attention here. The devolution of power within provincial councils is governed by the 13th Constitutional Amendment, which holds the status of the highest law of our nation. We cannot afford to disregard it. Both the executive and the legislature are obligated to execute its provisions.
This is also the argument bandied by many lawyers who take a simplistic legal view. Constitutions are subject to change. We have had the 21 Amendment to the Constitution. Constitution itself provides for amendments to it at Article 94.
10.What characterizes modern democracies? The establishment of decentralized governance as opposed to devolution. Devolution of power serves to bring political, economic, social, and cultural matters closer to the people. This goal is pursued using diverse methods in different nations across the globe. Decentralization is recognized as a pathway to achieving a form of direct democracy.
This is confusing. President appears to support both Devolution and Decentralization. In fact, devolution confers power to politicians whereas decentralization shares power with the people.
11.While no governmental system can fully transition to a direct democracy where all citizens gather to make decisions, it’s feasible to construct an institutional framework that facilitates people’s participation and their expression of will in political, economic, and social processes. The provincial council system serves as one such framework that brings power to the people.
People’s participation is best when it is ensured at the lowest level of a democracy where they have the capacity and the competence to participate effectively. This is at the district level, which has also been the existing level of governance. The present District administration can be reinforced with political representation from the present political hierachy. This will eliminate the massive cost of maintaining an unproductive provincial system. The justification of a District Council scheme is discussed at https://www.lankaweb.com/news/items/2023/02/05/replace-provincial-councils-with-district-councils/
SL Constitution accepts Districts as administrative units and Article 5 of the Constitution state that The territory of the Republic of Sri Lanka shall consist of the 1[twenty-five] administrative districts, the names of which are set out in the First Schedule, and its 2[territorial waters:”
12.I believe our focus should be on devising methods and strategies to further empower the people through provincial councils. By doing so, we can transform provincial councils into institutions that safeguard national unity.
The operation of the PC system during the past in the North and the East has not brought national unity but national discord. It has encouraged separatism.
13. Among these documents is the interim report released on September 21, 2017, by the Steering Committee of the Constitutional Council of Sri Lanka, under my leadership. Importantly, all parties represented within the Parliament endorsed the recommendations outlined in this interim report.
If there was agreement by all parties why were those recommendations no implemented?
14. Furthermore, we’ve recently initiated several other strategies to empower the populace. We’ve bolstered sectoral committees and fostered youth involvement for this purpose.
All these strategies could support District councils as well.
15. The interim report offers recommendations concerning amendments to Articles 3, 4, and 5 of the Constitution. We now bring forward these proposed constitutional amendments for consideration by the Parliament.
Articles3of the Constitution deals with the Sovereignty of the People.
Article 3: In the Republic of Sri Lanka sovereignty is in the people and is inalienable. Sovereignty includes the powers of government, fundamental rights and the franchise.
In terms of Article 83 articles 3 cannot be changed without the voting of
not less than two-thirds of the whole number of Members (including those not present), is approved by the People at a Referendum.
Article 4 stipulates the manner in which the Sovereignty of the People shall be exercised and enjoyed.
Supreme Court has held that Article 4 has to be read with Article 3. Therefore, restrictions of Article 83 will apply on Article 4 as well.
Article 5 deals with the territory of Sri Lanka which shall consist of the 1[twenty-five] administrative districts.
Please see my comments at para 11 above.
16. The interim report offers recommendations concerning amendments to Articles 3, 4, and 5 of the Constitution. We now bring forward these proposed constitutional amendments for consideration by the Parliament.
1. Ensuring the participation of provincial councils in the formulation of national policies concerning matters within the provincial list.
In formulating National Policy on matters contained in the Provincial List the Central Government shall adopt a participatory process with the Provincial Council;
2. No transfer of decentralized powers to the Central Government through the creation of national policies related to topics within the Provincial List, nor any impact on the executive and administrative powers under the jurisdiction of the Provincial Council.
Formulation of National Policy on a Provincial List matter would not have the effect of the Centre taking over executive or administrative powers with regard to the implementation of the said devolved power;
3. The executive and administrative powers required to enact the decentralized subject will remain under the jurisdiction of the Provincial Councils.
The Province will retain the executive or administrative powers (implementation powers) with regard to the said devolved power;
All these proposals can be implemented in a decentralized DC scheme without constitutional amendments. It is not explained why there is the need for amendment to the entrenched Articles 3 and 4 to implement these proposals.
17. This reinforces the notion that the provincial council has become an enduring component that cannot be excised from Sri Lanka’s governmental structure or political landscape.
Provincial Councils are an festering cancer in the body politics of SL.
18. National unity is upheld by steering provincial councils in the right direction. Simultaneously, it can be confirmed as a more efficient and service-oriented organizational system. It presents a chance to decentralize power, bringing governance closer to the general populace.
Provincial Councils have proved to be inefficient and distant from the people whereas District Councils are closer to the people and is a better instrument to decentralize power.
19. Therefore, our primary aim should be to develop the provincial council system as an institution that aligns with public needs, caters to public requirements, and contributes to national development.
To pave the way for this, I propose introducing several bills to the Parliament and implementing a series of new measures:
This would allow lack of uniformity across the country in important legislation and development programs where there should be a common ground.
All the measures mentioned above are better done by the Center and implementation delegated to District Councils.
20. On specific proposals: limit will be raised from Rs. 4 million to Rs. 250 million. If this Parliament agrees, we’re ready to elevate it to Rs. 500 million.
This is reasonable for investment by locals but all investments of foreign funds must be approved by the Center and in the case of large investment should be approved by a Parliamentary Committee.
21.Establishment of District Development Councils in Accordance with the 13th Constitutional Amendment Develop a three-year development plan for each provincial council in alignment with central government national policies. Integrate central government development programs into this plan, customized to each jurisdiction. Execute this three-year plan via District Development Councils.
Even in 13A it has been conceded that development plans have to be done and implemented at the district level. This justifies decentralization at the District level.
22.Additionally, formulate a legal framework wherein Members of Parliament, Members of Provincial Councils, and Members of Local Government Bodies representing each district can collaborate effectively in this endeavour
A legal framework for District Councils which describes the structure, the functions and the relationship with the Central Government and the District political framework has to be established. A tentative draft is attached as an annexure.
23. It is my sincere intention to progress without any political motivation, addressing the issues faced by the Tamil people in the North and East, in order to secure a much-needed sustainable national reconciliation in the country. Reconciliation undoubtedly is an indispensable factor for Sri Lanka’s own development.
It is inconceivable that the President is making such a naïve statement that his intention is free from political motivation. This unholy rush in the face of an economic crisis and desperate attempt to revive a bankrupt and failed country cannot be explained other than by a frantic effort to win Tamil votes in the North and East in an impending Presidential election. Reconciliation undoubtedly is indispensable for development. But reconciliation by capitulation of national interests and alienating the majority community is reckless, selfish and irresponsible.
24. My recent meeting with the Tamil Parliamentarians representing the Northern and Eastern provinces, was premised on this aspect. Subsequent to this meeting, I believe it is important to keep the Members of this august House informed of the matters discussed, as it forms the basis of the proposed trajectory, the Government would seek to pursue in this regard.
In this context, continued action on the relevant issues are envisioned to contribute towards national reconciliation, which I will now seek to outline:
It is unthinkable that the President had discussions with only the Tamil Parliamentarians in the North and East and the matters discussed there forms the basis of the proposed trajectory”He does not care about the wishes of the Muslim and Sinhala community living in the North and East. Well, it is not part of his agenda for votes in a Presidential Election.
The issues he has outlined contributing to national reconciliation are national and not related to Provincial Councils. Out of the issues indicated the Issue j. on National Plan for Archaeology has to be considered carefully as it is a sensitive issue and already the President has issued illegal instructed to the Director of Archeology on the demarcation of an archaeological site. The obliteration of archaeological is an strategy to support the homeland theory. These sites are national sites, and do not belong to a particular community. Some of the kings who established these sites were of foreign origin like Nissanka Mallawa from Kalinga. Most of our ancient Kings had close relationship with South India and it is recorded that Tamil mercenaries were employed to protect even the sacred Tooth Relic.
25. Development Plans for North and East–
This is better done at District level. This has been conceded at para.21 above.
26. I hope that the some of the Hon. Members of the Parliament who continue a misplaced refrain of the Government purportedly selling out the country to a third party, will now constructively understand that no country can progress alone, that too especially in the instance of a nation emerging from an unprecedented economic crisis, as has been the experience of Sri Lanka.
Members of Parliament and the public are aware of how the President as Prime Minister sold the Hambantota Port for a song. His credibility on selling national assets is questionable.
27. You have my assurance that I will not engage in initiatives inimical to the sovereignty and integrity of this country. In the same manner I urge all of you, for constructive engagement, in our quest for national reconciliation, considering that the interests of the people is the bedrock for our country’s development.
The sovereignty and territorial integrity of this country have been already placed at risk by his party with the Indo Sri Lanka Accord and 13A. The present attempt under a mask of reconciliation may become the match in the powder barrel.
28. In 1977, during President JR Jayawardene’s tenure, our nation experienced remarkable economic progress. Unfortunately, due to the war, that progress was impeded, affecting every citizen profoundly.
Rs Millions & % rate of growth
1977
1978
1979
1980
GDP @ current factor cost prices
27,950 (9.7)
34,432 (23.2)
40,242 (16.9)
49,542 (23.1)
GDP at constant . . (1970) factor cost prices
16,078 (4.2)
17,401. (8.2)
18,501 (6.3)
19,575 (5.8)
G N P per capita Current prices Rs. . .
34,432 (23.2)
40,242 (16.9
49,542 (23.1)
61,807 (24.8)
G N P per capita at Constant 1970 factor cost prices Rs
15,999 (4.3)
17,311 (8.2)
18,389 (6.2)
19,405 (5.5)
According to the information extracted from the Central Bank Report 1980 and given in the Table produced below the results of the open economy of 1977 were not that sensational. Both GDP and per capita growth at constant prices were average after the spurt from 1977 to 1978.
29. Under the presidency of Mahinda Rajapaksa, the war was successfully concluded. It has now been 14 years since the conflict ended. Regrettably, we have not yet managed to address the issues concerning power devolution and provincial councils.
Only Land and Police powers have not been devolved on Provincial Councils. The demand for these powers have come only from the Provincial Councils of the North and the East. They have now upped the ante and demands federal status. One cannot clap with one hand.
30.Amidst previous youth movements and a widespread demand for systemic change, the need for an altered approach was vigorously underscored. A substantial portion of our population is echoing this call for change. Just as in the steps mentioned earlier, we embarked on transformative measures, now we must steer this transformation towards the provincial councils.
The full implementation of 13A was not even dreamt in the demand for system change by the youth. Given the opportunity they will demand power sharing at the lowest level of governance at the District Councils where they can play a positive role. They have no place under 13A.
Annexure -District Councils -A Draft Outline
Sharing of power between the center and the periphery is essential for good governance. Delegation is an important management tool which is sharing of power and not surrendering of power. Power sharing in governance is best done on the universally accepted principle of subsidiarity of delegation to the lowest level of administration which is competent and has the capacity to accept the delegation. In SL this has been the District from British times. The Province lost its importance in administration with the Donoughmore Commission reforms. The 13A which has made the province not only the focal point of administration but the unit of devolved power is a refutation of history. The evil rationale for this was to confirm the homeland theory and to appease Prabhakaran.
It must be noted that Article 5 of the 1978 Constitution identifies the territory of the Republic in terms of districts and not Provinces. Even today, the District administration under the District Secretary and with the instruments of the District Coordination Committee and the District Agriculture Committee provides a critical service. The present District Concil could be strengthened and statutorily established without creating new political and administrative positions to take over the functions of the white elephant Provincial Councils.
It could be a tripartite body of Members of Parliament in the District, representative of the Pradeshiya Sabha and the Heads of Departments in the District. The Chairman of the DC should be elected by the Members of Parliament and the political representatives of the Pradeshiya Sabha. The Chairman will be designated the Commissioner and supervise the functioning of the Departments and agencies of the government in the District through the District Secretary. A District Council will have the power similar to what is enjoyed by Municipal Councils to make regulations and for administrative purposes adopt the system prevailing in the Municipal Councils.
A new law defining the structure and the powers of District Councils should be adopted by the Parliament. This law should avoid creating new posts.
There should be a re- demarcation of Districts only on a population basis where each District has a population of not less than. 500,000. Some District may have to be joined together to achieve this.
There should be a Metropolitan District directly under the Central government.
It is also proposed that the territory of a Pradeshiya Sabhas (now 246) be reduced and made coterminous with that of an electorate and the Member of Parliament be made the Chairman of the Pradeshiya Sabha. Some Pradeshiya Sabhas have to be consolidated.
Composition with estimated maximum numbers under each category:-
Members of Parliament 10
Chairmen & Secretaries of Pradeshiya sabha 20
Heads of Departments (limited to 10)
Secretary of the DC will be the District secretary.
District Commissioner/ Chairman to be elected by the political representatives.
We are now in the month of August, 2023 and public attention is once against focused on the 13th Amendment (1987). President Ranil Wickremesinghe stated that he wished to take further action on the 13th Amendment. He wanted to grant police powers to the Provinces. The Tamil Separatist Movement has been asking for this for years. TNA would have asked him to make this announcement.
The proposal was, as usual vehemently opposed. But for the first time in the history of the 13th Amendment, in addition to the usual Sinhala knee jerks, counter action has been proposed. Pivithuru Hela Urumaya leader Udaya Gammanpila has submitted to Parliament an amendment to the constitution which will remove police powers from Provincial Councils. This should have been done long ago, not only for police but for land was well.
President Ranil Wickremesinghe called an All Party Conference, on July 26, to discuss the 13th Amendment and its Provincial Councils. The MPs attended in a body, looking grim. They were determined to oppose him. Nothing came of that meeting.
President then summoned Parliament on 9.8.23 and treated them to an address. It was a song about Provincial Councils, regarding which he appears to have an obsessive interest. His views call for comment.
He said that the Provincial Council system was introduced in 1987 through the 13th Amendment to the constitution. Provincial Councils have been functioning in the island for 36 years. These Councils are well accepted, well entrenched, and have performed efficiently.
It is not possible to accept this flattering description of the Provincial Councils. The real position is quite different. The Provincial Councils and its Councilors have earned the utter contempt of the public. The Councils have been described as useless, money-guzzling, inefficient white elephants.
President Ranil also said that Provincial Councils have helped to produce many successful politicians who went on to reach the top in politics. They got their start in the Provincial Council. Therefore none of the political parties have ever asked that Provincial Councils be eliminated, he said.
This is a laughable argument, but a true one. Provincial Councils gave political leaders a second platform on to which they could shunt their supporters, a platform where the supporters could enjoy power and money and feel like political bigwigs.
But what followed in the President’s speech was no laughing matter. President said that there is overlap and duplication in the functions assigned to Provincial Councils and central government, therefore the three lists, national, provincial and concurrent would be revised.
A committee will look at the list of powers held by the central government, the Provincial Council powers, and the concurrent list and propose changes. Primary aim should be to develop the Provincial Council system. The Tamil Separatist Movement has been asking for this revision for a long time. Anti-Eelamists will shoot it down when it comes.
Sinhala supporters of the breakup of Sri Lanka have put forward a new argument, starting this month. It was heard on television news and it also came in President’s speech. This new argument says that the 13th Amendment is a part of our Constitution, which is the highest law in the land. Therefore the provisions of the 13th Amendment cannot be questioned. They must be respected and obeyed. They are sacred.
This is nonsense. Any clause in a constitution can be removed, (except for entrenched provisions), by a decision of Parliament. Especially if it has been forced on the country by an outside party.
The 13 Amendment was forced on Sri Lanka by India, through the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord of 1987. Sri Lanka was under no obligation to agree to create Provincial Councils and merge provinces simply because India insisted on it. JR had no business signing such a document either. Nor, in my view, did he have the authority to do so. The full text of the Indo Lanka Accord was known only after it was signed.
JR knew this. He therefore quickly got this agreement ratified in Parliament as the 13th Amendment. The 13th Amendment was then included in the Constitution as section 155 of the Constitution. The nine artificial provinces created by the British, in 1833 also got formal recognition. In this manner provinces and Provincial Councils got into the statutes”, which is what the Tamil Separatist Movement wanted. JR’s advisors, it should be noted, were from the Tamil Separatist Movement
As far as I am aware, there has never been any move to remove this section from the Constitution. The anti-Eelam lobby has never asked for this. The anti-Eelam lobby prefers to engage in knee jerk activities, like giving threatening speeches inside a posh auditorium.
The President said in his speech that Provincial Councils cannot be excised from Sri Lanka’s governmental structure .They have become an enduring component in our political landscape. This statement too, can be challenged. Provincial Councils can be eliminated provided Parliament has the will to do so. Provincial Councils are not essential, and they will not be missed. Provincial Councils have been condemned over and over again as totally unnecessary. No one likes or wants Provincial Councils, except the Provincial Councilors themselves.
The island is now over governed, said critics. There are multiple layers of administration. There is central government, provincial government, district government and local government. Local government was always there in the ancient period and the modern. A District administration was created in 1978, out of the Kachcheri system. It was headed by a District Minister with the GA as District Secretary.
Analysts do not approve of these multiple layers of administration .Sri Lanka can be easily administered as a single unit. It only needs two layers of government, central and local they said. The Provincial Council was not created to help governance. It was created as a move towards Eelam.
The President then moved to the subject of Land in his speech. Steps are being taken to expedite the establishment of the National Land Commission. A National Land Policy will be formulated, he said.
After this announcement on land, the President jumped to archaeology. Archaeology is not a subject that comes under the immediate purview of a head of state. It is usually handled by a Ministry. But in this case the President of Sri Lanka has shown a deep interest in what the Department of Archaeology is doing
In his speech, he proposed a National Plan for the Department of Archaeology. The work of the Department must be done according to a National Plan, he said. An Action Plan must be presented to the authorities before the department takes over any further land as archaeological reserve.
A long term National plan is not feasible. New discoveries have to be accommodated. The moment a significant discovery is made, the Archaeology Department is expected to move fast and secure that area as an archaeology reserve. Priorities must depend on the importance of the site and whether the site is in urgent need of conservation.
The reason for this sudden jump from Land to archaeology in the President’s speech is the archaeology work going on at Kurundi vihara in Mullativu .Kurundi has turned into a big problem for the Tamil Separatist Movement and the TNA.
Kurundi vihara was part of a large monastic complex in Mullativu. Kurundi was the leading monastery of the area during the Anuradhapura period. Kurundi was closely connected to the Maha Vihara at the time. Kurundi became one of the Mahayana temples which lined the eastern coast of Sri Lanka in the 13th century. Kurundi is evidence of steady Sinhala Buddhist occupancy of north east Sri Lanka .Kurundi is in a strategic area in Mullativu. Kurundi vihara is a registered Buddhist temple as well.
Kurundi has been re-discovered and archaeological work was initiated in 2018 by an energetic young bhikkhu, Ven Santhabodhi. The Department of Archaeology went there and to the horror of the Tamil Separatist Movement, found that the archaeological ruins of Kurundi extended to 400 acres, not the original 78 acres allotted to it in 1933.
The area was surveyed and boundary stones placed to mark the extent of the Kurundi reserve. The law permits the Department of Archaeology to gazette the surrounding area as a buffer zone, where they can control the activity but not take over the land. This means the land extent controlled by the Department of Archaeology will get even larger. An archaeological reserve, once declared, stays an archaeological reserve. There is no provision in the law to vest it back. That is why the TNA is having kittens over Kurundi.
Work was proceeding at a rate at Kurundi, so the TNA had to move fast. TNA approached the President, and briefed him about Kurundi. In July 2023, the President called a meeting with the Dept of Archaeology officers, to discuss Kurundi Vihara, and in the presence of the TNA, tried to reduce the extent of land requested for Kurundi Vihara. The Director General of Archaeology refused and resigned. Kurundi became a hot topic of discussion on social media. A book on Kurundi appeared.
President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s support for the TNA cause is to be expected. He has shown support for the Tamil Separatist Movement on many occasions. He helped the US Army to take a good look at the Sri Lanka army in 2002. He agreed with the Ceasefire Agreement of 2002 which gave LTTE full control over the north and east,
His name is associated with the Millennium city raid. In 2002 police raided a safe house maintained by the Directorate of Military Intelligence of the Sri Lanka Army at Millennium City housing scheme saying that there was a plan to assassinate Ranil Wickremesinghe and others. This resulted in the exposure of the army’s top secret unit, the military covert operations units known as the Long Range Reconnaissance Patrols. Their names became known. They were tracked down and all were assassinated by the LTTE.
Ranil Wickremesinghe had earlier wanted to celebrate the 500th anniversary of the arrival of the Portuguese in Sri Lanka. (Continued)
Secret talks on signing an Accord started between India and Sri Lanka with the participation of Ambassador J.N. Dixit, Editor, Hindu”, N. Ram and Minister Gamini Dissanayake. The Indian Research and Analysis Wing, (RAW) drew up the necessary plans, said journalist Dharman Wickremaratne.
Indian High Commission’s Second Secretary H.S. Puri left for Jaffna and met LTTE Chief V. Prabhakaran and other Tamil militant leaders. High Commissioner Dixit went to Madras and met leaders of Sri Lankan Tamil organizations.
TULF Leaders insisted on merging the Northern and Eastern Provinces and setting up a separate Provincial Council to administer the region. Dixit conveyed their proposals to Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in New Delhi.
Two Indian military helicopters landed in Jaffna from Madurai on July 24, 1987 and took Prabhakaran to Madras and then Delhi to meet PM Rajiv Gandhi. The purpose was to get Prabhakaran to agree to an Indo-Lanka Accord to which TULF and other Tamil organizations had already agreed. Prabhakaran was to be kept under surveillance in Madras until the Accord was signed but he somehow escaped and got back to Jaffna.
The talks were held at Ashok Hotel, Delhi, where Gandhi promised give more powers to the LTTE in an interim administration. Rajiv Gandhi also agreed to pay LTTE Indian Rupees five million monthly until the new administration started functioning properly, reported Dharman Wickremaratne.
It appears that the TULF had already discussed the matter with India in 1986. M Sivasithamparam, A. Amirthalingam, and R. Sampanthan of the TULF wrote to Rajiv Gandhi, Prime Minster of India, in 1987, drawing attention to the discussion between government of Sri Lanka and the TULF, in 1986, where it was agreed that the Provincial Councils would have near absolute” legislative power and the Governor would be a ceremonial head.
They had expected a single administrative unit of north and east with legislative and executive powers similar to the powers given to a state in India especially in executive and legislative matters
Northern Province Chief Minister, C.V.Wigneswaran, similarly stated in 2016, that the Accord, when conceived in 1987 was intended to provide for a merged northern and eastern province.
The government of India was expected to obtain this, on behalf of the Tamils of the north and east, in its negotiations with the Government of Sri Lanka.’
It is now known that the Indo-Lanka Accord was the work of USA, not India. USA was behind the India-Sri Lanka accord of 1987, said analysts. The US and UK were behind the Indo Lanka accord, though it was presented as an India thing, said Nalin de Silva.
Diplomat Izzeth Hussein had told WT Jayasinghe, then Permanent Secretary, Foreign affairs, that almost certainly a third party was involved in the Indo-Lanka accord. Jayasinghe, who was present at the signing, ‘told me later that I was correct.’
Hussein recalled that US Ambassador James Spain had sought a meeting with Sri Lanka‘s Foreign Minister, on the day of the India parippu air drop over Jaffna in 1987. Ambassador Spain said he had to convey an urgent message from his government. India was going to suggest something and Sri Lanka should not over react, Spain said. That ‘something’ was the Accord.
Just after the signing of the Indo-Lanka Accord, Ambassador Spain handed over an envelope to Rajeev Gandhi, obviously a congratulatory and goodwill message from Reagan. Clearly the contents of the agreement were already known to the US government, said Hussein. In addition, visiting US senator Charles H. Percy had carried a letter from US President Reagan to President Jayawardene offering to be of any assistance in conveying a message from J.R. to Rajiv Gandhi.
In July, 1987 we were informed that the Prime Minister of India Rajiv Gandhi was to arrive in Sri Lanka on the 29th to sign an agreement with us, recalled Air vice Marshal A.B.Sosa. That night I dropped in at Katunayake International Airport. It was all agog with Indian Air Force aircraft. It looked as though India had taken over the airport.
Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and wife Sonia Gandhi arrived in Sri Lanka on July 29, 1987 From Katunayake they travelled by helicopter to Galle Face.
Trouble was expected in Colombo, when Rajiv came to sign. A massive protest march was coming from Kolonnawa heading to President House and to deal with them was the General Service corp of the army that dealt with pay and records and ran the army farms, recalled Kamal Gunaratne.
An anti-accord protest campaign began near the Bo-Tree junction Pettah at 8.00 a.m. July 28, 1987 .Venerable Hedigalle Pannatissa, Ven. Maduluwawe Sobhitha, Ven. Muruttetuwe Ananda, Ven. Dr. Wilegoda Ariyadewa, MPs Dinesh Gunawardena and Prins Gunasekera were representing the Mawbima Surekeemay Vyaparaya at the protest rally. Also participating were SLFP Leader Sirima Bandaranaike, Jinadasa Niyathapala, Ven. Bengamuwe Nalaka, Gamini Iriyagolla and Anura Bandaranaike and many other SLFP Parliamentarians.
The unseen hand behind the country-wide protest campaign was the JVP .All activities were organized by the Inter-University Students’ Federation and the Bhikkhu Front.. JVP Politburo Members H.B. Herath and Gunaratne Wanasinghe, Central Committee Members Gamini Wijegunasekera, Thangaraja and hundreds of other high level JVP activists were taking active part, said Dharman Wickremaratne.
By 11.30 a.m. All roads in and around Fort area were blocked since nearly 20,000 people had gathered near the Bo-Tree junction. Seth pirith chanting was heard. Ten processions, each comprising over a thousand people marched in four different directions. The protestors set fire to buses and other state property. Police baton charged after tear gassing the crowd. There was gunfire. A total of 21 persons died there.
The UNP Government declared an island-wide curfew on the night of July 28, 1987. Defying the curfew hundreds and thousands of people were demonstrating against the Accord. The violence which started near the Bo-tree junction quickly spread all over the island. According to official Government estimates 132 protesters were killed and 712 persons including 56 bhikkhus were taken into custody during five days from July 27 to August 2. The number of violent incidents was 2,527.
Jayatissa Bandaragoda was returning from Katunayake that day. We were stopped at more than ten places by crowds. At Hendala there was a barrier of burning tyres across the road. In Colombo, they came across angry mobs who would attack any moving object. We had to take many deviations to avoid large crowds, as we went home. We saw several thousand near Parliament road, walking in the direction of Borella. A helicopter gunship came and started firing from the air and the crowd quickly dispersed.
President J.R. Jayewardene had bungled Indo-Sri Lanka relations and antagonized the Indian Prime Minister. He was in no position to oppose India. If the Accord was not signed India would intervene militarily. He signed the Accord on 28 July 1987.
The Indo Lanka Accord was signed on July 29, 1987 at 3.37 p.m. Thereafter, unofficial talks were begun between President Jayewardene and the Indian PM. Three discussions were held till midnight and the final talks were held on the morning of July 30th. The full text of the Indo Lanka Accord was known only after it was signed.
There was strong public opposition to the Accord before and after it was signed. Posters, slogans and black flags appeared in Colombo and many other main cities expressing strong opposition to the UNP Government, the Indo-Lanka Accord and Tamil separatism. There were island wide protests Protestors had even gone in procession to Panadura MP, Neville Fernando, to request him not to vote for the 13th amendment, Fernando said later.
Before Rajiv Gandhi’s departure a Naval Guard of Honor was held opposite the President’s House, Fort. JR’s son, Ravi had instructed that the firing pins and gun powder be removed from the guns in the Guard of Honor. Ravi had also told JR not to accompany Rajiv at the Guard of honor.
By the afternoon of July 29th, even before the Indian PM‘s departure, the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) had established themselves in the north east of Sri Lanka . ( CONTINUED)
The Sri Lankan planned economic targets have not been met in recent months. The signs are that the economy is not moving as expected, nor as required. This ship is sinking and we could easily end up as impoverished as the unfortunate Ethiopians.
Appropriate action is needed to be taken, urgently
Our most distinguished and honorable President has said he will only be guided by his parliament on these matters.
Therefore this letter is a call for you all to stir your stumps and work for the betterment of the economy.
The need of the hour is for more exports; Sri Lanka needs export driven growth – soon!
These exports can be the traditional export products such as rubber, tea, cocoa beans and coconuts. But better, when there is value added as in the case of liqueur chocolates.
Or we can prepare and seize opportunities by selling manufactured goods. We can create our own opportunities by innovative thinking in the creating value and exporting sector.
Imagine the possibilities that will open up when the Russian- Ukrainian “Special Military Operation” ceases and Ukraine has to be rebuilt and refurbished. But such opportunities will only be available to entrepreneurs of nimble, swift action.
Sri Lanka needs to don its ‘strategic thinking’ cap. The targets must be those countries with budget surpluses. What are the opportunities to sell them our goods at a profit?
Only the suggestions and actions of you, most honorable ladies and gentlemen can break the stagnation and revive the economy. The country has been immensely rich and wealthy in the past, and these days can return again with your active participation in the export generating field.
We, the helpless general public, look to your leadership to make progress in this matter of economic revival.
Anup Sinha – a strategic and security affairs researcher and freelance columnist specializing in South Asian Affairs
A United States-based news outlet ‘The Intercept’ has published what it claims to be the details of a diplomatic cypher” – or a secret cable – that suggests the US administration wanted to remove former Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan from power last year.
Khan was sacked from power in April 2022 after he lost a no-confidence vote in parliament. He alleged he knew of the cypher” while he was in office which, according to him, proved the US hatched a conspiracy with the help of his political opponents and the Pakistani military to remove him.
Khan is currently serving a three-year sentence and has been barred from politics for five years after he was convicted of corruption charges by a court in the capital Islamabad last week. He denies the charges and says the action against him is aimed at stopping him from contesting elections, expected later this year.
On Wednesday, The Intercept news website published purported details of a conversation between Pakistan’s then-ambassador to the US, Asad Majeed, and Donald Lu, the Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs, on March 7 last year.
The USA had threatened to isolate Pakistan if Imran Khan was not removed from the post of Prime Minister. There was a decision at a secret meeting of the US State Department to topple Imran Khan as Pakistan remained neutral on the Russia-Ukraine war.
In April 2022, the Pakistani Government led by Imran Khan was overthrown due to a vote of confidence in the parliament. Khan claimed that the United States (US) conspired to overthrow the Government. Although Washington denies these allegations, most Pakistani people believe in this conspiracy theory.”
In recent days, it has been proven in many ways that Pakistanis endorse Khan’s claims against the United States. Many citizens supporting Khan organized anti-government protests in the capital city of Islamabad. During the protests, Khan’s supporters raised their voices against the current government of the United States and Pakistan. Khan brought up the allegations of US conspiracy again during the protests. In addition, conspiracy theories came to the fore in Islamabad, and all rallies were held throughout Pakistan after Khan was overthrown on April 10, 2022.
Khan’s political entry as a famous cricketer has mobilized Pakistan’s younger generation. Because the people of the country have been taking an anti-American stance for a long time. During the change of government, commodity prices increased due to the economic tension in Pakistan, which triggered various dynamics. Maliha Lodhi, Pakistan’s former Ambassador to the United States, said, Khan was trying to use anti-US sentiment to gain public support for him.” made the statement. Although Khan did not provide any evidence for the conspiracy theory, the public believed these theories. But now, after the revelation of the Intercept report, now issue is clear.
Donald Lu, Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs, is at the base of Khan’s allegations. Khan claims that Lu met with Pakistan’s Ambassador to Washington in March 2022, and in this meeting, the US official stated that Khan should be removed from the post of Prime Minister by a vote of no confidence. In a recent interview with CNN, Khan renewed his claims and stated that Donald Lu had threatened the Pakistani Ambassador, saying that if the government were not overthrown, Pakistan would have to suffer the consequences. However, these accusations were denied by the Washington administration. Khan explained that the Pakistani Ambassador sent a message to the cabinet in March 2022.
Although Khan made a statement at a meeting of the Pakistan National Security Council (NSC), the government in the country changed, and Shahbaz Sharif, the leader of the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), took over as the Prime Minister. Following the change of Prime Minister, the Council rejected Khan’s allegations and said, No evidence of conspiracy was found in the message.” made the statement.
As it is known, on February 24, 2022, Russia launched an attack on Ukraine, and on the same day, Khan visited Moscow. Khan believes that the US authorities reacted to him for this reason. In addition, Khan claims that the Pakistan army and Sharif are also involved in the American conspiracy.
Analysts argue that it is necessary to examine the country’s ten-year history to understand why the people of Pakistan believe this conspiracy theory. In the last decade, distrust between Pakistan and the USA has increased therefore, what has happened is a result of this insecurity.
Afghanistan is the leading cause of distrust in the United States among Pakistanis. The US army has been in Afghanistan for over 20 years, and Pakistan has been attacked many times by Afghan-linked terrorists during this period. This is why many Pakistanis believe the American presence in Afghanistan destabilized their country. When US President George W. Bush launched the anti-terrorism” campaign against Afghanistan in 2001, Pakistan sided with the US as an ally. But as time passed, the distance between the two countries’ governments widened.
Islamabad believes that US drone attacks have killed thousands of people on Pakistani soil. In 2011, American forces killed Osama bin Laden, the leader of the Al-Qaeda, in an operation, they carried out in Abbottabad, Pakistan, but did not inform Islamabad about the process. This US behavior was totally unaccepted by the general Pakistanis. On the other hand, the Pakistani Government of the time considered this move of the USA as an insult. Moreover, in this process, a fake vaccination program was organized by the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and DNA data were collected to confirm the existence of Laden in Abbottabad under the name of the vaccination program. Although the program was seen as a successful work by the USA, it caused outrage among the people of Pakistan.
Moreover, in 2011, CIA officer Raymond Davis killed two Pakistanis in Lahore and said that these people tried to catch him at gunpoint, so he had to shoot. However, the Pakistani Government described the incident as a murder, and Davis was arrested on charges of murder and illegally possessing weapons. The incident caused tension between the USA and Pakistan. In the explanation made by Washington, it was stated that if Davis were not released, USA’s aid that hundreds of millions of dollars to Pakistan would be cut. As a result, Davis was released in exchange for more than $2 million in compensation to the families of the killed Pakistani citizens.
All these developments have caused irreparable damage to the sense of trust between the parties. Pakistanis now believe that there are conspiracies against their country. For this reason, Khan’s claim is accepted as accurate. Some analysts state why Khan made anti-US moves related to the historical past of relations between the two countries. Indeed, according to Madiha Afzal, a researcher at the Brookings Institution, a US-based think tank, Khan’s allegations against the US are part of the long history of conspiracy theories in Pakistan. In his words, Khan claims that Pakistan’s problems are rooted in the corruption of democratic governments that have served at different times.” Afzal reveals the world of thought of the former Prime Minister of Pakistan.
As a result, Khan has enjoyed sympathy from most Pakistanis since he was ousted as Prime Minister. Because Khan’s supporters consider him an alternative to Pakistan’s traditional political leaders. Moreover, the power struggle of the political parties complicates the situation in Pakistan day by day. Because the policies implemented resulted in inflation in the long run. The rupee is depreciating against the dollar, and the government is increasing the tax amount to compensate for this deficit. The burden of all this is on the shoulders of Pakistani citizens. Because of this, many experts believe that Pakistan has benefited from the current crisis. Because thanks to the support he received from the public, his popularity of Khan reached an unprecedented level. In the case of Pakistan, USA supported Pak military for regime change which is very shameful for the modern civilization.
Now, they target Bangladesh PM sheikh Hasina for their vested geopolitical interest. When the country is advancing economically, the US intention is not justified. US Intention of Targeting Bangladesh Has Ill Motive. So former Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan and current Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina are caught in the same conspiracy. Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina made similar comments a few days ago. She directly said America wants to remove me”.
While speaking at a discussion meeting at the National Press Club on August 9, 2023 Bangladesh Foreign Minister AK Abdul Momen also said foreigners are conspiring against the government of Bangladesh. Former Pakistan Prime Minister Imran and Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina have similar statements.
For example, the US suddenly became aware that human rights were being abused in some developing countries like Bangladesh and that democracy was not operating as it should.
If the answer is no, and the US was fully aware that there were indeed violations occurring in this nation from the beginning, why did the US authorities choose to turn a blind eye and refrain from warning the Bangladeshi government earlier that continued disregard or violations of these rights would result in consequences? On the other side, the US could be charged with involvement if they were aware of these events and did nothing about them. The question of why this diplomatic snub suddenly arises is only natural. Is it truly intended to help Bangladesh achieve democracy and human rights, or is there another purpose at play?
Report 1: Does Leaked Cipher Vindicate Imran Khan?
Vantage with Palki Sharma – Aug 10, 2023
Imran Khan had accused the US of masterminding a plot to topple his government last year. He had also talked about a cipher in which the US asked Pakistan to remove Imran Khan for his neutrality on the Ukraine war.
A leaked cipher has now confirmed Imran Khan’s claim.
Report 2: How US Threatened & Cajoled Pakistan Over Imran Khan’s Stand On Russia Ukraine War
CRUX – Aug 10, 2023
A diplomatic cable previously cited by former Pakistan PM Imran Khan as proof of US involvement in his ouster has finally come to the fore. Quoting the infamous cypher”, The Intercept reports that the US state department nudged Pakistan to remove Khan from power. The classified Pakistani govt cable documents a March 7, 2022, meeting between the Pakistan envoy to the US and two State Department officials.
Report 3: Secret Pakistan Cable Documents US Pressure To REMOVE Imran Khan
Counter Points – Aug 9, 2023
Ryan Grim breaks down the US role in the overthrow of Imran Khan in Pakistan.
Are we your slaves?” What do you think of us? That we are your slaves and that we will do whatever you ask of us? We are friends of Russia, and we are also friends of the United States. We are friends of China and Europe. We are not part of any alliance.”
Pakistan Prime Minster Imran Khan before his Govt. was toppled.
What kind of pressure does SL face from the US?
SECRET PAKISTAN CABLE DOCUMENTS U.S. PRESSURE TO REMOVE IMRAN KHAN
All will be forgiven,” said a U.S. diplomat, if the no-confidence vote against Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan succeeds.
THE U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT encouraged the Pakistani government in a March 7, 2022, meeting to remove Imran Khan as prime minister over his neutrality on the Russian invasion of Ukraine, according to a classified Pakistani government document obtained by The Intercept.
The meeting, between the Pakistani ambassador to the United States and two State Department officials, has been the subject of intense scrutiny, controversy, and speculation in Pakistan over the past year and a half, as supporters of Khan and his military and civilian opponents jockeyed for power. The political struggle escalated on August 5 when Khan was sentenced to three years in prison on corruption charges and taken into custody for the second time since his ouster. Khan’s defenders dismiss the charges as baseless. The sentence also blocks Khan, Pakistan’s most popular politician, from contesting elections expected in Pakistan later this year.
One month after the meeting with U.S. officials documented in the leaked Pakistani government document, a no-confidence vote was held in Parliament, leading to Khan’s removal from power. The vote is believed to have been organized with the backing of Pakistan’s powerful military. Since that time, Khan and his supporters have been engaged in a struggle with the military and its civilian allies, whom Khan claims engineered his removal from power at the request of the U.S.
The text of the Pakistani cable, produced from the meeting by the ambassador and transmitted to Pakistan, has not previously been published. The cable, known internally as a cypher,” reveals both the carrots and the sticks that the State Department deployed in its push against Khan, promising warmer relations if Khan was removed, and isolation if he was not.
The document, labeled Secret,” includes an account of the meeting between State Department officials, including Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs Donald Lu, and Asad Majeed Khan, who at the time was Pakistan’s ambassador to the U.S.
The document was provided to The Intercept by an anonymous source in the Pakistani military who said that they had no ties to Imran Khan or Khan’s party. The Intercept is publishing the body of the cable below, correcting minor typos in the text because such details can be used to watermark documents and track their dissemination.
The cable reveals both the carrots and the sticks that the State Department deployed in its push against Prime Minister Imran Khan.
The contents of the document obtained by The Intercept are consistent with reporting in the Pakistani newspaper Dawn and elsewhere describing the circumstances of the meeting and details in the cable itself, including in the classification markings omitted from The Intercept’s presentation. The dynamics of the relationship between Pakistan and the U.S. described in the cable were subsequently borne out by events. In the cable, the U.S. objects to Khan’s foreign policy on the Ukraine war. Those positions were quickly reversed after his removal, which was followed, as promised in the meeting, by a warming between the U.S. and Pakistan.
The diplomatic meeting came two weeks after the Russian invasion of Ukraine, which launched as Khan was en route to Moscow, a visit that infuriated Washington.
On March 2, just days before the meeting, Lu had been questioned at a Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing over the neutrality of India, Sri Lanka, and Pakistan in the Ukraine conflict. In response to a question from Sen. Chris Van Hollen, D-Md., about a recent decision by Pakistan to abstain from a United Nations resolution condemning Russia’s role in the conflict, Lu said, Prime Minister Khan has recently visited Moscow, and so I think we are trying to figure out how to engage specifically with the Prime Minister following that decision.” Van Hollen appeared to be indignant that officials from the State Department were not in communication with Khan about the issue.
The day before the meeting, Khan addressed a rally and responded directly to European calls that Pakistan rally behind Ukraine. Are we your slaves?” Khan thundered to the crowd. What do you think of us? That we are your slaves and that we will do whatever you ask of us?” he asked. We are friends of Russia, and we are also friends of the United States. We are friends of China and Europe. We are not part of any alliance.”
he Sri Lankan Navy reported that the Chinese People’s Liberation Army Navy warship, named HAI YANG 24 HAO, reached the Colombo port on Thursday (10}.
Chinese Naval Ship Nanning takes part in the multinational naval exercise ‘AMAN-23’ in the Arabian Sea near Pakistan’s port city of Karachi on February 13, 2023, as more than 50 countries participating with ships and observers – Representative Image (Photo by Asif HASSAN / AFP) (Photo by ASIF HASSAN/AFP via Getty Images)
A Chinese Navy warship with surveillance capabilities has recently arrived at the Colombo port, marking its presence almost a year after a different spy vessel caused concerns in India by berthing at a strategic port in Sri Lanka.
The Sri Lankan Navy reported that the Chinese People’s Liberation Army Navy warship, named HAI YANG 24 HAO, reached the Colombo port on Thursday (10) and is scheduled to depart on Saturday.
The 129-metre-long ship which arrived in Colombo is manned by a crew of 138 and it is commanded by Commander Jin Xin. The ship is scheduled to depart the country tomorrow,” the navy statement said.
According to media reports on Friday, Sri Lanka delayed its arrival upon concerns raised by India. The Chinese authorities sought permission for it earlier, but Sri Lanka delayed permission because of resistance from India,” the Daily Mirror newspaper reported.
Despite a briefing by Sri Lanka to Indian officials, the latter remained concerned about the research ship’s visit to the island nation.
In August last year, a similar visit by the Chinese ballistic missile and satellite tracking ship, ‘Yuan Wang 5′, which arrived in the southern Sri Lankan port of Hambantota elicited strong reactions from India.
There were apprehensions in New Delhi about the possibility of the vessel’s tracking systems attempting to snoop on Indian defence installations while being on its way to the Sri Lankan port.
However, after a considerable delay, Sri Lanka allowed the ship to dock at the strategic southern port of Hambantota, being built by a Chinese company.
Sri Lanka considers both India and China equally important partners in its task to restructure its external debt.
The negotiations for Sri Lanka’s external and domestic debt restructuring must be concluded by September, in time for the International Monetary Fund’s review of its USD 2.9 billion bailout extended in March this year.
The island nation was hit by an unprecedented financial crisis in 2022, the worst since its independence from Britain in 1948, due to a severe paucity of foreign exchange reserves
President Ranil Wickremesinghe urged officials in the gem and jewellery industry to swiftly provide comprehensive plans for achieving the country’s objective of bolstering annual export earnings through enhancements in the gems and jewellery exports and re-exports.
During a recent discussion held at the Presidential Secretariat to address issues within the gem and jewellery industry, the President highlighted the importance of promptly addressing challenges in the gems and jewellery sector to boost the country’s revenue from exports.
He stressed that progress toward this year’s target growth in the industry has not met the expectations compared to the previous year. Hence, he emphasized on the necessity of implementing a well-structured strategy aimed at attaining an annual export revenue of at least two billion US dollars.
Furthermore, the President revealed that recommendations pertaining to tax policies for the advancement of the gems and jewellery sector were submitted to him by the Sectoral Monitoring Committee on Environment, Natural Resources and Sustainable Development.
Deliberations extended to discussions on taxes impacting the industry as well as the export and re-export procedures. Pertinent stakeholders also shared insights with the President regarding the challenges that have emerged within the sector.
President Ranil Wickremesinghe assured that the government is fully prepared to provide necessary support and facilities if a formalized plan to elevate the gems and jewellery industry in Sri Lanka is presented promptly.
State Finance Minister Ranjith Siyambalapitiya says that a Gazette notification is expected to be issued this week relaxing restrictions on import of lorries, trucks and buses used for public transport.
However, regarding the import of other vehicles, financial analysts say that the import of other vehicles will be further delayed considering the existing foreign exchange reserves.
They also emphasize that the exchange rate of the US Dollar could rise once again through the acceleration of vehicle imports.
Condemning all political decisions made by President Ranil Wickremesinghe with regard to the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, Senior Deputy Chairman of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) Prof. Rohana Lakshman Piyadasa warned that Sri Lanka is heading towards a democratic crisis.
Also speaking on the President’s ongoing efforts towards the devolution of powers, MP Udaya Gammanpila explained that each time President Ranil Wickremesinghe lost his power, it was due to his attempts to devolve powers.
Despite these remarks, however, United National Party (UNP) Deputy Leader Ruwan Wijewardene stated that in order for the country to move forward, solutions need to be provided for certain issues faced by those in the Northern and Eastern provinces.
Meanwhile, speaking at a event held on Saturday (12 August) commemorating the 70th anniversary of the 1953 Hartal, MP Dullas Alahapperuma claimed that despite all the riots, protests and hartals that have taken place in Sri Lanka thus far, parties are yet to ‘learn their lessons’, adding that all sectors are currently in crisis.
President Ranil Wickremesinghe underscored the imperative to fortify the nation’s economy, ensuring that forthcoming generations are spared from enduring the unfortunate period that both the country and its people have weathered in the past two years.
These remarks were made during his participation in the 150th Anniversary celebration of St. Thomas College in Matale today (13 Aug).
President Wickremesinghe highlighted that resolving the country’s economic challenges goes beyond the success of the debt optimization programme, and emphasised the need to promptly initiate an economy-building strategy guided by sound decisions.
He cautioned that failure to proactively adopt a new program would inevitably result in the country facing another economic hurdle within a decade.
The President expressed his vision of propelling the country forward through comprehensive modernization. To achieve this, he announced the establishment of the Technology Promotion Council and the Digital Transformation Commission, aimed at accelerating the nation’s digital evolution.
In an unprecedented event, President Wickremesinghe visited St. Thomas College in Matale, unveiling a commemorative plaque that marked the institution’s 150th Anniversary. He also graciously posed for a group photograph with the Alumni Association.
During the same occasion, the President also conferred certificates upon students who secured the top position in the district during the general education certificate examination.
Following is the speech delivered by President Ranil Wickremesinghe at this event;
It has been a century and a half since the inception of St. Thomas College in Matale. During its establishment, the country relied on a plantation-based economy with a significant focus on coffee cultivation. However, within a few years, the coffee industry collapsed, causing a severe economic downturn and depriving the government of its revenue stream. The economy struggled until the introduction of tea and rubber cultivation, which revitalized the nation’s financial standing.
As the 150th Anniversary of St. Thomas College in Matale is commemorated today, the country finds itself grappling with an ongoing economic crisis. The previous year’s economic turmoil left deep impacts on the nation’s economic, social, and political landscapes. During that period, the prospect of recovery seemed bleak. A poignant example of this was the lack of volunteers to assume the role of Prime Minister after Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa’s resignation. Typically, such vacancies are eagerly pursued, but in this case, no one stepped forward.
Taking up the mantle of the presidency, I assumed responsibility, formed a cabinet, and embarked on finding both short-term and long-term solutions to address the economic crisis. Through decisive actions, we managed to eliminate the prevalent queues that had become emblematic of the nation’s struggles. The outcomes of our government’s decisions in September, January, and April of the previous year have been embraced positively by the populace.
As this year draws to a close, we hold the belief that our nation can overcome bankruptcy by successfully executing the credit appreciation program. Achieving this necessitates stringent control over public expenditures and a shift toward a more productive economy. We have already begun implementing these measures. However, it is essential to recognize that while our current endeavours may alleviate the bankrupt” label unless further steps are taken promptly, we risk facing the same fate within a decade.
Consequently, the government’s course must be charted anew, underpinned by a revamped system. Sound financial discipline should guide our governance approach, extracting maximal benefits from each government institution. Initiatives to trim superfluous expenses within ministries are in the pipeline. Moreover, an inventory of government-owned land, buildings, and vehicles is being compiled under the Prime Minister’s Secretary’s leadership, with expectations of its completion by year-end.
The proposed measures for domestic debt optimization have been successfully passed in the Parliament, despite attempts to hinder the process through legal channels.
The EPF has introduced a draft law aimed at providing a 9% interest rate to all members, and this initiative is currently in progress. Consequently, there are no grounds to impede the advancement of this program. As stipulated in Article 04 of the Constitution, financial authority rests with the Parliament, thereby vesting it with the responsibility and competence to execute these actions. All legal cases related to this matter have been dismissed by the Supreme Court. Upon the completion of the debt optimization endeavour, our focus should shift to the effective implementation of the subsequent economic program. Presently, there is a significant exodus of individuals from our nation. The departure of skilled experts and professionals has created a substantial void that cannot be easily filled. It is essential to reaffirm our commitment to establishing a robust economic foundation conducive to the well-being of all citizens.
Challenges confront our country today, primarily driven by insufficient government revenue and a trade imbalance skewed towards higher import costs relative to exports. A reliance on daily credit is not a sustainable solution.
Once the debt consolidation process concludes, the same question emerges anew. We must proactively address this concern by bolstering our Gross Domestic Product (GDP) at a rapid pace, as an increased GDP directly translates to heightened national income.
Parallelly, we must intensify our efforts in the realm of exports. A comprehensive strategy for this endeavour should be formulated within the next decade.
In the current landscape, conventional political slogans have lost their relevance, even within both ruling and opposition parties. Instead, it is imperative to assess the country’s challenges and forge ahead with practical solutions. If the proposed solutions fail to gain traction, alternatives should be presented to address the issues at hand.
To propel the nation’s economic development, an annual influx of at least one billion dollars in foreign exchange is essential. The initial step toward achieving this goal involves augmenting foreign exchange inflows from existing sectors.
Our primary income sources are foreign employment and export earnings. Unfortunately, the economic situation in countries like Europe and America, particularly affecting the garment industry, has shown regression. Consequently, we shouldn’t anticipate substantial revenue from these sectors this year. Thus, our attention must pivot to tourism. Accordingly, we have devised comprehensive plans to significantly enhance our country’s tourism sector throughout this year and the following year.
Additionally, there is a pressing need to double our export revenue. To achieve this, attracting investors and providing them with the requisite facilities is essential. New initiatives such as the development of the port city have been set in motion.
Furthermore, advancing rapidly over the next decade with technologies like artificial intelligence is paramount; our success or failure hinges on our ability to maintain this momentum.
In line with these objectives, plans are underway to establish several government and private universities. A subsidized loan program for students entering these institutions is also on the horizon. Our aim is to annually produce a minimum of 10,000 engineers and 7,500 doctors from Sri Lankan universities. The demand for IT expertise is also substantial, necessitating consistent efforts to meet these requirements.
Our aspiration is to construct a prosperous future for generations to come. It is our collective responsibility to fortify the economy to prevent a recurrence of last year’s adversities.
The government has undertaken numerous novel measures in pursuit of this goal.
However, anticipated outcomes from the Board of Investment and the Export Board have fallen short. To address this, we have established an economic commission tasked with centralizing relevant powers. This will streamline the investment approval process, eliminating the need to navigate various ministries for clearance, and consolidating all procedures in one location.
Drawing inspiration from Mr. J.R. Jayawardena’s establishment of the Greater Colombo Economic Commission in 1978, we also aim to create a dedicated board to provide the necessary infrastructure for investments.
In tandem, we aspire to double the annual influx of tourists to our country from 2.5 million to 5 million. The Matale district possesses immense potential to contribute significantly to the burgeoning tourism industry.
Within the next two months, we intend to unveil an agricultural modernization program. Our current agricultural output, whether in terms of rice or other crops, falls short. It is imperative to promote the cultivation of these products.
Furthermore, we are in the process of establishing a Technology Promotion Council with the aim of acquiring the necessary technical expertise for our nation. Concurrently, a Digital Transformation Commission will be formed to propel digitization across the country. Envisioning comprehensive modernization across all sectors, our objective is to shape a developed Sri Lanka by the year 2048.
The event was attended by a multitude of individuals, including Education Minister Dr. Susil Premajayantha, Prime Minister’s Secretary Anura Dissanayake, Central Province Governor Lalith Y. Gamage, Ministry of Education Secretary Nihal Ranasinghe, former judge and Chairman of the Human Rights Commission M.P.B. Dehideniya, Professor Chaminda Ratnayake, Vice Chancellor of NSBM Green University, General Shavendra Silva, Chief of Staff of the Tri forces, Kaushalya Navaratne, President of the Sri Lanka Bar Association Dhammika Hewawasam, Principal of St. Thomas College in Matale, and a substantial gathering of faculty members, parents, and alumni.
‘Before you study the economics, study the economists!’
This ee reproduces Pakistan’s Ambassador in Washington recounting the US demand to remove their leader Imran Khan…or else… This coup – though downplayed by the media as a coup – was apparently accomplished this week, with the collusion of Pakistan’s courts and military leadership.
This ‘demarche’ makes clearer that the same shenanigan was accomplished in Sri Lanka last year, with an apparent threat to kill the President Gotabhaya Rajapakse unless he abdicated his massive electoral mandate (see ee Comments).
This ee also reports how the US installed yet another ‘billionaire entrepreneur’ – aka launderer of drug dollars – from addicting 10,000s of US citizens, mainly Black – as the President of Nigeria. It is this President, as head of regional West African grouping ECOWAS, who is now attempting to invade Niger and other Sahelian nations. Such are the NATO-appointed ‘democratic’ leaders we are only allowed elect. Meanwhile, France’s frenetic attempt to keep robbing Africa perhaps explains the French President’s recent airport ‘refueling’ stop in Sri Lanka, after visiting French colonies in the Pacific.
Which brings us right back to assertions that the US has given India the green (sic!) light to invade and divide Sri Lanka:
‘Western powers have given free rein – a carte blanche –
to India as their proxy in South Asia.’
(ee Sovereignty, 5 MoU between Ranil & India unpublished)
This appears even more evident in the attempt to get parliament to bulldoze the by-force 13th Amendment to divide the country, and also hand over strategic and mineral-rich Trincomalee to India.
Meanwhile, the Indian Finance Minister’s demand last week that China ‘join the debt relief efforts of Sri Lanka’ was even criticized by the empire’s lipstick in Colombo, the monopoly Wijeya Group’s Sunday Times:
‘Whatever [India’s] altruistic motives may have been,
any issues between Sri Lanka & China are issues
between 2 sovereign nations, and the recent Indian munificence
does not grant India the powers to intervene.’
Of course, Japan keeps doing the same: ‘Japan has asked Sri Lanka to secure a debt restructure deal with China before any discussion.’ (see ee Sovereignty).
And thus foreign fleas festoon the firmament, with the Australian envoy ‘warning’ that Sri Lanka’s ‘12-month mining permit would make investors ‘run away’’: ‘Australian High Commissioner had recently mentioned there were companies that were willing to invest but that the investment environment was not conducive’ (ee Industry).
*
• While the corporate media likes to focus on that July 1983 they label as ‘Black’, they like to forget the July 1980 turmoil – the IMF, Employers Federation (of Ceylon, apparently) and a compliant media – caused in demanding the government of the day sack over 50,000 workers to push the IMF’s anti-worker agenda. Few ‘social scientists’ attempt to even draw a link between July 1983 & the July 1980 outrages, and the transmogrification of forces pampered to attack trade unionists.
It is hard not to see the recent ‘aid’ by the World Bank – to ease the destruction of the so-called ‘welfare state’ initially created to help prevent Sri Lanka’s real economic independence – and also Japan’s recent‘Rs611mn grant assistance for human resources development in Sri Lanka’, as means to lubricate similar ‘free-market’ ‘death squads’, etc.
*
‘The economic path that various leaders have tried to implement since 1977
is not conducive to industrialization and a production-based economy.’
– Main Conditions for a Progressive Alternative:
Communist Party of Sri Lanka (CPSL, ee Focus)
The 1977 decision to open the floodgates to imports (see ee Economy, Import Liberalization) recalls the so-called ‘liberalization’ of the economy that some analysts see as pivotal to ‘consumption culture’ promoted by the Central Bank, under a US governor, since 1950. Now we have a so-called Sri Lankan governor of the Central Bank, even more eager to implement such imperialist writ.
One of the features of the 1977 deluge was of course the World Bank’s Mahaveli Development Project (designed by Canada), which promised to even sell electricity to India! Now they wish to suture Sri Lanka to India to obtain electricity, along with a land bridge!
So! Midst a devastating drought, and the cricketer Imran’s dungeoning, we found this interesting anecdote by a former envoy and MP about the link between Sri Lanka’s accession to ‘Test Cricket’ and the Mahaveli boondoggle, which cast Sri Lanka into further debt bondage.
Irrigation is a fundamental input in agriculture. The Indians, the Portuguese, the Dutch and the English not only targeted our weapons-producing and related steel industries first, they also destroyed our granaries. When they figured out that the basis of our solidarity was in the sharing of water, they attacked the irrigation (see ee 11 July 2020, Cool Marx on Sri Lanka).
It is to anecdotal autobiographies we must turn. Sarath Amunugama recalls that (the later assassinated MP and Presidential candidate) Gamini Dissanayake was funded by the Maharaja Group. He was the head of the Board of Control of Cricket. Gamini as Minister of Mahaweli Development had handed over the contract for the Victoria Reservoir project to English corporation Balfour Beatty. The head of the company in England was the chief fundraiser for Thatcher’s Conservative Party. Balfour Beatty then ‘twisted the [bowling?] arm of the MCC’.
Of course Amunugama, who claims modern economics demands that we turn into a rentier economy, makes no link – with his proud recall, that later, with Gamini D, was ‘welcomed to the distinguished [MCC] visitors’ gallery and served champagne & wafer-thin smoked salmon as well as cucumber sandwiches ordered from Fortnum & Mason’ – to the absurd demands by Balfour Beatty that their overpaid Mahaveli consultants had to also import drinking water and other such luxuries from England, for which we are still paying! Indeed, Queen Victoria, 19th century famine-maker & mass murderer (not just in 1848), symbol of constipation (due to opium) & sexual repression, is indeed appropriate for a dam that fails.
‘US State Department Coordinator on Global Anti-Corruption’ Richard Nephew and Dylan Aikens, the Anti-Corruption Analyst for the US Department of State who visited Sri Lanka from August 08-9, may perhaps not wish to recall such lugubrious lubrications…
They also may not wish to delve into the rush to privatize SLTelecom. SLTelecom is not on the latest government list of immediate privatization projects postponed due to political opposition. SLTelecom is yet to respond to international accusations that it received bribes from the US envoy in Colombo. The US bribes were to get SLT to abandon an Indian Ocean submarine internet cable project with China and other Asian countries. (see, ee July 2023 Part 2, US Envoy Threatens & Bribes SLTelecom)
MCC indeed! In case our intellectuals choose to forget, even if they don’t know, MCC to Sri Lankans means US invasion, cricket, and a lot of other things (see the very 1stee), but it sure ain’t ‘M-C-M’ (Marx’s industrial transformation of money and commodity into capital).
And, what after all is capital, but labor? Which is why the IMF’s main demand is the further degradation of a skilled working class in Sri Lanka (see ee Workers, Labour & Labour-Power).
Can we stop imports and save dollars. Yes, We CAN. Let us talk from what we once did.
Once when I worked in Nuwara Eliya a car loan of tomatoes purchased at Hanguranketa made my home a Cannery for a weekend and we made Tomatoe Sauce that lasted six months.
In 1958, In my days in charge of the Tripoli Market that ran the Veg and Fruit Purchasing Programme of the Marketing Department, the Marketing Officer at Hanguranketa Fair reported a glut of tomatoes and I despatched three lorries to Hanguranketa Fair to purchase all the tomatoes and at the Cannery by mid night it all became Tomatoes Sauce. Today we spend dollars obtained on loan to buy Tomatoes Sauce from as far as the USA and Australia. Are we not foolish?
In my days as the GA at Matara in 1971, my Planning Officer, Vetus Fernando a raw chemistry grad, toiled every day from six to twelve midnight for three months at the Rahula College science lab, aided by Science teachers at Rahula, with all of us as Cheer Leaders goading Vetus when he failed. Somehow he found the art of making Crayons. That took a full three months. Then Sumanapala Dahanayake, the MP for Deniyaya as the President of Morawaka Cooperatives organized producing crayons- day and night and in a fortnight we filled two large rooms. I broke rest for three days and my officers supervised for two weeks- a 24 hour a day operation. That was also Sumanapala the MP for Deniyaya, perhaps his role is to be admired by the Members of Parliament of today. Minister Subasinghe, the Minister for Industries opened sales. Minister Illangaratne when he saw the crayons we made ordered the stop of all imports of crayons. He even got me to agree to open a Crayon Factory at Kolonnawa, his electorate! Today our chemistry grads are fighting and protesting on the streets and we import Crayola Crayons. The Morawaka made Coop Crayon was as good as the Crayola. Are we not the fools to close Coop Crayon? Of course we had to do it as the IMF ordered. But we can get down to make all our crayons again. That was my stsff- Vetus and Development Assistant Daya Palihakkara in action
The Marketing Department Cannery was established in 1955. From 1956 we purchased all the Red Pumpkin and made it into Golden Melon Jam; we purchased all the Ash Pumpkin and made it into Silver Melon Jam. Professor Sarathchandra’s cherished drink was Tomatoe Juice. We exported eight percent of our canned pineapple.. I was Assistant Commissioner in charge of Tripoli Market then and covered the duties of Assistant Commissioner Oswald Tliiekeratne, to supervise the cannery when he was abroad to find sales for our canned pineapple. Today we import Jam and Fruit Drinks. A few years ago I ran into a distant relative, a lad trained in fruit processing who was a clerical officer in a Ministry.
Now we import jam and juice from Australia, from Cyprus and from everywhere!
Making Jam, Fruit Juice is something that can be done overnight with fruit that is in plenty. Are we not the Fools to import instead of Canning and making Fruit Drinks and Jam?.
The Marketing Department produced all our Jam and Fruit Juice within three years 1955-1958- the Philip Gunawardena days.
The Divisional Development Councils Programme(DDCP) of the Sirimavo days(1970-1977) was the last production programme our country had.
In Matara as the GA, I obtained approval to establish a Boat Making factory and our youth made seagoing motorboats- forty boats a year. The IMF stopped the Boatyard in 1978. Are we not the fools. Yet we import fish, though our seas are full of shoals of fish.
Then in Matara I had around a dozen agricultural farms where we trained farmers and we produced vegetables- ginger etc. We had established many industries- batik making, farm implements, crafts etc.
There were 22 of us Government Agents in the island, producing in farms and industries all over. We trained 33,200 scientific farmers and industrialists. This was done by Professor HadeS Gunasekera, the Professor of Econ at Peradeniya. He was the Permanent Secretary to the Ministry of Plan Implementation and even a helicopter was at his disposal for district travel and we had to bend our heads when we met him at the helicopter to avoid being decapitated..
In NuwaraEliya, the Divisional . Secretary at Kotmale established a paper making factory. He collected the waste paper in the District and made paper and cardboard. That factory was also closed under IMF orders in 1978. Today we import paper and our book printing has come to a halt as we have no dollars to import. Paper is made out of straw and illuk, which we have in plenty.
Are we not the fools to close Paper Making. Farmers even set fire to the straw to get rid of it.
We have acted the goat from 1977 in Waste Paper. Instead of following the Kotmale Divisional Secretary, and making paper out of waste paper we export waste paper and cardboard to India- some 8000 tons per month and earn a few coppers and also buy paper and cardboard from India paying full dollars. Mind you we did that from 1978 to now and we do it even today. I am certain that we cannot find any country as foolish as our Sri Lanka
In every District under the DDCP we got into production. Let me narrate what Wilson Perera the Divisional Secretary at Baddegama did to illustrate how we can become productive. He was a personal friend so I knew what he did. I quote from my book: Papers on the Economic Development of Sri Lanka. (Godages:2012)
The development work included establishing a cooperative farm of 60 youths. A neglected farm was taken over- its Factory was repaired and a part converted to residential quarters.. 12 acres of neglected rubber was rehabilitated and tapping commenced, 40 acres of neglected tea was rehabilitated,, 20 acres of jungle land was cleared and coconut saplings planted. 50 acres of neglected paddy land was rehabilitated and brought under regular cultivation.
In the working of the farm weekly meetings were held for all the cooperator youths also attended by the technical officers… every detail in planning and implementation was discussed and plans drafted for the coming week.. Thus the cooperators were educated on the job…
Another successful project at Baddegana was was the manufacture of farm implements… mammoties, spades and forks of high quality were manufactured.”
The achievement was great but at the same time the Member of Parliament who was a deputy Minister thought that Wilson Perera would contest him in the general election and Wilson had to get a transfer to save himself. This was fairly normal and I myself have been transferred overnight twice for good work done which may not be good” for the member of parliament- at times it was a Minister and I had dismissed his pet men.. We administrators have got used to this system- we get transferred overnight and finally get kicked upstairs for good work done.
I can go on narrating endless. Now what I have said is the truth- Sri Lanka can produce all the imports other than wheat flour within weeks if only the Government approves it. The expenses of establishing training centres, farms and industries is all in local rupees. But when the production comes in- of Fruit Juice, Jam, Tomatoes Sauce and we can avoid imports we do really save dollars.
Our stalwarts who once led this DDCP programme of production are now enjoying fat pensions. Will it not be prudent to enlist their services immediately and get going in days and see to become productive instead of continuing to be importers of what we can produce.
Over to our leaders- the President and Prime Minister. You owe to make our country productive , not to get our country into further debt.
Sources: Leo Perera, ‘The 13th Amendment to the Constitution – Devolution of Public Order and exercise of Police powers – Indo-Lanka Accord has no such requirement’ (The Island Newspaper, 6/10/2009); (http://pdfs.island.lk/2009/06/22/p6.pdf) ; Lankaweb, 2012 පෙබරවාරි 15.
Quoted below is a rare example of how ‘hostile’ provincial police officers could sabotage, a larger national plan, whether the plan is reasonable or not. One can imagine how grave the situation will become in the case of Sri Lanka, because there will always be separatist-minded Tamil elements in Colombo, Killinochchi, Malayanadu, and Tamil Nadu, helped with the money from the LTTE government in exile. There will also be a set of white politicians from the UK, the EU, Norway, Canada, and the US helping them separately, jointly or using UN agencies as a veil. These politicians are not Mother Theresas overflowing with humanitarian love for the Tamil IDPs, but scheming persons who want to tap the Tamil block vote to win their local elections. Humiliation they are now suffering at the hands of the Sri Lankan government by way of deportation etc. would therefore not stop their political behavior.
…The decision to wage a war against the LTTE was not an easy one for Rajiv Gandhi. Nor was he oblivious to the cruel irony in being forced to crush the very elements he and Indira had nurtured with care and money. Rajiv could abandon neither the Tamils nor could he support its chief representative, i. e. the LTTE…”
…Confrontation with the LTTE had followed from the need to maintain relational control and to restore balance of forces between the various actors in Indo-Lanka relations. That the balance was in danger is clear from the account of the IPKF operations by Field Commander Sardeshpande:
…We gathered credible intelligence through smugglers, boatmen- about exact bungalows, lanes, hospitals, beds, towns, cities and helpers of the LTTE cadres, convalescing Tigers, gunrunners and manufacturers of explosive devices and grenades and gave it to the Tamil Nadu police, only to be told that there were no such individuals and no such activities! We told them that the LTTE cadres after enjoying India’s shelter and medical treatment were returning to Sri Lanka and killing IPKF soldiers. All this made no impression on the Tamil Nadu government and the police. This was the tragicomedy played out on our own country…”
…Facing an impasse in Tamil Nadu and fearing its deleterious impact on the IPKF role in Sri Lanka, the Central Government, on January 1988 imposed President’s Rule in the state.”
From: Ethnicity, security, and separatism in India by Maya Chadda, 1997, p. 169
The International Covenant on Civil and Political rights (ICCPR) came into being in 1976. It is a multilateral treaty. More than 175 states have thus far ratified it.
The treaty imposes obligations only upon states – the parties to the Covenant (hereinafter, ‘the Convention’).
Eg. In the US, the Convention only applies to the US government’s actions in all states and counties and to private contractors who carry out US government functions. It does not operate against individuals.
The purpose and objective of the Convention is to keep governments constantly under checks and balances in relation to their human rights record on citizens.
The treaty does state in the Preamble that individuals have duties and responsibilities to other individuals and to the community that they belong.
It is wrong for a country that is a party to this Convention to adopt the Convention domestically with the primary intention of punishing its citizens who engage in alleged human rights violations. The writer states that Sri Lanka has done exactly that. In the local enactment, Sri Lanka has not adopted most of the duties and responsibilities that it undertook in the Convention for its citizens.
The cardinal rule in international law is that the domestic adoption of a treaty should substantially mirror the obligations that the state has vouched in the international Convention/treaty.
This means, when the treaty is domestically adopted, the state reiterates its obligations enunciated in the Convention/treaty.
This is how the nations have adopted this treaty domestically.
Sri Lanka acceded to the treaty on 11 June 1980. But, one could correctly argue that the adoption of the ICCPR treaty obligations was domestically done by the 1978 Constitution. Eg, Article 14 of the Constitution which has 9 sub Articles (14a) – (14i):
14. (1) Every citizen is entitled to – (a) the freedom of speech and expression including publication; (b) the freedom of peaceful assembly; (c) the freedom of association; (d) the freedom to form and join a trade union; (e) the freedom, either by himself or in association with others, and either in public or in private, to manifest his religion or belief in worship, observance, practice and teaching; (f) the freedom by himself or in association with others to enjoy and promote his own culture and to use his own language; Freedom of speech, assembly, association, occupation, movement; (g) the freedom to engage by himself or in association with others in any lawful occupation, profession, trade, business or enterprise; (h) the freedom of movement and of choosing his residence within Sri Lanka; and (i) the freedom to return to Sri Lanka.
Article 14 along with Articles 10, 11, 12, 13, (and 14A – enacted in 2015) of the Constitution are some of the obligations that Sri Lanka has vouched in the Convention.
Put simply, though some key obligations are missing, Articles 10 – 14 and (14A) of the Constitution very clearly reflect our human rights obligations of the Convention.
Articles 10 – 14 and (14A) are very powerful provisions. One can bravely say that they are in effect our ‘Bill of Rights’.
Very few countries can boast of granting so many rights to their citizens through the Constitution. Australia still does not have a Bill of Rights embodied in their Constitution. Instead, they have a powerful set of separate human rights Acts.
As through our Constitution we enjoy so much of fundamental rights that are enunciated in the Convention, it is not unfair to say that the government in 2007 ‘cunningly’ used the ICCPR Convention to enact the new local Act – International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) Act, No. 56 of 2007 (hereinafter the ICCPR Act); its substantive intention was to prosecute its own citizens who are engaged in racial/religious vilification etc.
The government had every right to enact such legislation, it erred in portraying the new Act as the local version of the Convention. It gave the Convention’s name to the new Act.
If a government commits gross human rights violations against an individual, the aggrieved party is able to bring-in civil law action against that government for breaching its Convention obligations. The current ICCPR Act does not allow citizens such a compensation regime/relief mechanism.
Fortunately, they can claim compensation/relief from the government through other avenues – eg. applying for equitable writs in the Court of Appeal, the citizen’s right to bring in a fundamental rights application against the government as provided by Article 126 of the Constitution.
To illustrate how individuals can use the ICCPR Convention to its own, utmost advantage –
This writer initiated 2 class actions in the Federal Court of Australia in 1997 against the then Australian government, using the ICCPR Convention. They were:
Phillip Ruddock v Gamini Wasantha (in the Federal Court’s Canberra registry) – number of plaintiffs, about 50 Sri Lankan nationals. This matter was later transferred to the Sydney registry.
Phillip Ruddock v Naomal Fernando (in the Federal Court’s Melbourne registry) – number of plaintiffs, about 150 Sri Lankan nationals.
Later, both cases were merged into one.
The course of action arose upon the then Australian Immigration Minister (Mr Phillip Ruddock) revoking a humanitarian visa issued to Sri Lankan citizens living in Australia. It was the subclass 435 visa.
The Minister issued a regulation ordering the Sri Lankans who were on that visa to depart Australia within a matter of few weeks.
The subclass 435 visa was a special visa issued only to Sri Lankans to remain in Australia for an indefinite period of time owing to the violent civil wars that prevailed in Sri Lanka then, particularly the JVP insurrection. Sri Lankans who had arrived in the country in early 1990s as tourists, students and on few other visas were upon application issued with the subclass 435 visa. They were allowed to work, and were entitled to Medicare.
This writer was approached by the Sri Lankans who were unfairly affected by this regulation. He drafted applications in the Federal Court of Australia alleging that by revoking the subclass 435 visa the Australian government breached its obligations owed to the subclass 435 visa holders. Effectively, Australia acted contrary to the ICCPR Convention, which it was a signatory.
The Australian courts accepted the applications and the writer argued the matter successfully for several years in Australian Courts.
The Sri Lankans were happy; most of them are now well settled in in Australia.
This is a classic illustration as to how the ICCPR Convention operates to individuals benefit.
Rather than codifying all of its Convention obligations upon itself (so that the citizens human rights are protected), what Sri Lanka did in 2007 was imposing sanctions against its citizens.
The Convention is designed to embark on good governance by the states; Sri Lanka’s ICCPR Act is primarily designed to punish its citizens who breach it.
Proponents of the ICCPR Act state that the government in 2007 correctly adopted the Convention; only Articles 19 and 20 of the Convention were correctly used by it to enact section 3 of the domestic Act (the ICCPR Act’s main provision).
With respect, this understanding is wrong:
Firstly, the Convention’s Article 20 is the local Act’s section 3. Secondly, the Article 19 has not been adopted.
Section 3 reads as follows- ‘No person shall propagate war or advocate national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence.’
Note, Article 20 of the Convention is not specifically directed upon individuals/citizens.
This section 3 encompasses a high criminal element. Individuals who breach this section could be sentenced up to 10 years in jail (note, a person who engages in rape/sexual assault receives a jail sentence only from 7 – 20 years).
Per section 3, that person can be arrested without a warrant and bail can be granted only by the High Court, that is also in exceptional circumstances.
This is clearly a very high handed adoption of the Convention.
It is clear that the Articles 19 and 20 relate to civil procedure – that the Convention never intended to impose criminal sanctions against those who breach Articles 19 and 20.
The writer is unaware of any other country that has turned round the Convention so dramatically to suit their own ulterior objectives. Again, here, under the domestic Act, rather than using the Convention as a guide to uplift its own human rights conduct, the government uses it to punish its own citizens criminally.
Effectively in Sri Lanka, the government has tinkered the Convention to fulfill its bad, ulterior objective – hound down those whom it does not like.
Our Courts are bound to follow the law as prescribed by legislation, enacted by the legislature. Thus, the Courts cannot be criticized for dealing with and sanctioning individuals who have committed offences under the local ICCPR Act. The Courts are innocent in this instance.
There are cases before the Courts brought under the Act, the writer does not at all intend to discuss them/their merits.
Article 14 (a) of our Constitution is very clear about the Citizen’s Right to Freedom of Speech. The local ICCPR Act seems to be in conflict with this. In such a situation Article 14 (a) should prevail over the domestic ICCPR Act’s provision(s), to the extent of the inconsistency.
Of course, no one should be given a free hand to denigrate religions and great religious leaders. The duty of the government is to enact special laws to prosecute those who commit such offences. They are the blasphemy laws. We already have some. Eg, sections 291A and B of the Criminal Code, to mention a few.
If a person constantly utters filthy, obscene language against another in public (say, using social media); it is a despicable act. The whole society should condemn and castigate that person.
But, if he/she has not done anything to cause communal/religious disharmony, how can he/she be charged under section 3 of the ICCPR Act? They are not serious enough offences to send a person to jail. He/she may be charged under Common Law’s breach of public nuisance. The aggrieved people can sue him/her in civil defamation.
Is section 3 a re-introduction of criminal defamation in Sri Lanka in disguise? The government must come in the open and clarify.
Rather than sending to jail, such unfortunate people should be assigned to an asylum for substantive mental health treatment.
In the last 30 years it has become increasingly difficult for a Sinhala Buddhist to stand up to fight for their own justice. The words ‘Sinhala Buddhist Rights’ have somewhat become prohibited words in this country. So much ethnic hatred is propagated by separatist Tamil MPs/Politicians/Tamil Diaspora – not only when they are in western countries but also inside Sri Lanka. These people constantly utter utmost racist remarks and engage in serious racist acts. The writer is in possession of a dossier of such conduct.
They are the biggest obstacle to foster positive ethnic relations. Even Buddhist monks have been barred from visiting ancient Buddhist temples in the North and the East. Buddhist artifacts are being destroyed in the North and the East on regular basis.
To the writer’s knowledge, in the recent past, these racist culprits have not been kept in remand custody after arrest for substantial periods of time (under the ICCPR Act or any other law). If he is wrong, he is ready to accept.
The Sinhalese have been denied the right to settle in Tamil speaking areas of the North and the East. Basically, the Sinhalese are confined to only 7 provinces of this tiny island (just 2/3 land mass). This inhibits the expansion of the Sinhala race as opposed to Tamil and Muslim races.
Tamils and Muslims can live anywhere that they wish. This is alright.
The Sinhalese are not only discreetly estopped from purchasing land in the North and the East, they are even prevented from obtaining land on lease. This is Sri Lanka’s biggest human rights violation today.
This is propagating discrimination against the Sinhalese – a major breach of the section 3 of the ICCPR Act.
The inability of the Sinhalese to live in the North and the East is also contrary to Article 14 (h) of the Constitution, and customary international law.
No one dares talk about this; even the Maha Sangha. Everyone demonstrates an eerie silence about it. One reason for this is that as stated earlier, fighting for Sinhala Buddhist rights is somewhat a taboo in contemporary Sri Lanka. Such people are castigated and downgraded sometimes by the Sinhalese themselves.
People are so scared that the local ICCPR Act would operate and hound them down. There are examples where Sinhala activists have been unfairly arrested under the local ICCPR Act and under other laws.
Suppression of the Sinhala Buddhist culture and values greatly escalated in the last 30 years, mainly thanks to the politicians who governed the country and majority of the electronic media that is very much anti-Sinhala Buddhist. Now, the social media has also taken up this mantle. Buddhist monks are constantly referred to as ‘Yellow Pests or Pets’ .
And, we proudly proclaim we have the Article 9 to protect and foster Buddhism!
Due to the deliberate bad impression that is being created about ‘Sinhala’ and ‘Buddhism’, children and young people continue to stride away from our great Sinhala culture, values, behaviours and Buddhist teachings/education. They are being fast attracted into other cultures and religions, in a massive way. A good example is the rise and rise of the evangelical groups/cults in this country, like the Born Again, Jehovahs, Adventists, Mormons, Pentecostals etc.
No wonder that the Sinhala race especially the Sinhala Buddhist is sliding down. It is not a dying race, but certainly would become a minority of this land, quite likely within this 21st century.
INITTIATION OF THE ARAGALAYA AND $4b COMES AT A COST
Explosive water conflicts
Chennai, the capital of Tamil Nadu state, is the first major city in India to go dry, causing innumerable problems for its 11 million residents. The neighboring state of Karnataka is now officially the most arid state in India and faces myriad challenges, especially in rural communities.
Because of water shortages, both Karnataka and Tamil Nadu are in conflict with each other – a water war of sorts. One recent headline in the Indian press reads: Cauvery’s battle for survival amid TN, Karnataka water sharing dispute.” No resolution is in sight soon. (Cauvery is a river that runs through the two states.)
India faces a severe water crisis, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi knows it. It represents such an existential threat to stability across the subcontinent that orderly governance and sustainable economic development are in jeopardy if the government fails to address the problem adequately.
Modi has been stumping for water” for years. He, together with the Rajya Sabha (upper house of Parliament) and Lok Sabha (lower house), and the people, need to sort out the mess; the plight of a couple hundred million thirsty people is serious business.
In early October, the PM announced the Jal Jeevan Mission, an effort not only to get all the people to understand the severity of the problem” but to enlist their support in conservation. This decentralized approach to water management will help relieve pressure on water resources.
The Jal Jeevan Mission is the latest in a long series of efforts by India to improve its management of water resources, especially rainwater and aquifers, as well as methods of collection, storage, transmission, leakage prevention, usage, and minimization of pollution. No small task.
A huge problem
The magnitude of the problem has been known for years. The conclusions of the 2018 Composite Water Management Index by NITI Aayog, India’s premier government think tank, were alarming: India [was] placed at 120th amongst 122 countries in the water quality index, with nearly 70% of water being contaminated.”
By most credible accounts, that is, by those basing their studies on science rather than trying to cash in” on the crisis, the water problem continues to get worse.
India is suffering from the worst water crisis in its history and millions of lives and livelihoods are under threat. Currently, 600 million Indians face high to extreme water stress and about 2 lakh [200 thousand] people die every year due to inadequate access to safe water. The crisis is only going to get worse.” Shocking.
NITI Aayog’s 2019 Composite Water Management Indexis also unequivocal: As the water crisis worsens, production capacity utilization and new investments in capacity may both decline, threatening the livelihoods of millions, and commodity prices could rise steeply for consumers due to production shortages.”
Modi fully grasps the significance of the problem: India’s development and self-reliance is dependent on water security and water connectivity.… If the country is not concerned about water preservation and does not prevent the wastage of water, the situation will deteriorate in the coming decades. It is our responsibility that the water given to us by our ancestors should be made available for our future generations.”
The Washington-based Woodrow Wilson Center recently presented insightful observations on water-energy-food confrontations in India.
The consequences of overdrawing groundwater in most Indian cities include increased water toxicity, challenges to irrigation, depletion of nearby lakes and rivers, and water rationing. India draws the most groundwater in the world, with more than 27 million borewells in existence, and more are being drilled daily, further depleting over-stressed groundwater levels.
As underscored in the 2019 Index, In fact, the unchecked extraction of groundwater by farmers is driving the country’s groundwater crisis, with 61% of wells declining in levels due to extraction rates exceeding recharge rates.” The situation has become so dire that there are districts calling for bans on borewell drilling.
With less than 5% of the globe’s fresh water and more than a billion people, Indians suck out of the ground more water than any other country in the world, 90% of which is used for farming. Is India’s uprising in the agricultural sector a consequence of the water crisis?
PM Narendra Modi’s statement on Katchatheevu Island has raised eyebrows
Prime Minister Narendra Modi—during the no-confidence motion debate in the Parliament on Thursday—blamed former PM Indira Gandhi for “gifting” the disputed Katchatheevu Island to Sri Lanka.Located between Rameswaram (India) and Sri Lanka, Katchatheevu was traditionally used by both Indian and Lankan Indian fishermen.However, under the “Indo-Sri Lankan Maritime Agreement” in 1974, Gandhi ceded Katchatheevu as Sri Lankan territory.Here’s everything to know.
PM Modi’s remarks about Katchatheevu in Lok Sabha
During his speech during the no-confidence motion debate, PM Modi mentioned Katchatheevu Island while hitting out at Congress leader Rahul Gandhi for his now-expunged “murder of Bharat Mata” remarks.”Katchatheevu is an island between Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka. Somebody gave it to another country. It happened under the leadership of Indira Gandhi,” PM Modi said.”Wasn’t that part of Maa Bharati there?”
MK Stalin urged PM Modi to initiate retrieval process
The Katchahtheevu issue once again assumed prominence in July when Tamil Nadu CM MK Stalin urged PM Modi to initiate its retrieval process during the Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesinghe‘s India visit.The transfer of Katchatheevu to Sri Lanka—by the Centre, without the state government’s consent in the 1970s—badly impacted the livelihood of the Tamil fisherfolk, Stalin said in a letter to PM Modi.
Know about Katchatheevu Island
Katchatheevu is a small uninhabited island in Palk Strait that connects the Bay of Bengal to the Arabian Sea.India claimed the territory until 1976, but it is now administered by Sri Lanka following the India-Sri Lanka Maritime Boundary Agreements signed between 1974-76.Now, Indian fisherfolk can’t engage in fishing activities in and around the region, which has almost 285 acres of land.
Here’s what issue is about
Indian and Lankan fishermen once used to fish in each other’s waters without conflict.However, issues reportedly emerged when India and Sri Lanka signed maritime boundary agreements that restricted Indian fisherfolk from fishing around Katchatheevu.The problem turned serious when fish and aquatic life in the Indian continental shelf depleted—resulting in more Indian fisherfolk entering Lankan waters, including Kathchateevu, and began facing the consequences.
How LTTE’s presence impacted conflict
Until 2010, Lanka restricted the mobility of its fishermen in certain waters and heavily guarded its maritime border in Palk Strait during the era of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)—a separatist organization.Indian fishermen reportedly saw this as an opportunity and ventured to Katchatheevu.However, in 2010, when the Lankan civil war ended, the country’s fisherfolk resumed their activities in Palk Strait.
Tamil Nadu government’s fight with Centre over Katchatheevu
In 1974, Gandhi reportedly signed several maritime treaties with Sri Lankan President Sirimavo Bandaranaike and ceded Katchatheevu Island to Sri Lanka.Years later, the Tamil Nadu Assembly also passed a resolution in 1991 seeking the retrieval of Katchatheevu Island through the resolution.Notably, in 2008, then-Tamil Nadu CM J Jayalalithaa also petitioned the Supreme Court to overturn the Katchatheevu accords.
Frequent clashes impact livelihood of fishing community members
Tamil Nadu fisherfolk often clash with Lankan authorities over their fishing activity around Katchatheevu, with frequent arrests of fishermen and boat seizures by the Sri Lankan Navy.However, political experts believe it is only a political talking point and not an electoral issue.PM Modi’s latest statement has raised eyebrows as the Modi government has also previously reiterated that Katchatheevu is part of Lanka.
A few decades ago, immigrant communities in England comprised a few Africans and Western Indians. They were permitted to enter Britain for ‘cheap’ labour, as the average Englishmen hesitated to work and be on the National Assistance (dole). The first generation of Irish masters in the building industry was allowed to enter next. Later, some (mainly the Irish) became tycoons in road construction, motorway maintenance and house construction.
As a result, much of Africans and some Asians became the basis of the working strength of the British Railway and underground and local councils for cheap labour. At the same time, in the hospital, many females chose to select a Nursing career by Registering with the Nursing Council. There are three grades of nurses in the Council – one may become a registered nurse in Psychiatry (RMN); (SRN) State Registered Nurse, and the Auxiliary nurse (someone who performs duties such as washing and dressing patients, making beds, and hospital).
Only a few professionals had gone to England with work permits from bourgeois countries. The first generation of Africans and West Indians were very peaceful people, unlike what we get today, the second and the third generation. At the same time, the Asians concentrated on their families and focused on their families relaxedly.
Unlike today, it was pleasurable to walk down London streets at night without being bothered about being mugged. Once, I lived in West London, a trendy place where many Sri Lankans lived. During weekends socialising became part of the routine. My wife and I walked to Holland Park to their bedsitter and peacefully returned home in the early morning. They now live in a large house in Sydney, Australia, and his wife is really into gardening. It still brings me nostalgic memories of how we used to enjoy Friday evenings at their bedsitter, enjoying ourselves thoroughly and taking a relaxed stroll along Holland Park.
Change of Environment
Over the years, however, the seemingly second and third generations of Immigrants out of the first batch and their behavioural patterns of the young have changed dramatically. They have become boisterous, unruly and undisciplined. In contrast, today, the city is full of people who are drug addicts, similar to Lanka, and psychopaths and mentally disturbed patients are released from mental hospitals to the community as a direct result of the Late Margaret Thatcher’s Government policies, which made so many psychiatric hospitals to close down.
In the early stages, the Sri Lankan community in London mainly consisted of a few professionals who migrated to the UK on work permits, which enlarged the immigration population. One of the professionals known to every Sri Lankan was a doctor who used to live at Stafford Place, Colombo 10 before she emigrated to London. This doctor was another mother to all Sri Lankans. She arrived in the UK in 1951 and commenced medical practice as a General Practitioner. She died at the age of 82.
Many Sri Lankans were registered with her. She had genuine feelings for Sri Lankan students, in particular. She was considered a second mother. On every occasion, a Sri Lankan student went to see her. She gave the student Vitamin B Complex tablets and said, Please keep yourself warm in winter.”
She greeted all her patients with a broad smile as one entered her consulting room. Without any enquiry, wrote on the prescription, Vitamin B complex tablets irrespective of whether the patient required it or not. She was a natural second mother to students and Sri Lankans, and she knew, ‘as a general rule’, that students did not have a square meal. Therefore, she used to prescribe students five mg of Valium to calm their nerves, considering the stress factor in London.
Whenever there was a complex issue relating to the patient’s health, she would refer the patient to a specialist or a hospital instead. Many GPs were thinking of their budget allocation. It is a Health Regulation that if a patient visits a GP’s surgery more than twice for the same complaint, the GP should refer the patient to a specialist or hospital for treatment.
Rebel SLPP MP Prof. Channa Jayasumana yesterday (11) said that former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa should make his position clear on his successor Ranil Wickremesinghe’s move to fully implement the 13th Amendment to the Constitution.
Reiterating his strong opposition to President Wickremesinghe’s controversial plan, the Anuradhapura District MP stressed that Gotabaya Rajapaksa couldn’t keep silent as the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government embarked on a strategy inimical to national interests. Prof. Jayasumana represents a group of about 13 SLPP MPs. The group includes former External Affairs Minister Prof. G. L. Peiris, Dullas Alahapperuma and Prof. Charitha Herath.
Parliament elected the UNP leader as President in late July last year to complete the remainder of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s five-year term won at the last presidential election in Nov. 2019, Prof. Jayasumana said. Having won a landslide victory, promising a new Constitution that reflected Sri Lanka’s triumph over separatist terrorism, how could the wartime Defence Secretary remain silent when his mandate was being brazenly used to do away with the country’s unitary status.
Referring to President Wickremesinghe’s latest declarations in Parliament, pertaining to the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, enacted in late 1988, the failure on the part of the former President to take a clear stand on this issue could be misconstrued as his tacit support to the current agenda. How the wartime Defence Secretary could allow the abuse of his mandate, the MP asked.
Responding to a query broached by The Island, the academic said that 133 MPs, who voted for Wickremesinghe at the July 20 election in Parliament to elect an MP to complete the ousted leader’s term, wouldn’t have anticipated him taking such far reaching decisions.
Prof. Jayasumana voted for Dullas Alahappeuma who altogether polled 82 votes whereas JVP candidate Anura Kumara Dissanayake managed to secure just three votes. Prof. Jayasumana addressed this issue in the wake of TNA delegation meeting Public Security Minister Tiran Alles to discuss the latest developments.
Acknowledging that the SLPP General Secretary Sagara Kariyawasam, during All-Party Conference (APC), chaired by President Wickremesinghe, on 26 July, declared that they were not on the same page, Prof. Jayasumana urged the SLPP parliamentary group, headed by Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardena, to issue an official statement in this regard.
Appreciating the significant financial support extended by India during Sri Lanka’s hour of need, MP Jayasumana said but it wouldn’t be fair at all to pressure the incumbent government on the 13th Amendment. We do not want to revisit the origins of terrorism but India cannot absolve itself of the responsibility for creating an environment here in the ’80s to facilitate its devolution project,” Prof. Jayasumana said.
The MP said that if the former President and the SLPP, still the largest party represented in parliament, didn’t intervene immediately, they would be held accountable for breaking up the country. The outcome could be far worse than the debilitating current crisis blamed on mismanagement of the national economy, Prof. Jayasumana said.
The former President should be answerable to 6.9 mn voters who exercised their franchise for him at the last presidential poll, the MP said. Similarly, the SLPP couldn’t turn its back on those who gave the young party nearly 2/3 majority, Prof. Jayasumana said.
Having recognized the LTTE, way back in 2001, as the sole representative of the Tamil speaking people, thereby justifying Tiger terrorism, the TNA was now demanding federal status, Prof. Jayasumana said, urging the incumbent President to seek fresh mandates at presidential and parliamentary polls if he genuinely wanted to go ahead with the 13th Amendment.
Those pushing for the13th Amendment had conveniently forgotten the way the then President J.R. Jayewardene forcibly enacted it in line with the Indo-Lanka Accord signed the year before, an irate lawmaker said. The MP said that political parties couldn’t be unaware that the implementation of the 13th Amendment was to take place after the disarming of all Indian trained terrorist groups in 1987.
The LTTE retained a conventional fighting capacity till 2009 and was defeated in May 2009, the Minister said, adding that there couldn’t be any justification in granting police powers to a region that challenged the country’s unitary status.
