Colombo, Sri Lanka – August 2026:XpressJobs, Sri Lanka’s leading recruitment technology platform, proudly partnered as the Official Recruitment Partner for Run for Hope Colombo 2026, powered by Nestomalt, reaffirming its commitment to creating opportunities beyond employment and supporting initiatives that uplift communities.
Held at Viharamahadevi Park, Colombo, the event brought together over 1,200 participants from all walks of life, including families, young children, fitness enthusiasts, corporate teams and seasoned runners. Organised by the Voice Foundation, Run for Hope Colombo was a fundraising initiative dedicated to supporting the livelihoods of single mothers, helping them build sustainable incomes and create brighter futures for their families.
For XpressJobs, supporting the event was a natural extension of its purpose. While the company is best known for connecting people with career opportunities, it also believes in creating pathways that empower individuals and strengthen communities.
As part of its partnership, XpressJobs sponsored the prizes for the 2KM Run and provided race entry tickets for 15 children from Mahiyanganaya, ensuring they too could take part in the inspiring event. The company was represented at the prize-giving ceremony by Joe Peter, Head of Sales, and Ilakyia, Manager – HR & Operations, who joined organisers in celebrating the achievements of participants across all race categories.
Commenting on the partnership, Oshadie Korale, Co-Founder and COO of XpressJobs, said:
“At XpressJobs, we believe employment has the power to transform lives. Every day, we see how a job can provide financial independence, dignity and hope, not only for an individual but for an entire family. As a women-led business, supporting women has always been close to our hearts. We also believe in encouraging entrepreneurship and creating opportunities that help women build sustainable livelihoods.
The event was a powerful reminder of what can be achieved when businesses, community organisations and individuals unite behind a shared purpose. Participants of all ages came together not only to complete a race but also to contribute towards improving the lives of single mothers across Sri Lanka.
XpressJobs also extends its sincere appreciation to Moses Akash (Founder of Voice Foundation) and the entire Voice Foundation team for organising an inspiring event that successfully combined community engagement with a meaningful social cause.
The company further acknowledged the collective contribution of its fellow partners, including Nestomalt as the Title Sponsor, Nawaloka Colombo as the Medical Partner, Emerging Media as the Digital Media Partner, PickMe Events as the Ticketing Partner, MEGA as the Pain Relief Partner, CAREHUB Physios as the Post-Recovery Partner, Vito Pizza as the F&B Partner, Fitness ID as the Fitness Partner, Firefly Studio as the Photography Partner, Fiddle Leaf by Jay Thisra as the Graphic Design Partner, SCOT Campus as the Education Partner, ZONTA Club of Colombo 3 as the Women’s Empowerment Partner, and the Leo Club of CINEC Campus as the Community Partner. Together, these organisations demonstrated the impact that meaningful partnerships can have when supporting a common cause.
XpressJobs also extends its gratitude to every participant, volunteer, running club, fitness community, corporate team and sponsor whose enthusiasm and generosity made Run for Hope Colombo 2026 such a memorable success.
As Sri Lanka’s leading recruitment technology platform, XpressJobs remains committed to supporting initiatives that create opportunities, empower women, strengthen communities and inspire positive social change. The company looks forward to partnering with many more organisations that share its vision of creating a better future through collaboration and opportunity.
About XpressJobs
Founded in 2011, XpressJobs is Sri Lanka’s leading recruitment technology platform, trusted by over 11,000 employers and having processed more than 6 million job applications. Through innovative recruitment technology, AI-powered hiring solutions and strategic partnerships, XpressJobs continues to connect employers with talent while supporting initiatives that create lasting social impact across Sri Lanka.
From the time of Mahaweli Settlements in the 80s todate the State of Canada has been working with the separatists in Sri Lanka to see Sri Lanka is balkanized and destabilized. For this reason they have worked unceasingly to disenfranchise the Sinhalese in their own country and to promote separatism. For this reason Buddhism, the Buddhist Establishment and Sinhala Buddhists must be made powerless.
The Canadian Connection works through the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka, then through the Vatican to Canada. Canada has a vast Catholic, politically powerful population and great influence through their aid agencies to force weak governments to acquiesce to their demands. The Catholic Church in Sri Lanka who tried to take over Sri Lanka through a Ding Diem (Vietnam) type putsch in 1962 are now trying to establish a Deva Raajya in the Western and North Western Provinces. This is the reason for their support to the Eelam Separatists and LTTE Diaspora Tamils – they know they will stand to gain in any future balkanizing of land in Sri Lanka. The Catholic Church is fast losing her power in the so-called Developed World. This is the reason for the pivot to Asia enunciated by Pope John Paul II.
The Catholic Church is the continuation of the Bloody Roman Empire. The council of Nicea discarded much of Jesus’s teachings and handed over power to the Bishops – the princes of the Church to keep their flock in check and enable the Bloody Roman Empire to continue by other means. This is what we are seeing today – the Catholic Church and other Christian Denominations including the likes of Born Again movement are moving to bleed the Global South. Catholic Church throughout her history is a fiefdom engaged in various nefarious activities including protecting pedophyle priests, money laundering, white slavery, genocide – you name it, all the while getting filthy rich and still taxing the poor Catholics. The infamous Inquisitions killed and burned at the stake millions!
The Canadian Government is doing her part to discredit Sri Lanka and in doing so the Buddhist Establishment in all international fora. This they are doing in collusion with the rump LTTE whose vote base is also a main stay of many Canadian political parties. The Catholic Church is the glue that binds them!
The government is out to seek the opinion of Supreme court on a so called confusion in the constitution with regard to the terms of the Executive President and Parliament, and opposition the MP alleged.
MP Dayasiri Jayasekera in a statement released to media said Attorney General Parinda Ranasinghe has issued a gazette notification to rectify the confusion in the constitution when it comes to English and Sinhala copies.Accordingly he said the English copy of the constitution says a referendum is necessary to extend the term of President and Parliament for more than six years while the Sinhala version says a referendum is necessary either to increase or decrease the term of the President.
” Also I heard a lawyer coming up and arguing that the 19th amendment which was made in 2015 is not valid as no referendum was held to reduce the term of both Parliament and the President. This lawyer proposed that Supreme Court ‘s opinion should be sought in this matter . He said both President and Parliament should go on for one more year depending on the supreme Court opinion. This he has claimed should be done before the retirement age of judges is implemented”.
The MP also said the matter has been notified by the Chairman of the Election Commission to the President. ” People of this country should be vigilant in this matter ” MP Jayasekera added.
Spillway gates of Kothmale Dam were opened at 3:00pm on 03 August 2026 (Monday) after only a very short notice
The spillway gates were opened at 3:00 pm on Monday, 3 August 2026, after only a very short notice. In my opinion, providing such limited advance warning before releasing a significant volume of water is totally inadequate and does not allow sufficient time for residents, businesses, schools, and emergency services in downstream areas to prepare or take appropriate safety measures.
At the time the spillway gates were opened, many schoolchildren would have been on their way home, looking forward to a simple meal after school, not a hot lunch, but perhaps just rice and pol sambol (පොල් සම්බෝල). Certainly, they would not have been expecting McDonald’s, potato chips or pizza. Meanwhile, their parents were likely still at work.
In some households, only elderly grandparents, pregnant women, mothers caring for young children, or families caring for elderly persons with disabilities may have been at home. Some of these people may not have had smartphones or any practical means of receiving a WhatsApp message or SMS alert. Many elderly people have limited mobility, rely on wheelchairs or walking sticks, or have visual or hearing impairments.
For such vulnerable people, receiving a message” should not be considered the same as receiving an effective warning”. They need sufficient time to understand the danger, seek assistance, collect essential medicines, such as tablets for high blood pressure and diabetes, and other necessities, and evacuate safely to a suitable location. A warning delivered only a short time before the spillway gates are opened may therefore provide little or no meaningful opportunity for them to protect themselves.
In my opinion, a warning period of only two hours is wholly inadequate to protect vulnerable members of the community and does not reflect good practice in dam emergency management.
In my opinion, providing only two hours’ notice on a working day demonstrates a serious failure to protect the public. If this inadequate warning had resulted in loss of life or serious injury, those responsible could potentially face legal and regulatory consequences. Public authorities have a duty to provide timely, effective, and accessible warnings that allow all members of the community, including children, older persons, and people with disabilities, sufficient time to respond safely.
Just imagine the plight of those displaced by the sudden release of water. Elderly parents, pregnant women, mothers with toddlers and young children may have had to spend the night in an open Bana Maduwa (බණ මඩුව) at a temple, possibly sleeping on a cement floor or, if they were fortunate, on a thin mat, surrounded by mosquitoes and exposed to the risk of mosquito-borne diseases such as dengue.
Is this simply their fate (පූරුවේ පාප කර්මය), carried over from a previous birth?
Or is it the consequence of inadequate emergency preparedness and a failure to provide sufficient warning and safe evacuation arrangements by the responsible authorities, including the Mahaweli Authority, once upon a time a prestigious government?
These are not merely statistics or numbers in a flood report to the Cabinet of Ministers. They are vulnerable human beings whose safety and dignity should be at the centre of dam emergency management. No family, whether poor or rich, should be placed in such circumstances when adequate planning, timely warning and proper evacuation arrangements could substantially reduce their suffering.
A two-hour warning is, in my opinion, wholly inconsistent with good dam safety and emergency management practice and should never be regarded as an acceptable standard.
I humbly urge the Authorities to treat these people as members of our community, with dignity, compassion and respect, and not simply as numbers to be recorded in reports and statistics. Behind every number is a human being, a family, and a life that may be profoundly affected by decisions made in the name of dam and flood management.
Press Statement Rajith Keerthi TennakoonExecutive Director/ Centre for Human Rights and Research (CHR) Sri Lanka
Centre for Human Rights Research (CHR) Sri Lanka strongly condemns the failure of the Government and, in particular, Justice Minister Harshana Nanayakkara and Secretary to the Ministry of Justice Ms. Ayesha Jinasena, to manage the chronic overcrowding in Sri Lanka’s prisons and to safeguard the lives of inmates and prison officials.
According to an urgent statement issued by the Committee for Protecting Rights of Prisoners (CPRP Sri Lanka), several fatalities have occurred within Mahara Prison, with multiple inmates lying injured. CPRP further reported that prison officers are opening fire and blocking inmates from assisting the wounded. If true, this represents a critical and alarming situation. Official figures earlier reported one death and several injuries, but the actual number of casualties appears to be higher.
Gunshots have been heard from within the prison, a fire broke out in a building, and the situation escalated outside the premises as relatives of inmates and local residents attempted to breach police barricades and clashed with security forces. Water cannons were deployed and a police curfew was imposed in the surrounding area. The situation remains tense and volatile.
This tragedy is the direct and foreseeable consequence of extreme and long-standing overcrowding that the authorities have failed to address with the urgency it demands. According to information revealed through a Right to Information request and reported by BBC Sinhala, at the time of the Mahara unrest the prison held more than 4,100 remand and convicted prisoners. Across the system the picture is equally alarming: Welikada Prison (capacity 839) held 3,400 inmates; Colombo Remand Prison (capacity 328) held 2,782; Magazine Prison (capacity 499) held 3,046; and Negombo Prison (capacity 496) held 2,403 inmates immediately before the deadly July riots — nearly five times its approved capacity.
A recent report by the National Audit Office further exposes the root causes of this crisis. Due to prolonged delays in receiving Government Analyst reports, 15,117 suspects remain detained in 22 prison institutions, unable to secure release. In addition, 1,940 inmates are held across 28 prisons solely because they cannot pay small fines. The Audit Office identifies these systemic delays and failures as primary drivers of overcrowding. It also
highlights that the practice of housing drug-related offenders together with other prisoners, without proper separation, has enabled the expansion of underworld activities inside prisons, creating a serious social crisis.
These findings confirm what human-rights groups have repeatedly warned: Sri Lanka’s prisons are operating at three to five times their designed capacity, largely because of administrative and procedural failures under the Ministry of Justice. A large proportion of those held are short-term remand prisoners awaiting analyst reports. Despite limited transfers, some releases, and announced construction plans, the Ministry has failed to take the urgent and decisive measures required after the Negombo tragedy that claimed approximately 30 lives, including prison officials, and left hundreds injured.
The successive outbreaks of deadly violence at Negombo and now at Mahara demonstrate a systemic failure of prison administration and a grave dereliction of the State’s duty to protect the right to life of both inmates and prison staff. Overcrowding on this scale, driven by avoidable delays in judicial and forensic processes and inadequate management, creates conditions of extreme tension, endangers lives, and undermines any possibility of humane or effective prison management. The Government and the Minister of Justice bear full responsibility for allowing this crisis to escalate unchecked.
Centre for Human Rights Sri Lanka demands that the Government:
• Immediately ensure the safety of all inmates and prison officials at Mahara Prison and across the prison system;
• Facilitate unrestricted access for the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka to Mahara Prison without delay;
• Conduct a serious, independent, and transparent investigation into the broader issues of prison overcrowding, the delays in Government Analyst reports, the detention of persons unable to pay small fines, the mixing of categories of prisoners, the circumstances of the recent unrest, and the adequacy of measures taken after the Negombo riots;
• Develop and publicly present a comprehensive, time-bound plan to reduce overcrowding to safe levels, accelerate forensic reporting, reform fine-related detention practices, improve conditions, strengthen staffing and security, and protect the lives and dignity of all persons in custody and those who work in the prisons.
The right to life is non-negotiable. The repeated loss of life inside Sri Lanka’s prisons is a national shame that can no longer be met with temporary measures or inadequate responses. The Government must act decisively and accountably.
Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon
Executive Director/ Centre for Human Rights and Research (CHR) Sri Lanka
Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon
Former Governor of Uva, Southern and Central Provinces
Former Executive Director of Campaign for Free and Fair Elections (CaFFE) and Center for Human Rights and Research – CHR Sri Lanka
Generally speaking, punishment makes men hard and cold; it concentrates; it sharpens the feeling of alienation; it strengthens the power of resistance” ― Friedrich Nietzsche, German philosopher and writer
In the first instance, this article is about crime and punishment in general and not about specific crimes or categories of punishment. To begin with, taking crime in general, it will be useful if readers, their friends and families could place themselves in a position where a loved one, a son, daughter, a spouse or a good friend, has committed a crime and been sent to a prison for many years, and even for life, as a lawful punishment for the crime committed. A question that could be asked, or should be asked, is whether the loved one should spend the rest of his/her life or most of it, in a prison or get a chance for rehabilitation and to reenter society as a redeemed person.
Considering the status of Sri Lankan prisons that are in the news today, no one could wish any loved one to go to prison, and even a fleeting thought of committing a crime should not enter anyone’s head. But, in this imperfect world, there are many who do not consider consequences of committing crimes for numerous reasons. Experiencing life in prison does not seem to deter some from committing crimes either.
The article focuses on two issues. One, the major contributor to the current overcrowding in prisons and secondly, the broad principle of rehabilitation vs incarceration as a punishment.
Sri Lankan prisons reportedly house close to 40,000 prisoners according to the department of census and statistics, and the department of prisons. The atrocious conditions in overcrowded prisons have been highlighted in the media, and a review of those held in remand, reportedly 73 % of the total prison population, or nearly 30,000 persons out of the 40,000. Looking into ways and means of reducing this number is an immediate task that should be considered by the government as it can greatly assist in reducing the prison population and overcome the overcrowding being experienced now. Of the approximately 73% of inmates held on remand in Sri Lanka, the vast majority are accused of narcotics-related offences. According to declarations from the Ministry of Justice and prison authorities, drug possession, trafficking, and dependency tracking constitute the primary drivers behind the state’s severe pre-trial detention backlog. An urgent review of this category is essential as in all likelihood these alleged offenders are very likely to become even hardened criminals if they are stuck in overcrowded prisons along with those convicted of crimes like murder, rape and major human rights violations as well a drug trafficking.
Besides this, it is interesting to note that if say, 50% of those in remand are released on bail subject to appropriate legal conditions, the overall prison population will be reduced by close to 15,000, greatly assisting in reducing overcrowding in prisons.
Re offending and rehabilitation
Statistics from the Sri Lanka Department of Prisons and independent criminological studies indicate that the country faces a significant challenge with reoffending, with long-term reoffending rates sitting between 45% and 52.5%. Based on this statistic, it does appear that imprisonment as a measure to punish criminals as a correctional measure fails one in two prisoners.
Besides the personal and social cost of crime which is immeasurable, to the perpetrator, to the victim and the loved ones around both, and the society in general, the economic savings possible from reducing reoffending based on the current 50% re-offending rate.
With a total prison population of roughly 40,000 inmates, including alleged offenders, a long-term 50% reoffending rate means that 20,000 individuals will eventually re-enter the prison system.
Maintaining a single prisoner costs the state Rs. 715 per day (roughly Rs. 261,000 per year). Leaving 20,000 repeat offenders untreated costs the Sri Lankan taxpayer Rs. 5.22 billion annually just in recurring, avoidable prison maintenance costs.
If a national rehabilitation and vocational program successfully cuts that long-term re-offending rate by half (lowering it from 50% to 25%), it prevents 10,000 people from returning to jail. This step immediately saves the state treasury Rs. 2.61 billion every single year in pure operational expenses. This is the return on investment that is possible purely from savings derived on administration expenses.
The “Shadow Savings”: These numbers only cover feeding and housing prisoners. They do not factor in the millions saved by avoiding police logistics, court trial delays, and the fact that a rehabilitated individual could potentially become a taxpayer rather than a drain on state welfare
Amongst the countries that has a successful rehabilitation program, Norway has managed to reduce reoffending to less than 20%.
Major Drivers of Reoffending in Sri Lanka
Criminological papers published via ResearchGate identify specific institutional bottlenecks that complicate the justice system’s ability to keep former prisoners from returning: Three major issues impact on reoffending.
Drug-related convictions: A massive influx of low-level drug offenders often crowds out the infrastructure required for proper, long-term vocational retraining.
Overcrowded holding infrastructure: High numbers of remand prisoners create a punitive environment focused strictly on containment rather than rehabilitation.
Lack of systemic reintegration: Social stigma and a historically underdeveloped post-release support network make it difficult for ex-convicts to find employment, steering them back toward crime
Rehabilitation as a healer
As Venerable Galkande Dhammananda, head of the Walpola Rahula Institute says, human beings carry mental wounds arising from numerous situations and healing such wounds transforms the mindset of individuals for them to be kind and compassionate individuals. Rehabilitation offers opportunities for mental healing, and it helps the individual to restore his or her dignity, and restores families, breaking the multi-generational cycle of trauma and poverty caused by incarceration. Viewing the justice system through a human lens changes inmates from financial line items or statistics into parents, children, and community members who have the capacity to change.
1. The Human Dignity and Human Rights Aspect
Ending systemic degradation: Forcing humans into prisons operating at 300% capacity—where they face extreme heat, lack of clean water, poor sanitation, and disease outbreaks—is a violation of basic human rights. Rehabilitation treats prisoners with dignity, which is a necessary first step if one expects them to respect the rights of others upon release.
Belief in mental healing: A purely punitive system assumes a person is permanently broken. The human perspective believes in the capacity for psychological growth, healing from trauma, and overcoming substance dependency when given the right mental health support and environment.
Fairness for those yet to be convicted: With over 70% of Sri Lanka’s inmates held on remand (awaiting trial), thousands of legally innocent people are exposed to harsh prison environments. Rehabilitation and community-based supervision protect these individuals from being psychologically broken by a delayed judicial system.
2. Restoring the Family Unit
Stopping family trauma: Jailing a parent leaves a child behind. Children of incarcerated parents are far more likely to suffer from severe emotional distress, drop out of school, face social stigma, and eventually fall into the criminal justice system themselves. Rehabilitating a parent protects a child’s future.
Preventing Extreme Poverty: When a breadwinner is locked away, families—often already vulnerable—are pushed into absolute destitution. This financial collapse forces families into precarious situations, sometimes driving spouse or children into exploitative work or minor survival crimes.
Mending Social Bonds: Punitive isolation severs a person’s ties to their support networks. True rehabilitation focuses on reconciliation, helping individuals rebuild broken relationships with their families and communities so they have a safe network to return to.
3. Healing the Community
Release day of a prisoner is often terrifying for both the inmate and society. An untreated, unsupported individual is cast back onto the streets with no money, no skills, and immense shame, making re-offending a matter of survival. Rehabilitation could ensure they return as healthy, safe neighbours and employable persons.
A vast majority of inmates come from backgrounds of severe poverty, abuse, or systemic neglect, and many suffer from untreated substance addiction. Punishing an addiction or a mental health crisis does not cure it; rehabilitation addresses the underlying pain that caused the criminal behaviour in the first place
Policy Interventions
Sri Lanka implemented the Community Based Corrections Act, designed to redirect minor, non-violent offenders away from congested facilities and into community service frameworks to actively lower the risk of repeat offences. Furthermore, organizations like the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) routinely partner with local authorities to modernise the state’s rehabilitation systems
Established primarily under the Community Based Corrections Act No. 46 of 1999, this model addresses critical structural issues—such as historically high prison overcrowding rates and a lack of effective traditional penal infrastructure. The intent of this Act is to pave the way for eligible individuals to serve their sentence while remaining integrated with their families and employment, instead of traditional confinement. The program is actively deployed across 125 magistrate and circuit courts nationwide. Because individual cases are handled locally by regional correction offices, data is managed across fragmented jurisdictions rather than a centralized, real-time public dashboards.
While the Department of Community Based Corrections provides a human-centric alternative, implementation challenges persist. Local criminological studies note discrepancies between policy and practice due to underfunding, insufficient qualified and competent monitoring staff, and an ongoing lack of public acceptance. To overcome these issues, organizations like the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) actively fund capability-building workshops.
The policy framework says that the program targets low-level, non-violent offenders, particularly individuals facing minor drug charges or those who are unable to pay court-ordered fines. A court cannot unilaterally impose a community correction order and requires the offender to consent to the alternative arrangement in place of jail time. The policy also says that before issuing an order, magistrate courts must evaluate a detailed pre-sentence report reviewing the offender’s specific needs, background, family income, and employment capacity.
Judging by the number of alleged offenders amounting to 73% of the prison population, it appears that the gap between policy and practice is very wide and needs urgent attention from the government. Independent human rights and legal assessments, including submissions to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), report that the community corrections system remains significantly underutilised by the local judiciary. Magistrates continue to favour traditional fines or custodial remand over community-based correction orders, keeping the active participant numbers low relative to the prison population.
Looking at the operational aspect of the policy, it appears that implementation is somewhat complex and requires a substantial organisation capacity as offenders placed on a Community Based Correction Order must adhere to strict, highly structured rules monitored by dedicated correctional officers: The conditions include
Convicts and or alleged offenders have to perform mandatory community service for public institutions or local centres during their free hours.
Compulsory Rehabilitation: Offenders are required to attend tailored drug counselling, anger management, or mental health therapy programs based on their initial assessments.
Requirement to pay financial compensation directly to the victims.
While these appear commendable conditions for rehabilitation, they will require expertise and funds for successful implementation. If implemented successfully, the program will greatly contribute to rehabilitation of alleged offenders as well as offenders.
A rehabilitation program compared with incarceration
Feature
Standard Prison Environment
Community-Based Corrections
Living Conditions
High overcrowding, shared cells, and limited sanitation resources.
Offender remains at home, avoiding negative peer influences from career criminals.
Socioeconomic Impact
Complete loss of income, heavy stigma, and severing of family ties.
Preserves employment, financial support for dependents, and family stability.
Primary Systemic Goal
High-security containment and physical isolation.
Direct behavioural rehabilitation, community restoration, and active resocialization.
As stated at the outset, the objective should be to look at alternatives to incarceration where possible, feasible and desirable. In the first instance, an immediate review of those in remand could potentially relieve the prisons from overcrowding to a significant degree. The Community Based Corrections Act No. 46 of 1999 could be reviewed, strengthened and implemented more effectively than at present. Secondly, rehabilitation from a human angle should be considered as it will have better chances of transforming the mental state of many individuals who could rejoin their families and society as productive, law abiding, kind and compassionate individuals.
Sri Lankan Candidate Dr. M.M.M. Rushanudeen for contesting Post of Vice President to the World Federation of United Nations Associations (WFUNA) Represent Sri Lanka and Head of Delegates to World Congress and 44th Plenary Assembly at World Health Organization Headquarters, Geneva from 23rd to 30th August 2026.
The Secretary – General of the United Nations of Sri Lanka (UNA-Sri Lanka) Sri Lankan Candidate Dr. M.M.M. Rushanudeen for contesting Post of Vice President to the World Federation of United Nations Associations (WFUNA) Represent Sri Lanka and Head of Delegates to World Congress and 44th Plenary Assembly at World Health Organization Headquarters, Geneva from 23rd to 30th August 2026.
Over 100 countries participate in WFUNA participating in the assembly and 7 countries contesting for the post of Vice President among them are Sri Lanka, Somalia, Iceland, Colombia, USA, Tanzania and Pakistan.
For the last 76 years of history of the United Nations Association of Sri Lanka, first Sri Lankan Candidate contesting the post of Vice President and proposed by UNA Sri Lanka and seconded by People’s Republic of China.
UNA- Sri Lanka founded in 19th August 1950 under Patronage by Ceylon (Sri Lanka) First Prime Minister and First Foriegn Affairs of Ceylon Right Honourable Mahamanya D.S.Senanayake MP and UNA – Sri Lanka affiliated with WFUNA in 1951.
In 1946 after the founding of the United Nations, WFUNA, the People’s Movement for the United Nations, was created, inspired by the UN Charter’s opening words: We the peoples.” For 80 years, WFUNA, together with over 100 United Nations Associations have worked to strengthen public understanding of the UN, defend its values, and connect global institutions with the people they serve. Since 1946, this movement has helped ensure that peace, human rights, solidarity, and multilateral action are carried forward by citizens, educators, youth, civil society, and communities across the world.
Sri Lanka needs to win 2/3 Majority Votes from amoung Members Countries around the world by Election day at WFUNA 44th Plenary Assembly in Geneva.
UNA – Sri Lanka other members in delegation are Dharmadasa Vitharanage – Chairperson National Executive Committee , R.Lalith Peris – Vice Chairman and M.J.M.Irshard – Member of National Executive Committee of UNASL.
Dr. Rushanudeen is live wire of UNA – Sri Lanka a very senior member of the UNA-SRI LANKA, having joined as a Volunteer since in 1985 and an Student Member and later obtained a Life Membership in 1990. He has been one of the most active members of the National Executive Committee of the UNA-SRI LANKA and in recognition of services, from time to time he has been conferred the honour of Honorary Member, Life Patron and also the Most Outstanding Volunteer of the Year. He has also served as Chairperson on many important and vibrant Sub-Committees of the UNA – SRI LANKA.
He has held the following position on the National Executive Committee of the UNA-SRI LANKA.
1992 – 1994 Executive Committee Member
1994 – 2005 Assistant Secretary – General
2005 – 2008 Vice Chairperson
2008 – 2015 Senior Vice Chairperson
2015 – 2018 Deputy Executive Chairperson
2018 – 2025 Executive Chairperson National Executive Committee
2025 – to-date Secretary – General
He was the founder and organizer of the UNA Study Circle at Zahira College, Colombo, Sri Lanka and became its first President in 1991 , who fashioned it into a very high profile leadership movement which became the most outstanding Study Circle in the island – wide program, among all Secondary High Schools conducted by UNASL Education Project approved by Ministry of Education of Sri Lanka.(1991- 1993)
Having climbed up the ladder step, he possesses a Wealth of Knowledge and Experience on the United Nations. Further, he has attended the 42nd Plenary Assembly of WFUNA held in October, 2018 at Punta Cana, Dominican Republic.
Dr. M. M. M. Rushanudeen is an All Island Justice of the Peace, Social Worker, Volunteer, Human Rights Activist , Journalist and a very successful businessman, holding the position of Managing Partner of Nizam Trading, MMR Marketing Services, MMR Prints , Chairman -Director – Editor in Chief of WPC Media Private Limited and Intellectual Property TradeMarks Rights holder in Sri Lanka for VENUS” , HERO” ARISTON”,”WPC Media and VAUX”.
Old Boy of Hameed – Al – Hussainie College and Zahira College, Colombo.
J.C. (Chula) Boange, Attorney – at – Law, died on July 20th 2026. He was 77 years old. His remains were cremated within 24 hours of his passing according to his wishes, without the usual trappings of rituals, ceremony and large crowds. His departure mirrored the life he led: simple, austere, discreet.
I came into contact with Chula on the very first day of my entry to the Colombo Law Faculty sometime in October 1969. It was a great thrill for me to step inside the portals of a University Campus, as it would be for any starry-eyed youth dreaming of doing big things in life. Colombo Campus and the Law Faculty gave me that break. I received a ‘big hug’ metaphorically speaking on the premises of the Law Faculty from seniors like Chula Boange, Palitha Kohona and Elikawela who warmly welcomed me.
It was later i.e., within a short time that I came to know that the Law Faculty (along with the rest of the Arts Faculties) was indeed politically divided into two distinct camps ‘Hara’ and ‘Kult’ and that backdrop engulfed almost every student especially in the Law Faculty till they left the campus.
The division between the “Hara” and “Kult” camps at the Law Faculty, University of Ceylon, in the late 1960s represented a defining socio-cultural and linguistic schism in Sri Lankan university history. This scenario has drawn academic attention and commentary by scholars. These were opposing student factions divided by social class, Westernization, and English-language proficiency. The friction between these two groups intensified significantly during the late 1960s, coinciding with the relocation of the Department of Law back to Colombo and its elevation to a full Faculty in 1967.
The new entrants in 1969 received a formal welcome from my former classmate at school Ranil Wickremasinghe who was the President of the Law Faculty Students Union (LFSU). This particular experience moulded Ranil and it provided him a stepping stone for his political ascendency later on in life. He led one camp and Palitha Kohona led the other camp which had Chula Boange as the wing man of Palitha’s team. Chula was the supportive friend who was always there when one needed him. An old boy of Trinity College, Kandy, Chula was well read in the Classics, perfect in his grammar and speech, and adept at general knowledge. An ideal companion for support and intellectual growth on a university campus.
Here are a couple of examples. The Colombo Law Faculty in 1969 lacked a news sheet. It was a dire necessity. Nobody knew what was happening socially and who was doing what. I broke the ice in my very first year. I drafted and distributed a pamphlet calling for a news – letter to be published to share news and views of both students and staff, and connect them. It was meant to fill a gap when faculty history and updates were only passed by word of mouth. It was a bit of a shock for many at first to see an upstart first year telling his seniors what to do. But saner counsel and wisdom prevailed at the end. The proposal to start a newsletter received the backing of the decision makers and it had to go through via a Resolution adopted at a Meeting of the Law Faculty Students Union. Ranil Wickremasinghepresided with able assistance flowing from Graham Hatch (Secretary). I opened the debate proposing the inauguration of a newsletter. Chula backed me wholeheartedly with a fine speech. A respected student in the final year named Austin Pulle supported the proposal. There were other voices too. The Resolution was finally adopted without a division. The student publication was called ‘Jura’ and it entered Faculty history as its first news -letter. AP Niles followed by Srilal Perera were the first two Editors of Jura (1970 – 1972). Saleem Marsoof (then a student and later a Supreme Court Justice) wrote a thought-provoking article for ‘JURA’ under the caption ‘Can the Law Faculty justify its existence?’. It caught several off guard and that included a senior teacher who had to visit Saleem Marsoof at his home to explain and clarify matters to him. That was the power of Marsoof’s pen even then in his undergraduate days.
Once I had to deliver a Vote of Thanks at the Faculty to a visiting dignitary. Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative at the UN. Dr. Neville Kanakaratne who delivered a talk on Public International Law. Chula came home to help me prepare the vote of thanks and rehearse it several times in front of him. That was very useful. He was always ever ready to help his friends.
Another memorable event where Chula gave me his fullest backing was when I contested for the post of Secretary of the LFSU in my very first year at the faculty (1969 – 1970). I was opposed by a Second-Year female student. Despite my relative Junior status, I won. When the election result was announced at the former Canteen of the Colombo Campus (nearby to the College House) Chula who was standing next to me was delirious with joy.
The ‘Hara’ faction at the Law Faculty evolved into what later became known as the ‘Progressive Front’ (a nascent political movement) which swept the faculty elections in 1972. Anil Vitarana (Vice- President, LFSU), Maithri Pangoda, Wilfred Perera, Cecil Hettiarachchi, and S.K. Thambipillay, among others, played a critical role in this victory.
The Law Faculty had some notable teachers (1969 – 1972). Professor T. Nadaraja (Dean), Ms. Savithri Goonasekera, Dr. Mark Cooray, Dr. G.L. Peiris, Dr. M. Sornarajah, Ms. Nirmala Chandrahasan (nee Naganathan), Mr. Nimal Dissanayake, among others. In 1972, Ms. Nirmala Naganathan got married to a lawyer named Mr. S.C. Chandrahasan at a Church in Wellawatte. Professor T. Nadaraja was the Chief Guest. The entire committee of the LFSU which had Senaka Weeraratna (President), Anil Vitarana (Vice – President), Anton Cooray (Secretary) and R.J. de Silva (Treasurer) attended the Wedding.
Chula Boange – Personal details
Chula was born on 13th of September 1948, in Kandy, to Edward and Seetha Boange (nee Weerakoon), he had his childhood upbringing in Kundasale.
The second of four siblings, his elder brother Yasantha and younger brother Malsiri, both passed away in 2024. He has one sister, Dr. Umanga Seneviratne who resides in Sydney. The sole surviving sibling of Chula Boange.
He was widely and fondly known as ‘Dumpy’ by family and schoolmates.
Had his education at Trinity College Kandy, which was the school of his father Edward Boange, and even his later father-in-law, Edmund Eramudugolla.
In 1966, after sitting for the A/L in the Arts stream he gained admission to the Law Faculty of the then University of Ceylon in 1967, which later became University of Colombo.
He was called to the Bar on 27th of July 1972, and took oaths as an Advocate in the Royal Audience Hall, the Magul Maduwa, in Kandy. That was in fact the very last oaths taking ceremony held at the Magul Maduwa.
J.C. Boange’s oaths taking became a historical fact in Sri Lanka’s legal history.
In 1974 the ‘Administration of Justice Law’ came into operation and centralized the Supreme Court hearings, proceedings exclusively in Colombo. Before that there was a system of ‘Assizes’ maintained by the British where the Supreme Court would hear criminal cases of indictment such as Murder and other grave crimes in the outstations. They were called circuit courts.
Principal towns such as Jaffna, Galle and Kandy had circuit courts. In Kandy the premises was the Royal Audience Hall or the Magul Maduwa. It is a place with much historic and cultural significance since it was the audience hall of the Kings of Kandy where the royal coronations took place, the royal court was held and foreign envoys were received.
The Magul Maduwa was also the venue where the historical Kandyan Convention of 1815 was signed between the British and the Kandyan chieftains. Not many today would know that what is now a historic and touristic sight, at one time was a place where the highest judicial authority was exercised to deliver justice in Sri Lanka.
Like in the Supreme Court in Colombo today, back then Advocates and Proctors took oaths in the Kandy Magul Maduwa as well. Over 50 years ago, on the 27th of July 1972, was the last time a lawyer took oaths in the Magul Maduwa. And that was J.C. Boange. The last oaths taking ceremony at the Magul Maduwa, which admitted Boange to the legal profession was presided by the late Justice C.B Walgampaya, also an old boy of Trinity who was the father of the late Senaka Walgampaya PC.
In 1973 he, i.e., J.C. Boange joined the Attorney General’s Department as a State Counsel and later pursued practice in the Private Bar.
Key Contributions & Profile
Constitutional Submissions: Chula Boange was well-known and respected in legal circles for presenting critical submissions to the Supreme Court. Notably, during the draft stages of the 19th Amendment to the Constitution, he argued that certain provisions regarding the President’s duty to ensure religious harmony were in conflict with Article 9, which encapsulates the historical status and foremost place given to Buddhism, above all other religions. Boange rejected the argument that the State must give patronage to each and every religion equally on the ground of maintaining religious harmony, while at the same time ignoring and discarding the unparalleled contribution made by Buddhism to the advancement of civilization in Sri Lanka over a period of Two Millennia.
The Civilizational primacy of Buddhism and upheld in the Constitution of Sri Lanka is non – negotiable. Furthermore, Sri Lanka’s ancient architectural civilization is fundamentally rooted in Buddhism as its Grundnorm—the ultimate foundational norm and organizing principle that has dictated urban planning, engineering, resource allocation, and aesthetic expression for over two millennia. Rather than being merely a religion patronized by the State, Buddhism has always operated heavily in history as the supreme constitutional framework, where the legitimacy of the King, the structure of society, and the physical landscape were unified under the aegis of the Dhamma.
Public Discourse: He frequently took part in national and cultural dialogues, contributing essays and Letters to the Editor of Sunday Times, on topics ranging from Buddhist philosophy (such as the Anatta doctrine) to historical independence timelines.
Legal Representation: Over the decades, he has served as a defense and petitioning counsel in various civil and district court matters across Sri Lanka.
Marriage
He married Vinodini Eramudugolla on 5th of February 1976, and had their 50th wedding anniversary this year.
From the early 1980s onwards, his permanent residence was in Rajagiriya.
His main interest in life was the Dhamma which he steadfastly pursued with vigour and dedication.
We all live a short life. In choosing a simple mode of living Chula made a profound statement to all who crossed his path. Live simply. Think highly. He chose Dhamma as his path to advancement in life in a wholesome sense. He gifted the Dhamma by way of ensuring that a conversation with him would never end without some input from his vast reservoir of knowledge of Buddhism. He was a deep thinker and followed the Dhamma of meditation and analysis.
He is succeeded by his wife Vinodini, his three children Suranthi, Dilshan and Hashani.
The recent prison riots at Negombo and Mahara have once again exposed the deep structural weaknesses of Sri Lanka’s prison system. Lives have been lost, public property destroyed, prison officers attacked, and the confidence of the public shaken. These are not isolated incidents; they are symptoms of a prison system that has long exceeded its capacity and is struggling to maintain order.
It is time to move beyond temporary solutions and adopt bold, long-term reforms.
One such reform is the relocation of ageing urban prisons, beginning with the historic Welikada Prison, and the development of a modern correctional complex on a large site such as the proposed 900-acre Horana prison complex, implemented through a carefully structured Public-Private Partnership (PPP).
The letter issued by the Urban Development Authority (UDA) in March 2026 regarding the redevelopment of the Welikada Prison land demonstrates that the concept of relocating the prison and redeveloping the valuable urban land has already been considered by the Government. The UDA also indicated its willingness to facilitate foreign investment and long-term development partnerships for such projects.
Valuable Urban Land Should Serve the Nation
Welikada Prison occupies one of the most valuable pieces of land in Colombo.
Instead of housing ageing prison buildings, this land could accommodate:
Mixed commercial developments
Residential complexes
Public parks
Government institutions
Convention facilities
Hotels
Healthcare and educational facilities
The economic value generated from redeveloping such prime land could finance much of the country’s prison modernisation programme.
This would be a classic example of unlocking dormant state assets for national development.
Build a Modern Correctional City
Rather than constructing another conventional prison, Sri Lanka should establish a modern correctional city at Horana or another suitable location.
Such a facility should include:
Separate prisons for remand and convicted prisoners
Maximum, medium and minimum security facilities
Rehabilitation centres
Vocational training institutes
Drug rehabilitation units
Agricultural farms
Manufacturing workshops
Renewable energy generation
Modern hospitals
Digital surveillance systems
AI-assisted security monitoring
The objective should not merely be incarceration but rehabilitation and reintegration into society.
Consider Private Sector Participation
Many countries have utilised private sector expertise in prison construction, maintenance, logistics, catering, healthcare and vocational training through PPP models.
Sri Lanka should carefully study international experiences—not simply copy them—and determine where private participation can improve efficiency while ensuring that government retains responsibility for sentencing, security oversight, legal authority and protection of prisoners’ rights. Different countries have had mixed results with privately managed prisons, so any model adopted in Sri Lanka would require strong regulation, transparent contracts and independent oversight.
Private participation could extend to:
Design
Construction
Facility management
Food services
Medical services
Prison industries
Vocational education
Maintenance
Renewable energy systems
The State would continue to control law enforcement, judicial decisions and prison governance.
Learn from Recent Tragedies
The Negombo and Mahara riots have highlighted chronic problems including overcrowding, staffing shortages, gang violence and contraband entering prisons. Authorities report that Sri Lanka’s prisons hold roughly four times their intended capacity, creating conditions that are extremely difficult to manage safely.
These tragedies should become the catalyst for comprehensive reform rather than isolated emergency responses.
Rehabilitation Should Replace Warehousing
Prisons should not become universities of crime.
Every inmate should have access to:
Welding
Steel fabrication
Carpentry
Agriculture
IT
Vehicle maintenance
Electrical work
Plumbing
Food processing
Entrepreneurship
When released, prisoners should possess employable skills rather than returning to crime.
A National Development Opportunity
This proposal is not simply about prisons.
It is about:
Urban renewal
Foreign direct investment
Public-private partnerships
Rehabilitation
Job creation
Construction industry growth
Better public safety
Efficient utilisation of valuable state land
The redevelopment of Welikada could become one of the largest urban regeneration projects undertaken in Sri Lanka.
A Bold Decision is Needed
Sri Lanka has repeatedly shown that postponing difficult decisions only increases future costs.
The country now has an opportunity to rethink its correctional philosophy.
Relocating major prisons from city centres, developing a modern correctional complex through a well-regulated PPP, and redeveloping valuable urban land could transform both the justice system and Colombo’s urban landscape.
The recent prison riots should not merely be remembered as tragic events.
They should become the turning point that finally leads Sri Lanka towards a safer, more humane and more efficient correctional system for the twenty-first century.
To transform Sri Lanka from a consumption-based economy into the industrial and maritime hub of the Indian Ocean through technology, engineering, education, discipline, and productive investment.”
Pillar 1 – Industrial Renaissance
Make industrialisation the highest national priority.
Establish heavy engineering parks.
Develop shipbuilding, offshore engineering, steel fabrication and precision manufacturing.
Encourage local manufacturing instead of unnecessary imports.
Double industrial exports within ten years.
Pillar 2 – Trincomalee: The Economic Capital
One of the flagship promises could be:
Trincomalee will become the Singapore of the Indian Ocean.”
Develop:
Offshore engineering complex
FPSO conversion facilities
Rig repair
Ship repair
Marine logistics
LNG and natural gas industries
Renewable energy
Blue economy industries
International maritime universities
This has been one of your strongest recurring proposals.
Pillar 3 – Blue Economy
Expand beyond fisheries.
Include
Offshore oil and gas support
Deep sea engineering
Marinas
Cruise industry
Ocean research
Aquaculture
Seaweed
Marine biotechnology
Ocean renewable energy
Pillar 4 – Vocational Revolution
One of your strongest policy areas.
Promise:
Every school leaver should have an opportunity to gain an internationally recognised technical qualification.
Expand training in
Welding
Pipe fitting
CNC machining
Robotics
AI-assisted manufacturing
Offshore engineering
Marine engineering
QA/QC
NDT
Industrial safety
Create thousands of internationally employable technicians rather than unemployed graduates.
Pillar 5 – Women’s Industrial Empowerment
Move beyond traditional vocational training.
Train women in
Welding
Electrical work
Mechanical engineering
QA/QC
CAD
Robotics
AI
Offshore inspection
Industrial management
Pillar 6 – National Infrastructure
Modernise
Ports
Railways
Waterways
Canals
Airports
Energy systems
Digital infrastructure
Focus on execution rather than announcements.
Pillar 7 – Foreign Investment
Adopt a pragmatic policy.
Welcome investment from
India
Japan
UAE
Qatar
Oman
Saudi Arabia
Norway
South Korea
Singapore
Vietnam
China
Europe
Evaluate projects on national benefit while protecting Sri Lanka’s strategic autonomy.
Pillar 8 – Justice and Governance
Your articles frequently argue that government needs the ability to implement long-term reforms efficiently.
A democratic manifesto could frame this as:
Faster justice
Merit-based appointments
Reduced political interference
Strong anti-corruption measures
Professional public administration
Clear accountability for public officials
Stable policy environment for investment
This emphasises effective governance while remaining consistent with constitutional democracy.
Pillar 9 – Education Reform
Replace rote learning with
Engineering
Innovation
Entrepreneurship
Artificial Intelligence
Robotics
Manufacturing
Maritime studies
Digital technologies
Every university to work closely with industry.
Pillar 10 – Energy Security
Develop
Mannar natural gas
LNG
Solar
Wind
Green hydrogen
Offshore renewables
Reduce dependence on imported fuel.
Pillar 11 – Agriculture as an Industry
Modernise farming through
Mechanisation
Precision agriculture
Food processing
Export-oriented production
Cold chain logistics
Pillar 12 – Clean Sri Lanka
National programmes for
Waste management
Canal rehabilitation
Flood control
Water recycling
Coastal protection
Sustainable urban development
Pillar 13 – Digital Government
Every government service to be available online.
Use AI to improve
Licensing
Customs
Taxation
Healthcare
Education
Agriculture
Public administration
Pillar 14 – National Character
One theme that appears repeatedly in your writing is that development depends not only on policies but also on national attitudes. A manifesto could therefore promote:
Discipline
Respect for law
Merit
Professionalism
Civic responsibility
National unity across communities
Pride in productive work
A Possible Presidential Pledge
I do not promise a richer Sri Lanka through borrowing. I promise a richer Sri Lanka through building. We will manufacture more than we import. We will export more than we consume. We will train our youth for the industries of tomorrow. We will transform Trincomalee into the maritime and offshore hub of the Indian Ocean. We will create a nation that is respected not for its speeches, but for its ships, factories, engineers, and skilled people. My vision is simple: a Sri Lanka that executes, innovates, and prospers.”
This would give your campaign a distinctive identity. Rather than competing on short-term welfare promises, it would present a long-term national development agenda rooted in engineering, industrialisation, vocational excellence, maritime strategy, productive foreign investment, and execution-oriented governance—the themes that consistently run through your LankaWeb articles and broader body of work.
By Sarath Wijesinghe PC., Solicitor of the U.K., Former Ambassador to the U.A.E. and Israel and The President, Ambassadors Forum U.K. and Sri Lanka.
BAR ASSOCIATION OF SRI LANKA AND THE RECENT RESOLUTION UNANIMOUSLY ADOPTED ON THE EXTENTION OF THE JUDICIARY BY TWO YEAR
The Bar Association of Sri Lanka is the professional body of all lawyers in Sri Lanka with Honorable objectives that includes protect the Constitution, Human Rights, Encourage Rule of Law, independence of the Judiciary amongst many other objects included. The Constitution of Bar Association which was set up as a continuation of the age-olden Law Society established during colonial rule and continued as an amalgamated profession as attorneys at law. Any lawyer enrolled as an Attorney- at Law is entitled to be a member of the association, however, a membership fee has to be paid and other requirements are to be completed to obtain the membership of the professional body. BASL in shorten form is a powerful body including judges, members of the executive legislature and judiciary and leading lawyers living world over continue to be members.
The recent meeting of all lawyers in Sri Lanka with regard to the extension of the period of judges with a constitutional amendment has united all the lawyers to meet and express their views at the Head Office with all the branch organizations connected online. From the membership of 26,000 lawyers countrywide about 6,000 were physically present or communicated via online.
The decision of the lawyers is loud, clear and was unanimous. They opposed to the said proposal in a emphatic and significant manner, who have not taken part to this magnitude before. The decision taken by the Bar Association of Sri Lanka amongst opposing the proposed amendment is to canvas the issue at the Supreme Court which gives rise to a academic and constitutional complication. There is a legal principal ‘Nemo debet esse judex in propria causa‘where it is stated one could not be the judge of his own case. Therefore, it is a very unusual situation in the Supreme Court whether the judges could or will allow the case before them in which the ultimate goal of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka is seeking a constitutional referendum on the matter. At the same time as matters appear, apparently the Executive is determined to go through the process despite facing a referendum against the wishes of Bar Association of Sri Lanka membership, judges’ professional body and many for the reason that this will amount to bribery and corruption undermining the independence of the judiciary. We invite you to browse the net for articles by this write on this issue, Laws Delays, Legal Education, Independence of the Judiciary which are easily accessible by the name of the topic and or the name of the author.
This complexity of the facts will indicate in turn the complexity of issues and concerns of the Bar Association as to why this amendment is to be legalized in the hurry. The allegations against some senior lawyers are that they are planning another stunt adopted by Late President J.R.Jayawardene to extend the period of the government by a referendum, thereby the country was made a pool of blood by two JVP insurrections and a war that was prolonged for three decades due to denial of justice to the people on due date. The defense and explanation of the executive and minister of justice is that the amendments are for the purpose of law delays which is incorrect. We invite readers once again to refer to the article as stated above on Laws Delays which deal with those delays in detail which proves main reason is not due to judges’ delays. There are many reasons due to the inefficiency of the governance, malpractices of justice and the institution connected to the legal system. These affect institutions that helps the process freely and hamper the proper judicial system. It appears everything is complicated and it does not seem that there is no solution and the Governance and the Minister of Justice are incapable of handling the situation.
Therefore, we are of the view that no drastic changes are necessary currently and to allow ‘sleeping lions sleep’. It is advisable to maintain the status- quo awaiting a proper consultation with the judiciary, lawyers. Executive and other organizations including international organizations who are concerned in SL and it’s judicial system which is currently in some form of maturity. We urge the governance, the proponents of the changes for a cooling period to discuss matters in a better atmosphere considering there is no urgent need unless the government has motives to keep the current judges for two more years for reasons the lawyers allege. The judiciary is considerably qualified and of high standard. There is no need to extend the period by two years because the junior judges are equally able, competent qualified and exposed to the world in their best energetic age. The age alone is not a criteria for ability, efficiency and far thinking. Current young lawyers are exposed to the world via internet and are excellent junior lawyers. The elderly senior judges could be lethargic as the they are not expose to modern changes in the legal system. There is some valid reason in what the proponent say on seniority as in many countries such USA elderly senior judges are allowed to remain and continue in the system if they wish to. But the Sri Lankan system is different. We have limited resources. There are law delays in other countries which they look for quick solutions in their own way. We have to device our own methods and if the extension of the period of judges is definitely is not the solution, and thereby unnecessary unless the Executive has ulterior motives to keep Senior Judges including the Chief Justice in position, for certain ulterior purposes. Therefore, we urge the executive to think of the nation, the people and not maintaining presidential power at any cost. We request him not to take short cuts to continue be in power and to maintain the status-quo that we have been enjoying so far as a Democratic Nation, enjoying Democracy in South Asis, including judicial freedom.
Sir Garfield Sobers and Senaka Weeraratna met face-to-face during a chance encounter in Melbourne, Australia, in 1983. At the time, Weeraratna—a Sri Lankan lawyer who would later become known as the conceptual architect of cricket’s Player Decision Review System (DRS)—was working in Melbourne as a legal officer for the Federal Special Prosecutor’s office. [1, 2, 3]
Key Details of the Encounter
The Setting: The meeting took place in Melbourne in 1983. Weeraratna was part of a white-collar crime prosecution review team under Robert Redlich, QC. [1]
The Context: Sir Garry Sobers had a deeply rooted connection to Sri Lankan cricket around this time, having served as the head coach of the Sri Lanka national team in the early 1980s, including leading them during the 1983 Cricket World Cup. [1, 2]
The Shared Connection: Weeraratna later documented the personal encounter in a retrospective piece titled “Your Sobers Story” on LankaWeb. [1]
Overview of the Entities
Figure
Primary Legacy & Significance
Connection to the Meeting
Sir Garfield Sobers
Renowned as one of cricket’s greatest all-rounders; coached Sri Lanka’s national team in the early 1980s.
Met Weeraratna during a personal trip/stint in Australia.
Senaka Weeraratna
Sri Lankan lawyer, legal officer, and the unsung conceptual designer of the Decision Review System (DRS).
Initiated the chance face-to-face meeting as a professional working in Melbourne.
* Who are the masterminds who, during the 19th Amendment in 2015, deprived the people of the referendum required by the Constitution to change the presidential and parliamentary terms to 5 years?
Who are the masterminds who deprived the people of their referendum voting rights in 2015 by reducing the presidential and parliamentary terms to 05 years, using the flawed Paragraph 83(b) of the English version of the Constitution, while even the Election Commission stated in 2025 that Article 83(b) in the English version of the Constitution and Article 83(ආ) of the Constitution are different?
There are a number of wars raging g around the world and a few more are on the planning stage. Drone warfare dominates every one of them. Among drones, the king is inevitably the mighty Shaheed drone. Shaheed and its copies in many countries, including its Russian, American, Chinese, Indian, Israeli, Turkish, etc. variants are highly effective due to low cost, simplicity, high impact, versatility, short time it takes to launch and hit targets and range. Why waste manned aircraft and artillery when a cheap but sizable enough drone can do the job at a fraction of the cost and with deadly precision. Sri Lanka must also clone the successful Shaheed-136 drone, customize it to specific needs and manufacture it locally in sufficient numbers. Peace time is the best opportunity to modernize the military and upgrade national security.
The purpose of having a strong miliary is not to wage war but to deter and prevent war. A strong and well-equipped military prevents war. A weak military invites trouble. Singapore for instance allocates 3.5% of the economy (GDP) to defense against the world average of around 2.5% of the GDP. Sri Lanka must invest 2.5% of the GDP in defense annually and at least 10% of the defense budget should go into equipment. Until Tamil terrorists struck in 1978 bombing a passenger plane in Ratmalana (which was an act of war and terrorism by international law), Sri Lanka was not ready for war. Only a very small percentage of its economy was allocated to defense that shocked Lee Kwan Yeu in the 1970s. Sri Lanka gradually increased it to match world average which helped bring about peace.
Sri Lanka faces a significant threat from drones launched by internal terrorist groups. Drones can disable its ports, particularly the Colombo port, oil storage facilities, key economic centres, transport nodes, telecommunications infrastructure and diesel and coal powerplants. This is due to the presence of massive populations that politically supported various terrorist groups in the past living close to these locations. Any medium to large scale attack on them can bring the nation to its knees.
In order to counter these, Sri Lanka needs counter drone weapons but these are highly inaccurate and expensive. Their success rate is very low and range is much shorter than attack drones. Bringing them down is also dangerous. Battling against attack drones is a battle that is bound to end in defeat for the defender. Instead, Sri Lanka must have its own attack drones that can be used to attack, punish and retaliate, thereby deter, aggressors. All aggressors have a soft underbelly of concerns. All aggressors live in a society that put pressure on them when faced with punishing conditions. In addition to attack drones, Sri Lanka also needs plenty of spy drones that can observe large extents of land, air and sea space in vulnerable areas for extended periods of time. Terror groups do not have effective anti-drone capabilities as they are not very effective, bulky and very expensive. Another advantage of attack drones is that non-state actors can be tasked to use them against suspected terror cells which avoids war crimes issues. Linking the political and military hierarchy to specific drones that actually committed alleged war crimes is not just difficult but impossible. AI-driven drones make waters even muddier. Due to the high degree of hostility between UN’s permanent five, there is not likely to be any agreement in this aspect of the international law. Military camps have been withdrawn in large numbers since winning the war in 2009 which puts national security at risk. However, this deficit can be easily overcome by the use of attack drones.
Hoping, praying and chanting for peace never brought about peace to the island. If they did, Sri Lanka would not be celebrating its great kings and achievements. Retaining the ability, upgrading it and having the means and courage to use military might to ensure national security matter most. Tried and tested, low-cost and versatile attack drones have a tremendous role to play in keeping Sri Lanka safe and making it too costly for those who wishes to attack it.
The Article clearly shows (as has been the experience of all other nations which had practiced the deed system) that the Deeds Register like that under Ord 23 of 1927 is the only practical path to achieve international standards.
Since the enactment of Act No. 21 of 1998 (Bim Saviya), Sri Lanka has remained well below internationally recognized benchmarks such as the ‘Doing Business Index’ and the ‘Property Rights Index’.
Even with amendments, Bim Saviya cannot provide a comprehensive register for all landowners; the reasons for its unsuitability are discussed at length in Ms. Waduge’s article.
The main Amendments Required to the old register under the Registration of Documents Ordinance No. 23 of 1927, to achieve ‘International standards’, are listed below (they have been included in the reports adduced to, also given hereunder]. They are:
1) The Registrar should be responsible to reject forged deeds. (the Registrar is presently not responsible)
2) The Registrar should be responsible for the proper maintenance of the books in the land registry; this includes the replacement of the damaged books. (Presently, landowners, at their expense, attend to the damaged books).
3) The Registrar should be provided with biometric tools to identify owners before registering new deeds; for example, face recognition systems, alerts to mobile phones of owners and many other methods have been described in the above article referred to above.
Act 21 of 1998 has been introduced without any knowledge or understanding of our land systems and culture. I am sure the learned Minister will instruct the relevant officials to refer to the important reports, listed below, to establish an internationally accepted land Register.
1) ‘Digital Biometric Solutions’ (a paper submitted to detect fraud in land registries submitted to the ‘Information Communication Technology Agency of Sri Lanka’ by lawyers); the paper recommends digital security for the Land Registry transformation through technologies such as AI and block chain, practiced by other nations. This is an initiative that will strengthen the public trust and confidence in the Land Registry.
5) Technical and Institutional Studies (a report as requested by the government) by Harmons Solutions (Pvt) Ltd.
6) E-Land Hub Business Re-engineering report and several other presentations, as requested by the Ministry of Lands (2015). The Report is available at the Ministry of Land.
7) Cabinet Memorandum 20/2100/322/007 24.12.2020 re establishing one land register; the memorandum requires that research be done to study the methods adopted by some of other nations, especially those of Australia and South Africa.
8) National Committee Reports of 2013 and 2022.
9) The Registrar General’s letter (reference RG/TRB/03/278[2]) dated 6/4/2016; it is an explanation given to the Prime Minister with regard to the neglected provisions of Ord 23 of 1927 and the neglected infrastructure of the registry.
A country’s diaspora should naturally be one of its greatest strategic assets. Living in developed nations, overseas citizens gain access to advanced infrastructure, cutting-edge technology, and global networks. In an ideal scenario, they leverage these advantages to bring facilities, expertise, and investment back to their motherland.
Regional neighbours offer clear examples of this in action—diaspora communities actively contributing to building schools, hospitals, airports, and modern road networks in their homelands.
Unfortunately, Sri Lanka’s experience often tells a different story.
Where the Focus Lies
Instead of channelling knowledge and capital into nation-building, a significant portion of resources continues to fund past divisions and prolong disharmony. At the same time, opportunistic local actors exploit these funds for personal gain, prioritising financial handouts over genuine national progress.
Ironically, the rare moment of unity among the diaspora occurs on the cricket field. When Sri Lanka plays against their adopted home nation, the stadium comes alive—flags wave, baila hits like “Surangani” resound, and the passion is undeniable.
Imagine if even a fraction of that shared energy and spirit were redirected toward tangible development back home.
Looking Ahead, Not Behind
Constantly unearthing past conflicts achieves little. As the famous adage goes, “History is a set of lies agreed upon.” Lingering in the past will not build a future for the next generation.
To the Diaspora: It is time to shift focus from legacy grievances to constructive investment—infrastructure, education, healthcare, and economic development.
To Local Beneficiaries: Dependent on diaspora funding tied to division, the path forward requires seeking meaningful, productive employment that contributes positively to society.
Sri Lanka’s future depends on moving forward together.
Let us look toward tomorrow, learn from regional success stories, and turn global potential into real progress at home.
Governments are rarely defeated by their opponents alone. More often, they are weakened by divisions from within
There are examples in Sri Lanka in the past
The Bolshevik Revolution succeeded because its leaders were united in achieving a common objective. Lenin, Trotsky and others worked together to overthrow the old regime and defend the revolution during its formative years. It was only after Lenin’s illness and death that deep divisions among the leadership intensified, leading to a destructive struggle for power. Whatever one’s opinion of Soviet history, one lesson remains clear: internal discord can derail even the most powerful political movements.
Sri Lanka should reflect on that lesson.
The National People’s Power (NPP) Government came to power with an overwhelming public mandate to transform the country. Millions of Sri Lankans voted not merely for individuals but for a promise to eradicate corruption, strengthen institutions, revive the economy, and restore confidence in public administration.
The country is only beginning to emerge from an unprecedented economic crisis. Debt restructuring, attracting foreign direct investment, creating employment, modernising industries, strengthening vocational education, and reforming public institutions require consistency and stability. This is not the time for avoidable public divisions.
The recent debate concerning proposals relating to the retirement age of judges has generated considerable discussion. It is entirely legitimate for lawyers, constitutional experts and citizens to express differing legal opinions. Indeed, healthy democracies depend on informed debate. However, when individuals holding influential positions within or closely associated with the governing party publicly challenge major policy decisions before internal mechanisms have been exhausted, questions inevitably arise regarding unity, discipline and collective responsibility.
This is not an argument against freedom of expression. Nor is it a suggestion that members should blindly accept every decision of the leadership. Democracies thrive on constructive criticism. Policies become stronger when subjected to rigorous examination.
However, there is an equally important democratic principle: collective responsibility.
Within every successful government, disagreements should first be debated frankly in cabinet meetings, party committees and policy forums. Once a decision has been reached through democratic discussion, those entrusted with implementing that decision have a responsibility to preserve public confidence while continuing to seek improvements through established channels.
The public judges governments not only by the quality of their policies but also by their ability to govern with coherence and purpose. Investors observe political stability before committing billions of dollars. International development partners seek predictability. Civil servants require clear direction. The business community values certainty over confusion.
Sri Lanka’s greatest challenge today is not political rhetoric but economic transformation.
The nation needs large-scale industrial investment, expansion of the marine and offshore engineering sectors, modern vocational education, export-oriented manufacturing, energy security, digital transformation, and the development of Trincomalee and other strategic regions into engines of growth. None of these objectives can be achieved if political energy is consumed by unnecessary internal conflict.
The Government was elected to govern, not to become distracted by internal disagreements played out in the public arena.
Political maturity demands balancing two equally important values: the freedom to question and the responsibility to unite behind decisions once they have been democratically reached.
History teaches us that reform movements lose momentum when internal divisions overshadow their national mission. Sri Lanka cannot afford such a distraction.
The country stands at a critical crossroads. The mandate given by the people is too valuable to squander. If the Government remains united, disciplined and focused on delivering results, it has a genuine opportunity to reshape Sri Lanka’s future. If internal divisions become the dominant narrative, that historic opportunity may gradually slip away.
Unity is not the enemy of democracy. When combined with openness, accountability and respect for differing views, it becomes the foundation upon which lasting national progress is built.
History repeatedly demonstrates that nations achieve rapid transformation when the institutions of the State work towards a common national purpose rather than pulling in different directions.
Singapore under Lee Kuan Yew, South Korea during its industrialisation, and China under Deng Xiaoping all illustrate how determined executive leadership, supported by functioning state institutions, accelerated economic development, attracted investment, built infrastructure, and lifted millions out of poverty. While their political systems differed, they shared one characteristic: the machinery of government acted with a common national objective.
Sri Lanka today faces a different reality.
Successive governments have often announced ambitious reforms only to see them delayed or weakened by bureaucratic resistance, prolonged litigation, political rivalry, or institutional disagreement. Investors value certainty. When governments cannot implement policies efficiently within the law, investment, employment, and economic growth inevitably suffer.
This raises an important constitutional question.
In every democracy, the Executive is elected with a mandate to govern. It is therefore reasonable to expect public institutions—including the civil service, regulatory agencies, and the judiciary—to respect that democratic mandate while faithfully carrying out their constitutional responsibilities.
This does not mean that judges should become politically loyal to a government or abandon their independence.
Judicial independence is a cornerstone of the rule of law. Rather, it means that all branches of government should share loyalty to the Constitution, the sovereignty of the nation, and the long-term public interest. Courts should be free to review whether executive action complies with the law, but should not become substitutes for elected policymakers or unnecessarily frustrate lawful reforms that serve the national interest.
Many democratic countries seek to maintain this balance. In the United States, for example, judges of the Supreme Court are nominated by the President and confirmed through a constitutional process. The expectation is not personal loyalty to an individual President, but commitment to the constitutional order while exercising independent judicial judgment.
For a developing country such as Sri Lanka, prolonged institutional conflict carries a heavy price. Delayed infrastructure, uncertain regulations, postponed reforms, and inconsistent policy signals discourage both local entrepreneurs and foreign investors.
The lesson from successful nations is that development requires more than elections. It requires institutions that are professional, efficient, and capable of working within the constitutional framework towards shared national goals.and supports the executive
Sri Lanka therefore needs:
● A strong Executive with a clear development vision.
● An independent Judiciary but supportive to the elected executive that upholds the Constitution impartially and provides legal certainty.
● A professional public service committed to implementing lawful government policy efficiently.
● Mutual respect among the Executive, Legislature, and Judiciary, each operating within its constitutional role.
● A national commitment to economic progress above partisan confrontation.
The objective should never be blind allegiance to individuals. It should be institutional commitment to constitutional governance, national development, and the welfare of the people.
If Sri Lanka can achieve that balance, we can replace paralysis with progress, conflict with cooperation, and uncertainty with confidence. That, in my opinion, is the path towards becoming a prosperous nation.
Addressing National Cadet Corps (NCC) cadets at the opening ceremony of the NCC Inter-Provincial Youth Exchange Programme, held at St. Joseph’s College, Trincomalee, on 30 July as the Chief Guest, Deputy Minister of Defence Major General Aruna Jayasekara (Retd) urged the youth to transform diversity into a catalyst for nation-building.
In his address, the Deputy Minister underscored the vital role of youth in fostering national reconciliation and lasting unity, emphasizing that peace is built not merely through the absence of conflict but through trust, understanding and meaningful engagement among communities. Highlighting Sri Lanka’s multicultural heritage as a symbol of coexistence, he encouraged the youth to embrace diversity, build lasting friendships and preserve harmony within their communities for the betterment of the country.
Drawing attention to the Government’s ‘Clean Sri Lanka’ initiative, the Deputy Minister noted that the programme’s vision extends beyond environmental cleanliness to promoting an ethical, inclusive and united society. He stressed that nation-building depends not only on infrastructure and economic development but also on cultivating mutual respect and strengthening coexistence. Calling on the youth to carry the values of the programme into their daily lives, he urged them to become the generation that transforms Sri Lanka’s diversity into a source of national strength and shared progress.
The Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Employment, Mr. Arun Hemachandra, Director of the National Cadet Corps, Director of the National Youth Corps, senior tri-forces officers, NCC cadets, and distinguished guests were present on the occasion.
Sri Lanka is being rapidly moved towards a digitalisation of its land records. Digital technology can undoubtedly improve efficiency, but digitalising an unreliable legal system will not create a reliable land register or any relief for land owners and even a government who has to answer long term consequences. Before investing billions in digital transformation, a Government must first correct the legal defects that have existed for decades. Why have the digital gurus tasked to roll out digitalization not seen this stark reality and commenced remedies to this issue first?
Currently, Sri Lanka operates two separate land registration systems, neither of which establishes a complete, reliable compulsory register that landowners, investors, banks or the State can confidently rely upon.
Two Statutes – Two Registers
Sri Lanka’s land registration system is governed by:
Registration of Documents Ordinance No. 23 of 1927
Registration of Title Act (Bim Saviya) No. 21 of 1998
Instead of replacing one system with another, Sri Lanka now operates two parallel registers, creating legal uncertainty and administrative complexity.
The Existing Deeds Register Does Not Prove Ownership
The Registration of Documents Ordinance No. 23 of 1927 was never designed to establish ownership.
Ownership cannot be confirmed from the Register
The Registrar has no statutory authority or duty to determine whether a deed presented for registration is genuine or forged.
The Registrar records deeds presented for registration but does not certify ownership.
As a result, the Register may register both valid and invalid deeds.
Registration is Optional
A deed remains legally valid even if it is never registered.
Registration merely gives priority between competing transactions.
The Supreme Court in SC 93/2022 confirmed that the Register established under the Ordinance is only a priority register, not a register of ownership.
The Court further held that a registered Deed of Gift may lose priority to an earlier unregistered transfer for valuable consideration, demonstrating that registration alone does not conclusively establish ownership.
Even the Registrar General Acknowledged the Defects
In 2016, the Registrar General formally informed the Prime Minister (Ref. RG/TRB/03/278) that:
ownership cannot be determined from the Register;
the legal framework under the 1927 Ordinance is inadequate;
the Land Registry infrastructure requires substantial reform before Sri Lanka can establish an internationally recognised land registration system.
These warnings have remained largely unaddressed.
Landowners must maintain the Register
An extraordinary feature of the present law is that innocent landowners—not the State—carry much of the responsibility for maintaining the integrity of the Register.
Under the Land Registers (Reconstructed Folios) Ordinance No. 18 of 1945, owners must:
discover whether folios have been damaged or lost;
apply for reconstruction;
bear the associated costs.
The Registrar has no general statutory duty to reconstruct damaged folios on his own initiative.
Digitalising an Unreliable Register will not prevent Fraud
A digital database is only as reliable as the information entered into it.
If the underlying Register contains:
forged deeds,
incomplete records,
damaged folios,
inaccurate entries,
digitalisation merely transfers those defects into electronic form.
Technology cannot correct legal defects.
Without first creating an accurate base register, digitalisation risks preserving errors permanently.
Bim Saviya created a Second Register without Reforming the First
The Registration of Title Act No. 21 of 1998 introduced the Bim Saviya title registration system without first reforming the 1927 deed registration system.
The result is two parallel systems operating under different legal principles.
The Act has generated significant legal and practical difficulties.
Among the concerns raised are that it:
cannot adequately accommodate many ownership arrangements recognised under Kandyan, Thesawalamai and Muslim personal laws;
has difficulty accommodating certain customary village rights, co-ownership arrangements and cultivation rights;
limits the judicial remedies available where fraudulent registration occurs;
repealed important aspects of earlier land legislation, including provisions affecting partition and prescription, creating practical legal complications.
Two National Committees Reached Similar Conclusions
Because of these problems, Government appointed:
the Presidential Committee (2013);
the Ministry of Justice Committee (2022).
Both examined the shortcomings of the Registration of Title Act.
Significantly, the Ministry of Justice Committee recommended changing the name of the proposed legislation to the Voluntary Title Registration Act, recognising that compulsory registration was neither practical nor suitable for every category of land ownership.
Despite more than twenty-five years of implementation and substantial expenditure, Sri Lanka still lacks a complete national land register.
The Bim Saviya programme has also been the subject of observations by the Auditor General and assessments by the World Bank.
Cabinet itself recognised the Need for Reform
Cabinet Memorandum No. 20/2100/322/007 dated 24 December 2020 recommended:
introducing a compulsory land registration framework; and
appointing a committee to amend the Registration of Title Act.
The Ministry of Justice subsequently appointed that committee.
This demonstrates that Government itself recognised that legislative reform was necessary before a comprehensive national register could be achieved.
At present, lawyers, registry administrators and ICT specialists largely work independently.
Technology alone cannot solve problems created by defective legislation.
Before any further digitalisation, Government should first establish an accurate legal foundation.
This includes:
reconstructing damaged and missing folios;
introducing owner verification before registration;
implementing biometric identity verification;
sending SMS/mobile alerts whenever deeds affecting land are lodged;
using artificial intelligence to identify suspicious transactions;
introducing tamper-evident technologies such as blockchain where appropriate;
maintaining complete electronic audit trails of every transaction.
What Sri Lanka needs is not simply a digital land register.
Sri Lanka needs a legally reliable land registration system.
Unless the legal, administrative and technical defects in both the Registration of Documents Ordinance and the Registration of Title Act are first addressed, digitalisation will simply computerise the existing weaknesses including fraud. The situation is confounded in Bim Saviya certifications where Courts have little or no jurisdiction to intervene & resolve land issues.
A modern land registry should protect ownership—not merely record documents. Only after comprehensive legal reform can digitalisation deliver the certainty, security and public confidence that Sri Lanka’s landowners and investors deserve.
by Maung Maung Nyunt, The Buddhist Channel, 12 July 2026
Yangon, Myanmar — The 729 marble slabs at Kuthodaw Pagoda in Mandalay, often called “the world’s largest book,” represent one of the most ambitious projects of Buddhist preservation ever undertaken. Completed in 1868 under King Mindon, these stone tablets contain the complete Pali Tipiṭaka, the Vinaya, Sutta, and Abhidhamma Piṭakas, inscribed across 1,460 pages, each slab five feet tall and five inches thick, housed in its own small shrine arranged around a central golden pagoda.
Yet the question of why this monumental work was commissioned points to a deeper historical reality: the Kuthodaw inscriptions were, in significant measure, a response to the British colonial threat and an attempt to safeguard Buddhism from potential erosion under foreign rule.
The Historical Context: A Kingdom Under Threat
King Mindon ascended the throne in 1853 following the Second Anglo-Burmese War (1852), which had resulted in the British annexation of Lower Burma [1]. His kingdom was fractured, cut off from the coast, and deprived of rich teak forests and rice-growing regions. By the mid-19th century, Britain had gained control over the lower half of the country, leaving Mandalay and Upper Burma completely isolated from the outside world. Many believed that only divine intervention could save Burma from being entirely conquered.
It was in this context of political crisis and territorial loss that King Mindon conceived his vision for Mandalay. Historian François Tainturier argues that Mindon aimed to materialize in his capital a “sanctuary for Buddhist believers” and to reassert his power over Buddhist land in a non-confrontational way [2]. The systematic planning of Mandalay and construction of its potent landscape constituted “the expression, not formulated in words but in tangible form, of the throne’s claim of Burma as a ‘Buddhist land’ (Buddhadesa) at a time when Lower Burma had been annexed by non-Buddhist believers” [3].
The Fifth Buddhist Council and the Marble Inscriptions
To understand the marble slabs, one must understand the Fifth Buddhist Council, convened by King Mindon in 1871. According to Burmese tradition, the council brought together 2,400 scholarly monks to recite, examine, and verify the received Pali Tipiṭaka [4]. Its purpose was not to create new teachings but to purify, verify, and stabilize the canon, to reduce corruption, variant readings, and scribal errors.
The council and the marble inscriptions are closely linked. Work on the slabs had actually begun in 1860, years before the council convened. The text was meticulously edited by tiers of senior monks and lay officials consulting palm-leaf manuscripts kept in royal libraries. Scribes carefully copied the text onto marble, and stonemasons chiseled the inscriptions by hand, working at an average rate of ten lines per day. The marble was quarried from Sagyin Hill, thirty-two miles north of Mandalay, and transported by river to the city.
The council subsequently ratified this recension, and the completed slabs were opened to the public on May 4, 1868. [5] The project reflected a distinctly Buddhist understanding: palm-leaf manuscripts decay, burn, or are lost; stone endures much longer. Inscribing the canon on marble was both an act of merit and a way of protecting the Buddha’s teaching against impermanence.
Defiance or Defence? The British Factor
The evidence that the Kuthodaw project was motivated by the British threat is substantial. Multiple sources confirm that when the British invaded southern Burma, Mindon was concerned that Buddhist dhamma (teachings) would also be detrimentally affected in the north where he reigned.
The Kuthodaw Pagoda Project, an academic initiative documenting the site, notes that Mindon initiated these projects as part of his attempt to “consolidate Buddhism as the state religion and ensure its centrality to the identity of the Myanmar people in the face of the threat of British territorial ambitions in Myanmar.” [6] Similarly, an academic thesis on the Fifth Council explains that the council was “a response during the European colonial period to the fear of the disappearance of the sāsana.” [7] The king’s aim was to prevent the disappearance of the Buddha’s teachings by inscribing them on the durable medium of stone.
Some scholars go further, arguing that the Fifth Buddhist Synod “was not necessary for the Religion” and that Mindon convened it only “to defy the British who had annexed Lower Myanmar” and to assume the title “the Convener of the Fifth Buddhist Synod.”
The British annexation of Lower Burma in 1852 had already demonstrated the destructive potential of colonial rule on Buddhist institutions. Under the monarchy, ecclesiastical lands were tax-exempt and overseen by a royal commissioner, while the Thathanabaing (supreme patriarch) provided central authority to the Sangha. [8]
The British systematically dismantled these structures: they abolished the patriarchate, removed tax exemptions for temple lands, and introduced a new secular legal framework that stripped the monastic order of its historical role as an autonomous arbiter of Buddhist law. The symbiotic relationship between the monarchy and the Sangha, in which the king served as defender of the faith with authority to appoint the patriarch and maintain a register of monks, was broken, leaving the monkhood fragmented and without institutional support [9].
A Pragmatic and Spiritual Response
Mindon’s response to the British was not purely confrontational. He signed a commercial treaty in 1867 [10] that gave the British economic concessions and sent diplomatic missions to London, Paris, and Rome to secure international recognition of Myanmar’s independence. He was pragmatic, seeking to avoid further conflict while strengthening Buddhism from within.
Yet the deeper motivation was the preservation of the sāsana, the Buddha’s dispensation. In Buddhist thought, the disappearance of the teaching is regarded as inevitable, taking place in stages over the 5,000 years following the Buddha’s death. Mindon’s project was a direct response to this anxiety: he wanted the Tipiṭaka to endure for the full five millennia.
This is why the Kuthodaw inscriptions matter. They are not merely a monument or an act of royal merit. They are a civilizational expression of saddhā, confidence in the Buddha’s teaching, and appamāda, diligent care in preserving what supports liberation. The project combined devotion with realism: one cannot stop decay entirely, but one can act wisely to preserve conditions for future practice.
The Irony of History
The British annexed Upper Burma in 1885, just seven years after Mindon’s death [11]. The gems and gold ink from the marble slabs were looted, and the buildings were vandalized by troops billeted in the temples. The original gold writing disappeared from all 729 tablets, and the inscriptions were later filled with black ink [12]. Ironically, the very threat Mindon sought to forestall, the British conquest of his kingdom, became the cause of the desecration he had hoped to prevent.
Yet the words of the Buddha remain preserved. The slabs still stand, their inscriptions legible, and in 2013 UNESCO added the Kuthodaw Inscription Shrines to its Memory of the World Register. The “world’s largest book” continues to serve as an authoritative reference and a site of pilgrimage for Buddhists and scholars alike.
Conclusion
Was the Kuthodaw marble inscription created to protect Buddhism from British colonial rule? The evidence strongly suggests yes. King Mindon’s project was born of a specific historical moment, the loss of Lower Burma to the British, and reflected a deep concern for the survival of the Dhamma. The marble slabs were both a practical response to the fragility of palm-leaf manuscripts and a symbolic assertion of Buddhist identity in the face of colonial threat. They represent a king’s effort to preserve what supports liberation, using the most durable material available, in the hope that the teaching might endure beyond the reach of empires.
2,3. François Tainturier, Mandalay and the Art of Building Cities in Burma, https://nuspress.nus.edu.sg/collections/books/products/mandalay-and-the-art-of-building-cities-in-burma
4. The Post Pagan Period – 14th To 20th Centuries, https://seasite.niu.edu/burmese/Cooler/Chapter_4/Part3/post_pagan_period__part_3.htm
5. Encyclopedia of Buddhism, https://encyclopediaofbuddhism.org/wiki/Fifth_Buddhist_council
9. Melissa Crouch, Constructing Religion by Law in Myanmar, https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15570274.2015.1104961
10. Myint, Myo, The Politics Of Survival In Burma: Diplomacy And Statecraft In The Reign Of King Mindon, Cornell University, https://www.proquest.com/openview/4778ca75758c1476aaed75efc305a8a6/1?pq-origsite=gscholar&cbl=18750&diss=y
11. Third Anglo-Burnmese War, Grokipedia, https://grokipedia.com/page/Third_Anglo-Burmese_War
12. Tripiṭaka tablets at Kuthodaw Pagoda, Wikipoedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?limit=500&title=Tripi%e1%b9%adaka_tablets_at_Kuthodaw_Pagoda
For decades, Sri Lanka has proudly spoken about women’s empowerment. Every government has launched programmes under this banner, and millions of rupees have been spent on training and awareness. Yet one fundamental question remains:
Have we truly empowered women, or have we merely confined them to traditional occupations under a new label?
Most vocational programmes offered to women still revolve around cake making, beauty culture, tailoring, housekeeping, food processing, childcare and elderly care. While these are respectable professions, they represent only a narrow segment of the opportunities available to women in today’s industrial world.
If Sri Lanka is serious about becoming an industrialised nation and attracting foreign direct investment (FDI), women must become part of the country’s skilled technical workforce.
Looking Beyond Traditional Boundaries
Many countries have already demonstrated that women can excel in industries once considered exclusively male.
In Kenya, vocational institutions, supported by international organisations and industry, deliberately recruit young women into industrial welding and fabrication. These programmes have shown that, given the opportunity and proper training, women perform exceptionally well in precision engineering and industrial manufacturing. (International Labour Organization)
The question is simple:
If Kenyan women can become certified welders, why not Sri Lankan women?
The Industries Waiting for Skilled Women
Sri Lanka is preparing for major investments in shipbuilding, ship repair, offshore engineering, renewable energy, LNG, petroleum, steel fabrication and advanced manufacturing.
These industries require thousands of skilled personnel, including:
● Welding and fabrication
● Pipe fitting
● Mechanical fitting
● CNC machining
● Electrical installation
● Instrumentation
● Non-Destructive Testing (NDT)
● Quality Assurance and Quality Control (QA/QC)
● Welding inspection
● CAD drafting
● Robotics-assisted manufacturing
● Industrial safety and HSE
● Offshore operations
There is absolutely no technical reason why women cannot excel in these professions.
Women Often Possess Natural Advantages
Industrial employers increasingly recognise that many women possess qualities highly valued in manufacturing:
● Excellent attention to detail
● Patience during repetitive precision work
● Strong quality consciousness
● Better documentation practices
● High levels of discipline
● Lower accident rates in many industrial environments
● Commitment to following procedures and standards
These characteristics are particularly valuable in welding inspection, QA/QC, laboratory testing, precision fabrication and electronics assembly.
Modern Welding Is Not What It Used to Be
Many people still imagine welding as standing in the scorching sun carrying heavy steel sections.
That stereotype is decades out of date.
Today’s fabrication workshops use:
● Welding manipulators
● Positioners
● Robotic welding systems
● Automated cutting machines
● CNC equipment
● Laser measuring devices
● Digital inspection equipment
● Welding simulators for training
Much of the work depends more on technical competence than physical strength.
Women around the world are successfully working in aerospace, automotive manufacturing, shipbuilding, offshore engineering and oil and gas fabrication.
Sri Lanka should not be left behind.
A Missed Economic Opportunity
Thousands of skilled welders and fabricators from Sri Lanka leave annually for the Middle East, South Korea, Romania, Israel and other countries because of strong international demand.
If women were trained in these same disciplines, they too could access well-paid international careers or support the development of Sri Lanka’s own industries.
Higher household incomes, greater foreign remittances and stronger industrial productivity would follow.
What Should Be Done?
Sri Lanka needs a national policy to encourage women to enter technical trades by:
● Offering scholarships specifically for women in engineering trades.
● Establishing women-friendly welding and fabrication workshops.
● Providing modern personal protective equipment designed for women.
● Creating mentorship programmes with successful female engineers and technicians.
● Encouraging industries to recruit more women into technical roles.
● Promoting success stories through schools and the media.
● Including offshore engineering, shipbuilding and advanced manufacturing in vocational training programmes.
Empowerment Means Opportunity
Women’s empowerment should not be measured by the number of seminars conducted or certificates issued.
It should be measured by how many women become:
● Certified welders
● Welding inspectors
● QA/QC engineers
● Pipe fitters
● Offshore technicians
● Marine engineers
● Fabrication supervisors
● Industrial entrepreneurs
That is genuine economic empowerment.
Sri Lanka possesses one of the highest literacy rates in South Asia and produces thousands of capable young women every year. What many of them lack is not ability—but opportunity.
The future of Sri Lanka’s industrialisation cannot depend solely on half of its workforce.
If we truly believe in equality, then our daughters should be seen not only in kitchens, hospitals and offices, but also in shipyards, fabrication workshops, offshore platforms, engineering laboratories and quality control departments.
Only then can we honestly say that Sri Lanka has moved beyond talking about women’s empowerment and has finally begun to practise it.
Regards
Dr Sarath ObeysekeraBeyond Cakes and Caregiving and garment industry It Is Time to Redefine Women’s Empowerment in Sri Lanka
By Dr. Sarath Obeysekera
For decades, Sri Lanka has proudly spoken about women’s empowerment. Every government has launched programmes under this banner, and millions of rupees have been spent on training and awareness. Yet one fundamental question remains:
Have we truly empowered women, or have we merely confined them to traditional occupations under a new label?
Most vocational programmes offered to women still revolve around cake making, beauty culture, tailoring, housekeeping, food processing, childcare and elderly care. While these are respectable professions, they represent only a narrow segment of the opportunities available to women in today’s industrial world.
If Sri Lanka is serious about becoming an industrialised nation and attracting foreign direct investment (FDI), women must become part of the country’s skilled technical workforce.
Looking Beyond Traditional Boundaries
Many countries have already demonstrated that women can excel in industries once considered exclusively male.
In Kenya, vocational institutions, supported by international organisations and industry, deliberately recruit young women into industrial welding and fabrication. These programmes have shown that, given the opportunity and proper training, women perform exceptionally well in precision engineering and industrial manufacturing. (International Labour Organization)
The question is simple:
If Kenyan women can become certified welders, why not Sri Lankan women?
The Industries Waiting for Skilled Women
Sri Lanka is preparing for major investments in shipbuilding, ship repair, offshore engineering, renewable energy, LNG, petroleum, steel fabrication and advanced manufacturing.
These industries require thousands of skilled personnel, including:
● Welding and fabrication
● Pipe fitting
● Mechanical fitting
● CNC machining
● Electrical installation
● Instrumentation
● Non-Destructive Testing (NDT)
● Quality Assurance and Quality Control (QA/QC)
● Welding inspection
● CAD drafting
● Robotics-assisted manufacturing
● Industrial safety and HSE
● Offshore operations
There is absolutely no technical reason why women cannot excel in these professions.
Women Often Possess Natural Advantages
Industrial employers increasingly recognise that many women possess qualities highly valued in manufacturing:
● Excellent attention to detail
● Patience during repetitive precision work
● Strong quality consciousness
● Better documentation practices
● High levels of discipline
● Lower accident rates in many industrial environments
● Commitment to following procedures and standards
These characteristics are particularly valuable in welding inspection, QA/QC, laboratory testing, precision fabrication and electronics assembly.
Modern Welding Is Not What It Used to Be
Many people still imagine welding as standing in the scorching sun carrying heavy steel sections.
That stereotype is decades out of date.
Today’s fabrication workshops use:
● Welding manipulators
● Positioners
● Robotic welding systems
● Automated cutting machines
● CNC equipment
● Laser measuring devices
● Digital inspection equipment
● Welding simulators for training
Much of the work depends more on technical competence than physical strength.
Women around the world are successfully working in aerospace, automotive manufacturing, shipbuilding, offshore engineering and oil and gas fabrication.
Sri Lanka should not be left behind.
A Missed Economic Opportunity
Thousands of skilled welders and fabricators from Sri Lanka leave annually for the Middle East, South Korea, Romania, Israel and other countries because of strong international demand.
If women were trained in these same disciplines, they too could access well-paid international careers or support the development of Sri Lanka’s own industries.
Higher household incomes, greater foreign remittances and stronger industrial productivity would follow.
What Should Be Done?
Sri Lanka needs a national policy to encourage women to enter technical trades by:
● Offering scholarships specifically for women in engineering trades.
● Establishing women-friendly welding and fabrication workshops.
● Providing modern personal protective equipment designed for women.
● Creating mentorship programmes with successful female engineers and technicians.
● Encouraging industries to recruit more women into technical roles.
● Promoting success stories through schools and the media.
● Including offshore engineering, shipbuilding and advanced manufacturing in vocational training programmes.
Empowerment Means Opportunity
Women’s empowerment should not be measured by the number of seminars conducted or certificates issued.
It should be measured by how many women become:
● Certified welders
● Welding inspectors
● QA/QC engineers
● Pipe fitters
● Offshore technicians
● Marine engineers
● Fabrication supervisors
● Industrial entrepreneurs
That is genuine economic empowerment.
Sri Lanka possesses one of the highest literacy rates in South Asia and produces thousands of capable young women every year. What many of them lack is not ability—but opportunity.
The future of Sri Lanka’s industrialisation cannot depend solely on half of its workforce.
If we truly believe in equality, then our daughters should be seen not only in kitchens, hospitals and offices, but also in shipyards, fabrication workshops, offshore platforms, engineering laboratories and quality control departments.
Only then can we honestly say that Sri Lanka has moved beyond talking about women’s empowerment and has finally begun to practise it.
Negombo Magistrate Shilani Perera instructed media outlets today to refrain from publishing details stemming from the testimony of the chief jailer on duty during the Negombo prison clash, citing potential risks to national security given the sensitive nature of the evidence. The magistrate further directed the court registrar to secure the testimony safely within a safe. These disclosures emerged as Wickrama Jayantha Kumara, serving as the chief jailer at the time, testified at the Negombo Magistrate Court regarding the incident involving ten officers and twenty-two inmates. The testimony commenced around 1 p.m. and concluded close to 3 p.m. Additionally, prison authorities submitted a detailed report concerning 89 prison police officers transferred from Welikada to Negombo alongside individuals receiving treatment at the Colombo National Hospital and Negombo Hospital.
The headline attracting issue in Sri Lanka at present appears to be the proposed two-year extension to the retirement age of judges which the government argues could assist in making a reduction in the massive backlog of pending cases amounting more than 1.1 million as per the Ministry of Justice. Few seem to be realising that this is only a symptom of a far more deep-seated issue arising from years of neglect of the judiciary system where under funding, inadequate remuneration, understaffing and under development of infrastructure has resulted in the accumulation of such a huge backlog.
The Sri Lankan government argues that one immediate strategy to make some reduction in the massive court case backlog, is by utilizing the expertise of senior legal minds serving as judges now by extending the term of Supreme Court judges from 65 to 67 years and Court of Appeal judges from 63 to 65 years, alongside parallel increases for lower courts. However, while retaining legal expertise for an additional two years is one thing, unless current vacancies are filled expeditiously, and perhaps the cadre of judges at all levels is increased, the mathematical result will be a zero net increase in number of judges to tackle the huge backlog of cases. The government argues that the extension is to maintain the total volume of daily judicial work and prevent a catastrophic spike in the backlog caused by upcoming mandatory retirements. While an extension does not instantly add new seats to the bench, the government argues it acts as a stabilizing measure to protect the system’s current capacity.
Rationale and Objectives presented by the government
Reducing Delays: Officials state that keeping judges on the bench longer helps process stagnant court cases and ease public hardships caused by slow legal proceedings. This makes sense unless the recruitment of judges to fill vacancies arising from judges who retire at the current retirement age is done expeditiously.
Benefitting from experience: The policy builds on the premise that experienced senior judges still have the ability and capacity to continue contributing productively.
Life expectancy increase and broader public sector trends: Similar extensions have been proposed or implemented across other specialized public service sectors, such as medical professionals. In a general sense, life expectancy has increased and a case could certainly be made for public officials including judges to work longer and continue serving the public productively. Following information on life expectancy is relevant here.
Life expectancy milestones: According to historical World Bank data, Sri Lanka’s overall life expectancy at birth was about 61.9 years in 1965 and rose to 64.35 years by 1970 when the retirement age for lower-court judges (such as District Court and Magistrate judges) was set at 60. In 1970, the mandatory retirement age for a Supreme Court judge in Sri Lanka was 62 years. The retirement age of Court of Appeal judges (once it was set up in 1971), was 63.
The current total life expectancy at birth in Sri Lanka is approximately 78 years. This marks an increase of about 15 years compared to the era when the retirement age for lower-court judges was set at 60. In terms of the ability and competency for judges (and other public officials) to extend their working life in the public sector has to be consistent with increase in life expectancy which is a result of a better quality of life. This is a point that critics of the government’s proposal must take note.
Impact of a potential exacerbation of the crisis if large numbers reach their current retirement age
The core logic of the extension is to maintain the total volume of daily judicial work and prevent a catastrophic spike in the backlog caused by upcoming mandatory retirements. While an extension does not instantly add new seats to the bench, the government argues it acts as a stabilizing measure to protect the system’s current capacity in the event of retirement of many judges. This point has validity depending on the number of judges at all levels who will reach their current retirement age.
The government uses several key points to argue that this policy helps lower the backlog:
1. Retaining Highly Efficient “Powerhouses”
In higher appellate courts, a massive chunk of the case backlog is cleared by a small percentage of highly experienced, fast-working judges who understand complex legal bottlenecks. Forcing them to retire right as they reach peak efficiency stalls complex trials. Keeping them on the bench for two more years preserves this critical momentum.
2. Eliminating the “Transition Lag”
Whenever a judge retires, a vacancy is created that frequently takes 6 to 12 months (or longer) to fill due to political stalemates, executive delays, and constitutional reviews.
During this empty period, that judge’s entire active caseload grinds to a complete halt, drastically worsening the backlog.
Extending the retirement age bypasses this transition gap entirely for two years, keeping those active courtrooms functioning without interruption.
3. Mitigating the severe recruitment shortage
As highlighted by the Ministry of Justice, Sri Lanka is facing a critical brain drain and a lack of qualified applicants willing to join the public bench (e.g., only 33 applicants for 50 magistrate openings). Because the state cannot find enough new, qualified legal minds to fill traditional exits, extending the tenure of existing judges prevents the overall number of active judges from shrinking even further.
4. Maximizing Return on Institutional Knowledge
A judge’s value to the legal system increases with their years on the bench. The state argues that letting senior judges retire early forces the system to spend time and resources training replacements (if they can find them), whereas keeping veteran judges utilizes fully developed judicial expertise to dispose of backlogged cases at a faster rate
Concerns and Opposition
Judicial Independence: Groups like the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) and the Commonwealth Lawyers Association have raised concerns that ad-hoc or piecemeal constitutional changes affect judicial neutrality and public trust.
Lack of Consultation: Critics argue that altering tenure parameters should only happen through broad, transparent structural reforms rather than isolated amendments.
It is reported that Sri Lanka faces a severe shortage of judges and an overwhelming backlog of over 1.1 million pending court cases, with the crisis spanning the entire legal framework, from local Magistrate’s Courts up to the Supreme Court.
The breakdown of the number of pending cases amounting to 1,134,474 according to an official Ministry of Justice report released in Sri Lanka, across 293 courts as of June 30, 2025, are as follows
Magistrate Courts: 818,869 cases (where the acute shortage of field applicants leaves local courts overwhelmed)
District Courts: 260,007 cases
High Court (Criminal): 27,376 cases
Civil Appellate High Court: 6,591 cases
Commercial High Court: 6,330 cases
Supreme Court: 5,396 cases
Court of Appeal: 5,216 cases
It is also reported that there is a severe institutional deficit with only one Magistrate’s Court for approximately every 315,000 citizens. For context, India has one judicial hall per 65,000 people and the UK has one per 115,000 people. To add to this, Sri Lanka faces a low recruitment crisis with a recent government recruitment drive aiming to hire 50 magistrates attracting 33 applicants, leaving immediate vacancies unfilled at the bottom of the judiciary ladder. For reasons best known to the government, the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal have eight unfilled seats and filling these with competent judges would greatly help in reducing the backlog of cases.
Underfunding appears to be a core issue impacting on the judiciary system, as Sri Lanka reportedly allocates just 0.57% of its total government expenditure to the administration of justice (roughly Rs. 2,500 per citizen).
Reasons for the shortage of Judges
The Severe “Brain Drain” (2022–2024): The residual effects of Sri Lanka’s intense economic crisis triggered a massive wave of professionals migrating out of the country. This severely depleted talent across the entire public sector, including the legal and judicial fields.
Delays in Executive Appointments: Critics and legal observers note that the executive branch frequently delays filling open seats in the Supreme Court and Court of Appeal.
Inadequate financial & physical Infrastructure: Low public spending has left courts with aging infrastructure, minimal technological capacity, and uncompetitive compensation packages. This discourages top-tier legal minds from the private Bar from transitioning into public judicial roles.
Compounded Public Sector Retirement Rules: Previous sweeping policy shifts, such as lowering the public sector retirement age to 60, accelerated an exit of institutional knowledge across state organs, straining administrative support structures that judges rely on
SUMMARY
In respect of the BASL argument that a more holistic approach is needed to address the many issues impacting on the current judiciary system, a case does exist to move towards a well-functioning (including the required infrastructure), well-funded, well trained and well remunerated judiciary. However, it is difficult to understand why and how an extension to the judge’s tenure could be seen as interfering with the judiciary. Perhaps the BASL could have argued for a comprehensive plan with guaranteed funding, that addresses key issues impacting on the judiciary with the extension of the judge’s tenure by two years being one part of such a plan that could be implemented immediately. Such a plan, perhaps spread over 5 years, could have been developed after relevant stakeholder consultations.
It is understood that the Sri Lankan government has an active plan to address severe court delays and backlogs through expanding judicial capacity, digitising courts, which includes raising the mandatory retirement age of judges. The government established three new High Courts for bribery and corruption cases, expanded Colombo Commercial High Court capacity, and added a new court to the Civil Appellate High Court. Digital workflows have been completed for the Supreme Court and Court of Appeal, with rollouts planned for the rest of the court network. Steps are underway to boost judicial numbers, including appointing new magistrates.
While these are commendable, the government should engage in developing a long-term plan to address issues facing the judiciary and include all of above in such a plan plus other strategies to enable it to serve the people with greater efficiency and effectiveness, justly, impartially and fearlessly. A backlog of over 1.1 million cases is not justice but an injustice to the people.
As the seventh President of the USA, Andrew Jackson said, “All the rights secured to the citizens under the Constitution are worth nothing, and a mere bubble, except guaranteed to them by an independent and virtuous Judiciary.”
‘Before you study the economics, study the economists!’
e-Con e-News 19-25 July 2026
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‘Why did no one see it coming?’
– England’s Queen Elizabeth asked
the London School of Economics (LSE)
about the 2008 capitalist meltdown
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‘The Government is preparing to restore criminal sanctions
for serious foreign exchange offences after investigations
into approximately $715mn remitted overseas through
fraudulent import transactions exposed a gap
in Sri Lanka’s legal framework.’ – ee Finance,
Govt to Bring Back Criminal Sanctions for FX Violations
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Headline news this week about an apparent ‘leakage’ or legal ‘gap’, which actually amounts to far more than admitted, was written to read like a detective novel, with the CID hounds sniffing at the Colombo Fort’s always fishy seaside airs more deeply:
The Criminal Investigation Department’s (CID) is said to be investigating ‘approximately $715million transferred overseas between January 2023 & March 2026 [a curious timeframe] through 105 shell companies using import documentation that did not result in actual goods brought into Sri Lanka. The CID has identified 55 individuals, 227 bank accounts, & approximately 24,300 telegraphic transfers (TTs) processed through 13 State & private banks as part of the alleged scheme.’ The blame is also placed on the proverbial Dubai drug traffickers…
Meanwhile Central Bank scammer, footnote fetishist & favorite media go-to, the Ceylon Tobacco Co’s main parliamentary lobbyist & SJB MP, Harsha de Silva is desperately trying to divert blame on to ‘failing to enforce existing laws & poor technical coordination, rather than a lack of legislation’. And CBSL officials rushed to assure financial finaglers & ‘laundry’ owners that any legislative ‘changes would not reverse the liberalization of Sri Lanka’s foreign exchange regime’.
The Asian Development Bank (ADB) was also thanked for, albeit belatedly, alerting the government to such criminality even as ‘the abuse of advance import payments may have begun much earlier. The ‘leakage’, which feels like a flood, followed the enactment of the Foreign Exchange Act of 2017, which decriminalised foreign exchange offences & replaced the previous enforcement regime with a predominantly civil framework; that is: allowed criminals accused of such frauds to escape jail. Moral hazard, anyone? So, what’s going on? 2017 suggests the presently ruling JVP was also part of the then ruling coalition that passed this leaky Foreign Exchange Act.
Serendipitously, we came across ee September 2023 Part 3, which offers a treasure trove of information that makes clear that such legislative changes to capital controls, ie, permitted leakages, were demanded from ‘up high’, possibly reaching beyond, to the gods themselves but more related to the everyday accounting practices of multinational corporations (MNCs):
‘Unnamed ‘senior officials of the Asia/Pacific Group on Money Laundering (APG)‘ were in Colombo [in September 2023], just before the IMF arrived. The APG is permanently located in Australia. The Central Bank of Sri Lanka was a rotating APG co-chairperson, 2016-18, when Indrajit Coomaraswamy was CB Governor. It was during his charge in July-Aug 2017 that the Exchange Control Act of 1953 was scrapped, leading to the haemorrhage of billions of dollars out of the country, & bankruptcy in 2022’:
Coomaraswamy says he did not draft the bill,
it was done by ‘outside’ forces:
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‘The Parliamentary Select Committee, assigned to investigate the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, raised the Foreign Exchange Control Act of 2017, with the Central Bank, on 26 July 2019.’ Then Power, Energy & Business Development Minister Ravi Karunanayake (later implicated in the 2015 bondscam) strongly countered CBSL condemnation of the new Foreign Exchange Act. Commenting on funds received from Saudi Arabia on 21 occasions, the CBSL stressed that the new Act weakened the CBSL regulatory role, vis-a-vis illegal transactions by institutions linked with those blamed for the attacks. The CBSL took an unwavering stand that the new law impeded its regulatory powers, thereby facilitating illegal transactions.
Ravi Karunanayake (RK): Where does it say such transactions cannot be inquired into in terms of the new Act?
CBSL: In accordance with 2017 Exchange Control Act, Section 30, action cannot be taken.
RK: You prepared that Act. Why are you pretending as if you don’t know anything about it? CBSL amended it several times & sent it back.
Coomaraswamy: No Sir. The Act actually was not drafted by us.
RK: Why not?
Coomaraswamy: No Sir. It was done outside. We were actually very upset about it. We were not included. That was drafted without the CBSL being involved.’ (see ee September 2023, Part 2)
So, who drafted the new Act? The Island report does not say. Let us recall that Suresh Kumar Shah, chair of British American Tobacco’s Ceylon Tobacco Co (BAT-CTC) was appointed chair of the SoE Restructuring Agency in September 2022. ‘A separate agency to restructure state enterprises’ had been announced rather quietly by President Ranil Wickremesinghe in US media outlet EconomyNext. These SoEs are ‘eating up people’s taxes’, Ranil wailed.
Shah was Chair of the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce (CCC, 2013-15) and was replaced by Rajendra Theagarajah, who backed by ‘independent economists’, pushed the infamous Foreign Exchange Management Act (FEMA), which removed capital controls:
‘Foreign investors wooed to invest in Sri Lanka, gain & take profits away at whim‘ – an excited CCC headline announced after the new Foreign Exchange Act No12 was imposed in July 2017, during the US-funded Yahapalana regimen:
‘The concept of foreign-exchange control has now disappeared from our dialogue’, Rajendra Theagarajah, Ceylon Chamber chair told a visiting New Zealand business delegation in Colombo. ‘That 5-decades-old Act has been repealed & replaced by a much more investor-friendly FEMA’, announced the ‘Veteran Banker’. ‘FEMA allows you to invest your money in your chosen ventures, make gains & take your profit away as & when you wish, without having to obtain any formal, regulatory approval from the authorities.’ Theagarajah, once CEO of 3 private commercial banks, is also a ‘Senior Visiting Fellow’ of Milinda Moragoda’s Rockefeller-funded Pathfinder Foundation.
‘Rajendra Theagarajah has chaired the Sri Lanka Banks Association, the Asian Banks Association and Lanka Financial Services Bureau, and served on the boards of Lanka Clear and Colombo Stock Exchange, USA Chamber of Commerce (Ancham), Sri Lanka Institute of Directors and Chairman of Ceylon Chamber of Commerce (2017-19). He is now also on the Boards of Siam City, Sri Lanka, Professional Insurance Corporation of Zambia, Chairman of First Capital Holdings, Janashakti Finance, Payable, and the Board of Trustees of Colours of Courage. In 2022, he was titled Chairman Emeritus” of The Asian Banks Association…and has ‘made significant contributions towards policy advocacy issues such as the Corporate Governance Framework for Banks, Basel III adoption and Fair Value Accounting by Banks, Financial Inclusion and more recently development of Fintec Sand Box-framework for Banks.’
By January 2022, Theagarajah’s pal Shah was complaining about a ‘foreign currency crisis’ making it difficult for corporates to open Letters of Credit (LCs): ‘The path ahead of us is to restructure debt, set out a credible plan to improve our financial position, use this plan for an IMF program, get affordable bridging finance from multilaterals & implement the plan vigorously.’
So, will the APF investigated the Theagarajahs & Shahs? No way. They are faithful servants of empire: The APG Secretariat is permanently located in Sydney, Australia. The permanent Co-Chair is Australia, now represented by Australian Federal Police’s Ian McCartney, and the current rotating Co-Chair is Julien Brazeau, Associate Assistant Deputy Minister of Finance in Department of Finance Canada.
The APG’s visit came a month after the SL Cabinet of Ministers approved the Anti-MoneyLaundering & Countering the Financing of Terrorism National Policy for 2023-28.
11 APG members are also members of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF): Australia, Canada, India, China, Hong Kong. APG observers include: Asian Development Bank, European Commission, FATF, IMF, UN Office on Drugs & Crime (UNODC), & World Bank.’
So, there it is! We have the word of that Royalist rugby player, former CBSL governor & present Japan Cement director, Indrajit Coomaraswamy, that it was ‘outside forces’, ‘up high’ who punctured the leak in the ship of state. Will the CID oblige and sniff them down? We won’t hold our breath, cos that may mean another fact-finding mission to London or New York, or…
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The government in Sri Lanka is sending troops to Haiti to join the UN’s ‘Gang Suppression Force’. This ‘force’ is commanded by the USA & Canada, etc. But… but, who are the realgangsters in Haiti? The USA, Canada, along with France, organized the kidnapping of Haiti’s sitting President Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 2004. They have continued to assassinate leaders who do not conform to their commands. Haiti President Jovenel Moïse was assassinated in July 2021, when Julie Chung was Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs. Chung was removed a few weeks after, perhaps due to the bloody messiness of the hit, and the dismal optics, and therefore posted to Sri Lanka, an ocean away, as envoy, in February 2022, to accelerate an almost bloodless coup against then-President Gotabaya Rajapakse.
Just over 200 years before the kidnapping of Aristide, in 1802 (just as England was unsuccessfully attacking the highland kingdom of Sinhalé) France kidnapped Toussaint L’Ouverture, the leader who had expelled 3 European Armies, French, Spanish & English, from Haiti. France had invited L’Ouverture to talk ‘peace’ on a ship, then whisked him away. He was killed in a French prison. Henry Wadsworth Longfellow was prompted to even pen a poem about L’Ouverture.
The Europeans were befuddled by the ability of supposedly illiterate African ‘slaves’ to defeat the 3 armies. They blamed the Haitian victories on ‘Black Magic’, on the occult powers of superstitious savages – they called it ‘Voodoo’.
The English expelled from Haiti then resorted to its own ‘voodoo’ in Sri Lanka by enacting a coup d’etat in 1815, opening the highlands, after murdering & expelling the Sinhala, to the ravages of coffee (& later, tea) plantations. The handbook, which was used to teach planters in Ceylon, and advocated torture & murder, was a text authored by a French coffee planter in Haiti, and republished in Colombo in 1842.
‘Voodoo Economics’ was the term used by the corporate media in Sri Lanka to describe the Gotabaya Rajapaksa (GR) administration’s massive tax cuts imposed in late 2019, to appease so-called entrepreneurs, which led to a drop in government revenue, that was exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic (not to mention the legal ‘drain’ of dollars from the country that occured after 2017). The term was then extended to covering ‘money printing’ to discourage the government from directing Central Bank funds to invest in the country’s modern industrially productive energies.
‘Voodoo Economics’ is a term imported from the USA. Former CIA leader George Bush, when he ran in the 1980 US presidential primaries, taged his opponent Ronald Reagan’s proposed policies as ‘voodoo economics’ (aka Reaganomics based on supply-side economics or ‘trickle-down economics’). Reagan claimed a cut in tax rates would result in an increase in tax revenue, and thus not increase the government deficit. Regan called it ‘free-market economics’.
Shiran Illanperuma feels the use of the term ‘voodoo economics’ by the ‘economic establishment’ in Sri Lanka to describe GR policies links more to its white supremacist origins, to add to the English Colombo’s denigration of (meaning to treat as a ‘Negro, to blacken’) the Rajapakse family as rustic rural rubes. He recalls that ‘plantations came to Sri Lanka after slavery was outlawed in the Caribbean’ and ‘labour practices in Sri Lankan & Caribbean plantations were not that different’ (see ee Focus).
However, Illanperuma’s interest in his latest essay (‘Can Sri Lankans Do Economics’) is the miseducation promoted by ‘mainstream economics’ in Sri Lanka, which steadfastly ignores the ‘longer-term structural crisis’ of Sri Lanka’s colonial import-export plantation economy:
The spectre of ‘voodoo economics’ became a convenient way
to discredit anything that challenged the cookie-cutter prescriptions
ofneoclassical economics. In a sense, it was theeconomics
establishment’sway of absolving itself from blame.
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Illanperuma also takes aim at the Ministry of Education & the Central Bank, which claim to be promoting ‘financial literacy’ blaming the state of the economy on people’s idiocy. Yet he points to United Nations Conference of Trade & Development (UNCTAD) reports where Sri Lanka’s situation is not at all different from most of the world – trapped in debt bondage. Yet, we are lectured:
You are in debt because you have misbehaved,
taxed too little, & printed too much money.
You have been corrupt – as if there is no corruption
in the USA, the European Union, & Japan.
It’s a strange assertion.
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He then traces the ‘75 years since the birth of modern Sri Lankan economics’. Most interesting is the recall that the Central Bank, at the moment of its birth in 1950 under the US economist John Exter, devalued the Sri Lankan rupee by 30% against the US Dollar. However, Illanperuma does not mention the devaluation helped the USA buy rubber inexpensively, for its war waged to divide Korea… nor that Exter promoted (not modern industrial production), but widespread conspicuous consumption in order to bribe the so-called middle class to remain tied to colonialism.
Illanperuma suggests ‘voodoo economics’ could well translate as ‘Yaka Economics’ in Sri Lanka. Yaka, translated by the English as ‘devil’, actually relates to ancestral worship. We need a true Yaka Economics, that will not only finally expel the English (& their US & EU avatara) but also free us from the deadly embrace of their slave plantation & incessant ‘export’ prognoses.
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This week saw ‘tea smallholders’ accuse traders of stealing their foreign-exchanged dollars. Meanwhile, the Planters’ Association accused gangs of stealing crops (see ee Agriculture). They seek to divert from the backwardness of the plantation economy, and its need to rip off unfree workers, which immiserates the economy and all workers as a whole, in Sri Lanka.
This low-wage economy remains the main focus of SBD de Silva’s 1982 classic ThePolitical Economy of Underdevelopment, as ee Focus continues his Chapter 12 on ‘Labour Relations in Plantations’. In this brilliant excerpt, SBD examines the ‘extra-market forces’ that conditioned the ‘wage levels and working conditions’ of Indian labour in plantations. And just as interestingly, he compares the relatively ‘better’ treatment of Chinese workers, due to the different ways in which workers were ‘recruited, organized & controlled.’ He provides a fascinating glimpse into the Chinese in Malaysia, who were much better organized, demanding, and receiving better wages & conditions.
This week saw the merchant media in Sri Lanka excavate old colonial English tropes such as ‘triads’ to explain a dispute between 2 groups of Chinese people in Colombo. SBD traces the origins of such dubious terms, in the role played by ‘mutual aid societies’ in protecting workers, as well as the policies pursued by the English authorities to divide Malay, Chinese & Indian workers. He also describes the structured impediments to solidarity among Indian workers, sabotaging their ability to bargain with employers. He examines the curious role Christianity played among enslaved Africans, which made them assume an equality with the planters, whereas the retention of Hindu practices enabled the planter to promote deep divisions among workers.
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‘On 20 Jan 2025, a small Chinese AI startup called DeepSeek sent shockwaves
through Silicon Valley by releasing an AI model that matched the most advanced
US models built by Google, OpenAI, & Anthropic – systems that had required
$10billions & the most advanced chips… Within days, Nvidia’s stock began cratering,
wiping out $600bn in market capitalisation on 27 Jan,
the largest single-day loss in stock market history.’
This ee Focus also continues Bappa Sinha’s intriguing deep dive into ‘China’s rapid technological advances’, which he says offers ‘hope for the Global South to break the dominance & dependence imposed by the West’. Sinha’s ‘Breaking the Stranglehold: How China is Shattering US Technological Hegemony’ examines the sharp difference between the differing national approaches, between ‘Embodied Intelligence’ and ‘Algorithmic Rent-Seeking.’ He also outlines ‘competing AI visions’ midst the desperate efforts by the US & EU’s ruling classes to sabotage China’s & the rest of the world’s paths to economic advance.
‘China’s socialist planning system identified renewables
as strategic industries, directed massive subsidies &
cheap finance, absorbed early failures, & scaled up
successes. State enterprises, public banks, grid overhauls
& industrial policy allowed coordination on a national scale’
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Sinha provides a snapshot of the latest nodes in the tech wars, involving AI & data centers, robotics, renewables, nuclear reactors, & rare earths. He points out that the issue about rare earths is not its actual sparseness & extraction – it is available across the earth’s crust – but in its intricate processes of ‘separation & refinement’. The USA, sitting on its past laurels, closed its rare earth processing sites and instead, has chosen to make money from money, rather than invest in modern production. With an ageing infrastructure & outdated technologies, their main aim right now is to prevent China’s (& Cuba’s, etc.) threat of a good example.
Imperial control has historically operated
through energy scarcity – restricting
hydrocarbon access, controlling
shipping routes, & manipulating prices.
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The USA’s biggest fear is that other countries will adopt China’s model of growth, hence the resort to tariffs and export & import controls, while promoting ‘free trade’ for over a century! As numerous analysts point out, China’s economy & AI is rooted in ‘the material base’ of industrial production & application, using automation to lower costs, improve quality & increase capacity, while lifting their people’s quality of life.
Many observers, however, see the USA’s massive investments in AI as suckering investors to create a bubble & burst it, so as to further monopolize the latest technologies, which it hopes, by hook or by crook, to take full control.
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Imperialism (or hyper-imperialism) has adopted a variety of strategies and tactics to prevent the coming together of the world majority to confront and overcome their repressive. ee Focus’s latest excerpt of ‘Hyper-Imperialism: A Dangerous Decadent New Stage’, looks at those countries (excluding Sri Lanka) that have played a current or historically progressive role in the world – ‘The relative degree to which they are targets of regime change and their role in publicly advancing international anti-imperialist stances.’ From Brazil to South Africa, Algeria to Nepal & Zimbabwe & Namibia, as well as many others, the Tricontinental Institute tabulates their role in independence struggles, and the countries that still seek to control them, via sanctions & military interventions (demanding bases, etc.), as well as their striving to form wider alliances to overcome subjugation.
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• The media coverage of the killing of 5 workers by fire, in a safety helmet factorythat apparently flouted environmental rules, lasted 2 days at most. It’s hard to avoid the exaggerated claims about environmental concerns (amid incessant conferences in air-conditioned rooms, wearing woolen suits & asphyxiating ties – who pays for them?) by the USA’s & EU’s lip services in Sri Lanka, like their Chambers of Commerce, their thinktanks & economists. They claim to be promoting ‘green’ & ‘sustainable alternatives’, but in truth they are efforts to prevent us from adopting the latest & more inexpensive techniques from China. The same goes for the promises to harness Sri Lanka’s mineral & energy resources. Companies are buying up access not to develop these resources like graphene, according to an industrial plan, but to hoard & prevent competitors from gaining control. The fire at the factory in the Katuwana Industrial Zone, ‘manufacturing’ safety helmets, reminds that the white man, and their honorary white allies, have only permitted labor-intensive & toxic-material-related production in our countries.
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• The resort to lawfare, constantly crying about corruption without naming the real thieves ‘up high’, arresting or threatening arrest of political opponents to keep them and the country off-balance, buzz like flies swarming around an open wound that is kept suppurating. While promoting the rule of rent-seeking merchants who are fronts for MNCs, this constant stream of accusations appears to be more about appeasing the white man’s hallucinatory demons, and a narrow minority’s thirst for revenge, than removing the merchant & moneylender mafia that block our road to industrialization.
Meanwhile, the English media in Sri Lanka, seemingly written largely for white diplomats, who can order the removal of an editor or journalist, at the flick of a keyboard, is clogged with the telegraphed largesse about all the wonderful aid & goodies they keep promising. No media dares deconstruct this ‘aid’ – with no mention that it involves paying for services & parts to be obtained from the donor forever…
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• The imperial beast is holding (stalling) our development under its clawed paw. They know well about our abundant resources, diverting from our needed destiny by blabbering about our being a ‘small island’ etc. It is unclear what the government’s actual plan is for industrialization, with no mention of supply chains, etc. Then again, consider the accomplishments of a TB Illangaratne, Philip Gunawardena, William Silva, G Ponnambalam, etc, in setting up industries with the USSR’s help. The present ‘rulers’ seem almost incompetent & incoherent, but perhaps we live in another more straitened time…yet…
A recent Daily News story about China helping to build agricultural machinery, reminds that much of the media is written, especially headlines, in the future tense, using infinitives, i.e., the timeline for implementation, usually extending to infinity, like an Alabama jail sentence for African Americans, over several lifetimes, never to be served or seen to served within our own brief sojourn in samsara. The story does not elaborate on what if they do proceed, and what would the small private armies of finance companies, sales agents for Kubota & Massey Ferguson & Mahindra, do to sabotage its progress?
The internet must be overflowing with the multitude of promises to ‘manufacture’ machines in Sri Lanka? Though of course, they mean assembly right? Handicraft & manufacture are not modern production. Our idiot media and related politicians can’t or won’t say exactly when such dreams will materialize? Which reminds, RW, who promised to manufacture Volkswagens, with the German envoy in tow, should be renamed VW?
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• Knock off Starlink – There are calls for Russia to ‘take out’, ie, blow the white supremacist Elon Musk’s Starlink satellites out of the sky, because they are being used to wage wars & guide missiles to bomb civilians & infrastructure from Palestine to Iran and from East & West Africa to Russia. The ‘celebrity’ Musk, playing the role of hyper individualist & uber man, is just a front man for the white supremacist military & media industrial complex. He qualifies as a terrorist. It is also becoming clearer that fascism & Nazism is not just restricted to Eastern & Western Europe – ‘capitalism puking out undigested barbarism’ – but is rooted in the history & practices of the settler colonial states beginning with the USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, north & South Africa, and now most evident in the genocidal occupation of Palestine. The old dichotomy of Germans vs Jews can be laid to rest. There were Germans who fought Nazis, and Jews who promoted Nazis. Zionism has proved to be another version of Nazism. With the USA & EU goading Russia & China into open warfare, there are constant predictions the USA will use, or get their satrapies to use, nuclear weapons, spark a bigger fire to douse the growing small & big fires of resistance & revolution. Meanwhile, diplomats from the EU, Germany, Holland & France – all countries from a continent still afraid to offer reparations through industrial reconstruction, for horrors lasting over 500 years of forever colonial warfare, producing new bones every day – are traveling to Chemmani in the Jaffna peninsula, to rustle through even more new bones…
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• The sabotage of underwater cables, many of which surreptitiously slither data in & out of Sri Lanka, may soon also become permissible & admissible targets. With the USA, and its killer pitbulls & poodles, escalating their wars on Eastern Europe & West Asia, slouching towards possible nuclear war, making no distinction between military & civilian, all bets are off. Having sabotaged the Nordstream pipeline to block Europe’s access to Russian oil, the USA has proceeded to hijack Venezuela’s oil, block Cuba’s access to oil, get Panama to seize China’s legal assets there, demand Canada & Greenland prevent access to their seas by other countries – proclaiming the Western Hemisphere as their own, even as they demand a ‘free & open’ Indian Ocean, while blocking the Persian Gulf, stepping up attacks in the Black Sea, fighting open & covert wars in Africa, east & west, and Southeast Asia (Myanmar, Thailand, Cambodia), pushing Japan & the Philippines, and the renegade province of Taiwan, to goad China… yes, all bets are off…
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• Memory Matter – When Memory Dies is the title of a novel about 20th century Sri Lanka by London-based A Sivanandan, a novel which credits Kumari Jayawardena’s classic The Rise of the Labour Movement in Ceylon. But did memory ‘die’ or was it ‘killed’? England’s ‘Operation Legacy’ demanded that all files, held abroad, & related to England’s colonial depredations, be burned (en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Legacy). Someone should write about how the English High Commission carried out ‘Operation Legacy’ in Sri Lanka, exactly how & where the files were burned, and the ensuing amnesia that made the past melt away…
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• Keeping the World Off-Balance – Meanwhile, oligarchies across the world whose moneys and assets are invested in the USA & Europe, keep blaming a single US President, whose flatulent tweets shift from day-to-day, not realizing that such vacillating reflects the strategies of a ruling class that is uncertain about which way or method to wield to maintain their hegemony. These same vested-interest oligarchies, particularly in Asia, like to blame Israel, for what are long-standing European & Anglo-American policies. Israel is an expendable white settler colonial satellite that would not last a day without US and EU funds and weapons. The USA’s so-called ‘Democratic Party’ would be just as bad as the Republicans for the rest of the world, if not worse, in the long run. Trump has stolen his cadences from earlier dictators like Mussolini, & comedians past. Just as Obama stole Malcolm X’s postures & spacing. Hollywood has an army of such coaches for the expensive theatre of fake electoral freedom & democracy. Democrat or Republican matters little, they are all wings of the US Capitalist Party (UCP). ‘If you stick a knife in my back 9 inches and pull it out 6 inches, that’s not progress,’ quipped Malcolm X, when asked about any differences.
Sri Lanka’s ruling merchants & related wannabes, and their media, also wallow in a dream world, decorated with imported fantasies & hallucinations. The rumours & threats and actual horrors seem not to deter their prognoses of progress or ‘growth’.
Sri Lanka foreign reserves fall to $6.4bn
amid higher imports, CB expects recovery
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‘Responding to questions on the decline in official reserves
during June, [CBSL governor] Weerasinghe rejected
suggestions that vehicle imports alone were responsible.
‘It was not only vehicle imports. Overall import demand
has been elevated across a broad range of categories’
(see ee Economists, CBSL sees demand cooling after
rate hike, expects inflation to return to 5% target)
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The USA’s IMF and related ‘capital market’ & economists, keep making predictions of ‘growth’, demanding Sri Lanka adhere to their prescriptions, even as the IMF’s paymasters, the USA, are desperately trying to prevent the rise of Asia, constantly threatening & waging wars, declared & undeclared, hot & cold. Their unswerving optimism in the face of their negative actions, undeterred by reality, suggests that they could easily be replaced by robots, which can conjure optimism as prompted.
While foreigners are buying up properties in Sri Lanka, which for them are bought at fire-sale prices, our citizens are being forced to leave the country, with the ruling party even gaily announcing they have arranged for 100s if not 1,000s to go work in war-torn Israel, etc. Meanwhile Europe & Anglo-North America, are building more jails, detention centres and internment camps, to prepare for more war, signalling they will soon make military recruitment mandatory, and bring back the draft as the USA had during their war against Vietnam. So good luck with the reliance on remittances then… Corpses don’t tell tales or make money transfers, using undiyal, hawala, Western Express, or Unilever’s transfer-pricing mechanisms…
