‘LOGISTICS AND SHIPPING INDUSTRIES MUST BE LIBERALISED’

November 15th, 2022

By Ishara Gamage Courtesy Ceylon Today

The newly appointed Chairman of the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA), Dr. Sarath Obeysekera has called for immediate liberalisation of the shipping and logistics sectors in Sri Lanka.

In a letter to President Ranil Wickremesinghe, he stated that there is a general consensus among the majority of stakeholders in the shipping industry for such a liberalisation policy.

I have observed that Sri Lanka has not really capitalised to reap the benefits of liberalisation, which was mooted a few years back, despite the fact that the island is located on a strategic shipping route. If this industry is liberalised, it can contribute in a big way to enhancing the national GDP,” he stated.

The SLPA Chairman stated that Sri Lanka needs to open and liberalise the shipping and logistics sector to attract global capital as an investment.

Sri Lanka has no headquarters of international brands of shipping or logistics companies and is considered as just a cost centre, he said.

The Chairman further observed that competition in the region is extremely high.

The Port of Colombo is in direct competition with regional ports, which include Dubai and Abu Dhabi in the United Arab Emirates; and Salalah Port in Oman. Singapore Port Klang and the Port of Tanjung Pelepas in Malaysia’s east, he noted. 

In the near future, major ports being developed in India, such as Vizhinjam port in Kerala, too, will compete with us. In the past, Colombo was a main transshipment hub for the western coastal ports of India. But now they have attracted direct services, thus stransshipment via Colombo. Ports such as Ennore on the West Coast of India with deep water facilities have commenced attracting services that link ports in Bangladesh, thus depriving Colombo of its main catchment area”, he added.

Although Colombo happens to be the logically ideal port to transship cargo from Bangladesh to the western markets, major volumes still continue to flow through Singapore, PTP, and Port Klang. In these countries, the maritime logistics industry has been fully liberalised, thus encouraging major shipping lines to have their Asian bases there. They have also invested in and are managing joint venture container terminal facilities in these ports, the Chairman said. 

However, the SLPA Chiarman stated that the business of creating a logistics and shipping hub is in the hands of global ship owners and global logistics companies, who possess the capital, know how, technology, and sources to increase business and can change the dynamics of our location. 

Wherever there are ship owners and logistics companies, those countries have thrived as hubs.” These include the United Arab Emirates; Singapore; and Hong Kong in this part of the world; and ports such as Hamburg, Rotterdam, and Felixstowe in Europe and the UK.” he stated.

All these countries are fully open for investment without government intervention and protectionism in these sectors.

In India, in response to its economic crisis in 1991, it fully liberalised these sectors to attract investment.

Sri Lanka is in danger of losing its business to competition and investment opportunities. Major shipping lines and logistics companies indicate that they are reluctant to invest in Sri Lanka due to the non-liberal environment.

Dr. Sarath Obeysekera therefore recommends that the shipping and logistics sectors be liberalised to promote investment and long-term ambitions to become an international logistics hub. 

Thilan’s Speech is One of the Best on Economics If Reasons Were Included

November 15th, 2022

Dilrook Kannangara

This year’s Olcott Speech at Ananda College by Thilan Wijesinghe was a refreshing presentation of what went wrong with the Sri Lankan economy. It was an apt topic given the fact that the school had produced many winners who decorated the nation with prestige and who saved the nation when under threat. The presentation contained plenty of factual matter and substance. However, it lacked the reasons for the outcomes presented in those charts. Though reasons may be politically and socially sensitive, unless these are addressed, the economic crisis will not end.

Annual Economic Growth Was Higher During the War than After War (excluding 2010, 2011 and 2012)

A striking indicator that speaks volumes. It is indeed so as can be seen from GDP growth rates for the past 40 years. There are valid economic reasons behind it. During the war, the economic contribution of the north and the east was low. The economy of those two provinces did not grow significantly as they didn’t get large government investments and the war disrupted economic activity. Almost all government investments went to the seven provinces outside the north and east and they were the engine of growth. These seven provinces held the economy and never failed to deliver.

With the end of the war, large government investments went in to the north and the east. In fact, most government investments went to the north and east. As peace returned northern and eastern economies grew at astronomical pace far outpacing the seven provinces in 2010, 2011 and 2012. However, by 2013 the growth spiral stalled in the north and the east. Economic growth rate in the seven provinces reduced as no government investments (compared to war time) were made in the seven provinces.

The seven provinces account for about 90% of economic activity. North and east account for about 10%.

Even if that 10% of the north and east grew at 10% (for instance), if the seven provinces grew at only 2% (for instance), the national economic growth would be only 2.8% (10% times 10% plus 90% times 2%) which is poor.

Conversely, if during the war the northern and eastern economy grew at 0% but if the rest grew at 5% (for instance), the national economy would have grown at more than 4.5% (10% times 0% plus 90% times 5%) which is a healthy growth. However, the north and east economies were less than 10% during the war. If it was 5% and if the other provinces’ growth figures remained, then the national economic growth would have been 4.75% (5% times 0% plus 95% times 5%). Even better.

Sri Lanka’s GDP would have grown much faster had the government invested more in the seven provinces (the sustained engine of growth) and less in the north and the east (temporary fast growth for 3 years only).

To apply the same as above assuming generous government investments outside the north and east, assuming the north and east economies only grew at a sustained pace of just 5% and the rest at 10%, the national economy would have grown at 9.5% which is excellent growth (10% times 5% plus 90% times 10%). If that was done, Sri Lanka would have come close to a Newly Industrialized Nation by now.

Exports as a Percentage of GDP Keeps Falling, Particularly After War

Sri Lanka’s exports as a percentage of the total economy has been falling since 1995. Despite new export markets and products, the percentage kept declining since the end of the war. This is also due to the high economic growth rate for a short span in the north and east without exports particularly from the north. The north has no noticeable exports but imports massively increased after the war.

Things would have been better had the government invested in export and import substitution industries in the north instead of building houses, by-roads, free initial electricity and telecommunication connections and accelerated and complete demining (beyond a low-cost needs-based demining). Cement factories, chemical extraction, mining mineral sands and others and forestry industries would have earned export dollars. However, the government did not invest in these as the people in the north and east opposed these industries. Such industries would have given people their own income to build their houses, etc.

Tax Revenue as a Percentage of GDP Keeps Falling, Particularly After War

This is also due to high GDP growth rate in the north and east after the war but very low tax collection from the two provinces. Tax collection as a percentage of GDP was highest when the entire northern province and parts of the eastern province were not within government control in the early 1990s! That’s for the same reason.

Sri Lanka’s net foreign reserves were also at highest sustained levels in early 1990s for the very same reason. The north has no exports and during the war had very little imports. Exports remained near zero during peace time but imports from the north massively increased.

FDI Inflows Were Higher During the War Than After War

This is the combined impact of all the above. Foreign investors learned the lesson from Sri Lanka’s economic, export and fiscal trajectory though the government failed to learn it. As a result, they refrained from investing in the island post war. The north and east do not provide many attractive investment opportunities and the economic growth rate of the seven provinces (areas of engine of economic growth) was also low due to governments’ relative neglect since the end of the war.

Foreign Debt Trap

A simple cashflow projection would have alerted the government to the impending debt trap tightening since 2020. It could have been done at least 8 years before things went bad. Sri Lanka Development Bonds raised in dollars to develop the north in the early years of post-war reconstruction became payable starting from 2020 onward (2010 plus 10 years, 2011 plus 10 years and 2012 plus 10 years). Sri Lanka sovereign bonds taken at that time were also invested in the north and east. These were for 5 years but when they fell due, there were no additional export earnings from the north and east to repay them. They were extended by another 5 years. They too fell due from 2020 onwards (2010 plus 5 years times 2 for extension).

Over 85% of dollar loans were invested in the north from 2009 to 2013 but the north earns no export dollars. What happens next is anyone’s guess! Remittances received by northerners were there during war time too. In fact, they reduced as the north developed post war as they didn’t require so much handouts when their economy developed. This actually reduced dollar donations into the north by the Diaspora which doubled the adverse impact.

Putting social and humanitarian concerns above economic realities is dogmatic. Its consequences must be paid in full before the nation can overcome the economic crises. And that takes a few decades of very hard work and painful sacrifices. If not, the economic crisis will outlive all living beings in the island.

Hiru TV Salakuna Live | Wimal Weerawansa | EP 361 | 2022-11-14

November 15th, 2022

“සලකුණ” ජාතික නිදහස් පෙරමුණේ නායක, පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී, විමල් වීරවංශ සමඟින්,

SCOTT RITTER: DON’T BELIEVE THE HYPE. UKRAINE CAN’T WIN THIS WAR.

November 15th, 2022

Reports of Ukrainian triumph and imminent Russian defeat have flooded the West since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine began in February. Yet how much merit is there to this narrative? Former US Marine Corps intelligence officer and UN weapons inspector William Scott Ritter Jr. speaks with Dimitri Lascaris in a special interview for The Real News. Despite taking some ground in September’s counteroffensive, the Ukrainian military has taken heavy losses and is totally dependent on external support. Moreover, Ritter argues that Ukraine’s objectives in this war are unachievable, whereas Russia’s can be met through a negotiated settlement. While the war rages on and attempts to sanction Russia continue to backfire, more damage is being done to the people of Europe and Ukraine than to Russia. Ultimately, what must come out of this conflict is an admission from Europe that NATO is an anachronism and a new security paradigm is needed to promote international peace and cooperation. This interview was recorded Nov. 4, 2022.

USA’s Military Empire: A Visual Database

November 15th, 2022

worldbeyondwar.org

The United States of America, unlike any other nation, maintains a massive network of foreign military installations around the world.

How was this created and how is it continued? Some of these physical installations are on land occupied as spoils of war. Most are maintained through collaborations with governments, many of them brutal and oppressive governments benefiting from the bases’ presence. In many cases, human beings were displaced to make room for these military installations, often depriving people of farmland, adding huge amounts of pollution to local water systems and the air, and existing as an unwelcome presence.

To explore this database,  click on map markers or use the dashboard to make selections:

USA’s Military Empire: A Visual Database – World BEYOND War

Q & A – ධර්මයේ හමුවන භාහිර ලෝකය හා තුන් ලෝකය -කීප දෙනෙක් ඇසූ ප්‍රශ්න හා පිලිතුරැ

November 15th, 2022

තිස්ස ගුණතිලක

ධර්මයේ හමුවන භාහිර ලෝකය හා තුන් ලෝකය

Q: තතාගත දේශනාව තුලද භාහිර ලෝකයක පැවැත්මක් නැතිබවත් ඵය අසත්‍යයක් බවත් දැක්වේ.

A: සූත්‍ර පිටකයේ බොහෝ තැන්හි මේ සම්බන්ධව කියැවේ. ඵ්වා විග්‍රහ වන්නේ ඵක් ඵක් අයගේ දෘෂ්ඨිවලට අනුකූලවයි. ප්‍රථමනිබ්බාන සූත්‍ර දේශනාවේ 

අත්ථි, භික්ඛවෙ, තදායතනං, යත්ථ නෙව පථවී, න ආපො, න තෙජො, න වායො,……., නායං ලොකො, න පරලොකො, න උභො චන්දිමසූරියා. …….. න ගතිං, න ඨිතිං, න චුතිං, න උපපත්තිං; අප්පතිට්ඨං, අප්පවත්තං, අනාරම්මණමෙවෙතං. එසෙවන්තො දුක්ඛස්සා’’ති. පඨමං.

මහණෙනි, යම් තැනක (යත්ථ) පෘථිවිධාතුව නොම ඇත්තේද, ආපෝධාතුව නැත්තේද, තෙජෝ ධාතුව නැත්තේද, වායෝධාතුව නැත්තේද,…….  මෙලවක් නැත, පරලොවක් නැත, ඉපදීමෙක් නැත්තේද, සඳ හිරු දෙදෙනද නැත්තේය. මහණෙනි, ඊමක්ද යාමක්ද නොම කියමි. සිටීමක්ද නොම කියමි. ඉපදීමද නොමකියමි. චුතවීමද නොමකියමි, …., කිසිම අරමුණක බැසගැනීමක් නැත. දුකේ කෙළවර මෙයයි”

මෙම දේශනාවේ හරය තේරැම් ගැනීමට ආර්ය සත්‍යය පැහැදිලිකරගත යුතුවේ. දුක ඇතිවන තැන (සමුදය): භාහිර ලෝකයේ ඇති රෑප හැඩතලයක ප්‍රතිබිම්භය පංචේන්ද්‍රියන් හරහා ප්‍රසාදනය වීමෙන් සිත තුල රෑප ලෝකයත්, ඵ් රෑප  සංඥාව පෙර මතකය හා ගැලපීමෙන් ඊට අනුරෑප අරෑප (නාම – සම්මුතියෙන් පනවාගත් නම් – labels) ලෝකයත් (සංඛාර පච්චයා විඤ්ඤාණ) සිතතුල හටගනී. මෙසේ ඇතිවන අරෑප (නාම) ලෝකයත් රෑප ලෝකයත් ඵකතුවීමෙන් (විඤ්ඤාණ පච්චයා නාම රෑප) භාහිරයේ ඇති රෑපහැඩතලය ‘දෙයක්/යමක්’ (ආත්මීය) සේ දැනේ (උපාදාන පච්චයා භව). ආත්මීයවන භාහිර හැඩතලය දකින්නට/විදින්නට කෙනෙක්/මම සිටිය යුතුය (භව පච්චයා ජාති). විඤ්ඤාණයේ මායාව යනු මෙම සංසිද්ධියයි. රෑපය හා අරෑපය ඵකතුවීමෙන් හටගන්නා මේ ස්වාභාවය ඵනම් ‘කාම ලෝකය’ දුකට හේතුවයි. ඵනම් සමුදය සත්‍යයයි.

රෑපය හා අරෑපය වෙන් වෙන්ව දැකගතහොත් ඵ්වායේ ඵක්වීමක් සිදුනොවේ. නාම රෑප පරිච්ඡේදය යනු මෙම සංසිද්ධියයි. දුක නැතිකිරීමට කල යුත්තේ මේ නාම රෑප පරිච්ඡේදයයි. නිරෝධ සත්‍යය යනු මෙයයි. ‘භවනිරොධෝ නිබ‍්බානං’

රෑපයට නාමය (නාම-රෑප) ඵක්නොවන තැන දුකක් නැත. ඵවැනි තැනක අන්ත නැත, ද්වතාවයක් හෝ සාපේක්ෂතාවයක් හෝ නැත. යාම් ඊම් හෝ උපදීමක් හෝ මරණයක් හමුනොවේ. හිරැ නැත, සදු නැත. ආපෝ තේජෝ වායු පඨවි නැත. මේ සියල්ලම පනවාගත් නාම (label) පමනි. පවතින්නේ ඵ්වායේ රැප හැඩතල පමනි. කොටින්ම කිවහොත් ආත්මීය භාහිර ලෝකයක් හමුනොවේ. භාහිරයේ හමුවන්නේ රෑප හැඩතල පමනක් සහිත රැප ලෝකයකි. ඔබට නාමයන්ගෙන් තොර භාහිර ලෝකයක් දැකියහැකි නම් එයම නිවන වේ.

Q: නාමයෙන් තොරව රෑප නොපවතී. සෑමවිටම නාම රෑප ඵකට පවතී.

A: නාමයෙන් තොර රෑප පවතී. ඵ් භාහිර ලෝකයයි. භාහිර ලෝකයේ ඇත්තේ රෑප හැඩතල පමනි. ඵහි නාම නැත. නාම ඇතිවන්නේ සිත තුලය. සිත තුල ඇතිවන සංඛාර හා විඤ්ඤාණ යනු නාමයයි.

Q: මා බාහිර ලෝක ගැන නොදනී. සිතේ ඇතිවන ලෝකයක් ගැන පමණක් දනී.එයද පවතින එකක් නොවෙන බවයි දන්නේ .

A: සිතේ ලෝක (රෑප අරෑප හා කාම) ඇතිවන්නේ භාහිර ලෝකයේ ඇති රෑප හැඩතලවල ප්‍රතිබිම්භ ප්‍රසාද වීමෙනි. භාහිර ලෝකයක් නැති තැන සිතේ ලෝක (ප්‍රසාද වීමක්) ඇති නොවේ. එනම් සිතේ ලෝකයක් ඇතිවීමට භාහිර ලෝකයක් තිබිය යුතුය.

Q:  ප්‍රසාදවන්නේ තරංග ‘කම්පන චංචල’ ස්වාභාවයයි. සමාන තරංග කම්පන චංචල ස්වාභාවයකින් සමාන ප්‍රතිබිම්භ ඇතිවේ. ඵ් නිසා ප්‍රසාදවීමට භාහිර ලෝකයක පැවැත්ම අවශ්‍යම නොවේ.

A: ඔබ පෙන්වා දෙන්නේ ‘simulation’ නැමති සංසිද්ධියයි. යම්කිසි රෑප හැඩතලයක තරංග කම්පන චංචල ස්වාභාවය simulate වීමට හෝ කම්පන චංචල ස්වාභාවය අනුකරනය වීමට ‘මුල්’ (original) හැඩතලය පැවතිය යුතුය.

සුභ පැතුම් 

තිස්ස ගුණතිලක 

2022 නොවැම්බර් මස 15 වනදා

ශ්‍රීපාද වන්දනා සමයට අවශ්‍ය යටිතල පහසුකම් – සුදු අධිරාජ්‍යවාදින් අල්ලගත් ඉඩම් නැවත ජනතාවට

November 15th, 2022

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය 

ශ්‍රීපාද වන්දනා සමයට අවශ්‍ය යටිතල පහසුකම් පිළිබඳව රජය මැදිහත් වෙනවා

Ø මහනුවර රාජධානිය බිඳවැටීමෙන් පසු අපේ ජනතාව වගාකළ ඉඩම් බොහෝමයක් සුදු අධිරාජ්‍යවාදින් අල්ලගත්තා

Ø ඉඩම් නැවත ජනතාවට ලබාදී වගා සංග්‍රාමයට එක් කරනවා

–         අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන මහතා

ශ්‍රී පාදස්ථානාධිපති පූජ්‍ය බෙංගමුවේ ධම්මදින්න නායක හිමියන් බැහැදැකීමට පසුගියදා අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන මහතා පැල්මඩුල්ල රජමහා විහාරයට ගියේය. එළැඹෙන උදුවප් පොහොය දින සිට ඇරඹෙන ශ්‍රී පාද වන්දනා සමයට අදාලව පහසුකම් සැපයීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් ද මෙහිදී සාකච්ඡා කෙරිණි.

එහිදී අනුශාසනා කළ ශ්‍රී පාද ස්ථානාධිපති බෙංගමුවේ ධම්මදින්න හිමි…

“රාජ්‍ය අනුග්‍රහයන් අපට නොසළකා හරින්න බැහැ. ඒක අතීත රජ දවස සිට ආ සම්ප්‍රදායන්. උරුමයට හා සම්ප්‍රදායට ගරු කරන නායකයෙක් හැටියට ඔබතුමා මේ රටේ අග්‍රාමාත්‍යධූරයට පත්වීම රටට වගේම ශාසනයටත් මහා වටිනාකමක්. ශ්‍රී මහා බෝධිය, දළදා මාලිගාව, ශ්‍රී පාදස්ථානය රටේ මුදුන් මල්කඩ වූ පූජනීය ස්ථාන ත්‍රිත්වය. එදා පටන් මේ දක්වා මෙම පුදබිම්වලට රාජ්‍ය අනුග්‍රහය ලැබුණා. මේවා ගමන් කළේ රාජ්‍යත්වයේ සංකේත සමග. මේ හැමදෙයක්ම තුලනය කරගෙන ඔබතුමාට රටේ අභිවෘද්ධිය හා ශාසනයේ චිරස්තිය උදෙසා කටයුතු කරන්නට හැකි බව අපට විශ්වාසයි.”

එහිදී අදහස් දැක්වූ අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා…

“ඔබ වහන්සේ පෙන්වා දුන් ලෙස පුදබිම් ත්‍රිත්වයටම එදා සුදු අධිරාජ්‍යවාදීන් පවා අත තියන්න බය වුනා. ශාසනික වශයෙන්, ආර්ථික වශයෙන් වට්ටන්න බැලුවා. ඊට පස්සේ අපේ ස්වයංපෝෂිත කෘෂිකාර්මික අර්ථ ක්‍රමය වැට්ටුවා. මහනුවර රාජධානිය බිඳ වැටුනට පස්සේ සුදු අධිරාජ්‍යවාදීන් අපේ ජනතාවගේ ලංකාව පුරා ඉඩම් අත්පත් කර ගත්තා. ඒ ඉඩම් තමයි බොහොමයක් අද වතු සමාගම්වල හා රජයේ තියෙන්නේ. ඒ ඉඩම්වල වගා නොකරන ප්‍රමාණයන් තමයි අපි ජනතාවට වගා කරන්න දෙන්න කියන්නේ. ඒ ඔවුන්ගේ උරුමයන්. ඒ සඳහා වන ක්‍රියාදාමයට නිලධාරීන් අදිමදි කරනවා නම් එදා සුදු අධිරාජ්‍යවාදීන් ජනතාවට කරපු දේමයි අදත් වෙන්නේ.

මේ ක්‍රියාදාමයන් ඉදිරියට ගෙනයාමට ඔබවහන්සේලාගේ ආශිර්වාදය නිතර අවශ්‍ය වෙනවා. පෝෂිත ජාතියක තිර පැවැත්ම ශාසනික ආශිර්වාදය හා අනුග්‍රහයයි. අප රට මුහුණ දී ඇති අර්බුදය හමුවේ මහ සඟරුවන ගේ ආශිර්වාදය අතිශයින් වැදගත් වෙනවා. මේ වගා සංග්‍රාමයට එක්ව වගා කළ හැකි සෑම බිම් අඟලක්ම වගා කරන්න දැන් ජනතාව පෙළබෙමින් ඉන්නවා. දායකකාරකාදීන් තුළින් මෙම වගා ව්‍යාපාරයට ඔබවහන්සේලාට විශාල ශක්තියක් එක්ක කරන්න පුළුවන්.

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් වන ජෝන් සෙනවිරත්න, පවිත්‍රා වන්නිආරච්චි මෙම අවස්ථාවට එක්විය.  

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය   

Venezuela Rejects ‘Biased’ Decision to Resume ICC Probe into Alleged Human Rights Abuses

November 15th, 2022

Courtesy Venezuelanalysis

Caracas stated that it would continue “to defend the truth” and move forward with legal proceedings in cases of possible human rights violations.

Caracas, November 7, 2022 (venezuelanalysis.com) – The Venezuelan government rejected the International Criminal Court (ICC) chief prosecutor Karim Khan’s announcement to resume an investigation into alleged human rights abuses committed by state security forces.

Venezuela regrets that, despite all the information provided and the fluid exchanges with the ICC throughout the year, prosecutor Karim Khan maintains a clearly biased view in relation to the situation in Venezuela, echoing campaigns that seek to instrumentalize justice and human rights issues for political purposes,” read a statement released on Saturday.

The communique, published by Venezuelan Foreign Affairs Minister Carlos Faría, likewise expressed concern that the ICC prosecutor’s request to continue the suspended probe is basically based on secondary sources lacking any credibility.”

Caracas stated that it would push back against the probe’s resumption in the ICC’s pre-trial chamber “to defend the truth and demonstrate the productive work of the authorities in the investigation of all the complaints of serious crimes against people.”

Full Report

Venezuela Rejects ‘Biased’ Decision to Resume ICC Probe into Alleged Human Rights Abuses | Venezuelanalysis.com

Unity against fake news

November 15th, 2022

By Mohammad Shojaeian Courtesy Teheran Times

It was attended by about 60 managing directors and senior editors of news agencies from 35 countries that are members to OANA.

OANA was founded in 1961 at the initiative of UNESCO. Its purpose is to secure direct and free exchange of news between news agencies from countries that account for half of the world’s population.

The organization was formed through the establishment of an NGO between Asia and the Pacific media outlets and its focus is on issues and conditions of media outlets and journalists.

One of its achievements since the organization began working is the establishment of media agreements between members. This has increased the quality and accuracy of the news pieces related to the member countries.

In recent years, due to expansion of social media and an increase in fake news, especially in the field of the coronavirus pandemic, OANA has considered a special role for itself, which included training courses in the field of news related to Covid-19 to exchanging knowledge and experience.  

Likewise, it made efforts to support the journalists who were harmed during the Covid-19 pandemic. Holding a photo exhibition and sharing experiences were for this purpose.In the OANA meeting also a great emphasis was put on confronting fake news. It was also emphasized that in the atmosphere of the coronavirus pandemic the news agencies should strictly adhere to the agreement they have signed with each other.

Suggestions were also made that the media can count on each other’s accuracy in covering the news of their countries. All news agencies can refer to their peer media to check the news related to the target country and use that to check the authenticity of the news.This is a very important issue, especially regarding Iran, which can be considered the biggest victim of fake news in the world.

If the official OANA members fully adhere to the issue of verification, they can refer to Iranian news agencies. This approach will significantly help them to verify their news.

In that condition the fake news have no place. During the last month, the mainstream media in the West has presented a bogus image of Iran to the world, an image that shows Iran is drowning in insecurity. However, about 60 senior journalists who attended the conference directly observed security and peace in Iran coupled with progresses in various fields in the country.

They realized that there is a significant difference between the real Iran” and what the Western media and fake news propagate.

The OANA participants’ appreciation for the warm hospitality of the Iranians and their satisfaction with the content of the topics discussed demonstrate the success of the 18th meeting. In a situation in which the West is trying to isolate Iran and present a bogus image of Iran, the summit succeeded to provide an opportunity for the managers of prominent news agencies to directly see the realities.

The discussions at the meeting and the feedback by participants proved that fake news should be countered with more seriously and that closer cooperation between OANA members can be very effective to achieve this goal.

*By Mohammad Shojaeian, Managing Director of Mehr Media Group

ප්‍රාදේශීය විගණන ඒකකවලට අනුයුක්ත විගණන සංවර්ධන නිලධාරීන් විගණන ඒකකවලින් ඉවත් කිරීම සම්බන්ධවයි

November 15th, 2022

සංවර්ධන නිලධාරී සේවා සංගමය. 

අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල්,
සමෘද්ධි සංවර්ධන දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව,
4
වන මහළ,
සෙත්සිරිපාය,
බත්තරමුල්ල.

අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල් තුමනි,

ප්‍රාදේශීය විගණන ඒකකවලට අනුයුක්ත විගණන සංවර්ධන නිලධාරීන් විගණන ඒකකවලින් ඉවත් කිරීම සම්බන්ධවයි.

සමෘද්ධි සංවර්ධන දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව යටතේ දිස්ත්‍රික් 25 ආවරණය වන පරිදි ක්‍රියාත්මක ප්‍රාදේශීය විගණන ඒකක වලට අනුයුක්ත කර සිටින විගණන සංවර්ධන නිලධාරීන් විගණන ඒකකවලින් ඉවත් කිරීමට ගෙන ඇති තීරණය බරපතල ගැටළු සහගත තීරණයක් බවත් එම තීරණයට අප සංගමයේ විරෝධතාවය ගොනු කරන බවත්, එසේ ඉවත් කිරීමට ගෙන ඇති තීරණය යළි සලකා බලන ලෙසත් පළමුව ඉල්ලා සිටිමු.

සමෘද්ධි සංවර්ධන දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ ප්‍රධාන අභ්‍යන්තර විගණක විසින් 2022.10.18 දින සියලූම කණ්ඩායම් නායකවරුන්ට හා සියලූම ප්‍රාදේශීය විගණන ඒකක භාර විගණන නිලධාරීන් වෙත යොමු කර ඇති ලිපිය මඟින් ඉහත කරුණු තහවුරු කර ඇත.

උක්ත ලිපියට අනුව විගණන ඒකකයට අයත්වන බැංකු, මහ සංගම්, මූලස්ථාන කාර්යාල සංඛ්‍යාව අනුව විගණන ඒකකය යටතේ තබාගත යුතු විගණන සංවර්ධන නිලධාරීන් ප්‍රමාණයක් රඳවාගෙන දැනට විගණන ඒකකයට අනුයුක්ත 334 ක් වන විගණන සංවර්ධන නිලධාරීන්ගේ ඉතිරි සියලූ දෙනා යෝජිත බැංකු අධීක්ෂණ ඒකකයන් සඳහා අනුයුක්ත කරන ලෙසද වැඩි දුරටත් දන්වා ඇත. අනුව විගණන සංවර්ධන නිලධාරීන් 183ක් විගණන ඒකකයෙන් ඉවත් කිරීමට නියමිතය.
 
2020
රැකියා විරහිත උපාධිධාරීන් බඳවාගැනීමේ වැඩ සටහන යටතේ බඳවාගත් උපාධිධාරීන් අතරින් සමෘද්ධි සංවර්ධන දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව සඳහා අභ්‍යන්තර විගණන ඒකකයට වාණිජවේදී, ගණකාධිකරණ කලමණාකරන උපාධි සහිත සංවර්ධන නිලධාරීන් පමණක් අනුයුක්ත කිරීමට පියවර ගන්නා ලෙස 2021.02.18 දිනැතිව අතිරේක අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල් (පාලන) විසින් දිස්ත්‍රික් ලේකම්, දිස්ත්‍රික් සමෘද්ධි අධ්‍යක්ෂ වරුන් වෙත යොමුකර ඇති ලිපිය මඟින් කටයුතු කරඇත. අනුව විගණන ඒකකය සඳහා රටේ ජාතික විශ්ව විද්‍යාල පද්ධතියෙන් බිහි කරන අදාළ විෂය  සඳහා සුදුසුම උපාධිධාරීන් පත් කර ඇත. එම උපාධිධාරීන් අදාළ කාර්ය භාරය නිවැරදිව රටට හිතැතිව, දූෂණ අක්‍රමිකතා වැළැක්වීම සඳහා සිය රාජකාරී ඉටු කරමින් සිටිය දී මෙලෙස හදිසියේ එම නිලධාරීන්ගේ රාජකාරී සීමා කර එම නිලධාරීන් අදාළ රාජකාරියෙන් ඉවත් කිරීම බරපතල වැරදි තීරණයක් බව අපි අවධාරණය කරමු.

1994
සිට සමෘද්ධි විෂය සම්බන්ධයෙන් රට තුළ පවතිනුයේ වඩා පැහැදිලි චිත්‍රයක් නොවන බව විශේෂයෙන් කිවයුතු නැත. 1994 සිට 2030 වනවිට රටේ දුප්පත්කම තුරන් කිරීම සඳහා ආරම්භ කළ එම වැඩ සටහන අදාළ ඉලක්ක සපුරා නැත. පවතින සහ පැවති හැම ආණ්ඩුවක්ම සමෘද්ධි ප්‍රතිලාභීන් ස්ථාවර ඡන්ද පදනම බවට පත් කරගැනීමට උත්සහ දරා ඇති ඇති අතර අදාළ පවුල් ඒකක ආර්ථික වශයෙන් සමෘද්ධිමත් කර දුප්පත්කම තුරන් කිරීමක් මෙතෙක් සිදු වී නොමැති බවත් පත්වන හැම ආණ්ඩුවක්ම සමෘද්ධි ප්‍රතිලාභීන් සංඛ්‍යාත්මකව වැඩි කර දුප්පත්කම ව්‍යාප්ත කර ඇත.

සමෘද්ධි වැඩ සටහන පුරාම ඇතැම් ක්‍ෂේත්‍ර නිලධාරීන් සිදු කරන පක්ෂග්‍රාහී කටයුතු, රාජ්‍ය මුදල් අවභාවිතා කිරීම, අදාළ නිර්ණායකවලින් තොර පුද්ගලයින් සඳහා ණය, ප්‍රතිලාභ පිරිනැමීම් ආදී විවිධ අක්‍රමිකතා දිගින් දිගටම සිදු වී ඇත. එවැනි අක්‍රමිකතා වේගයෙන් විගණනය කිරීම ආරම්භ කළ මොහොතේම මෙම නිලධාරී කණ්ඩායම ඉවත් කිරීම දේශපාලන වුවමනාවක් යන්න සැක සහිතය.

අදාළ විෂය සඳහා ඉහළම අධ්‍යාපන සුදුසුකම් සහිත උපාධිධාරීන්ගෙන් විගණන ඒකකය යම් ප්‍රමාණයකට හෝ ශක්තිමත් කර 2021 වර්ෂයේ ආරම්භ කළ වැඩ සටහන් මඟින් එම සංවර්ධන නිලධාරීන් සමෘද්ධි සංවර්ධන දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ ජාතික අභිලාෂය වඩා නිවැරදිව කිරීමට මූලික වැටුපට අමතරව කිසිදු දීමනාවක් පවා ලබා නොගෙන සිදු කර ඇති කාර්යභාරය අප සංගමයට වඩා දෙපාර්තමේන්තු ප්‍රධානී වශයෙන් ඔබ දන්නවා ඇතැයි සිතමු.

අද වන විට මුළු රටම වංචා දූෂණ අක්‍රමිකතා වලට එරෙහිව හඩ නගන මොහොතක, ජාත්‍යන්තර ප්‍රජාව පාවා  රට තුළ සිදුකර ඇති බරපතල වංචා දූෂණ අක්‍රමිකතා ගැන අවධානය යොමු කර තිබිය දී, විගණනය ශක්තිමත් කළ යුතු බවට රටතුළ බහුතර මතය බවට පත්ව ඇති මොහොතක ඔබ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ විගණන ඒකකයට අනුයුක්ත සුදුසුකම් සහිත සංවර්ධන නිලධාරීන් සීමා කිරීම, ඉවත් කිරීම නිවැරදි තීරණයක් නොවන බව යළිත් පෙන්වා දෙන්නෙමු.

රට තුළ වසම් 14 000 කට ආසන්නව පවතින අතර දැනට අනුමත නිලධාරීන් 334 වෙනුවට නිලධාරීන් සංඛ්‍යාව වැඩිකර සමෘද්ධි විෂය විගණනයක් සහිතව වඩා නිවැරදි කිරීමකට පියවර ගැනීම වැනි ඉදිරි පියවරකට යා යුතු මොහොතක අනුයුක්ත කර ඇති නිලධාරීන් 334 දෙනාගෙන් විශාල ප්‍රමාණයක් විගණන ඒකකවලින් ඉවත් කිරීම රටට හිතැති තීරණයක් නොවන බව අවධාරණය කරමු.

බැංකු අධීක්ෂණ විෂය අත්‍යවශ්‍ය විෂයක් වන අතර සඳහා විගණන ඒකකය දුර්වල කර ඊට අයත් විගණන සංවර්ධන නිලධාරීන් පත් කර විගණනය බිඳවැටීමට සලස්වනවා වෙනුවට බැංකු අධීක්ෂණ විෂයට සුදුසුකම් සහිත වෙනත් සංවර්ධන නිලධාරීන්ගෙන් එම අවශ්‍යතාවය සපුරා ගැනීම පිළිබඳව අප සංගමය විරෝධතාවයක් නොමැති බවද දන්වා සිටිමු.

අනුව අදාළ නිලධාරීන් විගණන ඒකකවලින් ඉවත් කිරීමට ගෙන ඇති තීරණය ඉවත් කර එම ඒකක ශක්තිමත් කිරීමට පියවර ගන්නා ලෙසත් මෙම ක්‍රියාදාමය නිවැරදි නොවන්නේ නම් සඳහා ගත යුතු ඉදිරි පියවර ගන්නා බවත් දන්වා සිටිමු.

ස්තූතියි.
 
මෙයට,
චන්දන සූරියආරච්චි
ප්‍රධාන ලේකම්
සංවර්ධන නිලධාරී සේවා සංගමය. 

Blue Economy neglected but the Canabis promoted

November 15th, 2022

Dr Sarath Obeysekera 

Tourism Industry

18. Promotion of Marine Tourism

18.1. New programs have been introduced in many countries in various ways to attract tourists. However, there are lack of approaches to develop the maritime tourism considering advantages of the location of Sri Lanka. Therefore, three maritime zones in the Eastern, Southern and Western provinces will be identified and developed the related infrastructure in those areas. Accordingly, identification and development of the safety sea areas for tourists to engage in sea-related activities in the shallow seas, the development of related infrastructure including, anchoring bays for parking light yacht, necessary facilities for diving and other related activities and food courts are required in this respect. The required funds for this purpose should be provided by the Tourism Development Fund. To initiate the process, I propose to allocate Rs. 50 million from the 2023 budget.

18.2.  I propose to facilitate promotion of adventure sports such as water rafting in order to popularize Sri Lanka as a destination for sports tourism. 

 Unquote

EDB under National Export Strategy ( NES) emphasised  Importance of blue economy

But today Finance Minister disappointed all of us by identifying only above

Nevertheless mentioned following which seems out of place 

Quote

Producing Triloka Wijayapathra

52.1. The possibilities of producing Triloka Wijayapathra purely for the prurpose of exports will be examined for which an expert committee will also be set up.

Unquote 

It is cannabis !!!

Dr Sarath Obeysekera 

Lanka to learn from China new ways to increase rice production

November 15th, 2022

By Sugeeswara Senadhira Ceylon Today

Colombo, November 14 (Ceylon Today): China concluded an important International Forum on Hybrid Rice Assistance and Global Food Security in Beijing last weekend, where the focus was on China’s hybrid rice varieties that could revolutionize global food production and ensure food security.

Virtually addressing the Forum Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardena expressed deep appreciation to the People’s Republic of China and Foreign Minister Wang Yi, who chaired the Forum for the efforts taken on behalf of the people of the world who are affected by the food scarcity. Pointing out that, such forums go a long way to enhance efforts towards food security through coordinated action, he expressed confidence that the forum would come up with useful plans that would ensure global food security and speed up achieving the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals.

China’s partnership towards food security in Sri Lanka has a long history as Rubber-Rice Agreement between the two countries were signed way back in 1952, even before the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries.

The Prime Minister recalled how the socialist leaders of Sri Lanka fought for the recognition of China, which was resisted by the pro-British government which ruled the country after independence in 1948. The socialist leaders used every available forum to highlight this demand.

The leader of Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP) Phillip Gunawardena, who attended the Fourth Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) Regional Meeting for Asia and the Far East, held in Tokyo in 1959 as Minister of Agriculture and Food, urged the FAO to grant membership to China. He ridiculed the West-dominated FAO for denying membership to China. This Conference is being held without China, the biggest producer of rice in the world. Considering that Ceylon earnestly proposes to FAO to have China as a full member”.

As the ‘Lion of Boralugoda’ said in his thundering voice, it was meaningless to discuss food security without involving China, the biggest producer of rice and innovator of hybrid rice varieties to increase the global food production.

Increasing rice yield is crucial for solving the food crisis, ensuring food security, and reducing poverty. Chinese scientists have succeeded in producing high-yielding varieties of rice and their introduction to other countries will definitely help those nations to reach self-sufficiency in rice, leading to food security.

Addressing the Forum in Beijing on Saturday (12), Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said that China would provide its hybrid rice technology and hybrid rice varieties to developing countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America so that they could increase rice production and achieve food security targets.

Chinese scientists commenced experiments on hybrid rice in the mid- 1960s and a decade later, succeeded in creating new varieties of rice. It was estimated that the development of hybrid rice varieties, which have been reported to out-yield inbred rice varieties by about 10 per cent, is necessary for ensuring China’s food security. Hybrid rice helped China to increase rice production by 200 million metric tons from 1976 to 1991.

It has been proved practically on a large scale that hybrid rice has a yield advantage of more than 30 percent over conventional rice varieties. Current research in China indicates that the yield potential of hybrid rice can be increased by improving breeding methodology and increasing the degree of heterosis.Existing hybrid rice varieties used commercially in China are inter-varietal hybrids produced by the cytoplasmic genetic male sterility (CMS) system. The CMS system is the most effective genetic tool in hybrid rice breeding.

Chinese rice scientists have been exploring new technological approaches and the results are promising. Some of them out-yielded the best existing hybrids by 10-30 percent.

However, the agricultural area where hybrid rice is grown has decreased by 25 percent (about 5 million ha) in China since 1995. It was found that the decreasing hybrid rice production area was caused not only by technological factors but also by socio-economic factors; and the decreased area under hybrid rice production does not lead to additional pressure on increasing crop yields from either hybrid or inbred rice production.

Extensive research on and the development of hybrid rice in China have clearly demonstrated its usefulness in significantly increasing rice yields beyond the levels of improved semi-dwarf varieties. Hybrid rice is currently planted on a 9 million ha area in China. Several International Rice Research Institute-bred (IRRI) cultivars are used as male parents of commercial varieties. Research at IRRI and in several collaborating countries shows that hybrids have yields 15-20 percent higher than those of the best semi-dwarf varieties. Hybrid varieties suitable for other countries are still in the pipeline. In addition to higher yield, heterotic rice hybrids show higher productivity, adaptability to certain stress environments, and better utilization of applied nitrogen fertilizers.

A number of cytoplasmic male sterile (CMS) lines developed and used in China are not adoptable outside China for lack of adequate disease and insect resistance and acceptable grain quality. Several CMS lines developed at IRRI are now being evaluated in collaborating countries. Both China and IRRI are involved in research to diversify CMS sources, to prevent genetic vulnerability problems in hybrid varieties.

Use of hybrid rice developed by China in Sri Lanka will be another area of cooperation between the two countries. Today, with the speedy development and growth witnessed in China, the relationship have further enhanced between China and Sri Lanka in economic, trade, investment, cultural and social spheres as well as people-to-people friendship bonds.

Prime Minister Gunawardena said in his video address, China’s success in eradication of poverty, rural upliftment and ensuring food security has been exemplary. Sri Lanka wishes to thank your magnanimous contributions to the efforts of my country as well as other developing nations towards achieving food security,” he concluded.

‘Not happy at present.. release my husband’: Nalini Sriharan requests TN, centre

November 15th, 2022

Courtesy The Hindustan Times

Rajiv Gandhi was assassinated on May 21, 1991, at Sriperumbudur in Tamil Nadu by a woman suicide bomber while at a poll rally.

Nalini Sriharan – one of six convicted of the assassination of former prime minister Rajiv Gandhi in 1991 and whom the Supreme Court released from a prison in Tamil Nadu’s Vellore last week – has appealed to the centre and state to release four Sri Lankan nationals – including her husband V Sriharan.

All four are being held at a special refugee camp in Tiruchirappalli – even after being formally released from jail – as they were in India illegally.

“I cannot meet my husband yet… so not happy at present. I request Tamil Nadu government to take necessary action to release him as soon as possible.”

On her time behind bars she said ‘some people oppose(d) our release’ and that ‘we (were) treated like death convicts… even when I was two months pregnant’.

READ | ‘See us as victims, not killers’: Rajiv Gandhi killer after release from jail

“We are a Congress family. When Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi were assassinated our family was sad and did not eat. I can’t accept I was named in Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination. I should be free of that blame,” she said.

“We don’t know who assassinated him,” she declared.

READ | ‘Thankful to people of Tamil Nadu’: Nalini Sriharan as she leaves jail

On Sunday, she said she planned to travel to Trichy to meet her husband.

“We got married… have a child who is abroad. My daughter is excited to meet her father. Family will be my priority… My whole life is totally destroyed already, so I am going to take care of the family,” she told reporters.

Nalini Sriharan’s daughter lives in London in the United Kingdom.

Nalini Sriharan also said Congress leader Priyanka Gandhi Vadra – Rajiv Gandhi’s daughter – visited her at the Vellore Jail in 2018.

“She got emotional for her father. She cried too.”

“Other things that transpired cannot be disclosed as it pertained to Priyanka’s personal views,” Nalini Sriharan said when pressed for details.

READ | What Rajiv Gandhi convict Nalini said in Priyanka Gandhi jail meet

Nalini Sriharan and five other convicts were released last week after the Supreme Court said they had shown ‘satisfactory behaviour’. The court noted the state cabinet’s 2018 recommendation that they be freed.

The Congress was livid and called it ‘totally unacceptable and completely erroneous’ and even disagreeing with Sonia Gandhi on the topic.

READ | Cong on Rajiv’s killers’ release: ‘Sonia Gandhi entitled to views…’

Rajiv Gandhi was assassinated on May 21, 1991, at Sriperumbudur in Tamil Nadu by a woman suicide bomber – identified as Dhanu – while at a poll rally.

The killing was largely seen as a response to his move to send Indian forces to Sri Lanka in 1987 to disarm Tamil rebels.

Britain to send Sri Lankan asylum seekers to Rwanda for medical treatment

November 15th, 2022

Courtesy The New Humanitarian

‘One thing that worries me is that this could be the precursor to the Rwanda deportation plan.’

BANGKOK

Three Sri Lankan asylum seekers stranded on Diego Garcia, a remote island in the British Indian Ocean Territory, or BIOT, are expected to be transported to Rwanda for medical treatment, the British foreign office told The New Humanitarian.

More than 200 Sri Lankan asylum seekers, mostly ethnic Tamils claiming to have faced persecution by the Sri Lankan government, arrived on Diego Garcia in five successive boats starting in October 2021. Dozens have since returned to Sri Lanka on flights arranged by BIOT authorities, while others have returned to their boats and sailed farther across the Indian Ocean to Réunion Island, the French overseas department.

Confirming news of the medical move in an emailed response to The New Humanitarian, the UK Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office said the migrants” would be returned to BIOT after their treatment was complete.

The medical transfers are adding to fears that British authorities could seek to deport the Sri Lankan asylum seekers to Rwanda under an offshore processing deal then-prime minister Boris Johnson concluded with the Rwandan government in April.

Deportations from mainland Britain under the Rwanda deal – after arrivals on boats from France surpassed 40,000 in 2022, up more than 10,000 from 2021 – have been stalled for months amid challenges by UK courts, as well as the refusal of several airlines to carry out the removals.

More than 100 asylum seekers remain on Diego Garcia, waiting for BIOT authorities to determine whether they can be repatriated to Sri Lanka without violating the international legal principle of non-refoulement, which precludes them being sent to unsafe countries.

One thing that worries me is that this could be the precursor to the Rwanda plan,” said Janahan Sivanathan, a paralegal at the Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants, which is providing pro bono legal services to some of the asylum seekers during interviews to determine their international protection needs.

They have this migration deal that they spent millions and millions on, but they are unable to send anyone from the UK,” Sivanathan said, adding that the same challenges do not exist on BIOT as the territory is exempt from the UK’s international human rights treaties and has its own military aircraft.

​​So [the government] can actually use that as a precursor, as an example, to show, ‘we did this’. There’s nothing to prevent them at all,” he said.

Like Sri Lanka, Rwanda has a record of detaining, torturing, and murdering political dissidents.

BIOT authorities have informed the asylum seekers that none will be permitted to claim asylum in the UK; those determined unable to return safely to Sri Lanka will be sent to unspecified third countries”.

Many [asylum seekers] say this ‘third country’ is Rwanda,” said Meera*, a Sri Lankan mother of three whose husband was among the first asylum seekers to arrive on Diego Garcia in October 2021.

[My husband] doesn’t want an unsafe country like Rwanda and wants to go to a good, safe country. Is there anything that can be done to stop this fate before making such a decision?” she told The New Humanitarian via WhatsApp.

Hearing the name Rwanda, I don’t even know – is that a country? Is it even habitable?” said Kannan*, an asylum seeker in his 20s who spoke to The New Humanitarian via video call from Diego Garcia.

Sivanathan said his organisation had received no information about the medical trip to Rwanda from BIOT authorities, and one of their clients was only informed on 14 November that the flight was scheduled for the following day. 

He also said at least 21 asylum seekers had their applications for international protection rejected, meaning BIOT authorities determined they could legally be deported to Sri Lanka. Ten have volunteered to return rather than challenge the decision via judicial review. 

Overall, I can say that they have not been given an adequate opportunity to present their cases in full,” Sivanathan said. Their representations have been limited due to funds not being available, and all the services expected by the BIOT are on a pro bono basis, with very limited means of communication.”

Kannan, who described being tortured by Sri Lankan government forces before leaving the country last year, said: I would never return to Sri Lanka. I will take a journey on the sea instead.”

The medical transfer move comes amid heightened pressure on the UK government over migrant and asylum seeker arrivals. On 14 November, Home Secretary Suella Braverman signed a deal with the French government to boost the number of patrol boats in the English Channel. Earlier this month, the day after an immigration centre near England’s southeastern coast was bombed by a far-right attacker, Braverman described boat arrivals of asylum seekers as an invasion”. She has also said it is her dream” and obsession” to see asylum seekers deported to Rwanda.

*Names of asylum seekers and their relatives have been changed for fear of reprisals.

Edited by Andrew Gully.

Sri Lanka govt takes over $1.7bn in debt owed to China

November 15th, 2022

Courtesy The News

Colombo: Crisis-hit Sri Lanka said Monday it would take responsibility for $1.7 billion owed to China by state enterprises as it seeks to sell them off and restructure its foreign debt to secure an IMF bailout.The government of President Ranil Wickremesinghe is in talks with the Washington-based lender as it seeks funding to enable the island to recover from its worst-ever financial crisis.His predecessor Gotabaya Rajapaksa was forced to flee the country and resign after demonstrators overran his house following months of protests over the unprecedented economic hardships faced by the 22 million population.

Sri Lanka defaulted on its foreign debt in April and the IMF has said its borrowings must be “sustainable” to unlock any new external funding. That will require its creditors to take a haircut on their loans, but China is its biggest lender and Beijing has given no indication it is willing to do so.

Wickremesinghe said $1.7 billion in loans taken from China´s Export-Import Bank by three key loss-making state-owned enterprises (SOE) — the electricity utility, Port Authority, and Airport and Aviation Services — would be considered government debt.

Taking the loans off their books will strengthen their balance sheets, which could make them more attractive to buyers or outside investors. The IMF has said the country should also restructure its loss-making state enterprises.

Wickremesinghe, who is also the finance minister, signalled the selling-off of five state-owned companies, including the national carrier SriLankan Airlines — which has debts of more than $1 billion — to reduce the strain on the national budget.

Proceeds from the “restructure” of the companies will be used to boost the country´s depleted foreign reserves, he said, without giving estimates. “A glimmer of hope on emerging from the economic abyss is currently visible,” Wickremesinghe told parliament as he presented his first full budget in the legislature.

“After the era of waiting in queues for days and protesting in various occupied places, our sufferings have been eased to some extent and we have reached an era where our peace of mind is much settled.”

He said bailout talks with the International Monetary Fund were on track and hoped for a deal with lenders. “We are confident that these discussions will lead to positive outcomes,” he added. The government revised its external debt figure down from $51 billion to $46 billion.

Just over $14 billion of that is bilateral debt owed to foreign governments, of which China holds 52 percent. Wickremesinghe, a six-times prime minister, has sharply raised taxes and increased fuel, water and electricity tariffs and rationed petrol and diesel since coming to power in July.

Budget

President Wickremesinghe said the economy can turn around by the end of 2023 if budget policies, which are not limited to the International Monetary Fund’s recommendations, are followed.

IMF recommendations have only been looked at to stabilise the economy, Wickremesinghe, told parliament, delivering the first annual budget since he took office in July.

The budget included measures aimed at reducing the government’s deficit as Colombo seeks to secure an IMF bailout package to help the country recover from its worst financial crisis in decades.

Soaring inflation, a weakening currency and low foreign exchange reserves have left the island of 22 million people struggling to pay for imports of essentials such as food, fuel and medicine.

Wickremesinghe laid down several medium-term targets for the government: increasing international trade as a percentage of GDP by more than 100 percnet, annual growth of $3 billion from new exports over the next 10 years as well as attracting $3 billion in foreign direct investment over the same period. He also said the government planned to reduce debt to less than 100 percent of GDP over the medium term and achieve economic growth of around 7-8 percent.

“With a lot of taxes already implemented, on the revenue side the budget primarily seems to be aiming towards tax administrations, reducing the leakages and broadbasing the tax net,” said Trisha Peries, head of research at CAL Group. Analysts also said tax collections would be vital for the country, since it was unlikely to be able to cut expenditure massively in an effort to fund the welfare schemes, while the government’s ability to meet its interest payments will also be watched. The World Bank estimates Sri Lanka’s economy will contract by 9.2 percent in 2022 and 4.2 percent next year.

හිටපු ජනපති ගෝඨාභය ඝාතන සැලැස්මක් ගැන විමල්ගෙන් හෙළිදරව්වක්

November 15th, 2022

උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

පසුගිය ජූනි 9 වනදා අරගලකරුවන් කොටුව ජනාධිපති මන්දිරයට ඇතුළු වූ අවස්ථාවේ දී හිටපු ජනාධිපති ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ ඝාතනය කිරීමේ සැලසුමක් තිබූ බවට උත්තර ලංකා සභාගයේ සභාපති පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී විමල් වීරවංශ පවසනවා.

ඔහු මෙම අනාවරණය සිදු කළේ, හිරු ටී.වී ඔස්සේ ඊයේ විකාශ වූ සලකුණ දේශපාල සංවාදාත්මක වැඩසටහනට එක්වෙමින්.

මෙම සැලැස්මට පෙර අමරිකනු තානාපතිනි ජූලි චන්ග් විසින් හිටපු ජනාධිපති ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ රැකදෙන ලෙස දෙවියන් වහන්සේගෙන් ඉල්ලා යාඥා කළ බවත්, නමුත් ඝාතන සැලැස්මක් වූ එහි අවසානය වූයේ ජනාධිපතිවරයාව ඝාතනය කිරීම බවත් මන්ත්රී වීරවංශ සඳහන් කළා.

අරගලකරුවන් මන්දිරයට ගොඩවදින තෙක් හිටපු ජනාධිපතිවරයා ඒ බව නොදැන සිටි බවත්, මන්දිරය ඇතුළත සිටි ආරක්ෂක අංශ ප්රධානියෙකු එම අවස්ථාවේ දී ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂව නොමග යැවීමේ පිළිතුරක් ඔහු වෙත ලබාදෙමින් පැවසුවේ,

>නමුත් පිටතින් තත්ත්වය පාලනය කර ඇති බව එම ආරක්ෂක නිලධාරියා ජනාධිපතිවරයාට එම අවස්ථාවේදී ප්රකාශ කොට, සුබවාදී පණිවිඩයක් දුන්න ද, අහම්බයකින් හිටපු ජනපති ගෝඨාභය විසින් රූපවාහිනී නාලිකාව නැරඹූ විට ඒ මොහොතේදිත් අරගලකරුවන් මන්දිරයට ඇතුල් වී ඇති බව දුටු බවයි මන්ත්රී විමල් වීරවංශ සඳහන් කළේ.

ලිබියාවේ හිටපු ජනපති ගඩාෆි ඝාතනය කළ අයුරින් ම ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ අරගලය තුළ ඝාතනයට සැලසුමක් තිබූ බවත්, අමරිකානු තානාපතිනියගේ යාඥාව පවා ප්ලෑන් එකේම කොටසක් බවත් හෙතෙම වැඩිදුරටත් කියා සිටියා

ගෝටාභය කළු සල්ලිකාරයන්ට ගොදුරු වූ හැටි විජේදාස හෙලි කරයි..

November 15th, 2022

laksara

හිටපු ජනාධිපතිවරයා කළු සල්ලි ජාවාරම්කරුවන්ගේ ගොදුරක් බවට පත් වී තමන් මෙන්ම , රටත්, රටේ ආර්ථිකයත් බිිහිසුණු ව්‍යසනයකට පත්කළ ආකාරය අධිකරණ ඇමති විජේදාස රාජපක්ෂ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ දී හෙළිදරව් කළේය.

තමන්ගේ මැතිවරණ ව්‍යාපාරයට කළු සල්ලි ආයෝජනය කළ ජවාරම් කාරයින් කීප දෙනෙකුගේ පෙළඹවීම මත රටේ බදු ප්‍රතිපත්තිය වෙනස් කිරීමෙන් සිදුකළ විනාශය අද ජාතියක් වන්දි ගෙවන බව ද ඔහු පෙන්වා දුන්නේය. බිලියන 1400ක් පූර්ණ ආදායමක් සහිත රටක බිලියන 600ක බදු ආදායම ව්‍යාපාරිකයින්ට සහන දීම සඳහා එක්වර කපා හැරි විට රටේ ආර්ථිකයට වෙන දේ ගැන හිතාගන්න පොඩි ළමයෙකුට උවද සිතා ගත හැකි නමුත් හිටපු ජනාධිපතිවරයා එම තීරණය ගත් බව ඇමතිවරයා පෙන්වා දුන්නේය.

ඇමතිවරයා කීවේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවත් මේ කළු සල්ලි ජාවාරම් කාරියන්ගේ පීඩනයට ලක් වී ඇති බවය. පක්ෂ නායකයින්ට ඒ තත්ත්වයෙන් දේශාපලනය මුදවා ගැනීමට අවශ්‍ය නොවන්නේ නම් රටේ නීති පද්ධතිය වෙනස් කර හෝ එය කළ යුතු බවත් ඇමතිවරයා කීවේය.

සියලුම දේශපාලකයින් තමන්ගේ මැතිවරණ ව්‍යාපාර තුළ කළ වියදමේ වගකීම භාරගෙන එම අය වැය පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට අදාල නීති සම්පාදනය කරන බවත්, කළු ආර්ථිකය තුළ ජාවාරම් කාරයින්ගෙ ඉත්තන් බවට පත්වුන දේශපාලකයින් සමග මේ රට ගොඩගත නොහැකි බවත් ඔහු පෙන්වා දුන්නේය.

ඇමතිවරයා මෙසේ ද කීවේය.

අපි දූෂණයට විරුද්ධව සටන් කරන්නෙ නෑ. දූෂණය පිළිබඳ වචනයක්වත් අයවැයෙන් නෑ කියලා විපක්ෂය චෝදනා කළා.

අපි දන්නවා මේ රටේ දූෂණය බරපතල කාරණයක්. මේ රටේ දූෂණය එක තැනක නෙමෙයි තියෙන්නෙ. මේ රටේ ජනාධිපතිවරයා පත් වෙන්නෙත් දූෂණය තුළ. පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරු පත්වෙන්නෙත් දූෂණය එක්ක. පළාත් පාලන ආයතනවල මන්ත්‍රීවරු පත්වන්නෙත් දූෂණය එක්ක. මේ හැම තැනම ඉන්නවා ජාවාරම්කාරයො. මේ හැම තැනම ඉන්නවා කළු සල්ලි කාරයො. අපේ හිටපු ජනාධිපතිතුමාට වුනෙත් ඒක. එතුමාට මුහුණ දෙන්න සිද්ධ වුනෙත් ඒ ඉරණමට.

එතුමාගෙ මැතිවරණ ව්‍යාපාරයට උදව් කරපු කළු සල්ලි කාරයො ජාවාරම් කාරයො තමයි එතුමා පෙළඹවනු ලැබුවේ බදු ප්‍රතිපත්තිය වෙනස් කරන්න. ඔහු බදු ප්‍රතිපත්තිය වෙනස් කළා.

බිලියන 1400ක් පූර්ණ ආදායම තියන රටක බිලියන 600ක් එකපාර කපා හැරියාම වැඩි ආදායම් තියන අයට බදු සහන දෙන්න රටේ ආර්ථිකයට වෙන දේ ගැන හිතාගන්න පොඩි ළමයෙකුට උනත් පුලුවන්.

ඒ තරමටවත් හිතුවෙ නෑ ඒ තීන්දුව ගන්න කලින්. කළු ජාවාරම් කාරයින්ට දේශපාලනය යටවෙලා තිබුණු නිසා ඒක වුනේ. ඒක පාර්ලිමේන්තු මට්ටමේදීත් සිද්ධ වෙනවා.

එය වෙනස් කළේ නැතිනම් රටේ පාර්ලිමේන්තු සම්ප්‍රදාය ගෙනියන්න බෑ.

මේ වනවිට අල්ලස් හෝ දූෂණ කොමිෂන් සභාව වෙනුවට එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ ප්‍රඥ්ඥප්ති සහ ප්‍රතිපත්තිවලට අනුකූලව දූෂණ විරෝධී පනතක් කෙටුම්පත් කරලා පක්ෂ නායකවරුන්ට ඉදිරිපත් කරලා තියනවා.

ඉදිරියේ දී තමුන්නාසේලා සියලු දෙනාගෙම දායකත්වය ඇතිව එම දූෂණ විරෝධී පනත සම්මත කරගන්න අවශ්‍යයයි. අලුතින් අල්ලස් හෝ දූෂණ සභාවක් පිහිටුවන්න අවශ්‍යයයි.

මේ අවුරුද්දෙත් අල්ලස් හෝ දූෂණ කොමිෂන් සභාවට මිලියන 781ක් වෙන් කළා. ගිය අවුරුද්දෙත් මේ හා සමාන මුදලක් වෙන් කරලා තියනවා.

හැබැයි අවුරුද්දක් පුරාවට අල්ලස් දූෂණ කොමිෂන් සභාව කරපු දෙයක් අපි දන්නෙ නෑ. මම ඇමතිවරයෙක් විදිහට පැමිණිලි ගණනාවක් ඉදිරිපත් කරලා තියනවා අල්ලස් හෝ දූෂණ කොමිෂන් සභාවට. මගෙන් කටඋත්තර අරන් තියනවා පැය හතර පහ…

අදටත් වෙච්ච දෙයක් නෑ. මෙහෙම අල්ලස් හෝ දූෂණ කොමිෂන් සභාවෙන් ඇති වැඩේ මොකක් ද. මේ කොමිෂන් සභාව සාක්ෂියක් දුන්ම තොරතුරක් දුන්ම කටයුතු කරන්නෙ නැතිනම් ඒකටත් බනින්නෙ මන්ත්‍රිවරු 225 දෙනාම තමයි. කාටත් වගකීම් තියනවා මේක වගකීමක් සහිත ආයතනයක් කරගන්න.

මම පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කරලා තියනවා මැතිවරණවල දි මුදල් වියදම් කරන ප්‍රමාණය සහ ගණන් හිලව්. තමන්ගේ මැතිවරණ ව්‍යාපාරයේ වියදම්වල වගකීම රටේ ජනාධිපතිවරයාගෙ ඉඳලා ප්‍රාදේශීය සභා මන්ත්‍රිවරයාගෙ දක්වා තියනවා. ඔවුන් එම වගකීම භාරගන්න ඕන.

කළු ආර්ථිකය තුළ ජාවාරම් කාරයින්ගෙ ඉත්තන් බවට පත් වෙච්ච දේශපාලකයින් එක්ක මේ රට ගොඩ ගන්න බෑ.

ජාවාරම් කාරයින්ගෙන් අපේ රටේ දේශපාලයින් මුදවා ගන්න ඕන. ඒ සඳහා පක්ෂ නායකයින්ට කැපවීමක් නැති නිසා අපට සිද්ධ වෙනවා නීතියක් ගෙනත් හරි මේ තත්ත්වය වෙනස් කරගන්න.

– laksara

Why civil society is in error

November 15th, 2022

By Uditha Devapriya Courtesy The Island

US Assistant Secretary of State Donald Lu visited Sri Lanka last Wednesday, October 19. He is reported to have arrived early morning. Having briefed US Embassy staff, he then presided over a civil society roundtable, after which he paid a visit to President Ranil Wickremesinghe and Foreign Affairs Minister Ali Sabry. Given that civil society does not see the president eye-to-eye, there’s little doubt that these two sessions yielded two completely different pictures of Sri Lanka’s situation. In any case, while commending civil society, Mr Lu went on record stating that President Wickremesinghe was the right person to get country out of crisis.” This was obviously not a sentiment shared by civil society.

There is such a thing as diplomatic protocol. Although State propaganda immediately made use of Mr Lu’s statement, as one commentator pointed out on Twitter, there was no way a high-ranking US diplomat would describe a country’s president as the wrong person to lead the country, especially during a courtesy call. Yet if Mr Lu’s visit reassured certain members of civil society that the world’s most powerful purveyor (or propagandist, depending on how you see it) of liberal democracy was looking out for them, his visit to the president’s office left them cold. The notion that the US will promote their values, which they feel to be in the country’s interests, no longer seems to hold as it did, say five years ago.

This is symptomatic of a wider paradigm shift among and within civil society, concerning the international community. There is a sense of disappointment at the way the Core Group operated in Geneva. While nationalists deride the UNHRC as a Western conspiracy, liberals and Colombo’s NGO-cracy point out it is not doing enough to pressurise the government. Prime among their concerns are the abolition of the Executive Presidency and the repeal of the Prevention of Terrorism Act. The civil society argument is simple and tenable: given the scale of the economic crisis, there has never been a better time to unify people on issues like anti-terror legislation and minority rights. As such, it is within not merely the jurisdiction of the UNHRC but also their responsibility to hold the State to account.

The government’s argument, on the other hand, is that the economic crisis trumps all other considerations and that more time is needed, until the worst is over, to focus on civil society concerns. As expected, it has rejected the UN resolution.

There are two schools of thought about the UNHRC session. The first holds that it represents a diplomatic failure, the second that it underlines the country’s human rights failures. Both note the diminution of support for the country from the Global South at the session, though the government highlights the abstentions it won” as some sort of a victory. Yet while the first school argues that the country should do more to canvass support from other states, the second contends that the government must push hard-hitting reforms to get out of the mess it pushes itself into every March or September at Geneva.

Here, then, are the main cleavages within Sri Lanka’s civil society and intellectual circles: between what I call the human rightists and the diplomatists. The diplomatists do not view human rights as ends in themselves: they consider the resolution of such issues as vital to the country’s image abroad. The human rightists, on the other hand, consider them as ends in themselves, which have no meaning outside their frame of reference. They need to be pursued because they are in line with certain fundamental values.

Writing to Factum, Sanja de Silva Jayatilleka notes that in the absence of healthy respect for human rights … diplomacy, however skilled, can only play a limited, increasingly marginal role.” By contrast, Paikiasothy Savaranamuttu in Groundviews argues that the resolution keeps Sri Lanka on the international agenda.” For me this is the main dividing line: between the diplomatist view of human rights as a platform for creative diplomacy” (Jayatilleka) and the human rightist view of it as a reference point” (Savaranamuttu). I am not denying that the two share certain opinions. But the differences are too stark. This comes out palpably in the way civil society views the political dimensions of their concerns.

Civil society groups and activists seem to assume, and argue, that organisations like the International Monetary Fund or the World Bank look into political governance structures, outside their jurisdiction in economic reforms. The young protesters at Gotagogama who demanded early on that the IMF not bail out the government were clearly naïve enough to think that the IMF would prioritise their concerns; that Colombo’s civil society shared their perspective is somewhat, to say the least, astounding.

But it is also understandable. If these groups view human rights and democracy as universal values that have no frame of reference outside themselves, if they view them as detached from international politics, then they will see every multilateral organisation, including those having no jurisdiction over human rights, as advocates of its causes.

This argument does not and should not belittle civil society itself. Civil society has played an important role in the country’s political and social life, and it should not be marginalised or made to feel like an outsider, or worse, a terrorist. Its move against the proposed Bureau of Rehabilitation should be welcomed by all progressives, whatever their political orientation. Yet the inability of civil society to see the issues they raise as ends in themselves rather than means to ends – to understand that issues like human rights are used by various groups to promote their ends – is perhaps their blindest spot. That sections of civil society have been co-opted by this regime only proves my point: even authoritarian States can use progressive rhetoric to ensnare these groups, even while brutally suppressing dissent.

That is why I believe that civil society urgently needs to go beyond where it is now. It must use international platforms to advocate their causes. It must also come to terms with the fact, the undeniable fact, that human rights cannot be delinked from international politics, and that it is used by certain countries to advocate certain agendas. This should not make civil society apathetic to the excesses of the State: it must work against the State whenever the State works against them and those they represent. Yet to jump on one bandwagon or the other, internationally and at home, in the guise of protecting human rights, would be a pyrrhic victory: the yahapalana regime and its co-option of civil society is a case in point here. Civil society’s dependence on foreign patronage should hence not blind it to certain truths about their causes, and the wider political dimensions of those causes.

For me, civil society assumptions about human rights, democracy, accountability, and international politics can all be traced back to their failure to emphasise the distinction between a State and a regime. Many civil society activists conflate the two. Yet a State is not a regime: the latter can be replaced, the former cannot and should not.

In no country in the world, not even in the United States, does civil society square the one with the other. And yet, Colombo’s civil society has given the impression that it is working against the State, instead of specific regimes harbouring authoritarian tendencies. For all their faults, the protesters at Gotagogama – the overwhelming majority of them – did make this distinction: that is why, even after occupying one government building after another, the leftist student groups that led the protests until Gotagogama disbanded warned visitors that these establishments belonged to the State, and as such belonged to all.

The diplomatists see human rights and other concerns for what they are: a platform for creative diplomacy, and not ends in themselves. I think this approach helped us a great deal in 2009, when we won support across countries and regions. The government, however, failed to seize the moment, to use it to promote rather than belittle human rights. It is one thing, after all, to call out what Eric Hobsbawm called the imperialism of human rights”, and quite another to consider human rights as alien to the country’s culture. To paraphrase a former diplomat, human rights is not a devil to be exorcised, but something to be used for the benefit of all. At the end of the day the responsibility of a country’s State is to its people, and to their well-being. Any regime that strays from this responsibility relinquishes its right to exist. This is the argument the young Gotagogama protesters used.

In the sense that values like democracy and human rights are universal, and apply to every country, every society, every community, I am hence in agreement with civil society. In the sense that they do not exist outside themselves, that international institutions like the IMF consider them universal enough to supersede all other priorities and factors, including their functional jurisdictions, I consider civil society to be in error. That it appears to be growing tired of the UNHRC, the Core Group, and other alliances, shows that it has realised the limits of multilateral engagement and the flaws of its assumptions. A paradigm shift thus seems to be in order. Whether civil society will take the leap remains to be seen.

The writer is an international relations analyst, researcher, and columnist who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com

CEO makes shocking revelation: 50% of factories are closed-

November 15th, 2022

Courtesy The Island

About 50% of factories had been closed and the others were operating at sub optimal levels, Dhammika Samarawickrama, head of the Micro Electric International (Pvt) Ltd said during a TV interview on Wednesday night.

This is a big problem. A lot of factories have been closed, and the others are working only for about two weeks a month. This is because the demand has dropped and there is no point in running the factory throughout the month, he said.

Samarawickrama said that apart from the obvious economic problem, a large number of unemployed would have an unfathomable social cost.

I don’t think we have ever had so many unemployed people. So many job losses and these people also have to make ends meet. The government really has to do something urgently,” he said.

The factories were closing down because of high bank interest rates and the skyrocketing cost of production, he said.

Interest rates are too high. It’s impossible to take a new loan or even pay interest for existing loans. Attempts made by businessmen to get a debt moratorium too have been unsuccessful. On the other hand, the cost of production has doubled or tripled. The electricity bill has been increased by 100 percent. We hear that the tariff will be increased by 30 percent in January. Therefore the costs have gone up and businessmen have increased prices,” he said.

On the other hand, the purchasing power of the people has dropped and there is a marked drop in demand, Samarawickrama said. Samarawickrama said that no businessman wants to incur losses for any reason.

However, people are not buying at the new prices. So obviously the economy will shrink. The government has to step in and ensure that there is some equilibrium,” he said.

If Islamic extremist teachings removed from textbooks, why not distributing them? Minister

November 15th, 2022

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

While commenting on the start of distributing textbooks for Islamic schools that contain extremist teachings, the education minister said several amendments have been made to remove certain words and sentences from textbooks through a committee appointed by the ministry.

Education Minister Susil Premajayantha told the media today after a program at the Prince College, Kotahena in Colombo that the committee had decided before he took over.

In recent times, there have been many revelations that Islamic school textbooks contain extremist teachings.

The printing of Islamic school textbooks was temporarily halted and the Ministry of Education even recalled the school textbooks that had been printed and distributed.

If the corrections were made, there is no issue with the distribution of the school textbooks as they face the upcoming Ordinary Level examination.

In addition, the minister said that a debate was in parliament claiming that children are suffering from malnutrition and do not have a meal during school time. They did not even organize any activity to distribute lunch for at least 100 children.

Another debate about prevention of drug usage. But not even a single opposition minister was present when the act was passed last Friday (11). Anyone has the right to criticize. The country will know the person who can take on the challenges and implement them. (Chaturanga Samarawickrama)

Govt. has unpaid bills of about Rs. 200 billion – Finance Secretary

November 15th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

The government has unpaid bills of about Rs. 200 billion, mainly to the construction and various other institutions, says the Secretary to the Ministry of Finance Mahinda Siriwardana.

He stated that the government has come up with revenue and tax policies because the government is unable to pay those bills.

The Treasury Secretary stated this while speaking during a post-budget seminar on the 2023 budget, under the theme Dissecting the Budget 2023”, at the Central Bank in Colombo today (15). 

On day-to-day operations when you are maintaining the cash flow, I see how difficult it is. Because your revenue is not sufficient even to pay for your essential items like the salaries, wages, maybe subsidies and all sorts of things.” 

And as a result, I have indicated this earlier also, we have unpaid bills of about Rs. 200 billion and mainly those are to the construction and various other institutions. And as a result, I know the pain that these specific sectors are going through,” he said.

But unfortunately the government is not in a position to pay those things.”

However, he said that at the same time while paying all these essential items, the government has to manage the other things as well. And at the same time, we have to contribute to the strengthening of stabilization process as well.” 

There what I see is the importance of reducing central bank financing. You know central bank financing or simply money printing was a simplation.  We have been relying on this money printing for at least 2-3 years,” he said. 

The Finance Secretary said that the reduction of expenditure is again not an easy task. That is where the government has come up with revenue policies and tax policies to increase the government revenue.”

So you have to maintain the public sector and you have to continue the government machinery and at the same time you have to contribute the stabilization. So you have to maintain a balance between these two,” he added.

Siriwardana also said that stabilising the economy remained a challenge and the private sector must perform its role in aiding the government in pulling the economy out of crisis.

He said the government was setting up a Presidential Committee to monitor and ensure timely implementation of budget proposals.

Sri Lanka avoided ‘crash landing’ of its economy – CBSL Governor

November 15th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

The Governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL ), Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe says Sri Lanka was able to avoid a crash landing of its economy and turn it into a soft landing but on a lower point.

If we have not taken those macroeconomic measures the situation would have been much worse”, he mentioned.

Commenting on the 2023 Budget presented to the parliament yesterday, the CBSL Governor emphasized that this stability could carry forward with necessary reforms.

Sri Lanka needs to implement budget proposals and reform measures to start earning crucial foreign exchange to help stabilise its economy and ensure it does not return to crisis, its central bank chief said on Tuesday.

The Sri Lankan economy can turn around by the end of 2023 if budget policies, which are not limited to the International Monetary Fund’s recommendations, are followed, President Ranil Wickremesinghe said in his budget speech on Monday.

Governor P. Nandalal Weerasinghe, in remarks at a discussion on the budget, said the situation in the island nation was stable but at a very low point.

Budget has to look at what reforms are needed to ensure Sri Lanka remains stable and does not return to crisis,” he said.

We expect relief from creditors but in order to convince them to share the pain we also have to show them that we are taking a share in the pain as well,” he added.

Soaring inflation, a weakening currency and low foreign exchange reserves have left the island of 22 million people struggling to pay for imports of essentials such as food, fuel and medicine and in dire need of an IMF bailout.

Sri Lanka signed a staff-level agreement with the IMF in early September but needs to get financing assurances from multiple creditors, including China and Japan, to secure disbursements.

The next crucial step is to get financing assurances and the IMF programme and additional financial support so Sri Lanka can eventually return to a growth path,” Weerasinghe said.

He reiterated the need for Sri Lanka to reform its loss-making state-owned enterprises so they stop being a burden on the banks, the government and the people.

Treasury secretary K. M. Mahinda Siriwardana said at the same event that stabilising the economy remained a challenge and the private sector must perform its role in aiding the government in pulling the economy out of crisis.

He said the government was setting up a Presidential Committee to monitor and ensure timely implementation of budget proposals.

Weerasinghe said Sri Lanka needed to stop depending on debt for its financing requirements and implement measures to bring in foreign exchange.

Addressing chronic fiscal and current account deficits, while also collecting more revenue and maintaining a reasonable level of sovereign debt, were all going to be crucial, he said.

The economy cannot be reformed overnight. That is a painful process. The next challenge is to implement the budget according to a timeline,” he said.

–With Agencies Inputs

ශ්‍රී ලංකා ඉතිහාසය විකෘති කිරීම් (2වන කොටස)

November 13th, 2022

චානක බණ්ඩාරගේ

මෙහි පළමු ලිපියේ සඳහන් මහාචාර්ය වරයා සිංහලයාගේ සම්භවය දකුණු ඉන්දියාව බව (එනම් සිංහලයා පැවතෙන්නේ ද්‍රවිඩයන්ගෙන් වැනි මතයක්) ඔහුගේ ‘නොනවතින ඉතිහාසය’ යු ටියුබ් නාළිකා වැඩසටහන් වලින් ඉතා සියුම් සහ සැඟවනු ලෙස පෙන්වා දීමට උත්සහ දරා ඇති බවක් පෙනේ.

මෙතුමා පල කරන සමහරක් කරුණු මෙරට ඉතිහාසයේ කිසිදාක පිළිනොගත් ඒවායි. ඔහු විසින්ම සොයා ගන්නා ලද ඒවා බව පෙනී යයි. නමුත්, ඒ කිසිවක් මේ ලියුම්කරු දන්නා පරිදී, බාහිර ලොව ඉතිහාසඥයින්, පුරාවිද්‍යාද්‍යාඥයින් පිළිගෙන නැත.

මෙම නාලිකාව ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ආදී ඉතිහාසය පිළිබඳව වැඩ සටහන් සිය ගණනක් සිදු කර ඇති අතර මෙම ලියුම්කරු සවන් දී ඇත්තේ ඉන් අතලොස්සකට පමණි. මේ විග්‍රහය එසේ සවන් දෙන ලද වැඩසටහන් කිහිපය ගැන පමණි. මහාචාර්යවරයා ඒවායේ මෙසේ කියයි: (ඇල අකුරු වලින් (italics) දක්වා ඇති සටහන් මෙම ලියුම්කරුගේ ඒවාය.

  • විජය කියා රජ කෙනෙක් සිටී බවට කිසිම සඳහනක් නැහැ (මහාචාර්යතුමා කොතෙක් උත්සහ කලත් විජය තම්බපන්නියේ – වර්තමාන පුත්තලම/විල්පත්තු ආශ්‍රිත ප්‍රදේශ වල, රජ වූ බව ලෝක ඉතිහාසයේ ලියවී හමාරය).
  • සිංහල ජාතිය විජය කුමරු පැමිණීමෙන් පසු ඇරභීය යන්න පිලි ගත නොහැක.
  • පණ්ඩුවස්දේවගෙන් පසුවද ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ඉතිහාසය පටන් ගත්තේ?.
  • පණ්ඩුකාභය නියම හෙළයෙක් නොවෙයි (මහාවංශයට අනුව මොහු විජයගෙන් පසු ‘සිංහලේ’ 4වෙනි රජුය – විජය, පන්ඬුවස්දේව, අභය රජවරුන්ගෙන් පසු. (විජයගෙන් පසු මහ සෙනෙවි උපතිස්ස ද උපතිස්ස නුවර වසරක් පමණ පාලනය කළේය).
  • පණ්ඩුකාභය රජුට දෙමළ සම්භවයක් ඇත (එසේ විය නොහැකියි; පණ්ඩුවස්දේව ශ්‍රී  ලංකාවේ (සිංහලයන්ගේ) 2 වන රජුයි – විජයට ඔහුගේ 2වෙනි විවාහයෙන් දරුවන් නොසිටී නිසා පණ්ඩුවස්දේව දඹදිව සිංහපුර සිට පැමිණ රජකම භාර ගතී. පණ්ඩුවස්දේව යනු විජයගේ නිවුන් සොහොයුරු සුමිත්තගේ පුත්‍රයායි. පණ්ඩුවස්දේව විවාහ වූයේ භද්ධකච්චායනා කුමරිය සමඟයි. පණ්ඩුකාභය යනු මේ දෙපලගේ පුත් දියණිය චිත්‍රා සහ දීඝ ගාමිණි කුමරුගේ පුත්‍රයාය. එනම්, පණ්ඩුකාභයට විජය ඥාති මුත්තා වේ (සීයා වූ පණ්ඩුවස්දේවගේ මාමා). අනුරාධපුර රාජධානිය ඉදිකළ පණ්ඩුකාභය වසර 107ක් ආයු වැළඳීය; වසර 70ක් සාර්ථකව රට පාලනය කළේය).
  • කුවේණි ඉන්දියාවෙන් ආව කාන්තාවක් (මේවා සාක්ෂි සහිතව මෙම මහාචාර්යවරයා පෙන්වා දී නොමැත).
  • කුවේණි පාන්ඩ්ව දුහිතෘවක්.

(දෙමළ ඊලාම් වාදීන් ද  සිංහල ඉතිහාසය අවුල් කිරීමට, ඔවුනට සිංහලයාට වඩා ‘අයිතියක්’ මේ රටේ ඇති බව පෙන්වීමට කුවේණිය ද්‍රවිඩ කාන්තාවක් යයි කියති. දේවානම් පියතිස්ස (පණ්ඩුකාභයගේ මුනුබුරා) ‘පියතිස්සම්’ වශයෙන් හුවා දක්වති). 

  • මහාවංශය ලියුවේ ඉන්දියාවට ඕන විදියටද?
  • මහාවංශය ලියු හාමුදුරුවෝ ඉන්දියානුවෙක්ද?
  • මහාවංශයේ තියෙන ඒවාට වඩා වෙනත් දේවල් එළියේ තියෙනවා.
  • වසභ රජු ආවේ උතුරෙන්; ඔහු රට බෙදුවා .
  • වසභ රජු දකුණු ඉන්දියාවෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට පැමිණි රජෙක්. 
  • වසභ රජු පළවී වරයෙක් – මුලතිව් වරාය හරහා අම්පාරට ආවා.
  • නාගයෝ තමා යාපනයේ හිටියේ.
  • නාගවරුන් ලංකාවට ආවේ දකුණු ඉන්දියාවේ අන්ද්‍රා ප්‍රදේශයෙන්.
  • නාගවරු යනු දෙමළ අයයි.
  • නාගයෝ දකුනෙත් හිටියා. 
  • නාගවරු අන් අයට වඩා දක්ෂයි; ඉතාම අගය කල යුතු පිරිසක්.
  • නිට්ටෑවෝ ආවේ මලබාර් කෝරලෙන් (දෙමළ).
  • වාකාරේ ඉන්න වැදී ජනතාව නිට්ටෑවන් ගෙන් පැමිණෙන්නන් (තමන් ද්‍රවිඩ බව පැවැසීම ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ වැද්දන් විශේෂයෙන්ම බින්තැන්නේ – තරයේ ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කරත්. ඔවුන් සෑම විටම පෙන්වන්නේ සිංහල, බෞද්ධ ගති ලක්ෂණය).
  • ධාතුසේනට ප්‍රථම ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සිටී රජවරුන් 4 දෙනාම ද්‍රවිඩ රජවරුන්.
  • තොප්පිගල, කුඩුම්බිගල දෙමල ප්‍රදේශ බව.
  • ධාතුසේන රජු ද්‍රවිඩයේ පාන්ඩ්යයන් නැසූ බව.
  • පරාක්‍රමබාහු ඔහුගේ සෙන්පතියෙක් යවා පාන්ඩ්ය රජුගේ පුතුව (වීර පාන්ඩ්ය) රජකර එම සෙන්පතියාව නැවත ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට ගෙන්වා ගත් බව.
  • පරාක්‍රමබාහු දකුණු ඉන්දියාවෙන් ද්‍රවිඩයන් මෙරටට ගෙනවිත් ඔවුන් ලවා රුවන්වැලි මහා සෑය සැදවූ (ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණය?) බව.
  • පරාක්‍රමබාහුගේ බාල නැගෙණිය ජීවත් වුයේ දකුණු ඉන්දියාවේ කාලිංග දේශයේ බව.
  • සීගිරිය ගැන,  මහාවංශය ගැන මහානාම හාමුදුරුවෝ කියපු කථාව සංචාරකයන්ට කියලා වැඩක් නැහැ. සීගිරිය ගැන අපි කථාවක් හදන්න ඕන.
  • සීගිරියේ වතුර මල ගැන කථාවක් අපි හදන්න ඕන
  • ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට වසර ලක්ෂ ගණනක ප්‍රාග් ඓතිහාසයක් උරුමයි.
  • දකුණු ආසියාවේ පැරණිතම ප්‍රාග් ඓය්තිහාසික රට ශ්‍රී ලංකාවයි (ඒ කියන්නේ ලොව පැරණිතම මිනිස් ශිෂ්ඨාචාරයක්  ඇති ඉන්දු -වැළි ශිෂ්ඨාචාරයටත් වඩා අප පරණයි?).
  • එසේ කියා තවත් වැඩ සටහනක ඔහු මෙසේ කියයි – ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ඉන්දියාවෙන් වෙන් වුනේ මීට වසර 7,000 ට පෙරයි.
  • පාළි කියා භාෂාවක් නැහැ (එසේනම් බුදු හාමුදුරුවන් දේශනා කලේ සිංහලෙන්ද?).
  • ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට බුදු දහම ඉන්දියාවෙන් බලෙන් එව්වාය කියනවා.
  • මිහිඳු හාමුදුරුවෝ එන්න කලින් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ බුද්ධාගම පැවතුනා  (මේ ප්‍රකාශය සඳහා කිසිම පුරාවිද්‍යාත්මක හෝ වෙනත් සාක්ෂියක් නොමැත. එදා මහින්දාගමනයෙන් අනතුරුව මුළු ශ්‍රී ලංකාවම බෞද්ධ විය. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ඇත්තේ සිංහල බෞද්ධ අත්තිවාරමකි. මෙතුමාගේ මෙම ප්‍රකාශය ශ්‍රී ලංකාව සිංහල බෞද්ධ රටක් නොවේය යනුවෙන් කෑ ගසන බොහෝ සිංහල දේශපාලනඥ්යනට සහ අනෙක් අයට උඩ ගෙඩි දීමකි).
  • බුදු දහම ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට ඒමට පෙර (මෙතුමා අදහස් කරනු ඇත්තේ මහින්දාගමනයට පෙර විය යුතුයි) සිටි ජනතාව චෛය්ත්ය ඉදි කළා (මේ පිළිබඳව සාක්ෂි මෙතුමා දී නැත).
  • අනුරාධපුර, පොළොන්නරු යුගවල එම ප්‍රදේශවල හිංදු කෝවිල් තිබු බව (මේ පිළිබඳව පිළිගත් සාක්ෂි නොමැත. මෙයද, ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ‘සිංහල බෞද්ධ’ රටක් නොවේය යන මතයට පහර ගැසීමකි. අපේ පන්සල් තුලට හින්දු කෝවිල් ඒමට පටන් ගත්තේ බොහෝ පසු කාලයේ, ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට පැමිණි අවසන් නායක්කර් රජවරු නිසාය).
  • දෙමළ බෞද්ධයෝ හිටියා (මෙයින් ඔවුන් කීමට තැත් කරන්නේ අද උතුරේ සහ නැගෙනහිර දක්නට ලැබෙන බොහෝ  බෞද්ධ නටඹුන් මෙම ඊනියා ‘දෙමළ බෞද්ධයන්’ විසින් කරවන ලද ඒවා බව නොවේද? මේවා මහින්දාගමනයෙන් පසු දේවානම් පියතිස්ස සහ ඉන් පසු ආ රජවරුන් විසින් සිදු කරන ලද ඒවා බව ප්‍රත්‍යක්ෂ වී හමාරය).
  • ලංකා ඉතිහාසයේ දෙමළ භාෂාව උඩටම ආපු කාලයන් තියෙනවා.
  • අශෝක රජු චෝල, පාන්ඩ්ය, කේරල දේශවලටද බුදු දහම යැව්වා.
  • පාන්ඩ්යයන් අවුරුදු 6,000ක් විතර පරණයි…… මේ ජනතාව ලංකාවට තල්ලුවෙලා ආවා.
  • තමන්ද සම්බන්ධව සකස් කරන ලද නව පුරාවිද්‍යා ජාතික ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් දැන් ඇති බවත් එහි  මෙසේ ඇති බවත් මෙම මහාචාර්ය වරයා උජාරුවෙන් මෙසේ කියයි:

‘නව ප්‍රතිපත්තිය යටතේ විදේශිකයන් මෙහි කරන පුරා විද්‍යා ගවේෂණ අපේ අධීක්ෂණය යටතේ පවත්වා ගෙන යාම නිසා ඒවායේ කර්තෘත්වය ඇත්තේ විදේශිකයාට නොවේ.  විදේශිකයා ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පිළිගත් පුරාවිද්‍යාඥයයෙක් යටතේ වැඩ කල යුතුයි. විදේශිකයා ඔහුගේ මුදල් රැගෙන පුරාවිද්‍යා කටයුතු සඳහා මෙරටට පැමිණිය යුතුයි. අපෙන් අවසර ලබා ගත යුතුයි. අපේ ශිෂ්‍යයන් පුහුණු කල යුතුයි. ඔහු යන විට ඔහුගේ සියළු තාක්ෂණික උපකරණ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට දී යා යුතුයි.’

මෙවැනි පුරාවිද්‍යා ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් තිබෙන තාක් එකදු ලොව පිළිගත් විදේශ පුරාවිද්‍යාඥයයෙක් ගවේෂණ කටයුතු සඳහා මෙරටට පැමිනේද? මෙම ලියුම්කරු දන්නා පරිදි විදේශිකයන්ට මේ රටේ පුරා විද්‍යා ගවේෂණ සඳහා අවසර ඉල්ලීමේ අධීක්ෂණයන්හිද මෙම මහාචාර්යතුමා සම්බන්ධය (මෙම දැන ගැනීම සමහර විට වැරදි විය හැක). මේ ජාතික ප්‍රතිපත්තිය සකසා ඇත්තේ ඔවුන්ගේ මෙරටට ඒම නැවත්වීමට නොවේද? ඔවුන් පැමිණ මේ අයගේ ‘බොරු සොයාගැනීම්’ හෙලිකරනු ඇතැයි යන බිය නිසාද?

එක් සමාජ නාලිකා වැඩසටහනක ‘ හෝමෝසපියන් වරු ගොඩ බැස්සා යාලේ’ යයි මෙම මහාචාර්යවරයාගේ ප්‍රකාශය – මෙයින් මෙතුමා උත්සහකර ඇත්තේ විජයාගමනය පරාජය කිරීමයි. මීට අවුරුදු ලක්ෂ 3ට පෙර අප්‍රිකාවෙන් නුතන මානවයා බිහි විය. ඔහු හඳුන්වන්නේ හෝමෝ සපියෙන් නමිනි. මේ අයට කියා අවේනික වූ ජාතියක් නැත.

ශ්‍රී ලංකා ශිෂ්ඨාචාරය ආරම්භ වුයේ (විජයගෙන් නොව) හෝමෝ සපියන් වරුන් ගෙන් බව පාසැල් ඉතිහාස පෙළ පොත් වල දැන් දැක්වේ. මේ හෝමෝ සපියෙන්ට නමක්, ජාතියක්, ආගමක්, සංස්කෘතියක්, සභ්‍යත්වයක් නැත.

මෙම මහාචාර්යතුමා පාසැල් ඉතිහාසය පෙළ පොත් සම්පාදනය සඳහා වූ  සංස්කාරක මණ්ඩලයේ ප්‍රබල සාමාජිකයෙකි. මෙතුමා එක් විද්‍යුත් මාද්‍ය වැඩසටහනක සඳහන් කලේ මෙම හෝමෝසපියන් වෙනස පෙළ පොත්වල සිදු කිරීමට ලැබීම අප ලද ජයග්‍රහණයක් බවය.

අද පාසැල් ශිෂ්‍යයන් පමණක් නොව ඉතිහාසය උගන්වන ගුරුවරුන් පවා පවසන්නේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ආරම්භකයා හෝමෝ සපියන් බවයි. අපේ කාලයේ ඉගැන්වුයේ මේ ආරම්භකයා විජය බවයි  එය වසර දෙදහසකට කිට්ටු  කාලයක් මේ රටේ තිබු පිළිගැනීමයි – සිංහල, දෙමළ, මුස්ලිම්, බර්ගර්, මැලේ සියළු දෙනාම  පොදුවේ ඒ බව අවිවාදයෙන් පිළිගත්හ.  19 වන ශත වර්ෂයයේ සිට 2000 පමණ දක්වා නිකුත් වූ සෑම ලංකා ඉතිහාසය පොතකම/ලේඛනයකම දැක්වුයේ මෙයයි.

මෙය අපේ රට බාර ගැනීමට සිටින අපේ අනාගත පරම්පරාව නොමඟ යැවීමකි.  

නැවතත්, හෝමෝ සපියන් යනු ජන කාණ්ඩයක් නොවේ. පොදුවේ වර්තමාන ලෝකයේ ජීවත්වන සියලුම මිනිසුන් හෝමෝ සපියන් වරුන් වේ (ඉන්දියන්, පකිස්තාන්, ඇමරිකන්, සිම්බාබ්වේ, ලාඕස්, සෞදි, ඕස්ත්‍රේලියානු, ශ්‍රී ලාංකික, බ්‍රසිල්, පිලිපීන ආදී).

ඉදින්, මේ අයගෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ගොඩ නැගුනා යයි කියා අප දරුවනට උගන්වන ඉතිහාසය අමුලීක බොරු නොවන්නේද?

තමන්ගේ රටේ ආරම්භකයා හෝමෝ සපියන්වරු යනුවෙන් පාසැල් සිසුනට ඉතිහාසය උගන්වන ලෝකයේ වෙනත් කිසිම රටක් තිබිය නොහැක.

බුදු රජාණන් වහන්සේ උපන්නේ දඹදිව නොව ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ යයි පවසන පිරිසක් මෑතක සිට බිහිවී සිටී. මේ අය අතර සංඝයාවහන්සේලා ද සිටිති.

ඉවක් බවක් නොමැතිව මොවුන් කරන මෙම හිතුවක්කාරී ප්‍රකාශ නිසා මේ රටේ වත්මන් බුදු දහමට සහ එය ඉදිරියේදී ආරක්ෂා කිරීමට සිටින අනාගත පරම්පාරාවට සිදුකරන්නේ කියා නිම කල නොහැකි හානියකි. මන්ද, ඉතා පිරිසිඳු, අව්‍යාජ වන අපේ සිංහල බෞද්ධ ඉතිහාසය බොරුවක් ද යන ප්‍රශ්නාර්ථය අප සිසුන්ගේ මනසේ ධාරණය කිරීමට දරන උත්සහයක් ලෙස මෙය මෙම ලියුම්කරු දකී. දැනට වසර කිහියක සිට එය ඉතා සාර්ථකව සිදු වෙමින් පවතී. මේ නිසා සිංහලත්වය, බෞද්ධකම පිළිබඳව සිසු දරුවන්ගේ තිබෙන ආදරය, ගෞරවය, විශ්වාසය ගිලිහී යයි.

මතු සම්බන්ධයි ………

Olcotte Oration 2022 – Key Note Speech | Mr.Thilan Wijesinghe | Sri Lanka Economic Situation

November 13th, 2022

Official Online Media Partner – www.buzzer.lk

The Olcott Oration is annually hosted by the Ananda College Old Boys’ Association in memory of the yeoman services rendered by our founders & in particular, the late Col. Henry Steel Olcott in nurturing & establishing the English Buddhist education in “CEYLON”. The Olcott Oration 2022 will be delivered virtually by the Former B.O.I Chairman, Investment Banker, PPP Specialist and Entrepreneur Mr Thilan Wijesinghe, Founder & Executive Chairman of TWC (Pvt.) Ltd. The oration is titled “Bridging the Ideological Divide that Caused Sri Lanka’s Economic Situation”

රටක බඩගින්න නිවන්න සියලු දෙනා මැදිහත් වෙන්න අවශ්‍යම වෙලාවක්. ඒකට කැපවෙන්න මේ මහපොළොව සූදානම්…     – අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය දිනේෂ්  ගුණවර්ධන මහතා.

November 13th, 2022

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය

රටක බඩගින්න නිවන්න සියලු දෙනා එක් විය යුතු අවස්ථාව එළඹ ඇතැයි අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය දිනේෂ්  ගුණවර්ධන මහතා පවසයි.
ආහාර සුරක්ෂිතතාව සහ පෝෂණය පිළිබඳ රත්නපුර දිස්ත්‍රික් රැස්වීම  2022.11.12 දින රත්නපුර දිස්ත්‍රික් ලේකම් කාර්යාලයේ පැවති අවස්ථාවේදී  අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා මේ බව සඳහන් කළේය.
එහිදී වැඩිදුරටත් අදහස් දැක්වූ අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය වරයා  –
වගා කල හැකි කිසිම රජයේ ඉඩමක් වගා නොකර නිකන් තියන්න  බැහැ. නිලධාරීන්ට ඒවාට හරස් වෙන්නත් බැහැ. බාධා කරන්නත් බැහැ. මේ මහ පොළොවට පුළුවන් අපිව අහරින් ස්වයංපෝෂිත කරන්න. අලුත් යෞවන ව්‍යවසායකයන්ට කෘෂිකර්මය පිළිබඳව විශ්වාසයක් ඇති කිරීමට වාතාවරණයක්ඒ තුළින් ඇති කළ යුතුයි. නිලධාරීන් හැම විටම ඒ සඳහා වන සියලුම සහයෝගයන් ලබා දිය යුතුයි.
ඇති වී තිබෙන දැවැන්ත ආර්ථික අභියෝග ජයගන්නා අවස්ථාවකට අප යොමු වී තිබෙනවා. හැම ඩොලරයක්ම ඉතුරු කර ගන්නයි අප උත්සාහ කළ යුත්තේ. රජයේ වැඩපිළිවෙළ ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමේ  ක්ෂේත්‍ර ගණනාවක් තුළ ආහාර සුරක්ෂිතතාවයට මූලිකත්වය හිමි වෙනවා.
පොහොර බීජ සහ අනෙකුත් ද්‍රව්‍ය රජය මැදිහත්වී ලබාදීමේ වැඩපිළිවෙළ යළි ස්ථාපිත කර තිබෙනවා. දැනට වගා කර තිබෙන ඉඩම් ප්‍රමාණය පසුගිය කන්නයට වඩා වැඩි කර ගැනීම, වගා නොකරන ඉඩම් වගාවට යොමු කිරීම, කිසි ලෙසකින් වගා නොකරන ඉඩම් නැවත වගාවට යොමු කිරීම යන ඉලක්ක සාර්ථක කර ගත යුතුයි.
අලුත් ආදායම් මාර්ග ගම්වලට ගේන්න අලුත් යෞවන ව්‍යවසායකයින්ට කෘෂිකර්මාන්තය පිළිබඳ අලුත් විශ්වාසයක් ජනිත කිරීම සහ ජාත්‍යන්තර අභියෝගය ජය ගැනීම පිළිබඳව  අවධානය යොමු කළ යුතුයි.
ඉඩම් ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ පනත ගොවිජන සේවා පනත වැනි පනත් හරහා ලබා දී තිබෙන අවස්ථා ප්‍රයෝජනයට ගෙන වගාවන් සඳහා ඉඩම් නිදහස් කිරීමට මේ අවස්ථාවේදී රාජ්‍ය යාන්ත්‍රණය මීට වඩා උනන්දු විය යුතුයි.
රාජ්‍ය නිලධාරීන්ට මම කියන්නේ මේ කර්තව්‍ය  සාර්ථක කර ගන්න සියලු දෙනාට මග පෙන්වන්න. ඉඩම් ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ කොමිෂන් සභාවට මහවැලි අධිකාරියට සහ දැනට වතු සමාගම් වල පවතින වගා නොකළ ඉඩම් වගා කිරීම සඳහා  කඩිනම් පියවර ගත යුතුයි.
විදේශ විනිමය රටට දිනා ගැනීමේ කෙටි කාලීන හා දිගු කාලීන වැඩසටහන් වලට මුළු රටම උපයෝගී කරගත හැකි ප්‍රධානම අවස්ථාවක් විදිහට මේ අවස්ථාව අපි සලකනවා. කර්මාන්ත එනතුරු බලා සිටිය යුතු නැහැ. කෘෂිකර්මාන්තය ප්‍රධාන බෝග වගාවන් නිෂ්පාදනය කර කර්මාන්ත බවට පරිවර්තනය කරන්න පුළුවන්.
අපේ ඉලක්කය සපුරා ගන්නා තුරු ආහාර බෝග වගේම අපනයන බෝග වගාවත් ක්‍රියාත්මක කළ යුතුයි. ආර්ථික වශයෙන් තිබුණු අමාරුම කාලය වෙනසකට පරිවර්තනය කිරීමට අපට හැකි වී තිබෙනවා.
සබරගමු පළාත් ආණ්ඩුකාර ටිකිරි කොබ්බෑකඩුව, රත්නපුර දිස්ත්‍රික් සම්බන්ධීකරණ කමිටු සභාපති අකිල එල්ලාවල, රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍යවරුන් වන ජානක වක්කුඹුර, අශෝක ප්‍රියන්ත, ප්‍රේමලාල් ජයසේකර, පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් වන, පවිත්‍රා වන්නිආරච්චි, ජෝන් සෙනෙවිරත්න, මුදිතා සොයිසා, වරුණ ප්‍රියන්ත ලියනගේ, ගාමිණී වලේබොඩ ඇතුළු පළාත් පාලන ආයතන ප්‍රධානීන් සහ නියෝජිතයින්, රාජ්‍ය නිලධාරීන් මෙම අවස්ථාවට එක්විය.

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය

Who and where is Nalini Sriharan’s daughter Harithra? Rajiv Gandhi assassination convict claims innocence after release

November 13th, 2022

Courtesy DNA

Nalini was pregnant at the time of the assassination.

Nalini Sriharan, one of the six convicts of the Rajiv Gandhi assassination case who were released on Saturday, said she wasn’t involved in the murder of the Prime Minister of India. In an interview on Sunday, she claimed her only fault was getting acquainted with her husband’s friends. She also spoke about the difficult equation she has with her daughter, Harithra. Sriharan’s husband Murugan is a Sri Lankan national and a co-convict. Nalini said she had no role in Gandhi’s murder. 

She told NDTV she had gotten acquainted with her husband’s friends. She said she helped them when they needed to go to threatens, shops and hotels. She claimed she had no personal contact with them and didn’t know their families. 

Nalini Sriharan had accompanied Dhanu — the suicide bomber who killed Gandhi — to the Congress rally venue in Sriperumbudur in Tamil Nadu in 1991. She was captured in a photo with the bomber moments before the blast. 

She was sentenced to death in 1999. However, after Gandhi’s wife Sonia Gandhi’s intervention, her sentence was commuted to life imprisonment. She had been in jail since 1991. 

Who is Harithra?

Nalini was pregnant at the time of the assassination. She gave birth to Harithra inside the jail in 1992. Harithra remained with her in jail until she was 2 years old. She was later raised by another family.

Nalini and her husband Murugan hadn’t met their daughter till 2019. Sriharan received one-month parole from the court to attend her wedding. 

Harithra is a doctor by profession and is settled in London. 

Nalini told the news channel that she had forgotten her mother.

Also read: Who is Nalini Sriharan? What role did she play in assassinating Rajiv Gandhi?

She said her incarceration and her release had been very difficult for her daughter. 

Before Sriharan’s release, her lawyer said Nalini may choose to live in Chennai or join her daughter in London.

In 2014, Harithra Sriharan sought an apology from Rahul Gandhi. At that time, she was a student of Bio-Medicine in the United Kingdom. She left India in 2005.

She got married in 2019. 

Four freed convicts of Rajiv case detained at Tiruchy camp

November 13th, 2022

By Palanivel Rajan C Express News Service

While calls for their release arise from various quarters, the four Sri Lankan nationals’ movement remains restricted until further orders.

TIRUCHY:  Even as the Supreme Court on Friday allowed the remaining six convicts in the Rajiv Gandhi assassination case to walk free, four of them—V Sriharan alias Murugan, Santhan, Robert Payas and Jayakumar—were brought to the special camp at the Central Prison in Tiruchy under police escort on Saturday night.

While calls for their release arise from various quarters, the four Sri Lankan nationals’ movement remains restricted until further orders.

A source said the Foreigners Regional Registration Office (FRRO), which comes under the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA), has invoked Section 3(2)(E) of the Foreigners Act, 1946, to restrict the movement of the four convicts and confine them at the camp, which is a foreigners’ detention centre.

In this scenario, either the four have to file a petition with the government authorities demanding their deportation procedure to move to another country, including issuance of passports, or the State government should intervene and hold a discussion with the MHA demanding their release from the special camp,” the source added.

A Kennedy, an advocate at the district court who works closely with the inmates of the special camp, said that notwithstanding the Supreme Court order, the case background has led to the detention of the four at the camp.

Two among the four have married Indian nationals, so by referring Section 5(1)(C) of the Indian Citizenship Act, 1955, the two convicts, Murugan and Jayakumar, can seek Indian citizenship,” he added.
VCK leader Vanni Arasu said the special camp was against human rights. Confining the four even after the SC order goes against their rights. They should at least be allowed to stay in a separate house to breathe free after decades.”

Kennedy, however, pointed out that the special camp comes under the district collector’s purview and hence his permission must be sought to stay outside the camp. Also, Indian citizen should ensure their stay and provide surety for them, he said.

When contacted, District Collector and special camp in-charge M Pradeep Kumar said the four would be staying in the special camp until they receive any deportation orders from FRRO. It’s regular procedure applicable to any foreign citizen. Anyone getting released or getting bail can’t be accommodated in any other place other than the special camp,” he added. On the measures taken for the four, the collector said special arrangements for food and accommodation were made and added that additional police personnel have been deployed in and around the camp.

What is the special camp?

The special camp on the premises of the Central Prison in Tiruchy houses foreign nationals who were allegedly involved in criminal activities like possession of illegal passports and smuggling. If any of the refugees living in the rehabilitation camps run by the government involve in unlawful activities, they would be moved to the special camp. Currently, the special camp at Tiruchy has around 130 inmates, including those from Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Nigeria.

UNP to take action against its member who protested in front of Chinese Embassy

November 13th, 2022

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

UNP is to take action against its local government member Sashi Hettiarachci who held a protest in front of the Chinese Embassy in Colombo asking China to restructure Sri Lanka’s debt, Party General Secretary Palitha Range Bandara said.

“UNP has nothing to do with this protest held by pradeshiya Sabha member Shashi Hettiarachci. Our party believes in diplomacy and the government is engaged in resolving debt matters with China through diplomatic ties,” Range Bandara said. 

” Debt restructuring is a matter concerned with the minister of finance and not an issue of the Pradeshiya Sabha member. The party will decide on how to deal with the Pradeshiya Sabha member shortly,” he added. 

Hettiarachci organized a protest in front of the Chinese Embassy during the weekend calling China to restructure its debt to Sri Lanka. (Yohan Perera)

Plight and Prospects of our Public Service.

November 12th, 2022

Sugath Kulatunga

The edifice of a democratic government rests on three pillars the legislature, the executive, and the judiciary. In Sri Lanka, there had been as many as 21 changes in the Constitution dealing with the powers of the executive and legislature. There were heated debates and profuse analyses on the issues involved in these themes. Similar but less frequent and less controversial reviews have been there on the Judiciary as well. The success or failure of a government pivots mainly on the executive. It is also the body that is directly engaged with the public. It is an axiom that the success of executive action depends on the proficiency and propensity of its Public Service (PS). It is unfortunate that in recent times there had been no attempt to examine in depth the system of our PS. This is in spite of the fact that the government spends 86 percent of the government budget on salaries and pension payments to maintain a massive public service (PS) which has burgeoned into around 1.5 million public servants at one public servant to 14 citizens or to 3.4 households.

The following is an impressionistic note on the present state of and possible remedies to our PS based on personal experience and several studies in the public domain. All governments are responsible for this unwarranted increase in numbers due to narrow political compulsions rather than actual needs. The attraction of the PS has been the security of tenure and the handsome lifelong pension. Public servants enjoy a five-day week 26 public holidays and many other perks. They are on the job only 235 days in the year during which they enjoy 42 days of leave.

The day-to-day operations of the PS are governed by the Financial Regulations and the Establishment Code. There have been a few cosmetic changes but no radical revisions to suit the demands of the contemporary concerns of national development and public interest.

The low productivity in the PS and even in the private sector is due partly to the excessive number of public holidays which have increased to assuage sectarian interests. The biggest increase came with the poya holidays. One doubts whether the religiosity of Buddhist public servants has increased due to this measure. On poya holidays other than Vesak and Poson the Saturday immediately following the Poya holiday should be made a working day to compensate for the loss of productivity on the Poya holiday. The better option is to allow casual leave to any person who is keen to make religious observations on a Poya day. It is noted that Vietnam a Theravada Buddhist country has only 8 public holidays and Singapore only 11 public holidays. In Sri Lanka, even during these lesser number of days of work rarely do public servants attend to their tasks full time. The attendance register is a joke. It is manipulated to accommodate latecomers. It should be replaced with time recording machines. In city offices, clock watching is a common practice towards closing times. Hardly any work is done during the last half an hour. Public servants should also be required to sign off when they leave office.

Lack of discipline is another blight affecting productivity in the PS. An enormous amount of time is spent in offices reading newspapers and chatting in the canteens. In offices like Banks and even in some public corporations tea is served at the seat. This is a tradition that should be adopted by government offices as well. Newspapers should be confined only to the reading rooms. Most public servants are more informed on political gossip than on their areas of work.

While public servants have to accept the blame for their lack of responsibility and dedication there are manifest conditions in which they work that influence their behavior. There is an overconcentration of administrative functions in Colombo City. The location of the Capital City and center of administration in Jayawardhanepura only a short distance from Colombo has not eased the problems of traffic congestion and environmental issues. This continuous concentration of public administration within the commercial and capital conurbations has made a strain on public servants traveling to office. Not many public servants can afford to live within the city and even in the adjoining municipalities. Most public servants would be spending 2 hours or more traveling to the office by public transport. Traveling back home would take the same time. They do not have the time to prepare and have their breakfast at home. This makes them use the canteen to have their breakfast during office hours. More than all that the hazard of traveling under intolerable conditions for a few hours to the office makes them tired and less alert.

A fundamental and long-term step to make PS more accessible to the public and make it more productive is to remove the domination of Colombo and Jayawardhanapura by dismantling the over-concentration of administrative activities from there.  Colombo should be developed only as a commercial city. Unfortunately, our effort in moving out the Administration out of Colombo was colored by the anxiety to perpetuate the name of a living national leader. The capital city was located in a new city named the Jayawardhane Pura, in a marsh, at a short distance from Colombo. This move has not reduced the inconvenience of the PS or the public and made the PS more effective.

In this context, there are two measures that need careful attention. First is to locate the main government Departments in the Districts where the relevant activities are dominant. For example, the Irrigation Dept and the Mahaweli Authority have no justification to be located in Colombo. They should be located in a District where irrigation is dominant, perhaps in Anuradhapura. Paddy Marketing Board could be moved to Polonnaruwa. More Departments could be moved to District centers. What is the logic behind the Department of Surveys, or the Malaria Control Division is located in the Colombo District? It should be noted that the Department of Agriculture, a major Department has been functioning effectively in Peradeniya since British times. Such a move would also meet the objectives of the decentralization of governance on the principle of subsidiarity.

The other strategy is to establish satellite secretariats in the periphery of Colombo City. There is already a working model in the Kaccheri system (now District Secretariats) where several Departmental units operate under the nominal supervision of the Government Agent. The large Departments and other Public Enterprises in the City could locate sub-units in such a common secretariat. With fiber optic communications and advanced technologies, most of the work could be done online. If physical monitoring is a must CCTV system could also be installed. Such offices could reduce paperwork and the time wasted on travel by office workers at least by 50%, and drastically reduce traffic congestion. The opportunity cost of time wasted by road users is not normally considered, but it is enormous.

Besides the improvements in the working conditions of the PS, there is the need to implement broader administrative reform to improve bureaucracy in order to deliver efficiently essential services to the people and attain national development goals. Unwarranted political interference is one of the evil forces strangling the PS. The intrusion on the independence of the PS started with the 1972 Constitution of SL where the public service was named the State Service denoting that the task of the PS is to serve the State and not the public. Of this, the ‘your obedient servant’ to the public disappeared.

In the following Articles of the 1972 Constitution powers of appointment, transfers, and disciplinary control of public servants were vested in the Cabinet of Ministers. The Public Service Commission was abolished and replaced with a State Service advisory Board and a State Services Disciplinary Board.

 Article 113. (1) Appointment of State Officers: Except where the Constitution otherwise provides, appointments to posts of Heads of Departments and to such other posts as may be prescribed by the Cabinet of Ministers shall be made by the Cabinet of Ministers.

Article 117. Dismissal and Disciplinary Control of State Officers: The Cabinet of Ministers shall exercise its powers of dismissal and disciplinary control of state officers only after receiving through the Minister in charge of the Ministry or Department to which a state officer is attached, a recommendation from the State Services Disciplinary Board.

Article 118. (1): The Cabinet of Ministers may in accordance with the assignment of subjects and functions by the Prime Minister and subject to such conditions as may be prescribed by the Cabinet of Ministers, delegate to a Minister its powers of dismissal and disciplinary control of state officers.

Article 111.1: State Services Advisory Board: There shall be a State Services Advisory Board to exercise, perform or discharge such powers, functions or duties as are required of the State Services Advisory Board under the Constitution.

With the radical open market policies of 1977, it was expected that the independence of the public service would be restored. But in the 1978 Constitution, the introduction of the following Articles tightened the hold of the Cabinet on the PS.

Article 55. (1) : Subject to the provisions of the Constitution, the appointment, transfer, dismissal and disciplinary control of public officers is hereby vested in the Cabinet of Minis­ters, and all public officers shall hold office at pleasure.

(2) The Cabinet of Ministers shall not delegate its powers of appointment, transfer, dismissal, and disciplinary control in respect of Heads of Departments.

(3) The Cabinet of Ministers may from time to time delegate its powers of appointment, transfer, dismissal, and disciplinary control of other public officers to the Public Service Commission:

(4) Subject to the provisions of the Constitution, the Cabinet of Ministers shall provide for and determine all matters relating to public officers, including the formulation of schemes of recruitment and codes of conduct for public officers, the principles to be followed in making promotions and transfers, and the procedure for the exercise and the delegation of the powers of appointment, transfer, dismissal and disciplinary control of public officers.

Article 57. (1) : Whenever the Cabinet of Ministers so directs the Chairman of the Public Service Commission shall appoint a Committee of the Public Service Commission to exercise the powers of the Commission in respect of such categories of public officers as are specified in such direction.

Article 59: The Cabinet of Ministers shall have the power to alter, vary or rescind –

  • any appointment, order of transfer or dismissal, or any other order relating to a disciplinary matter made, on appeal or otherwise, by the Public Service Commission or a Committee thereof;

Article 52. (1) of the Constitution provides for the appointment of each Ministry a Secretary who shall be appointed by the President.

(2) The Secretary to the Ministry shall, subject to the direction and control of his Minister, exercise supervision over the departments of Government or other institutions in the charge of his Minister.

It is under the powers of control given to the Minister that political interference is justified. Even in public corporations, a Minister can give general or special directions and most cases only in writing. Even in politically sensitive large institutions like the CTB and Mahavali Authority and minor agencies like SLECIC are not under the control of the Minister.

Transport Board Act says that the Board shall be subject to, and act in accordance with, such general or special directions as the Minister may from the time-to-time issue in relation to any matter that appears to him to affect the national interest or efficient administration of the Board. In the Mahavali Authority, the Minister may, after consultation with the Authority, give to the Authority in writing general or special directions. In SLECIC the Board is subject to such general or special directions as the Minister may issue from time to time. But in Departments under a Ministry, the Secretary has to act under the control of the Minister. This is in spite of the Secretary being the Chief Accounting Officer responsible to the Parliament. Although the channel from the Minister to a Department is through the Secretary, Ministers find it expedient to avoid the Secretary and deal directly with subordinate officials.

Ministers are under constant pressure from their constituents to provide them with employment. It is in this field that Ministers intervene blatantly. In the past Ministers resorted to a device to ensure the selection of their candidates at interviews. Every interview board had to have a Minister’s/ Ministry representative whose job was to ensure the choice of Minister is selected. The final ruse was that all appointments and promotions had to have the approval of the Minister. In Public Corporations in which the intervention of the minister is supposed to be through directions the fact that the Board is appointed by the Minister, there is collusion between the Minister and the Board on appointments. It is no wonder that Public Corporations are heavily overstaffed and the quality of the PS with political an excess of political appointed has declined. It may be necessary to make the Secretary the Chief Personnel Officer and hold him responsible for all appointments and promotions. In the past public servants has faith in the Public Service Commission on recruitment. It was in the name of the Public Service Commission that the letter of appointment was made. There were no ceremonies and Ministers to hand over the letters. They came in the registered post. The independence in selection was confined to that done directly by the Commission. But the bulk of selections was done by authorities under delegation by the Commission. In the past, there were allegations of these agencies came under external influence. One serious allegation was the involvement of a religious faction named catholic action. A good example was in the selection of a departmental interview board, for 19 staff-level posts where there were 7 Christians and only 7 Buddhists. Looks like equal treatment but in the proportion of religions with 70 percent Buddhists and 9 percent Christians it was suspect. The rumor was that the Catholic Action had a hand. Of course, the 7 Christian officers were outstanding.

The common accusation against the bureaucracy is that it is strangled with red tape. An OECD study revealed that even in OECD countries ‘one of the most common complaints raised by businesses and citizens was the amount and complexity of government formalities and paperwork. Enterprises and citizens spend much time and devote significant resources to activities such as filling out forms, applying for permits and licenses, reporting business information, notifying changes etc. In many cases, practices have become extremely complex, or irrelevant and cumbersome, generating unnecessary regulatory burdens – so-called red tape”. The costs imposed on the economy as a whole are significant. When excessive in number and complexity, administrative regulations can impede innovation, create unnecessary barriers to trade, investment, and economic efficiency, and even threaten the legitimacy of institutions’  This tale of woes is more relevant to PS of Sri Lanka.

Many governments have taken measures to reduce red tape and paperwork and provide a hassle-free service to the public. It encourages governments to cut red tape and provide a speedy and seamless service. One-stop shops can reduce substantial time and cost to a client and also provide a common platform to several agencies for an integrated service.

A few countries have introduced legislation and monitoring agencies to reduce the burden of paperwork. U.S. Paperwork Reduction Act (PRA), for analysing and clearing individual government information collection requirements is one such example. The PRA is intended to minimise the amount of paperwork the public is required to complete for federal agencies. Norway also has a sophisticated regime for measuring and monitoring administrative burdens on enterprises. The Register of Reporting Obligations for Enterprises maintains a constantly updated overview of businesses’ reporting obligations.

Several countries have set time limits for response to public requests which can lead to reduced costs for businesses and citizens and can also make administrations more accountable and responsive. Sri Lanka too had a rule that any request from the public should be replied to within a certain time. It is no more in practice. Public servants are no more ‘obedient servants of the public. They have become minions of the State.

The fault is not only in the procedures but also with the personnel. PS is accused of not being proactive. Public servants are steeped in rules, conventions, and precedents which most times have no contemporary validity. The offhand and presumptuous behavior was noticed even in supervisory authorities towards lower agencies. It was the practice of the then Treasury to respond to serious requests from departments with a curt note saying, ‘treasury does not approve your request” There was rarely an indication of the reason for rejection. Most times bureaucracy finds it more convenient to reject than approve.

In a fast-changing world, the challenges before a PS become more complex and demanding. In this context, capacity development in the PS needs concerted attention. This has to be addressed at both at the individual level and the institutional level. At the individual level, the skills and knowledge of the public servant need sustained upgrading to meet the changing tasks before them. A skill they cannot neglect today is IT. It is disappointing to note that most departments do not even maintain an updated website. E-government could cut costs and time and make the PS more efficient. Public servants also have to make a solid change in their attitude to the service from a rigid bureaucratic to a citizen-friendly approach.

Individual development will be of little use unless public institutions also keep pace with the new challenges. This is more difficult and requires dynamic leadership and political support.  A good example of such leadership was evident in the change of vision and mission of the former Academy of Administration to that of the Institute of Development Administration.  

Sri Lanka PS consists of several independent merit-based career services like the Administrative Service, Engineering Service, Scientific Service, and Clerical Service. They are closed services other than in the Administrative Service were on merit and through competitive examinations, promotions are made from the Clerical Service.

Traditionally Secretaries of Ministries were selected from the Civil / Administrative Service. But there is now a trend of bringing outsiders to these posts and also for scheduled posts. There is a justification to infuse special talent into the career service in special situations, but it should not be at the expense of continuity and neutrality in the PS. Most important of all, an established non-partisan PS is vital to democracy as it makes it possible to have a peaceful and orderly political succession, and thus genuine pluralism. In this context, the PS of Sri Lanka has contributed actively to the conduct of elections in the country where their dedication and integrity when they act under conditions devoid of politics have been amply and repeatedly demonstrated.

A marked deficiency in our merit-based system is the dependence on the written examination for promotions. Examinations are the logical method for entry into a merit-based system. But promotions should be on performance evaluation. It should be a reward for good performance. Every officer, especially in the staff ranks should make a self-evaluation at the end of each year which should be commented on by the supervisory officers. These reports should be the basis of decisions on promotion. Many promotional agendas are still based on academic examinations which suit shirkers and not workers. It has been the experience that most members of interview boards try to show their knowledge by asking the candidates exotic questions and are not interested in the candidates’ past performance. Better leaders in the PS are persons with emotional intelligence and not those who are only equipped with acquired academic knowledge. The only way to identify them is by examining their past performance.

In general services like the SLAS where officers are shifted frequently from post to post they do not get the opportunity to develop expertise in a subject area. Every officer should be made to serve in several fields especially in the periphery during the first ten years of their service. After which they should be streamed into specialized areas of administration where they become experts in the subject and are able not only deal with routine administration but advise political authorities on policy. This is critical in higher posts like Secretaries of Ministries and Heads of Departments. It is sad to see Secretaries of Ministries rotated from post to post where they do not gather no moss” and have to depend on subject clerks and junior officials on policy issues. Members of general services at the higher levels should become repositories of information in their area of expertise. Such a practice will reduce the present predicament of amateurs as Ministers dependent on generalists as Secretaries and Heads of Departments.

Traditionally, public administration is identified with a system conducted with specialized bureaucracies on the Weberian model differentiated politics from administration. In such a structure politicians deal with policy and the bureaucracy executes the policy. But in the real world of governance, this distinction tends to fade partly due to the failure of the bureaucracy to adapt to the new demands of PS and more due to the interventionist trait of the politician.

In the early 1980s, the disappointment with the Weberian model of PS, the emergence of open market policies, and the rise of the private sector made a few Western countries to explore a New Public Management program (NPM). The main thrust of this effort was to diminish the role of the state and adopt private-sector management systems. NPM is characterized by client focus, decentralization, and the separation of policy-making from implementation. It also stresses public-private partnerships.

An OECD study points out that People want the state and its public administration to act as a social and economic promoter, capable of ensuring equitable distribution of opportunities, sustainable management of resources and equitable access to opportunities (political, economic, social and cultural).  An established public administration has been, arguably, far more vital to economic development in historical fact than either free elections or parliaments. NPM measures success in terms of performance and efficiency. PS of Sri Lanka could immensely benefit from the lessons of experience of the NPM.

In Sri Lanka, the Right to Information Act was enacted to foster a culture of transparency and accountability in public authorities and combat corruption and promote accountability and good governance. Article 8 of the act requires every Minister to publish a biannual report each year on

  • the powers, duties, and functions of officers and employees and the respective procedures followed by them in their decision-making process;
  • the norms set for the discharge of their functions, performance of their duties, and exercise of their powers;
  • (iii)  rules, regulations, instructions, manuals, and any other categories of records, which are used by its officers and employees in the discharge of their functions, the performance of their duties, and the exercise of their powers.

The compilation of such a report would have been useful to the public as well as the organization itself. It is doubtful whether Ministers are following this legal requirement.

In many developed countries, electronic governance or e-governance is employed with the use of information technology (IT) for delivering services to the government as well as internal transactions. IT allows paperless time communication where distance is no hindrance. It cuts red tape and reduces corruption. With fiber optic connections and the use of IT administration could be decentralized removing for example the urban domination and the ills of city focus. Most staff can be allowed to work from home. IT also eliminates restrictions on data storage capacity. IT could facilitate knowledge sharing and training of personnel. A prerequisite for the successful operation of e-governance is the presence of IT-competent personnel and willingness to adopt IT. This is still absent in many government agencies. Although writing done through electronic means is legally accepted e,g RTI ACT 24.(6) many government agencies insist on written letters or facsimile fax” copies. Many government agencies do not maintain up-to-date websites. The majority of government officials are not proficient in the use of computers.

The advantages of using IT are demonstrated in the success of Estonia’s use of modern information and communication technologies in the public sector and governance which has placed the country at the forefront of states that are aiming to modernize their public sector and provide transparent governance. Numerous online
public services are available to Estonian citizens and residents including digital identification, digital signatures, electronic tax filing, online medical prescriptions, and, ultimately, internet voting. Driven by convenience, most of the services offer efficiency in terms of money and time saved by the users as well as public officials. For example, selling a car in Estonia can be done remotely in less than 15 minutes, filing an online tax declaration takes an average person no more than five minutes, and participating in elections by Internet voting takes 90 seconds on average.” https://thedocs.worldbank.org/en/doc/165711456838073531-0050022016/original/WDR16BPEstonianeGovec

Sri Lanka Public Service is much maligned due to in most cases where their initiative and dynamism are throttled with antiquated rules and poor leadership and more severely by political interference. In the absence of such constraints and where objectives are clear and the rule of law is supreme, the SL PS has performed exemplarily. Their performance in conducting democratic elections many times efficiently and impartially, under difficult conditions has been exceptional.

Sugath Kulatunga

“SEVEN MOONS OF MAALI ALMEIDA” BY SHEHAN KARUNATILAKA.

November 12th, 2022

KAMALIKA PIERIS

The Booker Prize, formerly known as the Booker Prize for Fiction (1969–2001) and the Man Booker Prize (2002–2019), is a literary prize awarded each year for the best novel written in English and published in the United Kingdom or Ireland. The award is announced in London.

A five-person panel of authors, librarians, literary agents, publishers, and booksellers is appointed by the Booker Prize Foundation each year to choose the winning book. The Booker Prize is a high-profile literary award, it is greeted with much fanfare.  It is considered   a great honor  for authors to be nominated for the long list and selected for the  short list. The nomination   greatly helps the sale of the book as well.

Several  Sri Lanka born writers  have made it to the Booker list. Michael Ondaatje won the Booker Prize in 1992 for ‘The English Patient’, Romesh Gunasekera was shortlisted for his novel Reef in 1994. Anuk Arudpragasam   was shortlisted in 2021 for A Passage North and Shehan Karunatilaka won  in 2022 with Seven Moons of Maali Almeida.

Shehan Karunatilaka’s   skill in writing was recognized  early on. His manuscript, The Painter, was shortlisted for the Gratiaen Prize in 2000.In   2010  his debut novel Chinaman: The Legend of Pradeep Mathew won the Commonwealth Book Prize, the DSC Prize, the Gratiaen Prize and was judged the second greatest cricket book of all time by Wisden.  

The Seven Moons of Maali Almeida (Sort of Books, 2022) is a rewritten version of Chats with the Dead,” revised for a global audience. For the global audience there are references to James Nachtwey, Cartier-Bresson,  Simon Wiesenthal and Elvis Presley. But there is local idiom as well, in  Drivermalli and the FujiKodak shop at Thimbirigasyaya.

I  set out to write a ghost story and a murder mystery, said Shehan. I wanted to write a ghost story where the many victims, the voices that had been silenced, could speak. I had several false starts and then when I returned to the manuscript, the character of Maali appealed to me and  I decided it would be a mystery where a murdered journalist solves his own murder. 

The artistic device of  dead people waking up and  speaking is not new. I do not know how many times this device was used  in fiction  and by whom, but  Sartre used it in theatre ( No Exit  1944)  and Wilfred Owen used it in poetry. (Strange meeting 1918) 1918 and 1944 mark the two World Wars.

Seven Moons of Maali Almeida is well written, readable. It follows the modern convention in fiction writing, which rate story above style and  opinion above content, with a breezy disregard for  description, explanation , sequence or development.

The  story is  set in Colombo, in 1990. Maali Almeida, war photographer, gambler,  closeted gay was  murdered. He now ‘wakes up’, in the afterworld   and observes what happens in the living world to those connected to him. Maali Almeida was killed for taking photos of the 1983 anti- Tamil riots. The  main action, a hunt for a  few negatives of the 1983 riots is, in my view, too flimsy  for such a lengthy story, but Booker judges have thought otherwise.

The book was described as a whodunit, a  thriller, a metaphysical thriller  and also as a  South Asian epic. The judges said what set the book apart was the ambition of its scope, and the hilarious audacity of its narrative techniques.”It was a serious romp that takes the reader to the murderous horrors of civil war in Sri Lanka,  they said.

Was it important for you that such a violent story should also be funny  interviewers asked. I don’t know if that was intentional, replied Shehan, speaking  after the Booker win. There’s a Sri Lankan gallows humor. Even today, despite the uncertainty there’s a lot of people cracking jokes. Personally, I  enjoy and gravitate towards literature that has a bawdy sense of humor, said Shehan.

The book draws fleeting  attention to  several  social and political  issues which are not directly connected to the dead  Maali’s  immediate  concerns. Why is Sri Lanka number one in suicides asked a ghost who had committed suicide China is mentioned  just once in a negative manner. It was observed that Chinese restaurants in Grandpass buy cats from vendors.Race, which is certainly important in the story,  is woven in. The  leading characters are , exactly as given in the text, Jacqueline Vairavanathan Tamil, Lakshmi Almeida Burgher, Malinda Kabalana Sinhalese.

There are oblique  references to the Sinhala Buddhist culture. The ledger used in the afterworld had a  Bo leaf design on the cover,  there was a low caste  yaka called Narada and blow jobs were available in Anuradhapura. One ghost had studied at Sri Bodhi College, another  had perched cross legged beside a stone Buddha. Two language groupings are provided. Pali, Sanskrit and Tamil  followed by Portuguese, Dutch and Sinhalese.  The  novel speaks of the  ‘Sinhala script which the country claims is their only language.

If Mahavamsa is to be believed Sinhala race was founded on kidnapping, rape, parricide and incest, said one ghost. I always had a problem with  our flag said another ghost. When did we have lions or tigers here. Look at our flag, what an achcharu. Horizontal lines, vertical lines, primary colors, secondary colors, animal, nature symbols, weapons, yellow, maroon, green and orange Bo leaves and sword. Minorities are held at knifepoint on the flag,  he observed.

Shehan wanted to write a novel which had a political orientation. I wanted to write about 2009 and the end of the war, what if the dead could speak. But I was reluctant to engage there. 1989 seemed like a safe” period. It was far back and .most of the protagonists and antagonists from that time were dead,  said Shehan.

Critics noted the political orientation of the book. One critic said the book was razor sharp indictment of  Sri Lanka politics and society , morbidly funny. Another said Shehan Karunatilaka’s epic novel is a powerful evocation of Sri Lanka’s dark and brutal past.’

The  JVP insurgencies of 1971 and 1989 are included in the book. I was chief JVP organizer for Gampaha,  when I was killed, said one ghost. JVP killed less than 300 in 1971, government killed more than 20,000 may be twice that, said Maali. Sooriyakanda mass grave is mentioned.  In Bheeshanaya time, (1989) the slaughter of suspected anarchists was not as prolific as in Indonesia, but there were deaths. Some say 5000, some say 20,000 some say 100,000, said the ghosts.  This is Sinhalese killing Sinhalese.

There is reference to torture and killing by the government  during the JVP insurgencies. An  engineering student from Moratuwa, and an  agriculture student from Jaffna  were rounded up, tortured and killed, reported the novel.  The eight floor of the Ministry of Justice housed interrogation rooms used in the 1971 insurgency, recalls the fictional  hero.  He floats into  this Interrogation Department and sees two men in masks  beating a boy with pipes in one room and in another, two boys hung upside down with bags on their heads.

The novel  is full of references to the Sinhala-Tamil clashes starting from 1977 which is mentioned by Maali in passing. Maali Almeida  was killed for taking photos of the 1983 anti-Tamil riots and as a ghost he had plenty to say about these riots. 1983 was an atrocity. 8000 homes, 5000 shops ,150,000 homeless, said Maali Almeida. Who will speak for the many victims of 1983,  of men who burned Tamil homes in 1983, of the  Tamil lawyer killed by Sinhala mob in 1983, he asked.

Maali had taken black and white prints of  the 1983 attack. He had photographed rioters setting  people on fire, Sinhala men in sarong dancing outside burning shops, cops watching Tamil women dragged out of buses. He had photographed a  naked Tamil kicked to death, and another naked Tamil man being taunted by boys with sticks. He had also photographed  a boy and his mother beaten with sticks,  a toddler with broken arm, and man with cleaver hacking an old man.

The novel then  drops 1983 and moves to  the Eelam wars in the north and east. The book has many references to the Eelam war. Eelam war ended  12 years ago but books like this will help to keep the   war  fresh in the minds of  gullible ,  ignorant  western readers.

The novel  fleetingly takes up  an   anti-Eelam   position.  Only Lankans will have beauty pageants and cricket matches while the country burns, said the ghosts. Partying after beauty contests while our soldiers die,  they said.

 Then the novel  changes focus. It speaks ofInnocent Tamils” ,  Vanni refugee camp   and the plight  air raid survivors trapped in  camps. It speaks of Minister Cyril Wijeratne later referred to a Minister Cyril  and to Major Raja Udugampola.There are negative references to the army. They say STF are dumping bodies left and right in Labugama forest reserve, said a ghost.  The ghost Sena” stationed his  ghostly army with a precision  our military never had, observed Maali.

Maali Almeida was a  war photographer, who  it appears, accepted commissions from all sides, from the government, the Tamils, the  NGOs. Maali had photographed scenes from the war zone for all of them.He had photographed the war in both north and  east. There are shots from Vavuniya, Batticaloa and Trincomalee.

In the novel Maali focuses on  the plight of  civilians caught in the war. The photographs showed how people are dying in the war zone, explained Maali.  Tigers and army were killing civilians.  77 Tamil civilians were killed in the Omanthai massacre, he said.

His  emphasis was on family and children, on  burned homes, dead children. There were  photographs  of mother and daughter buried under bricks in Kilinochchi, of family fleeing the shelling in Vavuniya ,   smoldering remains of an infant in Akkaraipattu.  Photos of women tied to poles,      children in bunkers, tiny heads tucked under tiny   elbows ,eyes wide and empty,  dead children displayed on mats  and  children bleeding in front of me.”  

Maali recalled  four bodies baking in the Jaffna dust, a dog, man, mother and child. Maali  was there when the army shelled in Mullaitivu. He photographed a bunker stuffed with terrified parents and screaming children. Readers will be treated to all this as they read The Seven moons of  Maali Almeida”.


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