Aeroflot flight detained in Sri Lanka departs for Moscow

June 6th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

The Aeroflot airlines aircraft which had been detained at the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA) in Katunayake, has departed for Moscow a short while ago following the suspension of the court order.

Aeroflot Airlines Airbus A330-300 flight SU-289 departed BIA at around 6.00 p.m. this evening along with its crew members, Ada Derana reporter said. 

The Colombo Commercial High Court today suspended the order preventing a detained flight from leaving Sri Lanka, paving the way for the Russian flag carrier’s aircraft to depart for Moscow.

The court had considered a motion filed by the Attorney General and suspended the previous order which had led to the detention of the Aeroflot aircraft.

The Airbus A330-343 aircraft, scheduled to depart from Colombo to Moscow on June 2 with 191 passengers and 13 crew members, was not allowed as the owner of the aircraft — Celestial Aviation of Ireland — had filed a case against Aeroflot, pending arbitration on the lease of the aircraft in London.

Former President blames govt over Russian plane fiasco

June 6th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

Former President Maithripala Sirisena says he is deeply saddened by the actions of the present government that threaten Sri Lanka’s deep-rooted historical relationship with Russia.

The leader of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) was referring to the recent diplomatic row between the two nations over the Aeroflot flight detained at BIA in Katunayake.

Russia is our old friend since the Soviet era. This historical relationship was further strengthened during my tenure as president,” Sirisena said in a twitter message today. 

Today I’m deeply saddened by the actions of the present government that threaten our deep-rooted historical relationship.”

I believe our continued close cooperation would be significant for us in facing the current socio-economic issues arising in the globe,” the former President said.

Court on Monday suspended the order preventing the detained Aeroflot flight from leaving Sri Lanka, paving the way for the Russian flag carrier’s aircraft to depart for Moscow.

The Airbus A330-343 aircraft, scheduled to depart from the Colombo airport to Moscow on June 2 with 191 passengers and 13 crew members, was not allowed as the owner of the aircraft — Celestial Aviation of Ireland — had filed a case against Aeroflot, pending arbitration on the lease of the aircraft in London.

The Sri Lankan government has maintained that the dispute between the Aeroflot and Celestial Aviation was purely of a commercial nature which should be dealt between the said two parties and no involvement of the state.

However, the Russian government had summoned the Sri Lankan Ambassador in Moscow for an explanation.

Court suspends injunction order against Russian plane

June 6th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

The Colombo Commercial High Court has issued an order for the immediate suspension of the injunction order issued against the aircraft belonging to Russia’s Aeroflot Airlines, which has been detained at the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA). 

On Thursday (June 02), the Commercial High Court of the Western Province issued an Enjoining Order on the Aeroflot flight restraining it from taking off from Bandaranaike International Airport. 

The case relates to a commercial dispute between the Plaintiff, Celestial Aviation Trading 10 Limited an Irish Company against the first Defendant the Public Joint Stock Company “Aeroflot” and the second Defendant, Mr. N. C Abeywardene/Acting Head of Air Navigation/Airport and Aviation Services of Sri Lanka (AASL), Katunayake.

On Friday (June 03), Aeroflot reported that the departure of its SU-289 flight from Colombo to Moscow scheduled for June 2 was at first delayed and then cancelled due to the absence of permit from Sri Lanka’s aviation authorities.

This was after Colombo’s Commercial High Court satisfied a complaint filed by Ireland’s Celestial Aviation Trading Limited leasing company against Aeroflot and banned its Airbus A330 jet from leaving the country until June 16. 

A court hearing to lift the seizure of the aircraft was scheduled for June 8, however, the Attorney General had filed a motion with the court seeking to make special submissions with regard to case, which was subsequently taken up for hearing today (06).

Meanwhile Russia’s flagship carrier on Saturday announced that it is suspending commercial flights to Sri Lanka after the nation’s authorities detained the airline’s Airbus A330 jet on June 02.

Aeroflot is suspending commercial flights to Colombo (Sri Lanka) for the immediate period due to an unreliable situation in terms of the airline’s unobstructed flights to Sri Lanka. The sales of tickets for flights to Colombo have been temporarily shut down,” Russian state-owned news agency TASS said quoting the airline.

Meanwhile the Sri Lankan Ambassador to Moscow Janitha Abewickrema Liyanage had been summoned to the Russian Foreign Ministry on Friday where she was expressed resolute protest over the detention of an Aeroflot plane in Sri Lanka, according to a statement made by the Russian diplomatic agency.

The head of the diplomatic mission was expressed protest over the groundless decision by Sri Lanka’s judicial authorities to detain a regular Aeroflot flight preparing to depart for Moscow at Bandaranaike International Airport on June 2,” the Russian Foreign Ministry said. 

We urged the Sri Lankan side to settle this problem as soon as possible to avoid its negative impact on traditionally friendly bilateral relations,” the agency added.

Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs had issued a statement on Saturday with reference to the detention of Aeroflot passenger aircraft flight SU-289 which is currently at the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA), which had somewhat escalated into a diplomatic row now.

The matter is still pending final determination of the Court, the foreign ministry said, adding that this matter is also under consultation through normal diplomatic channels

Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe had yesterday informed Russia through the Foreign Ministry that the issue over the Aeroflot passenger aircraft is not between the two countries but is a private legal issue. 

The Premier further assured that Sri Lanka’s Minister of Justice has been informed to expedite the process of the court case.

Wickremesinghe has reportedly directed the Foreign Secretary to speak to the Russian Foreign Ministry and explain the matter, and to further clarify that the enjoining order had nothing to do with the Sri Lankan government. 

ගෝල්පේස් අරගලය (2022) හා ඩොනමෝර් ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම සමය (1931-47)

June 5th, 2022

චන්ද්‍රසිරි විජයවික්‍රම, LL.B., Ph.D.

නීතිය (ව්යවස්ථාව) කියන්නේ අකුරු ගොඩක් !’ ඇල්ලේ ගුණවංශ හිමි

හැඳින්වීම

මෙය ලංකාවේ සිංහල කතාකරණ ජනතාව දැනුවත් කරණු පිණිස මා විසින් ලියනලද ලිපි පෙලේ අටවන කොටසය. මෙම ලිපිවල කිසියම් හෝ අසත්‍ය කරුණක් නොලියන්නට මම වගබලා ගත්තෙමි. අලි-මිනිස් ගැටුම, රටේ ගොවි ජනතාවගේ පෝර ප්‍රශ්ණය,  මාක්ස්වාදී ස්ටාලින්ලා ගෙනා ගුරුවරුන්ගේ වැඩවර්ජන, යනාදිය මඟින් ක්‍රමයෙන් වර්ධනයවූ පෙලපාලි, ගෑස්, තෙල්, භූමිතෙල් පෝලිම් වශයෙන් උඩුදුවා ගිය විට දුර දිග නොබැලූ ආණ්ඩුව අසරණ විය. මින් ප්‍රයෝජනගත් jvp- පෙරටුගාමි කොටස් එය තමන්ට බලයට ඒමට ලැබුණු අවස්ථාවක් සේ යොදා ගන්නට ක්‍රියාකලේය. සමහරවිට අවංක චේතනාවෙන් යම් තරුණයින් පිරිසක් විසින් ආරම්භකල යුක්තිසහගත  <සටනක්>, ඔවුන් සිතා හෝ නොසිතා හෝ කාරණා කාරණා නොදන්නාකමට හෝ රට අරාජික කර, රට කැබලිකිරීමේ ව්‍යාපාරයක් බවට පෙරළින. මොවුනුත් රනිල් ප්‍රමුඛ අළුත් කැබිනට් එකත් මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩු යන්ත්‍රණය හීලෑකර ගැනීමේ (ප්‍රජා-තන්ත්‍රවාදී!) ක්‍රියා පටිපාටියකට අවතීර්ණව සිටී.

විධායක තෘෂ්ණාව!

විධායක ජනාධිපති ධූරය, විධායක අගමැති කමක් කිරීමට චන්ද්‍රිකා හා රනිල් 2000 දී එකඟවිය. එහෙත් එය තමන්ට ලබාගැනීම චන්ද්‍රිකාගේ ප්ලෑන බව දැනගත් විට රනිල්, ඇගේ නීලන්-GL පැකේජ් ඩීල් ව්‍යවස්ථා කෙටුම්පත දියවන්නා හෝටලය තුල ගිනිබත් කලේය. හැමදේම වෙන්නේ හොඳට යයි කියන්නා සේ ඔහු එය එසේ නොකරන්නට,  ඒ කාලයේදීම රට කොටස් දහයකටවත් කැබලිවී, දකුණු ආසියාවේ පලස්තීනයක්වී යන්නේය. මේ ප්ලෑන 2018 දී ඔරුමිත්තනාඩු ජරමරය වශයෙන් රනිල්, සුමන්තිරන් හා ජීනීවා වලට පින් මන්ත්‍රීකමත් දමා පැනගිය ජයම්පති  වික්‍රමරත්න විසින් නැවත ගෙන ආ විට චන්ද්‍රිකා ඒ ගැන ප්‍රීති ප්‍රොමෝදයට පත්විය.

ඩොනමෝර් භූමිකාව හා JVP අභියෝගය

පසුගිය මාසවල තමන්ට සියේට තුන නොව සියේට 70 ක් 90 ක් චන්ද තිබෙනවා කියු හඳුන්නෙත්තිලා, ටිව්ලින් සිල්වලා දැන් කියන අළුත්ම කතාව නම් ඔවුන්ට අගමැතිකම බාරදී, ගෝටාත් අස්වූදාට පහුවදාම, පිටරට තම ශාඛා සංවිධාන ලවා රටට ඩොලර් බිලියන් එකහමාරක් ගෙන්වා ගන්නවා යන්නය. මෙසේ දෙන්නන් කාසි වෙනුවට මෙය සතියක් ඇතුලත කර පෙන්නුවොත් මේ රටේ ජනයා ඔවුන්ට ආණ්ඩුව භාරදෙන ලෙස ඉල්ලා මුළු කොළඹම වටලනවා නිසැකය! මෙහිදී මගේ මතකයට එන්නේ යාපනේ ඔවුන්ගේ නැයින්ට හානිකරණවා යයි තර්ජනය කර, ටයිගර්ලා, ඇමෙරිකාවේ වසන දමිළයින්ගෙන් ඩොලර් එකතුකල ආකාරයය.

පවතින රාමුව යටතේ ගැලවීමක් සෙවීමට හදන රනිල් විසින් ඩොනමොර් යුගයට යෑමට කරණ යෝජනාව ඔහු විසින් අඩුම තරමින් ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් ලියා ඇති පොත් දෙකක්වත් නොකියා ගෙනෙන කළුසුද්දන් විසින් වරින් වර කරණ කෙඳිරි ගෑමකි.  ඉන් එකක් නම් ජේන් රසල් විසින් මේ යුගය ගැන ලියූ ඇගේ ආචර්ය උපාධි නිබන්ධනයය (Communal Politics under the Donoughmore Constitution, 1931-1947, Colombo, Tisara Prakasakayo, 1982).   අනික නම් 1960-70 දශකවල, රනිල් OL/AL විභාග කරණ කාලයේ පාසැල් පන්තිවල භාවිතය සඳහා රජයෙන් අනුමතකල  චෙල්වනායගම්ගේ බෑණාවන A. J. විල්සන් විසින් ලියන ලද ආණ්ඩුක්‍රමය හා දේශපාලනය නම් පොතය/ පොත් පෙලය (Government and Politics). 1832 සිට අවුරුදු සීයක් පුරාම ජාතිවාදය උපයෝගී කර ගනිමින් රටපාලනය කල සුද්දා ලන්ඩන් කවුන්ටි කොමිටි ක්‍රමය අනුගමණය කරමින් සිංහල-දෙමළ කළුසුද්දන්ට සම්මුති ප්‍රජා-තන්ත්‍රවාදය ඉගැන්වීමට ගත් උත්සාහයය අසාර්ථකවූ අන්දම මේ පොත්වල වාර්තාකර ඇත.

1832-1931 ජාතිවාදී නියෝජන ක්‍රමය හා සර්වජන චන්ද බලය

1832 සිට කෝල්බෲක් ක්‍රමය යටතේ පැවතියේ ජාතීන් අනුව ආණ්ඩුකාරයා විසින් පත්කල නියෝජන ක්‍රමයකි.  සිංහල. දෙමළ, මුස්ලිම් වර්ග තුනටම එක නියෝජිතයෙකු වශයෙන්, බැගින් එය ආරම්භ විය. 1910 න් පසුව සිට චන්ද මඟින් තේරීම ප්‍රචලිතවී යාමත් සමඟ, වත්කම හා ඉංග්‍රීසි අධ්‍යාපන සුදුසුකම් මත තිබුණු චන්දදායක ලැයිස්තු ක්‍රමයෙන් ප්‍රසාරණය විය. උඩරට සිංහල හා පහතරට සිංහල වශයෙන් සිංහල මහජාතියට සුද්දන් විසින් කල බෙදීම ක්‍රමයෙන් අහෝසිවී යද්දී, (D. S. විවාහය, SWRD විවාහය), හා චන්දදායකයින් සංඛ්‍යාව වර්ධනය වීමත් සමඟ සුද්දා වෙනත් උපාය මාර්ඟයක් අනුගමණය කලේය. මැනිං ආණ්ඩුකාරයා මෙය සංකේතවත් කලේය. එය නම් සුළු ජනවර්ග එකතුකර ඔවුන් හා මහජාතිය නියෝජන සංඛ්‍යාව අතින් සමකර (කරට කර) තැබීමය (ඩොනමෝර් කාලයේදී පනහට-පනහ වශයෙන්  G. G. පොන්නම්බලම් සටන්කලේ මේ අනුව යමින්ය). සමානුපාතික චන්ද ක්‍රමය හා  R. ප්‍රේමදාස විසින් අෂ්‍රොෆ්ට ලබාදුන් දිස්ත්‍රික් අවම චන්ද කඩඉම සියේට 12 සිට 5 දක්වා අඩු කිරීම නිසා සුළු ජනවර්ග වලට ලැබුණ බලය මෙම උපක්‍රමය චන්ද හෝ සංඛ්‍යාත්මකව සමානවන මන්ත්‍රී සංඛ්‍යාවක් නැතිවම ලබාගැනීමකි  (ෂොපින් බෑග් එකකින් ගමන ඇරඹූ බදියුර්දීන්ට යහපාලනකාලයේදී හා ඊට පෙර තිබුණු <ඇමති බලය> ගැන සිතා බලන්න).

ආණ්ඩුකාරයා කොට උඩ යෑම

1910 න් පසුව සිදුවූයේ සිංහල ක්‍රිස්තියානි කළුසුද්දන් හා සුළු ජනවර්ග අතර සිදුවූ කේවල් කිරීමකි. ඒ අනුව සුළු ජනවර්ග එකතුව ගත්විට මහජාතිය හා සමානවන ලෙස නියෝජන ක්‍රමයක් සඳහා දෙපාර්ශවය එකඟ විය. එසේ වෙතත් 1921-24 වනවිට ආණ්ඩු ක්‍රමය ගෙන යා නොහැකි තත්වයක් උද්ගත විය. ව්‍යවස්ථාදායක සභාවේ නිලනොලත් පිරිසට නිලලත් ආණ්ඩුකාරයාගේ පිරිසට වඩා වැඩි චන්ද බලයක් හිමිවීම නිසා ආණ්ඩුකාරයා ඔවුන්ගේ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍ර-වාදය අනුවම කොට උඩ යන තත්වයක් උදාවිය. ඩොනමෝර් කොමිෂම ආවේ මෙවන් පසුබිමකය.

වඳුරන්ට දැලිපිහි දීම

එංගලන්තයේ පැතිරෙමින් ගිය ලිබරල් අදහස් අනුව ලංකා කොලනියට 1931 දී සර්ව ජන චන්ද බලයදීම විප්ලවකාරී ක්‍රියාවක් වැනිය. ඒ රටේ ස්ත්‍රීන්ටත් එය ලැබුණේ අවුරුදු කීපයකට කලින්ය.  ලංකාවේ හැම දේශපාලකයාම ඊට විරුද්ධ විය (කම්කරුනායක  A. E. ගුණසිංහ හැර). දෙමළ වෙල්ලාලයින් පහත් කුලවල යයි සළකණ ජනයාට එය දීම ගැන විරුද්ධ විය. මුස්ලිම් අය ගෑණුන්ට  එය දීමට විරුද්ධ විය. සිංහල ධනවත් පවුල් එය වඳුරන්ට දැලිපිහි දීමක් යයි කිව්වේ ජනයා  නූගත් නොදියුණු පිරිසක් යන අදහසිනි. ඉතා සුළු පිරිසක් හැර ඩොනමෝර් මන්ත්‍රීලාවුයේ ගම්වල හොර අඹුවන් තබාගෙන සිටි, වලව්වල යයි සිතන අයය. මොවුන්ව සමාන කල හැකි ඇමෙරිකාවේ වහල් හිමි වතුකාරයින්ටය. පසු කාලයක හා දැන් 2022 වනවිට ප්‍රත්‍යක්ෂ වන අන්දමට වඳුරන් වූයේ දේශපාලකයා මිස සාමාන්‍ය ජනතාව නොවේ. අනුරාධපුර මන්ත්‍රීවූයේ කලින් දිසාපතිව සිටි W. H.  ෆ්‍රීමන් ය. ඔහු 1936 දී පත්වූයේ නිතරඟයෙනි.

සුදුසු පුද්ගලයෙක් ඉදිරිපත්වූ විට ඔහු හඳුනාගැනීමේ විඥානයක් ගම්බද ජනයාට තිබුණේය. කැඩිච්ච සිංහල කතාකල වංක දේශපාලකයා ඩොනමෝර් (ඕ මයි ගෝඩ් බොරු) බෞද්ධයින්වී, ගමේ හාමුදුරුවරු භාෂා පරිවර්තකයින් ලෙස යොදාගනිමින් චන්ද දිණුවේය.  C.W.W. කන්නන්ගර නිදහස් අධ්‍යාපන ක්‍රමය හැරෙන විට ඩොනමෝර් යුගය තුල රටට ලැබුණ දෙයක් නැත. D.S.S විසින් ඉවක බවක් නැතිව ආරම්භකල වියළි කලාපයේ ගොවි ජනපද ව්‍යාපාරය ඇමෙරිකන් TVA සමාගමට, ප්‍රයෝජනයට ගත නොහැකිව අත්හැරදමා මලකඩ කෑ යෝධ යන්ත්‍ර සූත්‍ර වලට, රන්පවුම් පොම්පකල විදේශ විනිමය නාස්තියකි. එය රටේ භූගෝල විද්‍යාවට නොගැලපෙන මහාපරිමාණ පිස්සුවක් විය. මේ නාස්තිය ගැන ලංකාවේ කෘෂිකර්මය පිළිඹඳව බොහෝ පර්යේෂණ කල  බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය භූගෝල විද්‍යාඥයෙකුවූ  B.H ෆාර්මර් පොතක්ද ලියා ඇත (Pioneer Peasant Colonization in Ceylon: A Study in Asian Agrarian Problems. By B. H. Farmer. (London, New York, and Toronto: Oxford University Press. 1957).

පනහට-පනහේ ඉල්ලීම නොහොත් <සමතැන> සංකල්පය පටලවා ගැනීම

ඩොනමෝර් යුගය, 1915 සිංහල-මුස්ලිම් ගැටුමේදී සුද්දන් විසින් මුස්ලිම් පැත්ත ගෙන ක්‍රියාකිරීම හේතුවෙන් මරණයට පත්වූ හා හිරභාරයට පත්ව බේරීම නිසා ජනප්‍රිය බවට පත්වුණ, රටේ මතුවූ සිංහල බෞද්ධ නායකයින් බෞද්ධ රාජ්‍ය ප්‍රතිපත්ති අනුගමණය නොකිරීම හා ඉන් රටට සිදුවූ හානිය පිළිඹඳ කදිම නිදසුණකි. වෙස්ට්මිනිස්ටර් පක්ෂ දේශපාලන ක්‍රමය අනාගතයේදී රටට කරණ විනාශය එහි සටහන්විය.   සුද්දා විසින් කළුසුද්දාට රට පවරා දුන් විට වන දේ ධර්මපාලතුමා පෙන්වා දුන්නේ මේ කාලයේය. උතුරේ හරිජනයා වසන ප්‍රදේශවලට වගුරු බිම් උඩින් පාලම් පාරවල් දැමීමට පවා දෙමළ නායකයින් භාධා කිරීම් කල හැටි ජේන් රසල් පෙන්වා දේ. ඩොනමෝර් ක්‍රමය ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කල උතුරේ දෙමළ නායකයින්ට පසුව තමන් ගත් මෝඩ තීරණය වැටහී, පිටිපස්ස බිම ඇනී, ප්‍රමාදව ඊළඟ චන්දෙයෙන් රාජ්‍ය  මන්ත්‍රණ සභාවට ඇතුල් විය. එහෙත් ඔවුන්ගේ මෙම ක්‍රියාකලාපයට දඬුවමක් වශයෙන්, මැත් ප්‍රොපෙසර් සුන්දරලිංගම් ලවා සූත්‍රයක් සාදාගෙන ඇමැතිධූර හතෙන් එකක්වත් දමිළ නායකයින්ට නැති, තනිකර සිංහල අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩල.යක් පිහිටුවා ගෙන පොන්නම්බලම්ගේ පනහට-පනහේ ඉල්ලීමට විරුද්ධව සිංහල නායකයින් ක්‍රියා කලේය. නියම සිංහල බෞද්ධ නායකත්වයක් තිබුණා නම් බුදු දහමේ මධ්‍යම ප්‍රතිපදාව අනුව දමිල අසාධාරණ ක්‍රියාකලාපය දමණය කල හැකිව තිබුණි. කළුකොඳයාවේ නාහිමියන් විසින් සිය සමාජ-ආර්ථික සංහිඳියා වැඩ පිළිවෙල මඟින් එය ක්‍රියාවෙන්, බිම් මට්ටමින්, ඔප්පු කලේය. ඩොනමෝර් ඇමතිලාට අමතරව,  මැලේරියා ප්‍රදේශ වලට බඩු ලොරි ගෙන ගිය තරුණ මාක්වාදීන්ද ඊට සහයෝගයක් දුන්නේ නැත.

අශ්වයින් (බූරුවන්) හත්දෙනා

සෝල්බරි කොමිෂම එනවිට දෙමළ දේශපාලකයින් සිටියේ හොඳටම හෙම්බත් වීය. ඩොනමෝර් ක්‍රමයේ අසාර්ථක භාවය සෝල්බරි කොමිෂම ඒමට මූලිකම හේතුව විය. අප ඒ දිනවල ඉගෙන ගත්තේ ඩොනමෝර් ඇමතිවරු හත් දිසාවට අදින බූරුවන් හත් දෙනක් වගේ වූවාය යන්නය. 1815 දී සිංහල බෞද්ධයාට අහිමිකල දේ ආපසු ලබාදීමක් පිළිඹඳ ව කිසිම අදහසක් චන්දයෙන් පත්වූ සිංහල කළුසුද්දන්ට නොවීය. මේ කාලයේදී මේ ඇමතිවරු සිදුකල හානිකර දේවල් නම්, ධර්මපාලතුමාට හිරිහැරකර රට අතහැර යන තරමට ඔහු කළකිරීමට පත් කිරීම, රටේ අගමැතිවීමට සිටි සිංහල හා ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂා දෙකම උගත්  D. B.  ජයතිලක ඉන්දියාවට යැවිමේ ප්ලෑන හා ධර්මපාල මඟ ගනිමින් ග්‍රාමාරක්ෂක හා අපරාද මර්දන  ව්‍යාපාරය යනුවෙන් 1933 දී කළුකොඳයාවේ ප්‍රඥාශේඛර  නාහිමියන් විසින් දියත් කල දීප ව්‍යාප්ත වැඩසටහන (‘පරලොවටම සීමා නොවූ ධර්මදේශනා ක්‍රමයක් රටට අත්‍යාවශ්‍යය,’ ස්වයංලිඛිත ශ්‍රී ප්‍රඥාශේඛර චරිතාපදානය, 1970, 283 පිටුව), සුද්දන්, කළුසුද්දන් හා නිලධාරීන් විසින් කඩාකප්පල්කර දැමීමත්ය.

ඉහතින් සඳහන් කර ඇති කරුණු වල ඇති වැදගත් කම නම්, ඩොනමෝර් කොමිටි ක්‍රමය කොපිකිරීමට යෝජනා කිරීම, දෑන් 2022 මැදදී, 19 න් 20 ට, නැවත 20 න් 21 හරහා 19+ වලට යෑම වැනිම, ඉතිහාසයෙන් පාඩම් ඉගෙන නොගන්නා බව පෙන්නුම් කරදීමය. මෙහිදී වැදගත් වන තවත් කරුණක් නම් ලෝභ-ද්වේෂ-මෝහයෙන් පිරි දේශපාලක පංචස්කන්ධ විසින් මොන ක්‍රමයක් වුනත් තමන්ගේ වාසිය පතා අවභාවිතා කරණවාය යන්නය. මෙම ලිපි මාලාවේ පස්වෙනි කොටසේ පෙන්වූ රූප සටහන මෙහි පහතින් නැවතත් ඉදිරිපත් කරන්නේ මේ නිසාය.

සිස්ටම් චේන්ජ්: බුදුහාමුදුරුවන් හා ජේසුතුමා අතර වෙනස

බුදුහාමුදුරුවන් හා ජේසුතුමා සිස්ටම් චේන්ජ් කිරීම සඳහා වෙනස් ක්‍රම දෙකක් අනුගමණය කලේය. රෝම අධිරාජ්‍යය හා එවකට පැවති පූසාරි අධිකාරියට එරෙහිව ජේසුතුමා ක්‍රියාකලේ කලහකාරී ලෙස ඔවුන්ගේ බිස්නස් පූජාසන පෙරලා දමමින්ය. එහෙත් එය වසර තුනකදී අවසාන විය. බුදුහාමුදුරුවන් මිනිසාට මඟ පෙන්වා දුන්නා මිස බමුණන්ගේ සිස්ටම් එක සමඟ භෞතිකව ගැටුණේ නැත.  එක් එක් පුද්ගලයා විසින් පමණක්ම තම දුකට විසඳුම සොයාගත යුතුබව පෙන්වා දෙමින් සාමකාමි, යහපත්, දිවිපෙවතකට උපකාරවන චර්යා ධර්ම/රටා සඳහන් කලේය (නිදසුන්: සිඟාලෝවාද, මහා මංගල, පරාභව සූත්‍ර). රජවරුන්ට උපදෙස් දුන්නේය. ‘බමුණන් උපදින්නේ බ්‍රහ්මයාගේ හිසෙන් නොව ස්ත්‍රීන්ගේ යෝනියෙන් යයි කල ප්‍රකාශය, ගැලීලියෝ විසින් පොලොව ඉර වටේ කැරකෙනවා යයි පවසා කතෝලික පල්ලියේ උදහසට ලක්වූවා වැනිමය (1633).

රූප සටහන – 1

මේ අන්දමට ඉතිහාසයෙන් කරුණු වටහාගෙන සළකා බලන විට ගෝල්පේස් අරගලකරුවන් ගෝටාගෝහෝම් යන ඉල්ලීම දරදඬු ලෙස බදාගෙන කරන්නේ සිස්ටම් චේන්ජ් යෝජනාවක් නොව රෙජීම් චේන්ජ් කුමණ්ත්‍රනයකට යටවීමකි. පාර වෙනුවට කානුවට බැසීමකි. අවාසනාවකට මෙන් ඔවුන්ට මඟ පෙන්වන්නට හැකි, කැලෑව හා ගස් යන දෙකම දකින,  රටේ ඉතිහාසය හා භූගෝල විද්‍යාව හරිහැටි දත් විශ්ව විද්‍යාල ගුරෙක් වත් නැත. ඉන්නේ මාක්ස්වාදය හා J.R. ගේ මත්ස්‍ය න්‍යාය යන දෙලොවක අතරමංවූ තම වෘත්තිය කෙළෙසන පංචස්කන්ධය.

LAWGEOGRAPHYBUDDHISM
Doctrine of ReasonablenessBioregionalismThe Middle Path
Doctrine of Separation of PowersEcologyMind/Matter
Rights/DutiesHuman ScaleIndividual
Group RightsSocial CapitalFamily/Society
Actionlocation (space/place)Perception

Spatial Inequality

Sustainable Development

Figure 2: Three merging approaches (paths) to mitigate spatial inequality

භූමිය මත සිදුවන අයුක්තිය (spatial inequity/inequality)

ලංකාවේ තිබෙන්නේ භාෂාව හෝ ආගම අනුව සිදුවන අගතීන් හෝ අසාධරණකම් හෝ නොව, භූමියේ සම්පත් බෙදීයාමේලා ඇති විෂමතාවය (spatial variation in resource distribution) හා සෑම ජන වර්ගයකටම සමාන අවස්ථා (equal access of opportunity) සලසා නොදීමේ අර්බුදයකි. ස්වාභාවිකව ඇතිවන විෂමතා/විවිධත්වය, දේශපාලකයින්ගේ අත පෙවීමෙන් තව තවත් තීව්‍ර විය. අවුරුදු 74 ක් පුරා මුන් රටකෑවා කියන්නේ මේ නිසාය. උදාරණයක් වශයෙන්,  R. ප්‍රේමදාසගේ ගම් උදාවෙන් සිදුවුණේ ගම තිබුණාටත් වඩා බකල් කර දමා යෑමය. පක්ෂ දේශපාලකයින් රටේ හැම පොදු සම්පතක්ම සිය කෙටි වාසිය සඳහා සූරා කෑවේය. මෙම හැසිරීම ට්‍රැජඩි ඔෆ් ද කොමොන්ස් යයි හැඳින්වේ (tragedy of the commons).

මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුව නමැති මුව හමට තලනවා හා කොළඹ, දියවන්නා බොරුකාරයින් පස්සේම දුවනවා/පන්නනවා වෙනුවට, ජනතාවට බලය පවරාදීම නමැති සිස්ටම් චෙන්ජ් එකකට අරගලකාරයින්වත්, ඔවුන්ගේ පුරෝහිතයින්වත්, කොල, රතු, නිල්, පොහොට්ටු දේශපාලකයින්ගේ වත් අවධානය යොමු නොවන්නේ, ඔවුන්ට බුදු දහම අනුසාරයෙන්  මෙම සිස්ටම් චේන්ජ් එක දෙස බැලීමට හැකියාවක්, දැණුමක් හෝ ඕනෑකමක්  නැතිකමය. අර්ථවත් ලෙස මහජන බලයක් (people-power) සඳහා ඉඩක්දීමට ලක්ෂයක් පමණ වන පක්ෂ දේශපාලක කළුසුද්දන්  රැළ සුදානම් නැත. හේතුව ඔවුන්ගේ ගසා කෑමේ සෙල්ලම ඉන් අවසාන වන නිසාය. ජනයා නිල්-රතු-කොල යනාදී වශයෙන් බෙදා කරගෙන ගිය බොරු ප්‍රජා-තන්ත්‍ර (නාස්ලණූ) වදය නැතිකල හැක්කේ ජන සභා ක්‍රමයක් හරහාය.

පක්ෂ දේශපාලනයෙන් තොර, පවතින චන්ද ක්‍රමයෙන් තොර බිම්මට්ටමේ මහජන සභා ක්‍රමයක් හා මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුවක් මිස, පලාත් සභා හෝ ප්‍රාදේශීය සභා රටට  අවශ්‍ය නැත. මේවායේ ඉන්නේ වල්බූරු මන්ත්‍රීලාය. දැලිපිහි අතට දුන් වඳුරන්ය. මේ බව දැන දැනත් අරගලකාරයින් එය තමන්ගේ පලවෙනි නොවුනත්, දෙවන ඉල්ලීමවත් නොකරන්නේ නොදන්නාකමටය. අශීලාචාර, විනයක්, සදාචාරයක් නැති, ණයට හා ලේසියට කන, බොන, ජොලිකරණ, රටක ප්‍රශ්ණ සියේට 70 ක් පමණම ජන සභා සිස්ටම් එකක් මඟින් ඉෂ්ටකරගත හැකිය. ජාතික මට්ටමින් චන්ද කොට්ඨාශ 150 ක පාර්ලිමේන්තුවකට අමතරව, ජන සභා නියෝජනයෙන් සැදුම්ලත් 100 ක  ජාතික ජන සභා මණ්ඩලයක් දෙවන ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකයක් ලෙස පිහිටුවීමෙන් මහජන මතය හා මන්ත්‍රී මතය සංකලනය කරගත හැකිවේ.

ජන සභා සංකල්පය- බෞද්ධ විසඳුම

තිරසර සංවර්ධනය ගැන කතාකරණ අය භූමිය (පොලෝතලය) මතුපිට/මත දක්ණට ලැබෙන  භූගෝල විද්‍යාව, දෙස බලන්නේ මධ්‍යම-පර්යන්ත සඹඳතා (center-periphery relations) යන දේශපාලන විද්‍යා කෝණයෙනි. රට කැඩීම අරමුණ කරගත් ඔරුමිත්තනාඩු ව්‍යවස්ථා ජරමරයේ (2018) ජන සභා ගැන සඳහන්වූයේ එසේ නොකරම බැරි බරවා කකුලක් ලෙසටය. මෙහි ඇති රූප සටහන්  අංක 1 හා 2 මඟින් පෙන්වන්නේ හුදෙක් දේශපාලන විද්‍යා මෙවලමක් වශයෙන් ගමට ආවඩන, ගම සංවර්ධනය කරණවා කියන ගම් උදාව, ගම නැඟුම, ගම්පෙරළිය යනාදී පක්ෂ දේශපාලක සෙප්පඩවිජ්ජා වශයෙන් නොව නොව මහජන ශුභසෙත සඳහා (බහුජන හිතාය-බහුජන සුඛාය)  රටේ දැනට පවතින භූමීය අයුක්තිය අවම කිරීමට ගත හැකි එකිනෙක හා බැඳුන ප්‍රවේශ තුනක් (නීති විද්‍යාව, භූගෝල විද්‍යාව හා බුදුදහම) ජන සභා සංකල්පය තුලින් පිළිඹිබු වන බවය. මෙහිදී බුදුදහමින් කරන්නේ මිනිසා සිත-කය-ආශා දමණය කිරීම දෙසට නැඹුරු කිරීමය. මහාචාර්ය W. S. කරුණාරත්න විසින් අනාගත ධර්මිෂ්ට සමාජයක් සඳහා 1977 දී J.R. ගේ චන්ද රැස්වීම්වලදී රට වටේ යමින් ප්‍රචාරය කල, කෙළෙස් භරිත පංචස්කන්ධ වල සිදුවිය යුතු වන බාහිර හා සන්තානගත යන විප්ලව දෙක ප්‍රායෝගිකව ලබාගත හැකි හොඳම උපකරණය පක්ෂ දේශපාලකයාගෙන් තොර ජන සභාවය.

 ඉතාමත් සරලව විස්තර කරනවා නම් මෙම ජන සභා සිස්ටම් එක ක්‍රියාත්මක කරවිය හැකි  ක්‍රමවේදය මෙසේය. මෙය දැනට අවුරුදු දහයකටත් පෙර සිටම නැවත නැවතත් පාලකයින්ට ලියා දන්වමින් තිබෙනා දෙයකි.

1.ස්වාභාවික මායිම් සහිත කුඩා භූමි ඒකක සදා ගැනීම (දැනට ඇති ග්‍රාම සේවා වසම් 14,025 වෙනුවට ස්වාභාවික මායිම් සහිත භූමි ඒකක (ජල ද්‍රෝණී) හඳුනා ගැනීම.  දැනට පත්කර ඇති රාජ්‍ය සීමා නිර්ණ කොමිෂම අනවශ්‍ය සම්පත් නාස්තියකි. අවුරුදු තිහ හතලික් තිස්සේ කෙඳිරිගාන දිනේශ් ගුණවර්ධන චන්ද සංශෝධන කොමිටියද මීට දෙවෙනි නැත

2.එම නව එකක් හෝ කීපයක් එකතුකර ජන සභා ප්‍රදේශ හඳුනා ගැනීම

3. මෙම ජන සභාවකට පක්ෂ දේශපාලනයෙන් තොරව නියෝජිතයින් 12 දෙනෙකු චන්දයෙන් තෝරාගැනීම

4. පොලිසිය/යුද හමුදා සාමාජිකයින් තිදෙනෙක් බැගින් නම් කිරීම

5. පන්සල/පල්ලිය/ කෝවිල /මොස්ක් සඳහා ඒවා විසින් නම් කල එක් නියෝජිතයෙක් බැගින් පත්කිරීම

6. සෑම අවුරුද්දකට වරක් චන්දයෙන් පත්වු අය 4 දෙනෙක් ඉවත්වී, අළුතෙන් හතර දෙනෙක් චන්දයෙන් පත්වේ. දැනට සිටින නියෝජිතයින්ට නැවත චන්දයකට ඉදිරිපත් විය හැකි තව එක් වරකට පමණය.

7. ජන සභාවේ තීරණ චන්දයෙන් පත්වූ අයගේ සම්මුතිය අනුව (වැඩි චන්දයෙන් නොව) ගත යුතුය. එසේ සම්මුතියකට නොපැමිණිය හොත් අංක 3 හා 4 යන දෙකොටසේ චන්දයෙන් තීරණයකට එළඹේ.

8.මාස තුනකට වරක් ජන සභා මහජන රැස්වීමක් කැඳවිය යුතුය. රැස්වීමේ න්‍යාය පත්‍රය සති දෙකකට කලින් ප්‍රසිද්ධ කල යුතුය.

9. ජන සභාවේ පර්යේෂණ ඒකකය විසින් ප්‍රදේශයේ භූමි පරිභෝගය හා සම්පත්, පරිසර හානි, ගංවතුර, නායයාම් යනාදී ආපදාවලට ගොඳුරුවන ස්ථාන යානාදිය පෙන්වන සිතියම් පිළියෙල කර ඒවා ප්‍රසිද්ධ කල යුතුය. මෙම සිතියම් සංශෝධනය කිරීමේ බලය ඇත්තේ, ජන සභා අධ්‍යක්ෂක ජෙනරාල්ගේ අනුමතියට යටත්ව ජන සභාවේ පර්යේෂණ ඒකකයේ අධ්‍යක්ෂකට පමණය.

10. ජන සභාවේ පර්යේෂණ අධ්‍යක්ෂක, සෑම මාස තුනකට වරක්ම ජන සභා මහජන සභාවට ප්‍රගති වාර්තාවක් ඉදිරිපත් කල යුතුය. 

ඒ අනුව සිදුවන අදහස්/යෝජනා ඔහු/ඇය විසින් ජන සභා අධ්‍යක්ෂක ජෙනරාල්ට (කොළඹට) වාර්තා කල යුතුය.

11. ජන සභාවේ සියළුම සේවකයින්ගේ එදිනෙදා කාර්යාල හැසිරීම් ජන සභාවේ සභාපතිගේ පාලනයට නතුවේ. ඔවුන් පිළිඹඳ විනය කටයුතු ජන සභා මහජන සභාවේ සාකච්චා කිරීමෙන් පසු කොළඹට  වාර්තාකර අනුමතිය ලබාගත යුතුය.

12. ඉහත අංක 9 යටතේ සඳහන් සිතියම් පරිගණක දත්ත (maps & tables) වශයෙන් ගබඩා කල යුතුය. මේ සිතියම් මුළු රටටම පොදුවන ක්‍රමයකට (standardized) පිළියෙල කල යුතුය. මේ අනුව ඕනෑම ජන සභාවක සිතියම් දත්ත රටේ වෙනත් ඕනෑම ජන සභාවකට දැක බලා ගත හැකිවිය යුතුය.

13. මධ්‍යම ජන සභා අධ්‍යක්ෂක ජෙනරාල් (කොළඹ) පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට හා ජන සභා ජාතික සභාවට වග කියන තනතුරක් වන්නේය. ඔහු/ඇය එක් ජන සභාවක් ලංකා සිතියමේ තිතක් වශයෙන් පෙන්වන ජාතික සිතියම් පිළියෙල කල යුතුය. උදාහරණයක් වශයෙන් ජන සභා විසින් පිළියෙල කල table වල පෙන්වන  තොරතුරු අනුව නායයාම් වලට ලක්වන හෝ මුංඇට වගාකරණ ජන සභා පෙන්වන සිතියමක්, පරිගණකයක් මඟින් රටේ ජනාධිපතිට හෝ ඕනෑම පුරවැසියෙකුට හෝ දැක බලා ගැනීමට සැලැස්විය යුතුය.

අංක 3, 4, 5 මඟින් බලතුලනයක් සිදුවන අතර දැනට ගම්මට්ටමින් දේශපාලකයින් පෙන්වන වනචාරී හැසිරීම වෙනුවට ලැජ්ජාව හා භය  ගොඩනඟා ගැනීමට මඟක් පාදාගත හැකිවේ. අංක 4 යටතේ පොලිසිය හා හමුදා දෙපැත්ත කැපෙන පිහියක් වැනිය. පොලිසියේ දූෂණත්, සිවිල් සමාජයේ දූෂණත්, ආගමික ආයාතනවල අනිසි ක්‍රියාකලාපත් මාළු ටැංකියක මාළුන් මෙන් නිරාවරණය වේ.

ජන සභාවල කාර්යභාරය, බලතල යනාදිය ව්‍යවස්ථාව මඟින් තහවුරු කල ‍යුතුය. රජයේ කාර්යාලයකින් මහජනයාට ලබා ගත හැකි හැම සේවයක්ම ජන සභා කාර්යාලය මඟින් ලබාගත හැකිවිය යුතුය.

තම බල ප්‍රදේශය තුල තිරසර සංවර්ධන ඉලක්ක සපුරා ගැනීම සඳහා තීරණ ගැනීම හා ඒවා කාර්යක්ෂම ලෙස ක්‍රියාවට නැංවීම ජන සභාවේ වගකීම හා යුතුකමය. මෙහිදී සෑම ජන සභාවක්ම මධ්‍යම රජයේ සංවර්ධන තීරණ සමඟ ජාතික ආරක්ෂාව මත පදනම්ව අනුගත විය යුතුය.

ජන සභා සේවකයින් වෙනම සේවයක් වශයෙන් හඳුනාගත යුතුය. සමෘධි සේවය ඉදිරියේදී ජන සභා සේවය හා බද්ධ කල යුතුය. ග්‍රාම සේවා වසමක දැනට ඉන්නා නිලධාරීන් පස් දෙනා  ජන සභා සේවාවට එකතුකල යුතුය.

ජන සභා වලට අවශ්‍යවන විශේෂඥ සේවා මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුවේ දෙපාර්තමේන්තු/ආයතන මඟින් ලබාදිය යුතුය.

විශ්‍රාමික පුරවැසියන්ගේ දැණුම හා සේවය ලබාගැනීම පිණිස, ඒ සඳහා විෂය අනුව ඩිරෙක්ටරියක් (Directory of Retired Talent) ජන සභා මට්ටමින් හා ජාතික මට්ටමින් පිළියෙල කල යුතුය.

පිටරට සිටිනා ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයින් සම්බන්ධයෙන්ද මේ හා සමාන ඩිරෙක්ටරියක් Directory of Experts Living Abroad) සකස් කල යුතුය.

මෙම ජන සභා සංකල්පය ප්‍රථමයෙන් දිවයිනේ තෝරාගත් දිස්ත්‍රික් තුනක අත්හදා බැලිය යුතුය.

මීළඟ ලිපියේ මාතෘකාව:

ගෝල්පේස් අරගල කරුවන් ඉල්ලන සිස්ටම් චේන්ජ් එක  හා ජන සභා සිස්ටම් එක

The protests have fragmented

June 5th, 2022

By Uditha Devapriya Courtesy The Island

The world will not help Sri Lanka unless the Sri Lankan government restores some measure of stability. The world does not care who is at the helm. The IMF and the World Bank don’t want personalities; they want plans. Whether it’s a Wickremesinghe or a Rajapaksa calling the shots, they will not think beyond plans. The World Bank was very clear and sounded the alarm twice on this: unless they get a proper plan, they will not provide any bridging finance for us. Reports of Japanese assistance seem to have faded out as well, though at the recent Quad meeting, Tokyo and Delhi agreed to help the country escape the crisis.

What does this mean for the aragalaya? Some would suggest that it recalibrate and rethink its strategies. Though in its first few weeks it enjoyed a massive following, because of other concerns many of its flagbearers have left. This doesn’t mean they have stopped supporting the protests, merely that they are too occupied with work to keep up the momentum they kept up throughout April and May. That momentum, however, will be decided at the outset by how the government handles the crisis. If Ranil Wickremesinghe fails to deliver the goods those who left Galle Face will return. If he does things may turn out differently.

It must be noted here that the Galle Face protests was never a monolithic movement. It was and is composed of different interests and interest groups. Not all of them share the same aims, of course barring the exit of the Rajapaksas. Thus when gay rights activists made their way, a perfectly typical young man, just out of school, who had joined the protests early on, questioned why. This is neither the time nor the place,” he pointed out to me, holding back his barely concealed homophobia. When the IUSF organised a walk-in at Galle Face, he and his friends were thrilled. Yet when the IUSF publicised its objectives, including its opposition to private sector education, they immediately went back on their support: This is why we’ll never support them outside these protests,” they told me.

The problem here is that no two protesters will ever think along the same lines. We saw this quite clearly on May 18. While a significant section of the aragalaya celebrated Victory Day, framing the Rajapaksas’ betrayal of the country as a betrayal of the military victory over the LTTE, an equally significant section, comprising radical activists and artists, commemorated what they called Remembrance Day. Both groups were united by their rejection of war, but there was a clear difference between the two: the one saw the event as a celebration of the end of a war, the other a memorial to its victims, particularly in the North. While no disputes or disagreements broke up between these two parties, the contrast at Galle Face was, to say the least, striking, if not reflective of wider differences within the protests.

Leaderless as they are, it’s nevertheless admirable how these protests have held on. Yet united only by their opposition to the Rajapaksas, the protesters have not freed themselves from political affiliations. This explains why a not insignificant portion of the protests fell apart after Ranil Wickremesinghe’s appointment, and why Sajith Premadasa being rebuffed by protesters on May 9 caused certain SJB activists to allege the protests had been taken over or hijacked by the JVP-NPP and FSP. That younger protesters have been calling for all 225 out”, even though they harbour obvious sympathies for the JVP-NPP and IUSF, have not helped here. The result has been a fragmentation of the entire uprising.

The contradiction between getting the Rajapaksas out and getting all 225 out is intriguing. In its first few days a number of young protesters combined the two demands. Yet after a while these young protesters point-blank rejected the latter slogan, insinuating that the Rajapaksas had incorporated it into the protests. This was, of course, a hilarious accusation to make, considering that a sizeable number of anti-Rajapaksa demonstrators, even those outside Colombo, held up banners in support of that that slogan. The inability of protesters to admit to these mistakes, instead of attributing them to a conspiracy by the Rajapaksas or their supporters or a Deep State”, is in that sense their biggest weakness.

The same can be said of the violence which followed the vandalisation of the protests by Mahinda Rajapaksa’s goons and supporters on May 9. Quite a number of young protesters, especially on social media, shared details of MPs and their addresses, in effect condoning the violence. They may well have been gleeful at MPs getting what they thought to be just deserts. Yet in the early hours of May 10, most of them had turned back, warning against inflicting further violence and, incredibly, accusing those burning houses as being allied with the Rajapaksas. As Dayan Jayatilleka has observed, the refusal to issue a formal apology for these acts, including the assault on Kumara Welgama, is utterly damning.

Based on how the protests have taken shape since Gotagogama came to be in mid-April, I hence note two contradictions: between the protesters’ opposition to the Rajapaksas and their opposition to the 225, and between their opposition to politics and their affiliation with political ideologies. It’s convenient to blame politicians for this, but it’s more complex than that; one cannot, for instance, blame Wickremesinghe for dampening the protests if pro-Wickremesinghe protesters themselves opposed the Rajapaksas at Galle Face because they did not have their favourite politician at the top.

At the peak of the protests, somebody commented, Nirpakshikayo kiyala jathiyak naha putha” (Son, there’s no group that is politically non-partisan”). I think this came out well with Ranil Wickremesinghe’s appointment. Yet it would be futile to blame politicians alone. In any case, trying to get all 225 out defeats the purpose of Gotagogama. I can’t understand why anyone would, while emphasising #GoHomeGota, in the same breath, call for all 225 to leave parliament and then, only a few days later, insinuate that the 225 Ma Epa!” line is a Rajapaksist twist. The contradictions of the aragalaya must be sorted out by the organisers of the aragalaya. And yet, instead of resolving them, the protesters have managed to divide if not fragment themselves. Whose purpose would that serve, I wonder.

The writer is an international relations analyst who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com

Dr. N.M. Perera and the IMF

June 5th, 2022

T. M. R. Rasseedin General Secretary, Ceylon Federation of Labour (CFL)

Member of Parliament Dr. Harsha de Silva in several talk shows over the electronic media persists in spreading a canard that Dr. N. M. Perera was the first to seek the assistance of the IMF for Sri Lanka. Nothing is further from truth than this concoction of a Harvard alumini.

Sri Lanka has been a member of the IMF since August 1950. NM was Finance Minister for two periods totalling around six years. The first was brief – from June 11, 1964 to 1965 – and the second somewhat longer – May 29, 1970 to September 2, 1975.

Delivering the 17th Death Anniversary address, Dr. Gamani Corea observed ”I recollect accompanying him to one of the World Bank meetings in Tokyo, it must have been in 1964 with the World Bank and the IMF. I remember Dr. N. M. Perera asking Mr. Peter Cargill who was then the Head of the Asian Division of the World Bank as to why the World Bank had ”Aid Groups for India, for Pakistan and for many other countries, but not for Sri Lanka. It was time, he said, that the World Bank and the IMF gave attention to Sri Lanka’s needs because we too were members of these institutions. I recall also shortly after that the Head of the Asian Division of the IMF, Dr. Sarkar came to Sri Lanka to start preliminary talks with Dr. N. M. Perera. But just then the government fell.” Dr. Corea was referring to the downfall of the 1964 government engineered by Lake House, then managed by the late Esmond Wickremasinghe, the father of the present Prime Minister.

The IMF and the World Bank were established after World War Two with big power support to facilitate the creation of a stable and thriving global economy. The IMF was specifically entrusted with the task of maintaining stable exchange rates which at that time was felt to be a vital pre-requisite for the expansion of international trade and thereby a flourishing international economy. Membership in both Institutions was open to developed and developing countries alike, although the IMF’s direct involvement initially was with the developed countries. The 1960’s saw a gradual shift in the focus of IMF with the encouragement of lending by developed countries to the developing world and it was then that Sri Lanka began dealing with the IMF.

Sri Lanka resorted to IMF borrowings from 1961 with greater dependency on such borrowings seen after 1965. During the second half of the 1960s, Sri Lanka began the partial liberalisation of imports on the advice of international financial institutions, particularly the IMF. As the balance of payments position became worse, the country made increased recourse to IMF funding. IMF borrowings required the acceptance of tightly drawn up Letters of Intent” imposing severe conditionalities on recipient countries. It was Dr. N. M. Perera who for the first time in Sri Lanka and perhaps for the first time in the history of IMF transactions revealed to the public the nature of the Letters of Intent subscribed to during 1965-1968 by the UNP Government by placing four of them before Parliament and reading them into the Hansard in his very first Budget Speech of 1970-71.

These facts take the bottom off MP Harsha de Silva’s assertion that Dr N. M. Perera was the first to deal with the IMF.

However, it has to be said that Dr. N. M. Perera did not eschew the idea of foreign aid believing as a convinced socialist that international capitalism had to take some responsibility for the hapless situation developing countries like Sri Lanka had fallen into at the mercy of the ruthless forces of global capitalism.

In his first appearance before the IMF-World Bank Meeting in Tokyo in 1964, Dr. N. M. Perera proposed the creation of an international liquidity fund by the IMF with the channeling of such reserves by the developing countries themselves. He stressed on the vital link between international trade, the international monetary system and development and called for the link to be made more responsive to the needs of the developing countries. He also stressed the need to augment the external resources available to developing countries with enhanced concessional aid flows to reduce debt burdens and to provide compensatory financing for cyclical shortfalls in receipts from trade.

Although Dr. N. M. Perera’s speech has to be read in the context of the period it was made, the issues he raised and the solutions he proffered have not lost their relevance even today. What he inherited in 1970 from the previous government was like today, a balance of payments crisis aggravated by the financial imprudence practised by it.

During the short period he was Minister of Finance in 1964 N. M. took the initiative to encourage developing countries to function as a group within the World Bank to advance their interests paving the way for the formation of what was later called the Group of 24.

The IMF has been widely criticised for the harsh policies it imposed on developing countries seeking to borrow from it. These criticisms are not without reason and much of it is warranted because IMF took an excessively economistic approach to the problems of countries that sought its help, displaying total insensitivity to the social and political realities that existed within these countries.

Dr. N. M. Perera’s attitude towards the IMF was upheld by pragmatic considerations moulded by his political and economic philosophy. As Minister of Finance in the 1970 United Front Government, he criticised his predecessors for uncritically accepting terms and conditions imposed by the IMF and thereby putting the country into severe debt. Having been placed in excruciating circumstances by such actions, he nevertheless argued that it was impossible to repudiate and reject IMF advice, affirming that the choice was not ”between undiluted acceptance of terms and conditions of foreign institutions and the foolhardy rejection of all aid”, stating further that Undoubtedly, we must get foreign aid …These aid arrangements must be concluded in terms consistent with our self-respect, our independence and our sovereignty.”

We hope that the powers-that-be who believe that there is no alternative for Sri Lanka today other than resorting to IMF funding will take these words of N.M. to heart while negotiating to extricate ourselves from the present economic crisis.

Bridging finance dependent on agreement with IMF: Ranil

June 5th, 2022

Courtesy The Island

Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, during a meeting with representatives from the Joint Chambers of Commerce on Thursday, explained that the Government was targeting USD five billion for repayments and USD 1 billion to bolster the country’s reserves.

During the meeting, Wickremesinghe elaborated that discussions with the International Monetary Fund are proceeding and was hopeful that the negotiations would end this month.

He further explained that the debt restructuring has already begun, following the appointment of financial and legal advisers.

Prime Minister said that any bridging finance to help in alleviating the crisis is dependent on an agreement with the IMF being reached.

Commenting further, Wickremesinghe stated that talks were continuing with donor nations. He added that relations with Japan had broken down, and it would take a while to repair those relations and regain their confidence.

In regards to the medicine shortage, the Prime Minister explained that former Maldives President Mohamed Nasheed, who was appointed on May 19 to coordinate the relief efforts for the island nation, was leading the international appeal for urgently needed medical supplies.

Addressing the issue of food scarcity, the Prime Minister explained that securing fertilizer and compiling a food security program were being given equal priority. He explained that in the event of any excess crops, those would be provided to vulnerable groups at a concessionary rate.

Sri Lankan PM Ranil Wickremesinghe Speaks To NDTV: Full Transcript

June 5th, 2022

Courtesy NDTV

Sri Lankan Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe spoke to NDTV on the present situation in the island nation and also thanked India for its support during the time of crisis.

https://www.ndtv.com/video/exclusive/news/world-exclusive-ranil-wickremesinghe-sri-lanka-pm-speaks-to-ndtv-636232

New Delhi: 

Sri Lanka is grappling with its worst financial crisis in over seven decades with a severe foreign exchange shortage that has left it struggling to pay for essential imports including food, fuel, fertilisers and medicines. Its Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremesinghe, spoke to NDTV on the present situation in the island nation and also thanked India for its support during the time of crisis.

Here is the full transcript of the discussion:

NDTV: From sliding to an upper middle-class status down to middle class status, and today we are looking at Sri Lanka which is suffering from economic crisis, and this is a deep economic crisis that we are talking about. We see people out lined up in queues, you know, outside the fuels station. People, you know, they don’t have food. So, to talk about these challenges, we see Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe is joining us here, exclusively for the first time on Indian national television, here on NDTV, to talk to us about what it has been for the last two weeks. He’s taken over on May 12th. Thank you Sir for joining us here on NDTV.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Thank you for calling me.

NDTV: Thank you. My first question to you is, why did you accept when you were invited by Mr Gotobaya Rajapaksa to take over as the Prime Minister. Did you already see it coming in terms of the economic crisis?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: I accepted because there is a crisis on and there was no one else who was willing to be Prime Minister. If I did not take this challenge, our country would have been in a much worse situation. I felt that if I come in and take on the challenge, I can at least slow down the economic decline, stabilise it, and then we can think of ways of turning it around. People are without food, enterprises are closing down, and there was a lot of political instability. There was a campaign that the President should leave, being led by a lot of young people who were camping out on Galle Face. But by the time I came in, that issue had been resolved to a certain extent, because the Sri Lankan Bar Association proposed that we bring in, we reintroduce the 19th Amendment, we strengthen Parliament, which was taken away in 2020 after Parliamentary elections and thereafter go in for a complete abolition of the Executive Presidency. By then the President had also announced that he was staying on in office, but he was willing to bring back the 19th Amendment and go for a complete abolition of the Executive Presidency. In that light, I went in and I thought my job now is, if I wanted, I am certainly willing to stabilise the economy. So, I took the challenge.

NDTV: What’s changed after you took over as Prime Minister? Because I believe, on previous occasions, you have never had to deal with a situation such as this.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: No, I don’t think they have precedent. My party has only one member, that is me. So therefore, we are the most united party in Parliament.

NDTV: Unfortunately, we see that, you know, it’s just a single seat. You don’t have the people’s mandate, but…

Ranil Wickremesinghe: In a crisis, you can’t look at a mandate, a crisis calls for a person who is willing to take it on, and people think that person, he or she, is capable. So, I took it on, Cabinet has been formed, there have been representatives from different political parties and groups, and we are tackling issues. I must say I have been able to speak with the President, and we have agreed on a programme. I am going ahead and implementing it. The Ministers are backing me. The Special Minister of Agriculture, the Minister of Health, the Minister of Energy, we are working very, very closely on stabilising the situation here. How do you find foreign exchange? Our foreign reserves are zero. Some days have nothing, other days we have thirty-forty million dollars, it is difficult to imagine. Seven and a half billion dollars in reserve when I handed the government over. But we have been helped really by the Indian government. The help that you all have given us, with the lines of credit, the swap, there have been help from some other countries, too, in different grades, the line of relief. We can manage at the moment if this keeps moving, but we have to come to an agreement with IMF and I am just focusing on that agreement.

NDTV: Right. You were talking about how there were quite a lot of Ministers who were backing you. Do you really have a majority at the moment? Because we see the chorus that is growing hereafter here in Sri Lanka, because if we are talking about the opinion polls, at least about 89-90% of the people are demanding that they want Gotobaya Rajapaksa to go home, because very recently what has happened at even Gotagogama, you know. We see a lot of youth protesting for over 50 days. They say there is nothing going to stop them, so are you the people’s Prime Minister, or are you the Prime Minister in terms of Gotobaya Rajapaksa?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: I am the crisis Prime Minister. There is a political crisis and an economic crisis. When I say the Ministers are backing me, that is to resolve these issues. I am not looking in terms of them coming and backing my party. Certainly, as Prime Minister, they have been helping me. I am grateful to them. Opposition also hasn’t been too hard. There are two issues: one is the whole issue of the economy, how people are going to live. It’s very, very difficult. You can’t keep that aside while dealing with a political issue also. So, my focus has been actually on the economic issues. As far as the political issues are concerned, the party must decide what is going to happen, but I think that is best done when the economic situation comes back to normal, at least we stabilise it. In the meantime, there can be discussions on what can take place. Already, when I came in, they already; the agreement I mentioned earlier. But I have been involved in the political issues too. We met yesterday with the Leader of parties in Parliament and were able to come to an agreement in principle on the new 21st Amendment, which will bring back the 19th Amendment. I myself proposed some changes in the Parliamentary system, bringing in the oversight committees, increasing the powers of Parliament over public finance, and even a National Council, which is really a committee of the political party leaders in Parliament. This can look at the broad policy issues, and we want the young people, youth protestors and all, to join these committees. I hope this will help to reduce the political tension.

NDTV: Have you had that discussion with the youth that you’re talking about?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: I have put it out. I want the proposers to be, I want to get the former Speaker, Mr Jayasuriya, to put flesh into the details, and then maybe they can speak with them if they don’t want to speak with me. You can have a group of people. So young people have, the young people and the people out in the streets have really made a political revolution. I won’t say no to that.

NDTV: So, you’re willing to speak, but I believe the comment was that we hear from these protestors, they just want the government to go. Do you really feel that? Because I want to try and understand the ground situation. You, as the Prime Minister, have taken over. It’s been over two to three weeks. Have you really, after you took over this post, have you really gone on ground to check the reality of the people, because I constantly see people, some of them sitting on the streets, they are with their plates, at least they get food at Gotagogama. You have long queues; I myself have stood in those queues, because I am here in Sri Lanka. So, have you personally gone through these, where your normal, common man is going through?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: I know what they are going through, and there have been a lot of people who have said, we will help you to get this resolved economically. I think that’s a positive response. The country has wanted some action to address the economic issues that they were facing. You can understand, you’re standing, some people are standing for four-five hours to get diesel at one time. There’s a queue in front of the Prime Minister’s office.

NDTV: How long will that continue, do you think?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: I think it has eased off now. The issue is on diesel, which should come in, and on gas, which affects really the urban areas, not the rural areas. We are tackling the issue of gas, too.

NDTV: So why is there a difference when you say that, you know, not the urban areas, but the rural areas.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: No, for gas, it’s urban areas. For diesel and petrol, it’s the whole country.

NDTV: Okay. So, I want to understand, do you think that this revolt by the Sri Lankan citizens, basically do you believe this is just a protest, do you believe this is going to wane off in the next couple of days? How do you see this coming?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Well, the protest will go on, because how long, I suppose the people at Galle Face decide how long they are going to carry it out after the 21st Amendment, whether they are going to take the protest elsewhere, or they are going to stay there, that’s their decision. As far as government is concerned, we are not going to interfere. If they want to stay, certainly they can stay there and carry out their protest, but I feel the people also realise now that we are going to face a shortage of food. It’s really two issues which are combined. One is the lack of fertiliser, which has led to the rice crop being reduced by about one-third.

NDTV: Yes, Sri Lanka was always self-sufficient.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: That’s right, and other crops. So how do we get over that? We need fertiliser. If we have fertiliser, then from February onwards, we can go back to self-sufficiency, so the second issue is that it is coming at a stage when there is, a time when there is going to be a global shortage of food. Countries are not exporting food. So, we will find some about October till about February. It’s really going to be a difficult time for Sri Lanka. Let’s hope that the global food shortage really won’t become a crisis of large magnitude.

NDTV: Can you explain how worse can that get? When you say Sri Lanka, which has always self-sufficient in terms of rice production, but then with the fertilisers back, how worse can it get?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: One is, remember Russia and Ukraine are large suppliers of wheat. Russia in number one, Ukraine in number five. They are into corn, they are, I think, into sunflower seeds, so there are so many areas. So that means when the wheat production is reduced, the prices go up. That affects the prices of rice, too. Same thing in corn. And in corn, it means it also affects animal feed. Secondly, the shortage of fertiliser is also impacting other places. Brazil, for instance, their sugar, their wheat, all is getting affected. Even in US. So, there is a shortage, there is a shortage created by Russia. There is a shortage in the countries that do create food, and there’s going to be a shortage of meats because the animals also will not have food, and it’s a question of how high will the prices go up, and if the countries are storing food. So that is also sending prices up.

NDTV: Okay, so we are going to see a huge crisis situation in Sri Lanka. But people can go without food?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: They need food. For instance, a good example is Egypt. They’re buying food from Russia and Ukraine, now they’re buying wheat from India. So, like that, again, Africa needs food. So, it’s going to be a food crisis. Sri Lanka is going to be one of the countries affected. I mean people expect Africa, I mean, yes African countries will be affected, but from south Asia, and the Asian region, Sri Lanka will be the only country.

NDTV: Right. I would like to come to the question of bankruptcy. Bankrupt Sri Lanka can’t really tap 1.5 billion credit line from India, as China’s concern, in terms of the IMF, may force delays. Now how exactly are you planning to, you know, have a negotiation. Are you going to bring this up with China as well?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: No, we are bringing it up with China. When the agreement was given to us, the rule is that you cannot utilise it unless you have three months of reserves. So, at the time that we signed it, we didn’t have three months of reserves. So, the question is, from our end, why did we sign it? Why didn’t we negotiate further with China and ask them to do away with this? And if we couldn’t, we should not have signed this, instead of which we signed. This 1.5 billion was showing as part of our reserves, and all of a sudden, a country which had zero reserves was showing about 2 billion in reserves. Of that 2 billion, I think 1.9 billion could not be utilised. So, whether it was just for the purpose of adding on to reserves, I don’t, it’s something that the Parliament must find out, why the Central Bank entered into this agreement.

NDTV: Now with you as the Prime Minister, will you find out?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: No, the Parliament will have to find out. I would recommend that the Parliament finds out. In the meantime, we will speak to the Chinese government to see the possibilities of amending the agreement.

NDTV: So, is Sri Lanka counting on more help from India till the cheque arrives from the IMF?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: We are counting for help from India. The major country that will be helping us. There are the others, but India has done most of the work for us.

NDTV: So, I really would like to know, drawing, basically, assistance from both the countries, this is to do with India and China here. So, there’s a balancing act being done by Sri Lanka here, given the geographical proximity, right, and the advantage. So, do you consider India to be a trusted ally, as opposed to China? Because we have seen how China in the last one decade or so, they have gone all out to give you all funding, but you all are in deep economic crisis. Where is China?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: China is a very friendly country to Sri Lanka. What is India? India is different. You all are the other side of the coin, so are we. We have far more in common with south India than north India. Buddhism came from here. So, we have to treat each other like in that way. It’s not like having friendships with Japan and China, we are very friendly countries. You have to realise, we are the other side of the coin. You have Hinduism, we have Buddhism. We took the Mauryan sense of kingship, you all went with others. But what is it? As countries we have interests, and we must respect each other for that.

NDTV: You just said interest. What’s your interest, in terms of China?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: In terms of China, China has also been friends with us. History with China also goes back thousands of years. Once you send Buddhism to China, we had to follow and go there, so India started all this. Amartya Sen’s book ‘The Argumentative Indian’ has a very good explanation of it, I would recommend that you read it. But with India, we are already in one part of the region. I am more familiar, I can easily fit into Chennai or Kerala without a problem, while similarly people in the south can fit in here. China is a friend, Japan is a friend, but when it comes here, India and Sri Lanka have interests. We have common interests, because we were under the British. We had the British system of governance. We both believe that the Indian Ocean should be free of big power rivalry. But we have had a long relationship with China. We have had a long relationship with Japan. And China is now carrying out the Belt and Road Initiative, which, the Belt and Road Initiative, from our point of view has no military significance, it has an economic one. So, you can look at the economic side and decide: did we take, did the Chinese help us or not?

At the same time, we understand the issues between India and China especially on the Himalayas. From 1962, Sri Lanka knows that issue. But we work with each other, we work with each other very closely, issues of terrorism, and it is the agreement after 1987, we will not allow our soil to be used for anything that is harmful to India’s national security. Similarly, India will also reciprocate. So, we have been going on, and this relationship goes on despite what the governments have to say. The people go in, the people come back. That’s different.

NDTV: Okay, so do you; there are a lot of allegations, or even for that matter, it’s a fact of the matter, you have several Ministers, you know, Parliamentarians, and, you know, activists, and talking about economists as well, where they say one of the reasons why Sri Lanka is today in this state is also because of China. Do you agree with that?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: There is the Chinese debt. But China and Japan are the two large distributor nations, as far as we are concerned. The issue on China is, whether the Chinese loans were used on economically viable projects? Well, the issue there is the projects were decided by Sri Lanka. Hambantota Harbour and Mattala Airport were pushed by Sri Lanka. Chinese came in and gave the money when Sri Lanka wanted it, so these really are; did we make the correct assessment?

NDTV: So, yes, you’re putting the blame on Sri Lanka itself for choosing such, you know, the wrong projects.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Yes, yes, and China went along and gave the money, but we are the ones, the big issues we have on China, but otherwise, the Belt and Road will be a way of integrating into the Asian system.

NDTV: It’s not done right, is what you’re saying.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: No, selecting the projects. But the biggest problem is not the loans from creditor nations, it is the loans we have taken on the international market, the ISB, the International Sovereign Bonds, which really constitute nearly 49 to 50%, because the loans we have gotten from China and Japan were on projects. They were project loans. But we took ISB and then we used it for so many other purposes. Issue is we shouldn’t have taken so much ISB.

NDTV: So, Sri Lanka made a mistake.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Well, I think we should have controlled it and put more of our money into developing the sectors of our economy. After the war was over, there was a lot of money available for the north and the east infrastructure, and people went ahead with it. Then we decided that we will go ahead with a construction economy, so the money was had to develop the infrastructure in Sri Lanka. Okay, there was an extension of the road from Mantota to Hambantota. I mean we had even recommended, earlier, when I was in government, but you took on two major, there was the Katunayake Highway, that’s alright, but we took on some of these big projects which were really not economically viable. Added to that, that was only adding on to the burden we had with the ISBs. Lot of the other work was being financed by the ISBs, and we were not really, when our budget, and certainly the balance of trade was not in our favour. And we’re taking ISBs when the balance of trade was against us. At least, the loans from friendly nations had a gestation period, but this is what really brought the economy down.

NDTV: The choice of projects?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: No, the choice of ISB lending. The choice of projects added on to it, but as far Hambantota Harbour was concerned, we were able to get a billion dollars back.

NDTV: So, in terms of, when you are talking about the kind of projects that you choose, Sri Lanka has a very strange fiscal economy. The minute that the country faces trouble, when you know there is trouble coming, you all immediately either sell the assets, keep government assets, or privatise. For example, the recent Sri Lankan airlines. Why is that?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Why did you sell Air India? Same reason. Okay. You were making so much losses, you just couldn’t turn it around. We had the same issue, and our economy is crumbling so we couldn’t support it anymore. It was the same issues that you all have in India, we have here.

NDTV: So, do you think privatisation is the right strategy?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: What else can we do? When you follow the Indian government, what’s your question?

NDTV: But how far will you take this?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: The Committee on Public Enterprises has said that some, we will have to shed some of the state enterprises. This has happened everywhere. India, China. There may be, we’ll ask what is the position on this.

NDTV: So, there are more in the offing?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: There may be, I can’t say there is. But certainly, Sri Lanka is what we have.

NDTV: Do you think there will be accountability when that is done?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: There may be. We don’t have much of an argument on this in Sri Lanka. It’s not a big issue in Sri Lanka.

NDTV: Right. So, are any Indian business in touch with Sri Lanka at the moment, to take part in the building of the Sri Lankan economy right now?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Some of the companies have been there, and they have been getting involved in. There will be others that come, we won’t actually woo them once we stabilise the situation.

NDTV: Okay, so it is still in the offing, you mean?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Yes, there are many that are looking at it. I don’t think they come immediately, but by next year I will be impressed. Already I think Adani’s are there in west terminal. And they are doing some projects in the north on renewable energy.

NDTV: Okay, so I would like to really ask, you did talk about how there were certain, how, of course, Sri Lanka did make mistakes in terms of short-term projects that would produce what’s required at that point of time. We are here and talking about how several people are echoing where they wanted Rajapaksas to go home, and eventually it was just to Gotobaya Rajapaksa. Will there be any corruption charges filed against Mr Gotoboya Rajapaksa or other family members for, you know, leading Sri Lanka to this state?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: If they had violated the law, then certainly. Not only them, but anyone, all of us. That is a matter for the investigative agency.
    
NDTV: So, you hold all of yourselves responsible?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Not for the mess, but I’m saying that if any charges against us having violated the law, then the investigative agencies must go into it and decide whether to prosecute or not. You can see the courts becoming more independent and even departments, pushing cases which are sometimes embarrassing to the state, to the government.

NDTV: Do you know, is there a time frame, because we see protests still happening, as we speak?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Yes, that will go on, the protests. So, this is a matter for the agencies, the State to act, and there is intervention by outsiders, there is intervention by the courts, I think we look at the judgements made recently, there has been nothing to the advantage of the government.

NDTV: But personally, how long would you want those youth to be there on the streets, to protest?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: No, I’d like them to get involved in the system.

NDTV: When you say involved in the system, how?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Come in, take part in the committees we’ve set, be able to have a dialogue with the government and the people, they’ve to adjust in the next stage.

NDTV: Is that going to happen very soon?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: For them, if they’re willing to, it’ll happen soon.

NDTV: So, it’s an open dialogue?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Open dialogue, not only that, how we appeal to the system, are they going to stay out or are they going to come in? That’s the main issue that all the youth have to decide

NDTV: Can I take that one question, that few of them who I spoke to when I was at Gotagogama, I asked a couple of them and I asked them that are you willing to take up the dialogue with Mr Ranil Wickremsinghe? They were all of the opinion that they want the government. What do you make of it? Because they say that they don’t really want to have a dialogue, they want the government to go, they don’t really want to see a change especially off course you have been open.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Okay, they can say their views but my question is that if the government goes, we are not in a position to hold an election. The general public don’t want elections at this moment. They want their issues to be resolved. If you could have elections, yes, I won’t be here, there would have been elections without even campaigning. But I came in, in a situation where we couldn’t hold in. And most of us are of the view that if the government goes, what do you do? He offered to the Leader of the Opposition, the Opposition didn’t want to take the Premiership. They have others who aren’t willing at the moment to take the Premiership. So, in that circumstance, normally, in a normal circumstance we would have gone for elections. You can’t have elections, what do you do?

NDTV: So, when you say you can’t have elections, then the upcoming one, will it happen or not?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Which one?

NDTV: The upcoming one?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: The upcoming elections will be in the end of 2023 or early 2024, by that time this should get over, we should have money, when we have no money, not only dollars, we’ve no rupees. This election is not by government spending money, this election is also about the political party spending money. Where will the political party get the money, from the private businesses? When the private businesses are down, how will they give money? When there no donations, when there are no fuels, how will you campaign? When there is no electricity, how will you conduct meetings. So, this is impossible, unless you come back, you can’t have meetings, you can’t use the TV, you will have no fuel, and there’s no political donations and contribution to the party.

NDTV: So, are you saying that the elections are unlikely to happen in 2024?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: The 21st Amendment will be passed by the Parliament but it does not call for the elections.

NDTV: Okay

Ranil Wickremesinghe: The abolition of the Executive Presidency also means a referendum and we just can’t hold a referendum now. You’ve to address the issue. That’s called the responsibility. You can’t run away from it.

NDTV: Finally, you’ve also said that you want the youth to come forward and you want have a dialogue about it. My question to here is, I believe in the past 2 months or so you’ve seen the Sri Lanka uprising, several youths have been taken in custody, they’ve been protesting peacefully, what is your reaction to that, about police using their brutal force on them, do you stand by that? Why do you want your police to immediately resort to them in tear gas, water gas? Is that the way?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Look, the decision to remand a person, young or old is made by the magistrate, not by the police. And the police in respect with that area arrested the Members of the Parliament, other Members of the Parliament have been named as suspects, they are taking down statements. There are a lot members from the local authorities who have all been arrested from one side. Similarly, they’ve asked people to come in here to give statements and go away, this issue came up to me that they’ve been taken and IGP said that he’ll look into it but I told the people that the Bar Association is working with the police, so speak to the Bar Association. So, we’ve a line of communication and then of course the lawyers must go and make their case. But anyone who’s charged will be produced front of the courts and it’s for the magistrate to decide. Lot of people have been released and then there’s the burning of 50 houses of Members of the Parliament.

NDTV: I believe that happened when the pro government protestors…

Ranil Wickremesinghe: But most of the members are not even involved. Many of them have not even attended the meeting. That’s one. Then two members. One member was killed when he was travelling by the road. And the other member, opponent of President Rajapaksha, Kumar Vergam, he was taken, he would have been killed if not for some local people who got in and rescued him. But ask him what happened, that’s the question we’ve been asking. It’s not only the people who’ve been at the Galle Face but members who’ve not been, and you can’t allow Parliamentary democracy to be treated that way and that’s the issue that we’ve…

NDTV: And…

Ranil Wickremesinghe: And I’m asking the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association to come in and give a report on all the incidents that have taken place.

NDTV: But do you think that this incident would have taken place had it not been for the pro government protestors if they would have not lodged an…

Ranil Wickremesinghe: No, what happened was on the grounds there. I was in one of the hotels nearby. I had gone for a wedding and the issue got resolved. The pro government protestors have been chased off. Their buses have been stopped.

NDTV: Some of the protestors were chased?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Chased off.

NDTV: By the anti-government?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Not anti-government

NDTV: Were chased?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: The protestors in Galle Face, they were chased off. There were very few protestors at that time but the people in the surrounding area, the slave island came for their defence and chased away the pro government demonstrators.

NDTV: Okay

Ranil Wickremesinghe: I know the area because I have represented it. I know a lot of people who live there and they came and chased them away.

NDTV: So, the people who were protesting at the Galle Face or the Gotagogama are responsible?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: No, I’m not saying that. You’re not allowing me to finish it.

NDTV: Okay

Ranil Wickremesinghe: So they came, the people in Colombo came and chased them away and as far as Colombo was concerned, about 2:30 to 3 the issue was over. By 2 it was over in the site. I was watching it and about 3 the people have been somewhere dumped in the Colombo Lake, the Beira Lake, some of the buses were burned and the police had to step in and ensure that these people are able to get out of Colombo. We didn’t want them hanging around in Colombo. I was not in the government. I spoke to the IGP. I said we might clear them out of Colombo. So that was over. The burnings took place at 11 in the night. What is the connection? The burnings took place 100 miles away, 150 miles away, that is the connection. That is the one I question. Let’s say the people in Galle Face acted in self-defence or the people in surrounding areas, like Slave area came to protect these people so that’s over, we’ve closed that chapter. That’s being investigated by the police, those who came in, those who acted in self-defence, but what has happened is outside that. Why was Mr Vergam, who was going back home in the night attacked? Everyone knows who Kumar Vergam is. Why were these Members of Parliament who had nothing to do come here? The Deputy Minister, he was returning home, why was he and his two security officers killed?

NDTV: Why…

Ranil Wickremesinghe:…and why were these homes set on fire? That what we want to know. I think you’ve to take action, anyone’s house. I’m against setting homes on fire and properties. I’ve been against that always whether it belongs to the government or the opposition party. You’ve to take action.

NDTV: So, what about those who were attacked specially, the anti- government protestors?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Pardon?

NDTV: The anti-government protestors.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: There’s no anti-government protestors

NDTV: I’m talking about the anti-protestors who were sitting at the Gotagogama and protesting. They were a few of them. They were attacked.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Few of them were attacked and that’s why the police is taking action against those who came. That’s all. And when you look at the clips, you see people fighting with each other. They’ve to question everyone who’s identified, whether they belong to the youth protestors or the government protestors.

NDTV: So, the identification is on?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: That’s why some of them have been called. That’s a personal law issue. Bar Association is looking after them. So, I don’t think there’s a risk of anything happening to them. But the other enquiries must also go on.

NDTV: And I just want to understand, one final question that we are ending here is, finally I believe after speaking to the people and Gotagogama, several citizens, they say they will continue the protest. What is the final word from your side for them?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Certainly, go ahead. We’ll protect you. I’ve a delegation which can negotiate with Gotagogama if they want to, I will give the website that we’ve here. Certainly, if they want to protest, they are free to do so. We’ll give them all protection and all the facilities they want.

NDTV: Do you want them to continue?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: If they want to continue, what can I do?

NDTV: All that they’re demanding is that they want Gotabaya to go home.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: So, if they’re demanding…

NDTV: So, the protestors say that if he goes home, we will go home.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: That’s for the President and the protestors to decide.

NDTV: Right, so what’s the final word you want to give to the citizens of Sri Lanka in terms with the economic turmoil? How do you plan to lift the entire country of 22 million outside the crisis?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: We have to work together. We have to work together and then we can pull the country out. The economic crisis we have. We work together, we can resolve the political crisis.

NDTV: Do you have a time frame?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Soon as possible.

NDTV: Thank you Mr. Ranil for joining us on NDTV.

ලංකාවේ සියළුම රුසියානු සංචාරකයන් ආපසු කැදවයි.. අන්තිම රුසියානුවාත් පිටව යයි..

June 5th, 2022

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

අපි ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට ආවෙ දින 14 ක සංචාරයක් සදහා. අපි මේ වෙනකොට හිටියෙ හික්කඩුවෙ. හදිසියේම ඇති වූ මේ තත්වය නිසා අපට රුසියානු රජය දැනුම් දුන්නා , සංචාරය අත්හිටුවා ආපසු පැමිණෙන ලෙස. ඒ අනුව දින 14 ක සංචාරය දින 07 කින් නිමා කරල ආපසු රුසියාව බලා යෑමට , මෙම රුසියානු එරොෆ්ලොට් අවසාන ගුවන් යානය සදහා අපි කටුනායක ගුවන් තොටුපළට ආවා” යැයි රුසියානු ජාතික එලේනා මෙසෙන්කෝවා මහත්මිය කටුනායක ගුවන් තොටුපළ පිටත්වීමේ පර්යන්තයේ දී 06/05 දින උදෑසන 10.00 ට පැවසුවාය.

අපිට රුසියානු රජය මීට පෙර ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සංචාරය සදහා සුදුසු බව ප්‍රකාශ කරමින් ඒ සදහා යොමු කිරීම් සිදු කළා. එහෙත් හදිසියේම ඇති වූ මේ තත්වය පිළිබඳව අපි කම්පනයට පත් වුණා.

මේ රටේ සංචාරය කරන්න අපිට ඩීසල් තිබුණෙ නැහැ. ඒ මදිවට විදුලි කප්පාදුව. මේ සියලු ගැටළු මධ්‍යයේ වුවත් අපි බොහොම කැමැත්තෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සංචාරයක නිරත වුණා.

අපේ රුසියානු සංචාරකයන් නිසා ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට ඩොලර් ලැබෙනවා. ඒත් මේ තීන්දුව නිසා ඒ තත්වය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට අහිමි වෙලා යයි. රුසියානු ජනාධිපතිවරයා මෙම සිදු වීම පිළිබඳව දැඩි තීරණයක් ගනීවි.

ඒ අනුව අපට දැනටමත් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සිදු කෙරෙන සංචාරයන් වහාම අත්හිටුවා ආපසු පැමිණෙන ලෙස රුසියානු රජය අපව දැනුවත් කර තිබෙනවා” යැයි ද එලේනා මෙසෙන්කෝවා මහත්මිය සිය රුසියානු බසින් පැවසුවාය .

එමෙන්ම යළිත් මින් ඉදියට කිසිදු රුසියානු සංචාරකයෙකු මෙවැනි සිදුවීමක් ඇති වෙතැයි යන බියෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට නොපැමිණෙනු ඇතැයි ද ඇය වැඩිදුරටත් පැවසුවාය .

රුසියානු රජයේ සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ බලධාරීන් අතර ලිඛිත එකගතාවයක් පවතිත්දීත්, එය නොසළකා හරිමින් බටහිර රාජ්‍යයක කුඩා රක්ෂණ සමාගමක පැමිණිල්ලක් මත මේ ආකාරයට දහස් ගනන් රුසියානු සංචාරකයන් අසරණ කරමින් , අනාගතයේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සංචාරක කර්මාන්තය අභියෝගට ලක් කරමින් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට විදේශ විනිමය ලැබෙන ප්‍රධානතම මාර්ගයක් ඇනහිටුවා ගැනීම පුදුම සහගත බව ද ඇය සදහන් කළාය.

– ADA

චීනය දැනටත් තරහයි.. රුසියාවත් දැන් ඒ පාරේ.. මිතුරන් අහිමි ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාව මහා මානව ආපදාවක් ඉදිරියේ…

June 5th, 2022

ජාතික නිදහස් පෙරමුණ

වත්මන් ආණ්ඩුව චීනය කල්තියාම තරහ කරගත් බවත් දැන් රුසියාව ද තරහ කර ගැනීමේ ඉම තෙක් රැගෙනවිත් තිබෙන බවත් පෙන්වා දුන් ජානිපෙ නායක, පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී විමල් වීරවංශ මහතා, අද මෙරට ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකයත් විධායකය මෙන්ම අධිකරණයත් පවතින ආර්ථික ආපදාව මහා මානව ආපදාවක් බවටත් පෙරළීමට සාමූහික වගකීමෙන් කටයුතු කරන බව ද පෙනෙන්නට ඇතැයි චෝදනා කර සිටී.

අද(05) බොරැල්ල පිහිටි ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්ෂයේ ප්‍රධාන කාර්යාලයේ පැවති ‘ස්වාධීන පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී සංසදයේ’ විශේෂ මාධ්‍ය සාකච්ඡාවේ දී අදහස් දක්වමින් ඒ මහතා මෙසේ චෝදනා කර සිටියේය.

එහිදී වැඩිදුරටත් අදහස් දැක්වූ වීරවංශ මහතා මෙසේද සඳහන් කළේය.

මේ රට ඉතාමත් තියුණු දේශපාලන හා ආර්ථික අර්බුදයකට මුහුණ දී සිටින බව අපි කවුරුත් දන්නවා. මේ අර්බුදය උත්සන්න වීමට ඉඩහැර බලා සිටින ප්‍රතිපත්තියක ආණ්ඩුව නියැලී සිටින බවයි අපේ නිගමනය. මේ අර්බුදය උත්සන්න වීමට ඉඩ දීම කියන්නේ මහා මානව ආපදා තත්ත්වයක් මේ රට තුළ ඇති වීමයි. රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතාට අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ධුරය ලබා දුන්නාම ලෝකයේ රටවල් පෝලිමේ ඇවිත් අපට උදව් කරාවි, කියලා ඇතැමුන් අනාවැකි පළ කළා. නමුත් අපට අද එහෙම තත්ත්වයක් දැකගැනීමට නැහැ. ඒ වගේම ‘එළඹෙන සැප්තැම්බර්, ඔක්තෝබර් වන විට ලෝකයේ මහා සාගතයක් ඇති වේවි, අපටත් එයට මුහුණ දීමට සිදුවේවි’ කියා කියනවා හැරුණාම ‘අපට හානියක් ඇති නොවන සේ එම තත්ත්වයට මුහුණ දීමට කළ යුත්තේ කුමක්ද?’ යන ප්‍රශ්නයට ආණ්ඩුවට පිළිතුරක් ඇති බවක් පෙනෙන්නේ නැහැ.

‘චීනය-රුසියාව තරහ කර ගැනීම’

මේ වන විට ගෑස් හිඟයෙන් නාගරික ජනතාව මෙන්ම ග්‍රාමීය ජනතාව ද ගැටලු රැසකට මුහුණ දී සිටිනවා. මේවාට විසඳුම් ලබාදීමට මිත්‍ර රටවල් සමග ආණ්ඩුව සාකච්ඡාවක් හෝ සිදු කරන ආකාරයක් දැක ගැනීමට නැහැ. ඒ වෙනුවට පෙනෙන්නට තිබෙන්නේ මිත්‍ර රටවල් ද තරහ වන දිසාවට ඇදගෙන යන ආකාරයක්. චීනය සහ රුසියාව කියන්නේ ඉතිහාසය පුරා ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ආර්ථික අර්බුදයකට පමණක් නොවෙයි ඕනෑම ජාත්‍යන්තර අර්බුදයකට මුහුණ දුන්නාම සහයෝගය ලබාදුන් අවංක මිතුරන්. මේ ආණ්ඩුව චීනය කල්තියාම තරහ කර ගත්තා. දැන් වාණිජ අධිකරණමය ක්‍රියාදාමයක් හේතුවෙන් රුසියාවත් තරහ කර ගැනීමේ ඉම දක්වා රැගෙන විත් තිබෙනවා. දැනට ඩොලර් 110කට පමණ ලබාගන්නා තෙල් බැරලය ඩොලර් 30 -70 අතර මිලකට ලබාගත හැකි, අපි මුහුණ දී සිටින රසායනික පොහොර ගැටළුවට උත්තරයක් ලබා දීමට හැකියාව තිබෙන, ඒ වගේම අපි මුහුණ දී සිටින විදේශ විනිමය අර්බුදයට විසඳුමක් ලෙස සංචාරකයන් රැසක් මේ රටට ගෙන්වාගත හැකි, රටක් තමයි රුසියාව කියන්නේ. ඒ වගේම ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ තේ වෙළඳපොළෙහි දෙවන ස්ථානයේ සිටින්නේ ද රුසියාවයි.

‘ලිඛිත සහතිකයට මොකද වුණේ?’

රුසියාවේ ගුවන් සේවය තම රක්ෂණ ගෙවීම් ප්‍රශ්නයක් නිසා ශ්‍රී ලංකාව වෙත ගුවන් ගමන් නතර කළාම, ශ්‍රී ලංකා රජය, රුසියානු බලධාරීන්ගෙන් ඉල්ලීමක් කරනවා, ‘අපි ඉන්නෙත් අමාරුම තත්ත්වයක. ඒ නිසා සංචාරකයන් අපේ රටට ගෙන්වා ගැනීමට ඔබගේ ගුවන් සේවය යළි සක්‍රීය කරන්න. අපි සහතික වෙනවා ඔබට කිසිදු අපහසුතාවකට මුහුණ දීමට සිදු නොවන බවට’ කියා. ශ්‍රී ලංකා සිවිල් ගුවන් සේවා අධිකාරිය හරහා රුසියානු ගුවන් සේවා බලධාරීන්ට ඒ ලිඛිත සහතිකය ලබා දීමෙන් පසුව තමයි මේ ගුවන් ගමන් යළි ආරම්භ වුණේ. ඒ අනුව තමයි පසුගිය දිනවල රුසියානු සංචාරකයන් දහස් ගණන් මේ රටට ආවේ. එසේ නොආවානම් මේ රටට කිසිදු විදේශ විනිමය ප්‍රමාණයක් නොලැබෙන තත්ත්වයකුයි තිබුණේ. අපට බොහෝ උපදෙස් දෙන රටවල් තම රටවල සංචාරකයන්ට ‘සංචාරක තහනම්’ පනවා තිබුණේ ‘ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ හැම තිස්සේම විරෝධතා, පෝලිම්. ඒ නිසා ඒ රටට යන්න එපා!’යන අවවාදය දෙමින්. එහෙත් රුසියාව, තම රටවැසියන්ට යාමට අනුමැතිය ලබාදී තිබූ විශ්වාසනීයම රටවල් 04න් එකක් ලෙස ශ්‍රී ලංකාව නම් කර තිබුණා.

එවැනි මිත්‍රශීලි, අප සමග අවබෝධයෙන් කටයුතු කළ රටක ගුවන් සේවයක, ගුවන් යානයක, ගුවන් වාරය නතර කිරීමට මෙරට අධිකරණයක තීන්දුවක් දීමේදී මොනතරම් සැලකිලිමත් විය යුතුද? අපි මේ අධිකරණයේ තීන්දු අභියෝගයට ලක් කරනවා නොවෙයි. අපට එසේ කිරීමට අවශ්‍ය නැහැ. අධිකරණයක තීන්දුවක් දෙන්නෙ පැමිණිල්ල හා විත්තිය දෙස බලා පමණක් නොවෙයි. එම තීන්දුව ලබාදීමෙන් පසු එය මහජන කැලඹීමකට, විරෝධයකට තුඩු දේවි ද, කියා විමසා බැලීමක් ද සිදු කෙරෙනවා. අඩුම තරමින් ඉහත තීන්දුව ලබා දීමේදී ශ්‍රී ලංකා සිවිල් ගුවන් සේවා අධිකාරියේ බලධාරීන් හෝ ගෙන්වීමට තිබුණා. සිවිල් ගුවන් සේවා අධිකාරියෙන් කරුණු විමසන්නේ නැහැ, කියන්නේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා රජයෙන් කරුණු විමසා නැහැ, කියන එක. දැන් හොඳින් බලන්න, ‘අයර්ලන්ත රක්ෂණ සමාගමක් – රුසියානු ගුවන් සේවයක් – කොළඹ අධිකරණ තීන්දුවක්’ යන සියල්ල දෙස. එම අයර්ලන්ත රක්ෂණ සමාගම සිංගප්පූරුවේ බේරුම්කරණ අධිකරණයක් හරහා තමන්ට සිදුව ඇති පාඩුව පියවාගැනීම සඳහා පියවර ගනිමින් සිටින බව දැනගැනීමට තිබෙනවා. එසේ තිබියදී ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ අධිකරණයක් හරහා මෙවැනි පියවරක් ගත්තේ ඇයි? මෙම රුසියානු ගුවන් සේවයේ ගුවන්යානා ඉන්දියාවටත් එනවානේ. මෙම අයර්ලන්ත රක්ෂණ සමාගම ඉන්දියානු අධිකරණය වෙතිනුත් මෙවැනි ඉල්ලීමක් නොකළේ ඇයි? මේ සියල්ල සැකයට තුඩු දෙන හේතු.

පිස්කල්වරයාගෙන් ලෝක වාර්තාවක්

එසේම මට හිතාගන්නම බැරි දේ තමයි, කොළඹ වාණිජ මහාධිකරණ පිස්කල්වරයා එම වාරණ නියෝගය ලබාදී විනාඩි 15ක් ඇතුළත කටුනායක ගුවන්තොටුපොළට ප්‍රාදුර්භූත වීම. ඒක නව ලෝක වාර්තාවක්. ‘මොනර කොළවලට මොන තරම් බලපෑමක් කරන්න පුළුවන් ද? තවත් මොහොතකින් පිටත්ව යාමට නියමිතව තිබූ ගුවන් යානයක් තමයි සිවිල් ගුවන් සේවා කාර්යාලයට ගොස් බලපෑම් කර මෙසේ නතර කරවා ගෙන තිබෙන්නේ. මෙවැනි තීන්දුවක් නිසා ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සංචාරක ව්‍යාපාරයට, තේ වෙළඳාමට සිදුවන අගතිය අධිකරණය සලකා බැලිය යුතු නැද්ද? ශ්‍රී ලංකා රාජ්‍යයේ එක් එක් බලාධිකාරීන් දැන හෝ නොදැන මෙවැනි ක්‍රියාමාර්ග ගැනීමෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ඇතිව තිබෙන ආර්ථික ආපදාව මහා මානව ආපදාවක් දක්වා වර්ධනය වීමට ඉඩ සලසනවා, යන බරපතළ සැකය අපට ඇති වී තිබෙනවා.

‘ආපදා අධිරාජ්‍යවාදය’

‘ආපදා අධිරාජ්‍යවාදය’ යන සංකල්පය පිළිබඳව සබුද්ධික ඔබ සියලුදෙනා මේ මොහොතේ සොයා බැලීම අත්‍යවශ්‍ය දෙයක්. ආපදා අධිරාජ්‍යවාදයේ ස්වභාවය තමයි යම් රටක සිදුව ඇති ආර්ථික ආපදා තත්ත්වය මානව ආපදාවක් බවට පරිවර්තනය කිරීම. ඒකට ඕනෑ විදිහට කවුරු කවුරුත් මැච් එක ගහන බවයි පෙනෙන්නේ. මෙතැන දී රුසියානු සංචාරකයන්ගේ පැමිණීම නතර වුණාම, රුසියානු වෙළඳපළ අපේ තේවලට අහිමි වුණාම ආර්ථික ආපදාව උත්සන්න වී මානව ආපදාවක් බවට පරිවර්තනය වීමයි සිදුවන්නේ. ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකයත් විධායකයත් අධිකරණයත් යන මේ සියල්ල එක්ව අර මානව ආපදාව නිර්මාණය කිරීමට සාමූහික වගකීමෙන් වැඩ කරන බවයි පෙනෙන්නේ. මේක ඛේදවාචකයක්. මහජනතාව මෙවැනි ආර්ථික ආපදාවකදී මෙවැනි පාර්ලිමේන්තුවක් හෝ විධායකයක් හෝ අධිකරණයක් බලාපොරොත්තු වන්නේ නැහැ. ඒ නිසා අපි මේ සියලු පාර්ශවවලින් ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා, ‘මේ රටේ පණ නළ මොනර කොළවලට බිලි දෙන්නේ නැතිව කටයුතු කරන්න’ කියා.”

මෙම මාධ්‍ය හමුවේ දී විජයධරණී ජාතික සභාවේ පූජ්‍ය අතුරලියේ රතන හිමි, ශ්‍රී ලංකා සම සමාජ පක්ෂයේ නායක, මහාචාර්ය තිස්ස විතාරණ, යුතුකම සංවාද කවය වෙනුවෙන් ගෙවිඳු කුමාරතුංග යන පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරු සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්ෂය වෙනුවෙන් එහි හිටපු ප්‍රධාන ලේකම් ඩිව් ගුණසේකර යන මහතා ද අදහස් දැක්වූහ.

අනුරුද්ධ බණ්ඩාර රණවාරණ
මාධ්‍ය ලේකම්,
ජාතික නිදහස් පෙරමුණ

මහින්ද පන්නා රනිල් අගමැතිකිරීම පසුපස සීඅයිඒ සහ රෝ ඔත්තු සේවා..

June 5th, 2022

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ධූරය අහිමිකොට රටේ පාලන තන්ත්‍රය අවුල් කිරීම පිටුපස ඉන්දියානු රෝ ඔත්තු සේවයේ සහ ඇමරිකානු සීඅයිඒ ඔත්තු සේවයේ අවශ්‍යතාවයට අනුව බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂ මහතා සිටින බව පෙරටුගාමී සමාජවාදී පක්ෂයේ ප්‍රධාන ලේකම් කුමාර් ගුණරත්නම් මහතා පවසයි.

ඒ අනුව රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතාට අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ධූරය ලබාදීම ඉන්දියානු රෝ ඔත්තු සේවයේ සහ ඇමරිකානු සී.අයි.ඒ ඔත්තු සේවයේ මෙහෙයුමක් බව කුමාර් ගුණරත්නම් මහතා පෙන්වා දෙයි.

මේ වන විට රටේ ජනතාව පාර්ලිමේන්තු නියෝජ්‍ය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය විශ්වාස නොකරන බව පෙන්වා දෙන ගුණරත්න මහතා සඳහන් කරයි.

ආණ්ඩුවේ මර්ධනය හමුවේ වුවද පාර්ලිමේන්තුවෙන් එපිට අරගලයක් තුළින් ඉදිරියේදී ආණ්ඩු බලය ලබා ගැනීමට කටයුතු කරන බවද ඔහු පැවසීය.

ඔහු මේ බව පවසන්නේ අන්තර්ජාල නාලිකාවක සාකච්චාවකට එක්වෙමිනි.

රුසියාව හතුරු කරවන්න ගුවන් ප‍්‍රධානියෙකු දැවැන්ත මෙහෙයුමක…

June 5th, 2022

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

ජාතික සංවිධාන එකමුතුව විසින් ජනාධිපති ගෝටාභය රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා වෙත යොමු කරන ලද ලිපියක් මෙහි දැක්වෙයි.

අතිගරු ජනාධිපතිතුමා,
ජනාධිපති මන්දිරය,
කොළඹ.

අතිගරු ජනාධිපතිතුමනි,

ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාව බරපතල රාජ්‍යතාන්ත‍්‍රික ගැටලූවකට මුහුණ දෙන අයුරින් රුසියානු එරොෆ්ලොට් ගුවන් සේවයේ ගුවන් යානයක් රඳවා ගැනීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් කරුණු දැක්වීම පිණිසය

මේ වන විට ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාවේ ප‍්‍රධාන ජනමාධ්‍ය සියල්ලම පාහේ වාර්තා කර ඇත්තේ ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා රජය අත්සන් කර ඇති අන්තර්ජාතික සම්මුතීන් හා ගිවිසුම් අනුව ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාවට පැමිණෙන ඕනෑම රටක ගුවන් යානයක් ගොඩබැස්සවීමට හා පිටව යෑමට අවශ්‍ය පහසුකම් සැලසීමේ වගකීම බැඳී ඇති බවත් ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් නියෝග ලබාදීමේ අධිකරණ බලයක් වාණිජ මහාධිකරණයට නොමැති බව නීතිපතිවරයා නියෝජනය කරමින් පෙනී සිටි ජ්‍යේෂ්ඨ අතිරේක සොලිසිටර් ජනරාල් සුමතිධර්මවර්ධන මහතා දැක්වූ කරුණු වලට පිළිතුරු දෙමින් කොළඹ වාණිජ මහාධිකරණ විනිසුරු හර්ෂ සේතුංග මහතා 03දා විවෘත අධිකරණය හමුවේ සඳහන් කළ බවයි.

එම වාර්තා වැඩිදුරටත් පවසා සිටින්නේ ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා සිවිල් ගුවන් සේවා අධිකාරියට හෝ ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා රජයට එරෙහිව කොළඹ වාණිජ මහාධිකරණය විසින් කිසිදු වාරණ නියෝගයක් නිකුත් කර නැතැයි කොළඹ වාණිජ මහාධිකරණ විනිසුරු හර්ෂ සේතුංග මහතා 03 දා විවෘත අධිකරණය හමුවේ සඳහන් කළ බවයි.

එහෙත් එම ප‍්‍රවෘත්ති වාර්තා පෙන්වා දෙන්නේ අධිකරණයේ පිස්කල්වරයා ගුවන් යානය රඳවා ගන්නා ලෙසට ගුවන් සංතරණ අංශයේ අංශ ප‍්‍රධානියාට තර්ජනය කරමින් එරොෆ්ලොට් ගුවන් සමාගමේ ගුවන් යානය රඳවා තබා ගැනීමට කටයුතු කර ඇති බවයි.

මෙම කරුණු අනුව අපට හැඟීයන්නේ අධිකරණ නියෝගයක් වැරදි ආකාරයෙන් ප‍්‍රයෝජනයට ගනිමින් රුසියානු- ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා සබඳතා බිඳහෙළීම අවශ්‍යය වන පිරිසක් ඉතාම නිර්ලැජ්ජිත ලෙස කටයුතු කර ඇති බවයි.

ඒ අනුව මෙම නඩු කටයුත්ත ඉතාමත් අපරික්ෂාකාරි ලෙස මෙන්ම වගකීම් විරහිත ලෙස මෙහෙයවූවන් පහත සඳහන් ක‍්‍රියා සිදුකර ඇති බව අපගේ වැටහීමයි.

1 එරොෆ්ලොට් ගුවන් සේවය ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාවට ගෙවීමට යම් මුදලක් වේ නම් හෝ එම ගෙවීම සම්බන්ධව පැන නගින ගැටලූවකදී පිළිතුරු දිය යුත්තේ ගුවන් තොටුපල හා ගුවන් සේවා සමාගමේ සභාපතිවරයා වන අතර එතුමා සමාගමේ ප‍්‍රධාන ගණකාධිවරයාගේ උපදෙස් පැතීම සාමාන්‍ය රීතිය වේ. ඒ අනුව එම පිරිස ගුවන් තොටුපල සහ ගුවන් සේවා සමාගමේ සභාපතිවරයා වග උත්තරකරුවෙකු කිරීම උවමනාවෙන්ම පැහැර හැර ඇත.

2 නමුත් එරොෆ්ලොට් ගුවන් සේවයේ ගෙවීම් සම්බන්ධ කිසිදු සෘජු සම්බන්ධයක් නොමැති ගුවන් සංතරණ අංශයේ අංශ ප‍්‍රධානියා මෙහි වගඋත්තරකරුවෙකු කිරීම සැක සහිත නීතිමය ප‍්‍රවේශයකි.

මේ වන විට ගුවන් තොටුපල සහ ගුවන් සේවා සමාගම මාධ්‍යය නිවේදනයක් නිකුත් කරමින් පවසා ඇත්තේ කොළඹ වානිජ මහාධිකරණය විසින් ගුවන් තොටුපල සහ ගුවන් සේවා සමාගමට අතුරු තහනම් නියෝගයක් නිකුත් කර නොමැති බවයි.

ඒ අනුව ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා රජය ජාත්‍යන්්තරය ඉදිරියේ විශාල රාජ්‍යතාන්ත‍්‍රික විහිලූවකට ලක්කරමින් මෙන්ම නුදුරේදීම ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාව මුහුණ දීමට නියමිත දැවැන්ත ආහාර අහේනිය පියමං කිරීමට යහපත් ජාත්‍යයන්තර මිතුරන්ගේ උදව් උපකාර ගැනීමට බාධා කිරිමට උවමනාව පෙරදැරිව මෙම අධිකරණ ක‍්‍රියාවලිය මෙම පිරිස් විසින් යොදාගෙන ඇති බව අපගේ වැටහීමයි.

ඒ අනුව මෙම සිද්ධිය අධ්‍යයනය කිරීමෙන් අපට වැටහීයන්නේ ගුවන් සංතරණ අංශයේ ප‍්‍රධානියා දැනුවත් හෝ නොදැනුවත්ව ඉහත දැක්වූ පිරිසේ ගොදුරක් බවට පත්ව ඇති බවයි.

කෙසේ වුවද ඔහුගේ අතීත භාවිතාවන් හැදෑරීමේදී ඔහු මෙම ක‍්‍රියාවලියේ දැනුවත් කොටස් කරුවෙකු බවට පත්ව ඇතිද යන්න අපට මහත් සැකයක් ඇති වේ. එම සැකය තහවුරු කරන අවස්ථා දෙකක් ඔබගේ අවධානයට යොමුකිරීමට කැමැත්තෙමු.

1 කොළඹ ගුවන් ගමන් තොරතුරු කලාපය ප‍්‍රතිසංවිධානය කිරීම සඳහා පළපුරුදු උපදේශන සේවාවක් මගින් ප‍්‍රධාන හැරවුම් ව්‍යාපෘතියක් ලෙස ගුවන් ගමනා ගමන කළමනාකරණ ධාරිතාව වැඩිදියුණු කිරීමේ ව්‍යාපෘතිය.(REORGANIZATION OF COLOMBO FLIGHT INFORMATION REGION AS A TURNKEY PROJECT THROUGH EXPERIENCED CONSULTANCY SERVICE FOR AIR TRAFFIC MANAGEMENT CAPACITY ENHANCEMENT)

යන ව්‍යාපෘතිය ගෙන ඒමට ගුවන් සංතරණ අංශයේ අංශ ප‍්‍රධානියා ඇතුළු ගුවන් ගමන් පාලකවරු පිරිසක් සහභාගිවී ඇති බවට අප වෙත තොරතුරු වාර්තා වී තිබේ. මෙම ව්‍යාපෘතිය සාර්ථක කරවා ගැනීමට ගුවන් තොටුපල සහ ගුවන් සේවා සමාගමේ සභාපතිවරයාවද පොළඹවා ගැනීමට කටයුතු කර තිබුණු බවද අප වෙත වාර්තා විය. කෙසේ වුවද ගුවන් තොටුපල සහ ගුවන් සේවා සමාගමේ රටට හිතැති නිලධාරින් සහ අමාත්‍යංශයේ සිටි එවැනි නිලධාරින්ගේ මැදිහත්වීමෙන් එම ව්‍යාපෘතිය දැනට අවුල් සහගත තත්වයට පත්ව තිබේ. ඔවුන්ගේ උත්සාහය යම් හෙයකින් සාර්ථක වූයේ නම් ඔස්ට්රේලියානු සමාගමක් මේ සඳහා මැදිහත්වීමට නියමිතව තිබූ බව අපගේ වැටහීමයි.

2 ගුවන් සංතරණ අංශයේ ප‍්‍රධානියා ඇතුළු ගුවන් ගමන් පාලකවරුන් පිරිසකගේ සෘජු මැදිහත්වීම යටතේ අපගේ අසල්වැසි ගුවන් තොරතුරු කලාප සමඟ යාවත්කාලීන කිරීමේ අවශ්‍යයතාවයට අනුව ආයත වෙන්කිරීම (LONGITUDINAL SEPARATION) දැනට කොළඹ ගුවන් තොරතුරු කලාපය තුළ තිබෙන නාවික සැතපුම් 80 සීමාව නාවික සැතපුම් 50 දක්වා මට්ටමට ගෙන ඒමේ ව්‍යාපෘතිය දීර්ඝ වශයෙන් කල් දැමීමට කටයුතු කර ඇති බව සිවිල් ගුවන් සේවා අධිකාරියට සම්බන්ධ වාර්තා සනාථ කරයි.

කෙසේ වුවද අවසානයේදී වත්මන් සිවිල් ගුවන් සේවා අධ්‍යයක්ෂක ජනරාල්තුමාගේ සෘජු මැදිහත්වීම යටතේ මේ වන විට ආයත වෙන් කිරීම (LONGITUDINAL SEPARATION) පරීක්ෂණ මට්ටමට ගෙන ඒමට හැකියාව ලැබී තිබේ.

යම් හෙයකින් සිවිල් ගුවන් සේවා අධ්‍යයක්ෂක ජනරාල්තුමාගේ සෘජු මැදිහත්වීම නොවන්නට ජාත්‍යයන්තර සිවිල් ගුවන් සේවා සංවිධානයේ සෘජු මැදිහත්වීම යටතේ ඔස්ටි‍්‍රලියානු හෝ ඉන්දියානු රජයට අපගේ ගුවන් තොරතුරු කළාපයේ ඉහළ අවකාශයේ ගුවන් ගමන් පාලන කටයුතු සිදුකිරීමේ දුර්ලභ භාග්‍යය හිමිවනු ඇති බව අපගේ වැටහීමයි.

ශ‍්‍රී ලංකන් ගුවන් සේවය පාඩු ලබන ආයතනයක් බවට පත්කිරීමට සමහර දුෂ්ඨ නිලධාරින් දායකවූවාසේම ගුවන තොටුපල සහ ගුවන් සේවා සමාගමද පාඩු ලබන ආයතනයක් බවට පත්කිරීමට එම ආයතනයේ දුෂ්ඨ නිලධාරින් සහභාගි වනවාදැයි යන බරපතල සැකය අප තුල ජනිත වේ. ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාව පත්ව තිබෙන විදේශ විනිමය අර්බූදයේදී රුසියානු රාජ්‍යය අප වෙතින් ලබාගැනීමට නියමිත තේ වලින් ලැබීමට තිබූ විදේශ විනිමය සහ ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාවට පැමිණීමට නියමිතව තිබූ ලක්ෂ හතරක පමණ සංචාරකයන්ගෙන් ලැබීමට තිබූ විදේශ විනිමය අහිමි කිරීමට දායක වූ සියළුම නිලධාරීන්ට තරාතිරම නොබලා දඬුවම් පැමිණ විය යුතු බව අපි අවධාරණය කරමු.

එසේම නුදුරු අනාගතයේදී ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ සිදුවනු ඇති බවට විද්වතුන් පුරෝකතනය කරනු ලබන දැවැන්ත ආහාර, ආර්ථික අර්බූදය පියමං කිරීමට උදව් උපකාර කිරීමට සිටින රුසියානු රාජ්‍යය පසමිතුරෙකු බවට පත්කිරීමේ ව්‍යාපෘතියේ දැවැන්ත උදව්කරුවෙකු ලෙස සහභාගි වීමට ගුවන් සංතරණ අංශයේ අංශ ප‍්‍රධානියා කටයුතුකර ඇති බව අපගේ හැඟීමයි. ඒ අනුව මේ ක‍්‍රියාව සම්බන්ධයෙන් අදාළ නිලධාරින්ට එරෙහිව විනය ක‍්‍රියාමාර්ග ගැනීමට ගරු විෂය භාර අමාත්‍යයවරයා වෙත නියෝග නිකුත් කරන ලෙසත් ඔබතුමාගේ සෘජු මැදිහත්වීමෙන් පත්කර ඇති ගුවන් තොටුපල සහ ගුවන් සේවා සමාගමේ ගරු සභාපතිතුමාට මේ සඳහා යුහුසුළුව මැදිහත්වන ලෙස නියෝග නිකුත් කරන ලෙසත් ඉල්ලා සිටිමු.

අත්සන් කළේ,

ආචාර්ය ගුණදාස අමරසේකර,
කැඳවුම්කරු,
ජාතික සංවිධාන එකමුතුව.

වෛද්‍ය වසන්ත බණ්ඩාර
මහලේකම්,
දේශ හිතෛෂී ජාතික ව්‍යාපාරය.

නීතිඥ නුවන් බැල්ලන්තුඩාව,
දේශපේ‍්‍රමී ජාතික පෙරමුණ.

වසන්ත අල්විස්,
කැඳවුම්කරු,
මහජන යුතුකම් කේන්ද්‍රය.

නීතිඥ මධුමාලි අල්විස්,
කැඳවුම්කරු,
යුක්තිය හා පරමාධිපත්‍යය උදෙසා ජනතා හඬ,

පිටපත්
1.ගරු අග‍්‍රමාත්‍ය රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතා
2. විදේශ අමාත්‍යතුමා
3. ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාවේ රුසියානු තානාපතිතුමා
4. සභාපති, ගුවන් තොටුපල හා ගුවන් සේවා සමාගම
5. සියලූම ජනමාධ්‍යය

රුසියානු යානය ලංකාවට Backfire වෙයි.. ලාබෙට බොරතෙල් නැතිවෙයි.. තේ වෙලදපල අවදානමේ.

June 5th, 2022

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

රුසියානු ගුවන් සේවයේ ගුවන් යානාවක් මෙරට රදවා තබා ගැනීම මත ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට බරපතළ ආර්ථික අර්බුද රැසක් මතුවනු ඇතැයි දේශපාලන විචාරක දයාන් ජයතිලක මහතා සඳහන් කරයි.

පළමු කොටම රුසියාවෙන් පැමිණි සංචාරක ආදායමක් අහිමි වන බවද පැවසූ ඔහු දෙවනුව ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට ලබාදීමට සූදානමින් ලාභදායී බොරතෙල් නැතිවණු ඇතැයි සඳහන් කළේය.

එමෙන්ම රුසියාව ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ප්‍රධානතම තේ ගැනුම්කරුවකු වන නිසා එම වෙළඳ පලටද බලපෑමක් එල්ලවනු ඇතැයි ද හෙතෙම පැවසීය.

මේ හේතුවෙන් ඇති වී තිබෙන තත්ත්වය සම්බන්ධයෙන් ජනාධිපතිවරයා, අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා විදේශ අමාත්‍ය හා රැස්වී තීන්දුවක් ගත යුතුව ඇතැයිද හෙතෙම කියා සිටියේය

ගුවන්යානා හබය දුරදිග යයිද?

June 5th, 2022

Aeroflot aircraft detained over private legal issue – PM tells Russia

June 5th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

Sri Lanka’s Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has informed Russia through the Foreign Ministry that the issue over the Aeroflot passenger aircraft is not between the two countries but is a private legal issue. 

The Premier further assures that Sri Lanka’s Minister of Justice has been informed to expedite the process of the court case.

Wickremesinghe has reportedly directed the Foreign Secretary to speak to the Russian Foreign Ministry and explain the matter, and to further clarify that the enjoining order had nothing to do with the Sri Lankan government. 

Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs had issued a statement on Saturday with reference to the detention of Aeroflot passenger aircraft flight SU-289 which is currently at the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA), which has somewhat escalated into a diplomatic row now.

On 2 June 2022, the Commercial High Court of the Western Province issued an Enjoining Order on the Aeroflot flight restraining it from taking off from Bandaranaike International Airport, the ministry said. 

It said the case relates to a commercial dispute between the Plaintiff, Celestial Aviation Trading 10 Limited an Irish Company against the first Defendant the Public Joint Stock Company “Aeroflot” and the second Defendant, Mr. N. C Abeywardene/Acting Head of Air Navigation/Airport and Aviation Services of Sri Lanka (AASL), Katunayake.

The matter is still pending final determination of the Court, the foreign ministry said, adding that this matter is also under consultation through normal diplomatic channels.

Russia’s flagship carrier yesterday announced that it is suspending commercial flights to Sri Lanka after the nation’s authorities detained the airline’s Airbus A330 jet on June 02.

Aeroflot is suspending commercial flights to Colombo (Sri Lanka) for the immediate period due to an unreliable situation in terms of the airline’s unobstructed flights to Sri Lanka. The sales of tickets for flights to Colombo have been temporarily shut down,” Russian state-owned news agency TASS said quoting the airline.

On Friday (June 03), Aeroflot reported that the departure of its SU-289 flight from Colombo to Moscow scheduled for June 2 was at first delayed and then cancelled due to the absence of permit from Sri Lanka’s aviation authorities.

Earlier, Colombo’s Commercial High Court satisfied a complaint filed by Ireland’s Celestial Aviation Trading Limited leasing company against Aeroflot and banned its Airbus A330 jet from leaving the country until June 16. A court hearing to lift the seizure of the aircraft is scheduled for June 8, 2022.

Meanwhile the Sri Lankan Ambassador to Moscow Janitha Abewickrema Liyanage was summoned to the Russian Foreign Ministry on Friday where she was expressed resolute protest over the detention of an Aeroflot plane in her country, according to a statement made by the Russian diplomatic agency.

The head of the diplomatic mission was expressed protest over the groundless decision by Sri Lanka’s judicial authorities to detain a regular Aeroflot flight preparing to depart for Moscow at Bandaranaike International Airport on June 2,” the Russian Foreign Ministry said. 

We urged the Sri Lankan side to settle this problem as soon as possible to avoid its negative impact on traditionally friendly bilateral relations,” the agency added.

LRH says 20% children admitted suffer from malnutrition

June 5th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

Doctors at the Lady Ridgeway Hospital (LRH) for Children have made a startling discovery, with studies showing that 20% of children admitted to the hospital suffer from malnutrition.

While the cause of malnutrition can be attributed to the ongoing economic crisis and food shortage, the situation could be averted if the children are given more vegetables to eat, Consultant Paediatrician at the hospital Dr. Deepal Perera said.

Last week we tested 53 children in ward No. 02 of the hospital. We found out that among them, 20% of the children in the ward are malnourished. Half of them had also suffered from severe acute malnutrition and this is a challenging situation.”

Dr. Perera said that the test was conducted after it was observed that the weight and the height of the of the children was below par.

This was because the children are not receiving carbohydrates, proteins, lipids and vitamins in the required quantities. […] After 6 months, breast milk is not enough to provide nutrition to the child, so certain food items should be introduced,” he added.

What the Crisis in Sri Lanka Means for the World

June 4th, 2022

ian bremmer Courtesy Times

Many middle-income and developing countries are now suffering from a combination of internal political dysfunction and external economic shocks generated mainly by COVID-19 and the war in Ukraine. Sri Lanka provides a powerful example and a warning for countries in other regions that will face similar predicaments.

Sri Lanka is not a poor country. When adjusted for purchasing power, per capita GDP in this nation of 22 million people is higher than in South Africa, Peru, Egypt, or Indonesia. But the country now faces a political crisis powered by severe shortages of food, fuel, electricity, and medicine. The currency is collapsing, and the government can’t afford imports or to make its debt payments. At times in recent weeks, violent protests have threatened to spiral out of control.

How did we get here?

A quarter century of civil war, which ended in 2009, has created a legacy of violence at the heart of Sri Lanka’s politics. In 2019, a terrorist attack by an ISIS-inspired Islamist group on minority Christians made international headlines. On Easter Sunday, a series of bombs detonated in churches and hotels killed and injured hundreds of people. Those attacks, and the sense of insecurity they created across the island nation helped elect Gotabaya Rajapaksa, a former defense minister with a reputation for toughness, later that year.

Gota, as the president is widely known, then named his older brother, Mahinda, a former president, as prime minister. A landslide election victory in 2020 gave the Rajapaksas a two-thirds parliamentary majority, which then allowed them to rewrite Sri Lanka’s constitution to give the president extraordinary new powers.

Then hubris kicked in. Family and friends were given important posts in government. A series of economic mistakes, including populist tax cuts, deprived the government of revenue and made it much harder to borrow money abroad.

External shocks have also played a big role in Sri Lanka’s troubles. COVID-19 devastated a tourism sector still reeling from terrorism, a sector that’s critical for government revenue and job creation in the country. The pandemic also cut deeply into remittances, money sent home by Sri Lankans working abroad.

The increasingly unpopular Rajapaksas refused to accept the need for government spending cuts and tax increases to help Sri Lanka avoid even tougher economic conditions. A ban on chemical fertilizers to push farmers toward organic farming in the middle of the economic crisis made matters worse for the country’s food supply.

Then came Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the damage it is now inflicting on global food and fuel prices. Russia and Ukraine are both leading exporters of grain, and the war has shut in much of that production. Russia and its ally Belarus, which also faces Western sanctions for allowing Russia to use his country’s territory as a launchpad for attacks on Ukraine, are leading producers of fertilizer. Higher prices for fuel are the natural result of supply worries that have pushed oil above $100 per barrel. Sri Lanka also imports more than 80 percent of its medical supplies. Donors in India and in Europe have helped, but there’s a limit to how much they are willing to do.

In Sri Lanka, public anger came to a head in early MayEconomic pressures exacerbated infighting within the Rajapaksa family, particularly between the president and prime minister.After the government appeared to send counter-protesters to attack the mainly peaceful crowds that called for the prime minister to resign, bloodshed ensued. Enraged anti-government protesters then went on an arson spree, attacking the homes of Rajapaksa family allies, and threatening the prime minister’s own residence. The PM was forced to step down, and he needed the protection of security forces for a 4 AM evacuation of his home.

A state of emergency was declared across the county. Angry mobs have launched more attacks on politicians and their homes. Hundreds have been injured in recent weeks, and some have died. A member of parliament was killed in his car. Two more of President Rajapaksa’s siblings and a nephew have resigned their cabinet posts.

Late last month, Sri Lanka defaulted on its debt for the first time in the nation’s history.

What now?

President Rajapaksa, struggling to survive politically, has pledged to reverse some of the constitutional changes that gave him more power. He has accepted help for Sri Lanka’s economy from India and China, and he’s appealed to the IMF for a bailout. New Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesing, a political veteran, has been brutally honest in his public comments on the scale of the problems Sri Lanka faces and the need for bold action to solve them. He has said Sri Lanka will raise tax rates to earn a bailout from the International Monetary Fund. He then used a televised speech to call on protest groups to join in the process of reform. He pledged that parliamentary committees will allow lawmakers, young people and experts to work together.

For now, the protesters continue to demand President Rajapaksa’s resignation, though there don’t appear to be enough votes in parliament to impeach him, and the opposition looks to have little interest in sharing responsibility for cleaning up this mess by joining a government of national unity.

In short, a chastened Sri Lankan government will try to muddle through, hope the pandemic and Russia’s war in Ukraine end soon, and do its best to secure long-term financial health.

It’s a pattern that will be repeated in many developing countries in coming years.

Russian flight grounded at BIA: Sri Lankan authorities urge court to suspend court order

June 4th, 2022

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Sri Lankan authorities today raised objections against the Enjoining Order issued by Colombo Commercial High Court preventing a Russian Aeroflot flight from taking off within the territorial jurisdiction of Sri Lanka.

Additional Solicitor General Sumathi Dharmawardena PC appearing for the Airport and Aviation Services Ltd (second defendant) urged the Court to suspend the operation of Enjoining Order issued in respect of the Russian Aerofloft flight.

In response, Commercial High Court Judge Harsha Sethunge reiterated that the Court did not issue any order against the government of Sri Lanka but it was made against the first defendant, Aeroflot Russian Airlines, regarding a contractual dispute.

On Thursday (2), Celestial Aviation Trading Limited in Ireland obtained an Enjoining Order against Aeroflot Russian Airlines for its failure to comply with the terms of a Lease Agreement between two parties.

Taking into consideration the facts, the court issued an Enjoining Order.

This Enjoining Order will be effective until June 8. The plaintiff had named the Public Joint Stock Company-Aeroflot Russian Airlines and N.C.

Abeywardena Acting Head of Air Navigation Services as the defendants of the petition.

The defendants were directed to file limited objections against the Enjoining Order on June 6.

By a letter, the plaintiff company has notified Aeroflot Russian Airlines that all rights and interests of the Russian Airlines to possess and operate the aircraft had immediately ceased and terminated due to violating the lease agreement.

The plaintiff company further alleged that Aeroflot Russian Airlines also failed to provide the insurance related information as requested by the plaintiff by violating the lease agreement.  

Additional Solicitor General Dharmawardena informed the Court that the plaintiff, Celestial Aviation Trading Limited, had obtained the Enjoining Order by misrepresenting statutory provisions set out in the Civil Aviation Act No. 14 of 2010.

He pointed out that in accordance with the Civil Aviation Act, the second defendant, the Airport and Aviation Services Ltd has no authority to prohibit the first defendant Aeroflot Russian Airlines from preventing an aircraft from taking off within the territorial jurisdiction of Sri Lanka.

The said Act stated in the Enjoining Order pertaining to the Airport and Aviation Services Ltd is subject to statutory duties vested in a public official in terms of Civil Aviation Act. Therefore, on careful consideration of the provisions of the Interpretation Ordinance, especially section 24 of the Interpretation Ordinance, the above Enjoining Order is contrary to section 24 of the Interpretation Ordinance,” Dharmawardena added.

Meanwhile, Dr. Lasantha Hettiarachchi, appearing for the Russian Airlines, submitted to court that following the court order, 191 passengers were prevented from leaving and they were sent to a hotel. He said the Commercial High Court has issued this order without a jurisdiction.

He further said this matter has already created serious embarrassment to the country. He said this is a contract between two parties, one in Ireland and another in Russia, originally entered in 2002.

However, the Commercial High Court Judge observed that there is no Enjoining Order against the second defendant.  

 Avindra Rodrigo PC with Counsel Aruna de Silva appeared for the plaintiff. Additional Solicitor General Sumathi Dharmawardena PC with SDSG Mahen Gopallawa and DSG Rajiv Gunatilleke appeared for the second defendant. (Lakmal Sooriyagoda)

Aeroflot suspends flights to Sri Lanka over aircraft’s arrest

June 4th, 2022

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Aeroflot has suspended commercial flights to Colombo (Sri Lanka).

The decision was prompted by “the unfavorable situation as regards guarantees of unobstructed flights of the airline’s aircraft to Sri Lanka,” Aeroflot said in a statement.

The airline suspended the sale of tickets to Colombo as well.

As reported earlier, an Aeroflot Airbus A330 arrived in Colombo on Thursday morning and was supposed to return to Moscow the same day. However, the departure was postponed until Friday morning.

On Friday, the aircraft again was unable to fly out to Russia. Local media reported that a commercial court in Colombo had banned the Russian aircraft from leaving the country until at least June 16. The complaint had been filed by Ireland’s Celestial Aviation Trading Limited, which is affiliated with the lessor GECAS.

Russia’s Aeroflot suspends commercial flights to Sri Lanka

June 4th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

Russia’s flagship carrier announced that it is suspending commercial flights to Sri Lanka after the island nation’s authorities detained the airline’s Airbus A330 jet on June 02.

Aeroflot is suspending commercial flights to Colombo (Sri Lanka) for the immediate period due to an unreliable situation in terms of the airline’s unobstructed flights to Sri Lanka. The sales of tickets for flights to Colombo have been temporarily shut down,” Russian state-owned news agency TASS said quoting the airline.

In its statement, Aeroflot has said its passengers located in Colombo with return tickets for the 2nd, 4th and 5th of June will be brought to Russia on the 4th and 5th of June.

Repatriation planes will fly to Colombo without passengers, it added.

Passengers with tickets to Moscow for later dates will also be brought to Russia as scheduled, the airline assured.

On Friday (June 03), Aeroflot reported that the departure of its SU-289 flight from Colombo to Moscow scheduled for June 2 was at first delayed and then cancelled due to the absence of permit from Sri Lanka’s aviation authorities.

Earlier, Colombo’s Commercial High Court satisfied a complaint filed by Ireland’s Celestial Aviation Trading Limited leasing company against Aeroflot and banned its Airbus A330 jet from leaving the country until June 16. A court hearing to lift the seizure of the aircraft is scheduled for June 8, 2022.


-with inputs from agencies 

PM Ranil says the worst is yet to come

June 4th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

The worst is yet to come, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said, appealing to the general public to brace themselves for the looming tough times.

Addressing a conference organized in Colombo on Friday, he assured that necessary measures are being taken to introduce a food security programme to deal with the impending food crisis and source financing requirements from all friendly nations.

The Premier said the country’s food supply is sufficient until this September or October, adding that the government making efforts to procure fertilizer required for the next Maha season.

The country will be self-sufficient by February next year, if the fertilizer procuring attempts are successful, he pointed out.

What do you do in between? As the economy fails, more and more jobs are being lost, more and more enterprises are collapsing. This is what we are heading towards,” he warned.

Noting that people may not be able to find three meals a day, the prime minister stressed the need to avoid starvation.

We cannot get through this year by ourselves,” PM Wickremesinghe said, explaining that Sri Lanka needs to reach out again to the countries it rejected.

He said Sri Lanka is lucky that India and China came forward for help and added that the island nation should also look towards the western countries.

Speaking further, PM Wickremesinghe addressed the criticisms against the Central Bank of Sri Lanka for some of its measures to remedy the crisis situation such as the impact the interest rate hikes have had on the SMEs.

The Premier said this is natural given the situation of the country but assured that he would intervene if the impacts of the Central Bank’s policy persist.

I don’t want to interfere [with the Central Bank], because there is confidence if you allow the Central Bank to take decisions on monetary policy independently.”

Finding Organic Fertilizer

June 3rd, 2022

D. W. A. Hettiarachchi

Our country’s food production was almost destroyed by a stroke of a pen perhaps due to wrong advice to the authorities. But was there a massive use of chemical fertilizer even in early 70s when Mahaveli was not in the horizon?. I do not think so.

I was about 9 years old when my father who was an engine driver of factories aligned with coconut industry, when he introduced me to farming. Perhaps he wanted to teach me the things involved in paddy cultivation including the selection process in finding the correct seed or ‘biththara wee”. I never saw any other farmer in that area (or ‘yaaya’) using fertilizer. That was in early 50s. Then in early 70s, after I got married I used to see the methods used in rice cultivation in my father in law’s area in Dedigama. There too, I did not see fertilizer being used, but the farmers were contended with the yield they got and their rice store box which is sufficient for the whole year for a large family was always full. What was the reason?. Perhaps they were getting organic fertilizer for free.

All along their water streams I have seen large Mee trees. They never cut down those trees to which large number of bats would come and feed on the fruits. And their droppings must have been supplying the organic fertilizer needs free of charge. The following link gives a very good proof how this factor has helped the farming in some parts of Africa and Americas.

 This our farmers may have used many a thousand of years ago. And according to history discussion that are going on weekly, our ancient kings have prohibited the cutting of Mee trees. https://youtu.be/GztRh8isKKc

Another thing which I have found is the use of sewage treatment plant effluent. When I was doing the construction of Pugoda textile mill, we constructed a treatment plant called ‘Trickling Filter’ for the processing of sewage of about 50 houses. There were no equipment or chemicals used. The sewage was directed to a tank via a series of channels which trickled on to stones of about 150 mm in size and about 1.5 m thick layer. What came out at the bottom was completely oxidized effluent which was allowed to enter a stream that fed a sizable paddy field owned by villagers. I saw the rice plant were very green and healthy. Similarly I have observed in an ASEAN country where they have many oxidation pond that they used to treat sewage from housing schemes, the effluent is nourishing and we could see lot of plants and fish that thrive on the downstream side. Sometimes we have seen many crocodiles also that come to feed on the fish. There have been cases when the crocodiles attacking people who come to catch fish. No chemicals are used in this process of oxidation. This means that if we allow the natural process to take place there will be a bio diversity as well as saving of costs.

This is food for thought of authorities when they design new housing schemes in distant areas. The trickling filter mentioned above was not more than 30m by 20m which didn’t occupy lot of land.

“The phosphate issue which the author (narrator) is emphasizing on is another kettle of fish. We own at Eppawala one of the largest deposits of Phosphate compounds in the world. And it is one of our strategic assets  Hope the current government will not try to auction it to foreigners as they did before.”

Has the “aragalaya” missed the bus

June 3rd, 2022

Shenali D Waduge

Sri Lanka has come to a stage where everyone is questioning everyone and anything. This has merits as it affords an opportunity to rethink & restart where we went wrong, who has to be held accountable, where do we start to change, how do we change & who can start the change. The change must start necessarily with all of us chipping in to rebuild our nation for not only this generation but for future generations. Pocket protests eventually led to a large number of people demanding ‘system change’. Their demands are however somewhat questionable and this proposes to encourage them to take up topics to leverage their case against the corrupt & bring true system change. Just as aragalaya are demanding solutions, the people are demanding solutions from the ‘aragalaya’ – it cannot just be a whining movement. The aragalaya cannot also end up doing what they accuse all govts of doing, in a different form/format.

When assets/resources were getting siphoned off & other treacherous anti-national acts were happening not many raised objections.

This was often camouflaged by diverting attention to the theme of corruption. The anti-corruption slogans pinpointed only select politicians & evaded pinpointing roles of others. This selective pinpointing did not solve matters & very few demanded accountability primarily because these corruptions did not affect people personally. When people’s lives were affected via shortage of fuel, gas, medicines etc did people finally awake from slumber.

What started out as pocket protests eventually became centred in Galle Face Green, which has been turned into a defacto village. Chapa Bandara in his geopolitical video clips claims the ‘aragalaya’ was pre-planned since 2020 when the President allocated the area for protests (which were non-existent at the time). One Pathum Kerner in a series of youtube clips claims he is the brainchild of the hashtag campaign being used. The Galle Face Green, the people’s personal space for peaceful assembly, has been taken over & turned into a campaign centre along different themes that have nothing to do with the current economic or political situation. The agendas within agendas is nothing that can be denied. So many are claiming patent for aragalaya – and these have hidden hands that steer them!

IF ALL CORRUPT ARE TO GO HOME — WHO IS NOT CORRUPT TO REMAIN?

#GoHomeGota kicked off its protests outside the President’s residence in Mirihana on 31st March 2022. It turned violent and resulted in the burning of public vehicles & damage to property. Arrests led to lawyers appearing free for the suspects & lawyers clapping after their release. It questioned their professionalism while sending a message to anyone attacking the government, that lawyers would come forward to defend them free of charge. It also led to protestors disrespecting the police, using foul language and even manhandling them knowing the lawyers would be appearing for them & clapping for them. The entire legal fraternity shares accountability for their role in the current law & order impasse across Sri Lanka which has demoralized the police & armed forces.

While the campaign started off demanding the resignation of the President, it spiraled to demanding the resignation of the entire parliament. Eventually, the Prime Minister was the only person forced to resign & was replaced by the former PM who was rejected by his own party in the August 2020 General Election but returned to Parliament undemocratically via the national list after over 1 year of bargaining with the UNP national list members. Not only has he become the PM but he has also been given post of Finance Minister. This will surely enter political history!

The foreign envoys are full of praise for him & takes us back to the times when he was sacked in October 2018 & the same envoys demanded he be reseated. There is a noticeable difference to the manner aragala team demand removal of the president against the present PM, who served as PM for 5 years previously where 2 Bond Scams under his direct watch took place. This scam was clear & evident rather than the ‘lu’ stories of corruptions being hurled at others. From the files produced by JVP leader, some should have indicted the current regime in the 5 years that yahapalana ruled since that government was formed primarily to take legal actions against the current regime.

While the diplomatic community are full of hosannahs for the sitting caretaker PM, they are also empathetic towards the aragalaya and take pains to ensure their ‘independence’ ‘freedoms’ ‘rights’ and what not are guaranteed. These ‘pressures’ obviously has the government ignoring the violations taking place – setting up structures inside a public venue, digging the ground in a public venue etc. Presume all this is of little importance, given the pressures they are able to bring upon the government, the next question is why they do not understand the need to first demand that the government does not siphon off the country’s national resources and assets?

While they attack the current regime, they hesitate to demand reversal of all agreements signed in secret (gas deal giving US monopoly, 3 islands to India, undervaluing other ventures & leasing) These are all items in the interest of foreign govts and their corporations which the aragalaya are not demanding to be annulled, if given and stopped from being given.

Let us not be naïve & realize that the current economic situation and the requirement to beg for more loans to provide for the basic necessities of the people, has to be paid back with interest. The people have been forced into a position that to survive, they are ready to give up anything without realizing the greater repercussions in the long run. These repercussions should be factored by the aragalaya brains, for they find fault with politicians, but the aragalaya cannot be silent if Sri Lanka’s key assets are resources are siphoned off just to live for the year, leaving nothing left for Sri Lanka thereafter.

Therefore, aragalaya must be first demanding the government think of ways to negotiate loans without having to give up the nations’ resources/assets.

No buyer takes the losses of a state entity. We are saddled with these losses.

The payment for sale hardly suffices to pay the losses or meets the annual State requirement, so we have to take more loans but we are not trying to increase revenues or make state entities profit-making with our own efforts.

If the government says 100 state entities are loss-making & will be privatized, we end up selling 100 state entities but saddled with losses of these 100?

If all 100 state entities are not in control of the govt – what do they tax, there will be no govt. If nothing belongs to the state, there is no govt and no politicians. Does this mean Sri Lanka will be led by international corporates? Will they provide for welfare etc?

https://www.dailymirror.lk/latest_news/Aragalaya-youths-present-set-of-proposals-to-Prez/342-238192

So, why does the aragalaya not demand solutions without siphoning our resources/assets

Why does the aragalaya not demand alternatives without going to IMF/World Bank & becoming prey to structural conditions which do not target the rich but only the middle class & poor.

Why does the aragalaya not demand actions against public officials (past & present in all govts) from where the corruption began (as they negotiate agreements/insert clauses etc)

Why does the aragalaya not demand actions against so-called professionals who are equally corrupt, as per COPE sessions, many of the state entities were under doctors/lawyers etc. Aragalaya has only suggested actions against those who fail to meet annual targets.

Why doesn’t the aragalaya not demand constitutional amendments not for politicians to increase power but to have proper ratification process for international agreements/treaties & procurement guidelines.

When aragalaya wants uncorrupt clean parliament, shouldn’t they be demanding a change to the electoral voting system & criteria for voting. This demand has to be actionable for the 2025 General Election.

The politicians are arm-twisted from enforcing these – is it the same for aragalaya, by the same external forces. Is there a cap on what can be demanded & what is to remain undisclosed from public.

If the aragalaya turn above demands into a strong nation-wide campaign, then the people will certainly have more faith in them than the politicians or political parties.

The aragalaya has no leader. However, for any mass movement to continue – a leader must prevail. If the aragalaya aspires to lead the nation, they must do so politically & emerge as a political party. If they list pro-nation/pro-people/pro-sovereignty demands, the people will back them.

Shenali D Waduge

පගාව දිහා බලාගෙන, කොමිස් දිහා බලාගෙන රට පාළණය කරලා රටම අමාරුවේ දාපු අයම, ඩොලර් 1.50ට ලංකාවේ නිෂ්පාදනය කරන කොලෙස්ටෙරෝල් පෙත්ත, ඩොලර් 6.50ට ගේන්න අනුමැතිය දීලා

June 3rd, 2022

Ravi Kumudesh

මසකට ඩොලර් 240000 ක් ඉතිරි කර කොලෙස්ටරෝල් පෙත්ත නිපදවිය හැකි සමාගම රට තුල තිබියදී, ඒවා අධෛර්‍යට පත් කොට, ඉන්දීයාව වැනි රටකින් අතිශය වැඩි මුලදලකට ඖෂධ මිලදී ගැනීමට සිදු වන්නේනම්, ශ්‍රී ලාංකවේ සෞඛ්‍ය යාන්ත්‍රණ හසුරුවන සියලුම ආයතන, ඒවායේ ප්‍රධාන නියාමකයින් සහ දේශපාළණ හිතවත්කම් වලට ඔවුන්ව පත් කල පාළකයින් සෘජුවම ඊට වගකිව යුතු බව සෞඛ්‍ය වෘත්තීයවේදීන්ගේ විද්වත් සංගමයේ සභාපති රවී කුමුදේශ් පවසයි.

පගාව දිහා බලාගෙන, කොමිස් දිහා බලාගෙන රට පාළණය කරලා රටම අමාරුවේ දාපු අයම, ඩොලර් 1.50ට ලංකාවේ නිෂ්පාදනය කරන කොලෙස්ටෙරෝල් පෙත්ත, ඩොලර් 6.50ට ගේන්න අනුමැතිය දීලා. එකයි පනහේ සහ හයයි මිනිස්සු දෙවර්ගයක් දැන් මේ රටට අවශ්‍ය නෑ. අපි ඔක්කොම එක ජාතියක් බීලා මැරෙනවානම් මැරෙමු, නැත්තං ජීවත් වෙමු.”

ඉන්දියාවෙන් ණයට ගත්ත සල්ලි වලින් කොමිස් ගන්න ලබාංශය වැඩිකරලා, බ්‍රෑන්ඩඩ් බොරු වලට, වැඩි ගානට ගේන ඖෂධ වල බිල අවසානයේ ගෙවන්න වෙන්නෙත් ආණ්ඩුවෙන් මිස සුපිරි පන්තියකින් නෙවේ. සෞඛ්‍ය සේවා අවශ්‍යතාවය සපුරා ගන්න ඩොලර් මිලියන 240ක් අවශ්‍යව තියන වෙලාවක, ඉන්දියාවෙන් ලැබුණු ක්‍රෙඩිට් ලයින් එක විනාශ කරන්න හදනකොට, ඒවා අනුමත වෙන්නේ සෞඛ්‍ය පාළණයේ දුර්වල කමක් නිසා”

අගමැති ධූර, ජනපති ධූර සහ සෞඛ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය ධූර වෙනස් වූවාට, ක්‍රමය වෙනස් වී නොමැති බව තේරුම් ගැනීම සදහා ද මෙය ඉතා හොද නිදසුනක් බැවින්, මෙවන් තීරණ පිළිබදව මීට වඩා සැලකිල්ල වර්තමාන අගමැතිවරයා ඇතුලු අලුතින් රට කරවන්නට පැමිණි පාර්ශවයන්ට තිබිය යුතු බවයි ඔහු අවධාරණය කරන්නේ.

“ජනතාව සහ ජනරජයේ ජනාධිපතිවරයා”ලෙස අලුත් පරිච්ඡේදයක් ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවට ඇතුළත් කර ජනතාව සහ ජනාධිපතිවරයා අතර සම්බන්ධතාවය ශක්තිමත් කරමු…!

June 3rd, 2022

නීතිඥ අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන B Sc(Col), PGDC(Col)

ජනාධිපතිවරයා ජනතාව විසින් ඡන්දයෙන් තෝරා ගත්තද ජනාධිපතිවරයා ප්‍රශ්න කළ හැක්කේ මූලික අයිතිවාසිකම් නඩු වලින් පමණි.

මෙය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදයට, නීතියේ පාලනයට සහ ජනාධිපති සහ ජනතාව අතර ඇති සම්බන්ධතාවට හිතකර නැත.

මේ දුර්වලතාවය හේතුවෙන් වතුර බොර කර බොර දියේ මාලු බෑමට පාර්ලිමේන්තුව සහ අන්තවාදීන් උත්සාහ කරන අතර, පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසින් ජනාධිපතිවරයා පාලනය කිරීමට  ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන ගෙන ඒමට අවස්ථාවක් කරගෙන ඇත. ජනාධිපතිවරයා ජනතාව විසින් සෘජුවම තෝරාපත් කර ගන්නා හෙයින්, ජනාධිපතිවරයා  පාර්ලිමේන්තුවටයටත් කිරීම නො විය යුතු අතර ජනාධිපතිවරයා ජනතාවට යටත් කිරීම සිඳුවිය යුතුය.

මේ සඳහා ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවට “ජනතාව සහ ජනරජයේ ජනාධිපතිවරයා”ලෙස අලුත් පරිච්ඡේදයක් (VII අ) ඇතුළත් කර ජනතාව සහ ජනාධිපතිවරයා අතර ඇති සම්බන්ධතාවය ශක්තිමත් කළ යුතුය.

ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ අලුත් පරිච්ඡේදයට ඇතුළත් විය යුතු කෙටුම්පත පහත දක්වා ඇත.

1. ශ්‍රී ලංකා ජනරජයේ
ජනාධිපතිවරයා සිය කාර්ය කර්තව්‍ය යථා පරිදි ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීම සහ යථා පරිදි ඉටු කිරීම සමබන්ධයෙන් ජනතාවටද වගකිව යුත්තේය.

2. ජනාධිපතිවරයා වෙත පුරවැසියෙකු යවන යෝජනාවක්, ඉල්ලීමක් සම්බන්ධයෙන් පිළිතුර, විසඳුම දින 30ක් ඇතුළත යොමු කිරීමට ජනාධිපතිවරයා ක්‍රියා කළ යුතුය.

3. ඉහත අංක 2 යටතේ ජනාධිපතිවරයා යොමු කරන පිළිතුර, විසඳුම මගින් අතෘප්තියට පත් වන්නේ නම් ඒ තැනැත්තා හෝ නීතිඥවරයා මගින් “විධායක ජනතා අධිකරණයට” පෙත්සමක් ඉදිරිපත් කළ හැකි අතර එකී පෙත්සමේ ජනාධිපතිවරයා වෙනුවට නීතිපතිවරයා වගඋත්තරකරු කළ යුත්තේය.

4. මේ පරිච්ඡේදයේ විධිවිධාන ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීම සඳහා පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසින් පත් කරනු ලබන වෘත්තීය හෝ අධ්‍යාපන හෝ නීති හෝ ව්‍යාපාරික ක්ෂේත්‍රයේ නිපුණතාවය දක්වන වයස අවුරුදු 60 නොඉක්මවූ
05දෙනෙකුගෙන් යුත්  “විධායක ජනතා අධිකරණ” දිස්ත්‍රික්කයකට 1 බැගින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසින් පිහිටුවිය යුත්තේය.

5.”විධායක ජනතා අධිකරණය” ලබා දෙන තීරණ සිංහල සහ දෙමළ භාෂා දෙකෙන්ම ලබා දිය යුත්තේය.

6. “විධායක ජනතා අධිකරණය” ලබා දෙන තීරණයකින් අතෘප්තියට පත්වන තැනැත්තන්ට දින 28ක් ඇතුළත පාර්ලිමේන්තුව  වෙත අභියාචනා කළ හැක්කේය.

7. “විධායක ජනතා අධිකරණය” ලබා දෙන තීරණවලට එරෙහිව එන අභියාචනා සළකා බැලීමට පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසින් ස්ථාවර නියෝග මගින් විධිවිධාන සැළැස්විය යුත්තේය.

8. අවථාවෝචිත පරිදි “විධායක ජනතා අධිකරණය” හෝ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ලබා දෙන තීරණ අවසානාත්මක වේ.

මෙවැනි ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයක් ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමෙන් ජනාධිපතිවරයාට එරෙහිව වර්තමානයේ පවතින මහජන විරෝධය ජනතා හිතවාදීව පාලනය කළ හැකි අතර, ගාලුමුවදොර විරෝධයට පදනම සපයා ඇත්තේද ජනාධිපතිවරයා ජනතාව සමග පවතින දුරස්ථ සම්බන්ධයම වේ.

නීතිඥ අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන B Sc(Col), PGDC(Col) (සමායෝජක) වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යයන වැඩසටහන. දුරකථන 0712063394) (2022.06.03)

Hazrat Aisha was not 9 at the time of her marriage.

June 3rd, 2022

Reproduced by A. Abdul Aziz

Critics of Islam repeatedly claim that Hazrat Aisha was not mature when the Holy Prophet of Islam married her. However, nothing can be further from the truth.

There is a stark misunderstanding and abject misrepresentation of facts when it comes to the actual age of Hazrat Aisha (may Allah be pleased with her) at the time of her marriage to the Holy Prophet (Peace and blessings of Allah be upon him). Critics across various platforms and social media have raised a hue and cry mocking a perfect model of moral virtues, whose excellence has been acknowledged by friends and foes alike.

A lot of mischief-makers on the social media platform have taken advantage of some of the traditions without acknowledging the fact that the sayings of these people on this subject contradict each other multiple times to a level of confusion.

In this article, the author intends to dissect the baseless allegation that Hazrat Aisha (may Allah be pleased with her) had not reached the age of maturity at the time of her marriage with the Holy Prophet (Peace and blessings of Allah be upon him) , and present facts that will open the eyes of blasphemers, critics and honest seekers alike.

Non-Reliability of the six-year narrative

Most of the historians who support the view of Hazrat Aisha’s early marriage rely upon narrations in Bukhari (Sahih Bukhari or Sahih al-Bukhari is one of the six canonical hadith collections considered to authentic. These hadith were collected by a Persian Muslim scholar named Muhammad ibn Ismail and called Bukhari after his birthplace Bukhara). and other books of traditions in which Hazrat Aisha reportedly had stated that she was a girl of six years at the time of marriage and nine years at the time of consummation.

Hence, it is often argued why these reports from authentic sources, as well as Hazrat Aisha’s own account, are ignored when it comes to calculating her correct age. This argument warrants special addressing.

The fact is that these narrations asserting the age of Hazrat Aisha to be six years at the time of marriage and nine years when she entered the household of the Holy Prophet (Peace and blessings of Allah be upon him) , do not hold true when examined in the light of established historical facts.

Incompatibility with the Holy Prophet’s marriage timeline: It is accepted by most historians that the Holy Prophet’s Nikah- the formal announcement of the marriage- with Hazrat Aisha (may Allah be pleased with her) took place in the month of Shawwal in the 10th year after prophethood (Tabaqat al-Kubra by Ibn Sa’d, vol. 8, p. 271 (First edition 1996)

 Similarly, he consummated this marriage in the month of Shawwal in the second year after migration. (Sharh Allama-al-Zarqani Alal-Mawahib al-Ladunniyyah by Allamah Shihabuddin al-Qustalani, vol. 4, p. 383, Aishah Ummul-Muminin, Darul-Kutubil-Ilmiyyah, Beirut, Lebanon, First Edition (1996)

Given these facts, one can easily calculate that a period of full five years has elapsed between the Holy Prophet’s Nikah and marriage with Hazrat Aisha. Hence, it is obvious that the reports of her age being six and nine years in no way conform to these established historical facts, and thus, cannot be relied upon.

Moreover, the narrative of six years is itself not definite. Hence, there is a discrepancy between her age being six years and seven years (Sahih Muslim, kitab al-nikah) at the time of Nikah, which points to the ambiguity of the narrative and suggests that any of the narrators would possibly have erred in accurate narration.

Hazrat Aisha (may Allah be pleased with her) was already engaged: Hazrat Aisha was engaged to the son of Mut’im bin Adiyy prior to her engagement to the Holy Prophet (PBUH) – (Musnad Ahmad Bin Hanbal, baqi musnad al-ansar.) This clearly suggests that Hazrat Aisha had already reached the age of marriage at that time and was not six years old.

Revelation period of Surah Al-Qamar: Sahih Bukhari records a narration from Hazrat Aishain which she says:

When the verse, Aye, the Hour is their appointed time; and the Hour will be most calamitous and most bitter” was revealed to Muhammad (PBUH) at Mecca, I was a playful young girl. (Sahih Bukhari, kitabu’l-tafsir)

The mentioned verse is from Surah al-Qamar. Reports suggest that Surah al-Qamar was revealed in the fifth year after prophethood, i.e. 614 CE (The Bounteous Koran by M.M. Khatib (1985) It is known that Hazrat Aisha started living with Prophet (PBUH) in 2 AH, i.e. 624 CE. If she was 9 years old at that time, then she would not even be born at the time when Surah al-Qamar was revealed.

Now, even if Surah al-Qamar is assumed to have been revealed later by one or two years as some other reports suggest, still Hazrat Aisha would be a child below 2 years of age, an infant not capable of remembering such details. Apart from this, other traditions and historical details also cast doubt on this narrative. There are generally two perspectives that nullify the reports which imply her age to be six and nine years.

First Perspective: Age of 18 years or more

Many historians report that Hazrat Aisha was ten years younger than her elder sister Hazrat Asma. (Siyar A’lam al-Nubala, vol. 2, p. 289 (Beirut: Muassasat-al-Risalah, 1992) Two acclaimed historical books namely Tahdhib-al-Tahdhib and Al-Bidaya wa’l-Nihaya report that Hadhrat Asma died at the age of hundred in 73 AH (Al-Bidaya wa’l-Nihaya, vol. 8, p. 371-372 (Al-jizah: Dar-al-fikr al-arabiyy, 1933)

Calculating from this, it becomes evident that Hadhrat Asma was about 27 or 28 years of age at the time of the Prophet’s migration to Medina. This puts Hazrat Asma at the age of 28 or 29 at the time of Hazrat Aisha’s marital consummation, which occurred in 2 AH. All of these facts indicate that Hazrat Aisha (may Allah be pleased with her) should have been 18 or 19 years of age at the time when her marriage was consummated.

Although this perspective makes more sense historically than the nine-year narrative, it still cannot be said that this is the most accurate understanding of Hazrat Aisha’s age.

Second Perspective: Age of around 14 years

Another perspective is that Hazrat Aisha (may Allah be pleased with her) was around 14 years of age when her marriage was consummated, which seems to be the most accurate understanding in this regard. There are many pieces of evidence from history that almost assert this fact to a level of certainty.

First evidence: Tabari in his treatise on Islamic history reports that Hazrat Abu Bakr (may Allah be pleased with him) had four children and all four were born during the pre-Islamic period (Tarikhu’l-umam wa’l-muluk, Al-Tabari, Vol 4, Pg 50, Arabic, Dara’l-fikr, Beirut, 1979).

 If Hazrat Aishawas born before Islam, her age could not have been less than 14 years in 2 A.H.

Second evidence: According to Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani, Hazrat Fatima (may Allah be pleased with her) was five years older than Hazrat Aisha. Hazrat Fatima is reported to have been born when the Holy Prophet (PBUH) was 35 years old (Al-Isabah fi Tamyiz al-Sahaba, vol. 8, p. 263). The Holy Prophet (PBUH) migrated to Medina when he was 52, making Hazrat Aisha 14 or 15 years old in 2 A.H.

Third evidence: A narration regarding Hazrat Aisha’s participation in the battle of Uhud can be found in Sahih Bukhari, which is as follows:

Hazrat Anas (may Allah be pleased with him) reports, on the day of Uhud, people could not stand their ground around the Holy Prophet (PBU8H). On that day, I saw Aisha and Umm-i-Sulaim (may Allah be pleased with her) that they had pulled their dress up from their feet to avoid any hindrance in their movement (Bukhari, kitabu’l-jihad wa’l-siyar).

The Holy Prophet (PBUH) had not permitted Ibn Umar (may Allah be pleased with him) to participate in the same battle because of his young age. Hence, it is reported:

Ibn Umar states, the Holy Prophet (PBUH) did not permit me to participate in Uhud, as at that time, I was fourteen years old. But on the day of Khandaq, when I was fifteen years old, the Prophet (PBUH) allowed me to join” (Bukhari, kitabu’l-maghazi).

Hence, children below 15 years were not allowed to participate in the battle of Uhud while Hazrat Aisha (may Allah be pleased with her) participated in it, which clearly indicates that she was at least 15 years or older at that time and 14 years or older when she joined the Holy Prophet’s household.

All of these proofs shatter the misconception that the Holy Prophet (PBUH) married Hazrat Aisha (may Allah be pleased with her) when she had not reached the age of maturity.

Conclusion

It is an acknowledged reality that the onset of maturity or puberty fluctuates based on many factors. Similarly, we find different acceptable ages of marriage throughout history, and the time factor and its contemporary practices should be the primary guidelines instead of comparing an event on a completely different time scale and culture in order to fit and justify one’s prejudiced interests against a particular faith just owing to sheer malice.

The fact is that the marriage of the Holy Prophet of Islam (Peace and blessings of Allah be upon him) with Hazrat Aisha was a perfectly suitable marriage with the consensus of both parties including the parents of Hazrat Aisha as she had reached an age of maturity. Most of the traditions and references that are quoted about her age being less than 10 years or even lower are completely contradictory and unreliable as already explained.

None of the contemporaries or staunchest critics of the time of the Holy Prophet (Peace and blessings of Allah be upon him) ever raised this allegation despite challenging and opposing him on various fronts. Hence, it would be in the best interest of the critics of today to avoid such nonsensical dialogue and adopt dignity in discourse and criticism such that their own credibility stands at a position worthy of acceptance.


Original from AMIR AZIZ AHMEDI, KOLKATA

Source: www.lightofislam.in

Urgent need to divide executive power without resorting to a referendum

June 3rd, 2022

By Sugeeswara Senadhira/Daily News

Colombo, June 3: The draft 21st Constitutional Amendment bill is due to be presented to the Cabinet on June 6. Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe has been entrusted with the task of incorporating the valid suggestions made by party Leaders to ensure that it has smooth sailing in parliament.

Although there is some truth in the criticism that amending the constitution will not solve the current economic problems overnight, the aim of the proposed 21st Amendment (21A) is to ensure political stability and to get a competent, efficient, transparent and accountable government, which is an essential requirement for economic recovery as well.

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Several political parties have made proposals with regard to the 21A  but some of them will require a National Referendum in addition to a 2/3rd majority in Parliament. Most political parties have agreed that it will not be possible to hold a General Election immediately due to the prevailing economic situation in the country as an election costs more than Rs.1 billion without counting propaganda/campaign costs.

The main Opposition, the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), has presented a five-point proposal that includes a clause saying that the President cannot hold any Ministerial post(s), appoint all Members of the Monetary Board (not just the Governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka) based on the recommendations of the Constitutional Council (CC), establish an independent National Priority and Evaluation Board” to evaluate and prioritize development projects around the country, make it mandatory for the President, the Prime Minister, all MPs, Local Government Members and Councilors, and Provincial Governors to declare their assets, and enact provisions to nationalize/retrieve assets stolen from the country.

Meanwhile, the clause proposed by Minister Dr. Rajapakshe to bar Dual Citizens from entering Parliament has run into opposition from some members of the ruling Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP).

Constitutional changes

Reportedly, the SLPP members insisted at the Government’s Group Meeting that bringing about economic stability and easing the people’s woes should be prioritized instead of expending energy on constitutional changes at this stage. Among the MPs who spoke against the 21st Amendment are Chintaka Mayadunna, Dr. Sarath Weerasekara and Dr. Nalaka Godahewa.

However, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa emphasized that it should be incorporated into the Constitution. Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe also spoke in favor of it. Tourism Minister Harin Fernando, MP Nimal Lanza and others opined that it should be enacted in keeping with public sentiments. MP Lanza said public opinion is now in favor of such constitutional changes and it should be respected.

The proposals embedded in the 21st Amendment draw heavily on the 19th Amendment to the constitution which was enacted by the Yahapalanaya Government.

The passage of 21A Bill depends on broad support in Parliament across party lines. The current political unrest and the pressure from the street will ensure the support of most parliamentarians as they would be extremely cautious about dismissing the Amendments demanded by the majority of voters in Sri Lanka.

A powerful Constitutional Council (CC) and Independent Commissions were established under the 19th Amendment to ensure checks on political interference and on public administration. Meanwhile, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) has also presented seven key proposals with regard to the 21st Amendment.

However, some major Amendments proposed by the Opposition will require a National Referendum. When the petitions filed against the 21st and 22nd Amendments were taken for hearing at the Supreme Court, the Attorney General said that if the 21st Amendment to the constitution is to be passed, it must obtain the approval of the people in a Referendum. The petitions want the Apex Court to rule that some of the provisions contained in the Private Members Resolutions of the 21st and 22nd Amendments to the Constitution presented to Parliament by the General Secretary of the SJB Ranjith Madduma Bandara and Minister Dr. Rajapakshe are unconstitutional and must be approved by a two-thirds majority in parliament and a public Referendum.

The petitions seeking a verdict were taken up for hearing before a three-Judge Bench comprising Chief Justice Jayantha Jayasuriya, Justices Janak de Silva and Arjuna Obeysekera. The petitions were filed by a group including Attorney-At-law Nuwan Ballanthudawa, a member of the Central Committee of the Patriotic National Front, Dr. Gunadasa Amarasekara and Col. Anil Amarasekera on behalf of the United National Organisation.

During the hearing, the Additional Solicitor General stated that Justice Minister Dr. Rajapakshe had informed the Speaker that the 22nd Amendment, which had been tabled in Parliament as a Private Member’s Motion to reduce the powers of the Executive Presidency, would be withdrawn.

Minister Dr. Rajapakshe said that the 21st Amendment to the constitution has been drafted so as to avoid a Referendum and that a Parliamentary Committee (PC) should be appointed in the future to draft a new Constitution.

Earlier this week, Dr. Rajapakshe informed the Most Ven. Chief Prelates of four Buddhist Nikayas that the Constitutional Amendment is necessary to restore political stability and rebuild the country’s economy. The Minister said that Independent Commissions will be empowered by the Amendment while the Procurement Commission and the National Audit Commission which were abolished by the 20th Amendment will be re-established.

He also said that Dual Citizens will be disqualified from holding parliamentary seats once the Amendment is passed and said no MP will be able to oppose this Bill as it is supported by the people.

Ven. Dodampahala Chandasiri Mahanayake Thera said that the views of scholars and intellectuals should be sought for the preparation of this Bill and that the approval of the Sri Lanka Amarapura Maha Sangha Sabha should be given.

The SJB has offered conditional support to the 21A Bill. As we informed you at the Party Leaders’ meeting on May 27, the SJB will support the repeal of the 20th Amendment to the Constitution and bringing back the provisions of the 19th Amendment,” SJB General Secretary MP Ranjith Madduma Bandara said in his letter to Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe.

However, we have noted that some of the provisions in the 19th Amendment to the Constitution that limit the Executive President’s powers are not included in the draft Bill presented by Justice Minister President’s Counsel Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe.”

Power structure

Even those who want the Executive Presidency abolished have apprehensions about the power structure that would replace the current system. Doubts prevail about a possible scenario that might  emerge if and when the Executive Presidency is scrapped. One such strong contention is that the Executive Presidency is needed to prevent separatism or any possible religious extremism. Some others say that as long as the powers are devolved to the Provincial Councils under the 13th Amendment, it is essential to retain the Executive Presidency and the Unitary Constitution.

Some others challenge these arguments by pointing out that under the Westminster System of Government, Prime Minister S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike handled the 1958 ethnic riots and Governor General Sir Oliver Goonetilleke and later Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike defeated the 1962 coup and crushed the JVP’s first insurrection in 1971 without the powers of the Executive Presidency.

What is necessary is to establish a proper balance between the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary and ensure accountability. The 21A is designed to make the Executive President accountable to parliament and that would be a healthy sign for democratic governance.

The Executive Presidency cannot be abrogated per se without the approval of the people through a Referendum and hence, the 21A is aimed at transferring some of the powers of the Executive President back to Parliament and to strengthen the Legislature in the process. Such a measure would answer most of the demands of the current people’s agitations.

High in pesticides, many countries send back Indian tea

June 3rd, 2022

Courtesy The Economic Times

Both international and domestic buyers have rejected a series of tea consignments due to the presence of pesticides and chemicals beyond permissible limits, Indian Tea Exporters Association (ITEA) chairman Anshuman Kanoria said on Friday. Filling up the vacuum created by crisis-hit Sri Lanka in the global market, Tea Board is eyeing to ramp up exports. However, the rejection of consignments is causing a decline in outward shipments.

All teas sold in the country must conform to the Food Safety and Standards Authority of India (FSSAI) norms. However, most of the buyers are purchasing tea that have unusually high chemical content, Kanoria told PTI.

In 2021, India exported 195.90 million kg tea. The major buyers were Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) nations and Iran. The board is aiming to achieve 300 million kg tea this year.

Kanoria said that many countries are following strict entry regulations for tea. Most of the countries follow variations of the EU standards, which are more stringent than the FSSAI rules.

Read more at:
https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/economy/agriculture/high-in-pesticides-many-countries-send-back-indian-tea/articleshow/91983730.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst

Will the Constitutional Amendments Resolve the Real Issues?

June 3rd, 2022

By  Shivanthi ranasinghe Courtesy Ceylon Today

We have two serious issues before us. One is the economic meltdown. The other is the breach in national security. Yet, the Parliament’s attention is focused entirely on another topic – how to wrestle power from the Executive President.

The Precarious Fuel Situation

On 28 May, it was reported that only 6,142 MT of Octane 95 petrol was available. Hence, the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) disallowed selling Octane 95 petrol to three-wheeler and motorcycle drivers. This was to prevent the new practice that has sprung up of selling fuel at higher prices by unscrupulous entities.

The point here is the fuel situation has deteriorated to such an extent that people are willing to purchase it illegally at exorbitant rates. There are people actually willing to sit in queues for hours to fill their tanks only to empty it into another container and return to the queue for a refill. The fuel already obtained is then sold at higher rates to those who are unwilling or unable to stand long hours in the fuel queue.

If this black market plan is allowed, Sri Lanka’s already spiraling economy would fast forward to its collapse. Fuel is the essential commodity that hinges the survival of all other sectors. It is not only these industries where some form of transport is required that depends on fuel.

Even for our electricity, fuel is one of our main options. At Rs.100 to generate a unit of electricity using petroleum as opposed to Rs 50 per unit from coal, thermal power generation is the costlier option. Yet, one third of the fuel imported is for the generation of electricity.

When fuel price increases, it affects all these industries that directly or indirectly use fuel, whether it is for transport or electricity. Thus, we see immediate price increases in basically all other goods and services when fuel price jumps. Already our monthly bill to import fuel is a staggering USD 300 million. The current crisis is because we are unable to raise this much forex to pay for fuel. The ongoing power disruption that often extends to 10-13 hours a day is precisely because of the fuel shortages. As both our day-to-day lives and industries are dependent on electricity, these power disruptions are debilitating the economy further. The tourism industry and the apparel sector are our country’s two of the main forex earners.

These power disruptions are hence impacting both these negatively. The tourism industry especially that has been struggling ever since the Easter Attack and the pandemic thereafter is hit hard with the travel warnings issued by several countries with our best markets. With the crux of the matter being the fuel shortage, these industries cannot even turn to generators for that to operate requires fuel. In a bid to curtail illegal hoardings, the Government has already taken steps to ration fuel. As such, fuel is no longer sold into containers but only for vehicles. The amount of fuel issued depends on the vehicle’s category.

The Ministry of Energy with the help of the Sri Lanka Police’s IT division has developed an app to monitor the vehicles at the refilling stations. This app will note the consumers’ number plate details at the pump and then share that data in real-time with the application’s other users. By recording the history of vehicle’s refilling, this app will help authorities in preventing the same vehicle pumping fuel on the same day from any other station.

Using solar

As a remedy for the power crisis brought on by the fuel crisis, the Government is actively seeking assistance in making a significant contribution from renewable energy sources to the national grid. The Government’s target is to generate 70 per cent of the total electricity demand from renewable energy sources. This will save our country yearly the cost of one month’s fuel bill. We already have the potential to generate nearly 700 megawatts of electricity from solar energy. However, the Ceylon Electricity Board’s (CEB) lack of interest in converting to renewable energy is a matter of grave concern.

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa recently assured to resolve such resistance. However, if to make any such headway, President must first bring trade unions to heel and disallow them from misusing the democratic space for their current autocratic tendencies.

It is notable that the Government is progressively exploring options to assist large industries to survive the current crisis. Private Bunker Fuel Operators may now import and provide diesel and fuel oil requirements for industries. With the electricity tariffs likely to increase and may even triple for large scale industries, the Ministry of Energy will unveil a rapid renewable energy generation plan on 01 June, 2022.  This will allow private and public buildings with large rooftop spaces to be used to install solar panels. The current electricity bill amount can then be invested on solar panels to be paid monthly to the solar companies. This will lessen the burden on the consumer as well CEB grid.

These commendable measures will cushion large scale industries. In the meantime, small and medium enterprises (SME) are struggling to stay afloat. This underscores the urgency in crushing the illegal market for fuel, which should also include introducing tough laws. Otherwise, the CPC would be forced to cater to an artificially increased consumption. This in turn will increase our national fuel bill to benefit a few corrupt individuals.

Plenty fuel to burn homes

The following three occurrences: The Mirihana incident on 31 March when unruly crowds tried to storm into the President’s private residence with sticks, iron bars and sharp weapons, the Rambukkana confrontation with the police on 19 April where rioters pelted the police with rocks and attempted to set fire to a fuel filled bowser and the looting, lynching and destruction to Government MPs and their property on 09-10 May are serious breaches of national security. Though there is a concerted effort to portray these unruly crowds as ‘peaceful protestors’ their actions speak otherwise.

It is clear that there is a serious attempt to drive the country into anarchy. None of the three incidents above were spontaneous, though again it is misconstrued as such.

The Government has appointed a three-member panel including the Admiral of the Fleet Wasantha Karannagoda, Marshal of the Air Force Roshan Gunathilake and General Daya Ratnayake to investigate the possible lapse of intelligence. This investigation must also include the delay in deploying the military to prevent the attacks on MPs and their property. This was an act of terrorism and the State failed to prevent it for one and a half days.

The panel must also verify the rumours against Army Commander Shavendra Silva. It is being alleged that he in a bid for personal gain had refused to act. While some accuse him of ambitious plans as a military takeover, others suspect that he is currying favours from western embassies. These sort of stories is not good for him or the country.

On 09-10 May, riots and acts of terrorism took place in the presence of the police and even the military. Their inaction is a serious indicator of their lack of confidence in the State.

The Rambukkana incident especially accentuated the vulnerability of the police. Neither the public nor the judiciary took into account the valiant efforts by the police to resolve the contention, disperse the crowds or the attack on the police. Instead, they were equated to pariah status and both the SSP who ordered to fire at the rioters and his officers were arrested and detained in remand prison.

We urgently need a National Bill on Security that gives protection to law enforcement agencies and their officers to carry out their duties without fear of prosecution. This Bill must also stop foreign missions from politicising the police or cat-fishing our top military brass.

19A as the 21A?

Except for few ministers as Kanchana Wijesekera who are sincerely and tirelessly seeking ways to redress the current economic crisis, the rest of the parliamentarians are busy trying to tinker with the constitution.

Will this constitutional amendment,

•     Bring in the much needed forex to the country and resolve the fuel crisis?

•     Safeguard the small and medium enterprises from the current economic meltdown?

•     Crush or curtail the black market?

•     Prevent future attempts of anarchy and terrorism?

•     Protect the law enforcement officers from needless prosecution?

ranasingheshivanthi@gmail.com

By Shivanthi Ranasinghe

taking a closer look at ‘aragalaya’

June 3rd, 2022

By Dr. Tilak S. Fernando Courtesy Ceylon Today

The ‘Aragalaya’ or the protest by peaceful demonstrators in front of the Presidential Secretariat has exceeded fifty days and continues. The protesters claim the 6.9 million who voted for a change and for Gotabaya Rajapaksa failed to deliver what was promised on election platforms. 

Fuel prices have gone up several times to unprecedented levels. Consequently, people stand in long queues mainly for petrol, gas and milk-food, while consumer prices are sky high. The scarcity of medicines in hospitals is also flashing red lights. People complain they have to spend their time in queues constantly. The poor cannot afford the wave of fuel and consumer price hikes. Yet, it is the fault of all Governments since Ceylon became independent in 1948 for not implementing robust economic policies. Still, everyone blames the present President in a matter of three years. People have a short memory of Covid-19 and how the Government handled the pandemic, which brought international acclaim.

On 9 May 2022, hundreds of SLPP supporters arrived in busloads at Temple Trees, to bid farewell to the outgoing Premier Mahinda Rajapaksa. When this crowd came, it was alleged that Mahinda Rajapaksa with several Ministers of his Cabinet set the visiting supporters to attack the peaceful protesters in front of ‘Temple Trees. Later, thugs marched towards Galle Face Green and started attacking the crowds of peaceful protesters with batons and iron rods. That provoked some of the militant elements among protesters to trigger a state of lawlessness in the country, followed by lynching, arson on houses, scorching of vehicles and busses, shops, assaulting the public and looting, akin to the infamous July 1983 Black July riots in the country.

In Parliament

In Parliament on 19 May 2022, President’s elder brother, Chamal  Rajapaksa, said: ” We are engaged in politics with honest intentions; that is why we are still in politics. Our sacrifices in politics have completely gone in vain. It would have been better if the former PM retired after completing his two terms as President of Sri Lanka.” The ultimate result was terrifying. The looters took charge of the situation and plundered all valuables before burning houses on 9 May 2022. So far, Police have taken more than one thousand perpetrators.

MPs Wimal Weerawansa and Gammanpila have written to the President urging a Commission to probe into the mayhem on 9 May 2022 and reveal who masterminded the hostilities. MP Athuraliye Rathana Thera also wrote to the President. Both MPs and the Thera wanted to know if the thugs came purely to attack the peaceful protesters and whether the brutal attack was pre-planned?

The newly sworn-in Minister of Plantations and Industries, Ramesh Pathirana, dropped a bombshell in Parliament by revealing the Inspector General of Police (IGP) did not want to stop the protestors from attacking and burning down several parliamentarians’ houses. When Minister Pathirana attended a meeting at the Presidential House, the thugs were on their way to attack the peaceful protestors. He had phoned the Western Province SDIG Deshabandu Tennakoon and requested him to prevent the attack. The SDIG had assured Minister Pathirana the Police would prevent the attack. However, while Minister Pathirana was at the President’s House, former MP Arshu Marasinghe had phoned the Minister and requested Minister Pathirana to warn the President to stop the impending tragedy. However, when the President contacted SDIG Tennakoon, he claimed the IGP gave instructions not to prevent the thugs from entering the protesters’ area. The President then ordered SDIG Tennakoon to stop the riots having to remind him by saying I am the President of the Country.’

Much water has flowed under the bridge since the 9 May incident. The IGP denies SGID Tennakoon’s version in an eight-page letter written to the Defence Secretary. He further added  in his letter ( which is well known among the public through the Media) that, out of the 184 recruited to Police service, 126 were absorbed into the Police Force without any interviews based on politicians’ recommendations. Thirty-four candidates were appointed in the top A1, A2 and A3 stations.”

The IGP’s letter to the Defence Secretary has exposed twenty-one Police Officers who were caught with drugs, and one hundred and fifty-six drug addicts. Still, one hundred officers are dealing with drug dealers. Furthermore, he had stressed that all politicians have their favourite Police Chiefs in respective Police Stations. In such a situation, the IGP had argued how could he safeguard politician’s houses. He has stated that his powers and responsibility have diminished with political influence.”

Nevertheless, the general consensus of the country is the IGP cannot escape by giving hollow excuses blaming politicians. It is the Chief Police Officer’s responsibility to maintain law and order in the country; and he should have risen to the occasion and taken appropriate action. Otherwise people question, what’s the advantage of having a police chief at all?”

Despite the attacks, ‘Gota Go Home’ protests at Galle Face Green continue for more than 50 days. Protesters demand that Gotabaya Rajapaksa should resign as the President. Meanwhile, the new Minister of Justice, Prisons Affairs and Constitutional Reforms, told the anchor-man of the Derana 360 programme:  Constitutionally the President cannot be removed as people wish unless the President voluntarily resigns.” Say, the President resigns voluntarily, what would be the new scenario? The Justice Minister explained Within a month, someone in Parliament needs to be appointed as a suitable candidate for the Presidency. At present, the majority of parliamentarians are from the SLPP. What  would be the guarantee  that whoever becomes the new President would be any better than Gotabaya Rajapaksa?”  The Justice   Minister said, he has always been with the youth who protest, and he is confident that he would be able to come to some settlement with them.

tilakfernando@gmail.com

By Dr. Tilak S. Fernando


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