An integrated homecare-based treatment program for asymptomatic COVID-19 patients commences from today (August 09).
The program which was carried out as a pilot project in the Western Province until now will be launched island-wide from today, the Ministry of Health stated.
Under the program, patients between the ages of 2 and 65 years, who do not show symptoms or show mild symptoms, are to be treated at home under medical supervision.
The decision was taken due to the increasing number of COVID-19 patients exceeding the hospital capacities.
Patients who are diagnosed with COVID-19 after a PCR or antigen test should be examined by the local Medical Officer of Health (MOH) and be recommended to be treated at home.
Arrangements will then be made to treat the infected person at home under the relevant health guidelines and the patient will be placed under medical supervision after registration made over the phone.
The relevant activities will be coordinated through the 24-hour hotline number 1390, the Ministry of Health stated.
How to resolve the issues of the principals and teachers is no longer the question. The real question is whether we should allow these individuals to teach, influence and mould the character of our children. A teacher by definition would be an educated person. However, the ongoing trade union action by the primary and tertiary academic staff has challenged the very definition of an educated person.
A misconstrued education
The purpose of an education ought to be to understand the correct method of pursuing a matter. The sophistication of an educated person thus overrides all other adornments, may it be money or muscle. A person’s insight on specific subjects or overall surroundings becomes the measurement of his education standards. Independence in thought and action is the ultimate hallmark of a well-educated person.
Most unfortunately in Sri Lanka, education is not a means of personal growth in terms of character or knowledge. Instead, it is simply a stepping stone to society. Without even the most basic education certificate, an average Sri Lankan citizen cannot gain a foothold in society. Therefore, the entire Sri Lankan education system is geared towards pushing its students to collect these paper qualifications.
The children must push past the numerous bottlenecks in the system to collect these papers. Students in schools less facilitated than the established schools in developed cities are challenged not only by lack of labs for science and computer subjects. They also suffer from a teaching staff with a high turnover. These schools are often without even water for sanitation or drinking or a proper ground for sports.
The solitary path to degree courses are by gaining the required marks at the Advanced Level exams. Gaining university entrance is however not an automatic process for the deserving. Out of nearly 300,000 students who sit the Advanced Level exam, only about 30,000 students gain admittance to a tertiary education. A student in rural areas may enter a better facilitated school via the grade V scholarship programme. However, that student may still lose a place in university to a student from the home area. The reason being, the aggregate needed for university entrance from a rural area school is much less than from an urban area school.
There are other avenues now to gain different levels of qualifications, especially in vocational fields. However, the entrance to these is often constrained by narrow minded criteria. This writer once interviewed a chef who had achieved the rare feat of consecutively winning two gold medals at the Culinary Olympics – the highly competitive International Exhibition of Culinary Art. He shared his difficult journey to the culinary field as the Hotel school rejected his application on the grounds his fluency in English was poor.
Naturally, this highly competitive rat race to gain paper qualifications breeds a generation entirely absorbed in their own advancement. They do not have the space for compassion for even their own fellow students. From the day a child enters the Sri Lankan education system the focus is to get him (or her) through the Ordinary Level exams – the basic of qualifications. That same pressure is applied for the subsequent qualifications to be achieved.
Hence, the child’s other experiences are greatly curtailed. Our education system, a leftover by the British forced occupiers, does not cultivate patriotism or nationalism. Empathy and compassion, as noted above, are devalued currencies. Memorising instead of reading is encouraged for a scripted answer is assured of a good grade. Independent work that might deviate from the standard answer is a risk students are discouraged from taking.
Our education system fails to realise that all these exams and qualifications are to enhance the quality of life and not the life itself. If we were to approach life the way our education system approaches education then we from the day of birth will feel compelled to lie still in our coffins for we would only be concerned of the final destination and not the journey itself.
In summary, our education system has degraded education into a mere certificate. This is producing a citizenry demanding that the society be responsible for their individual needs, whilst refusing to be responsible for the society.
This is the background to the ongoing trade union actions by school principals and teachers at the height of an unprecedented pandemic that has engulfed the entire world. This situation is not to be taken lightly. The education system’s narrow framework contributes to psychopaths as Rohana Wijeweera and Vellupillai Prabhakaran being able to manipulate teenagers and young adults.
Students have been trained from a young age onwards only to rely on a given note as the only true doctrine. Teachers extract these notes from the Government issued text books without challenging its veracity. The shocking contents of Government issued text books for Islam lessons in the aftermath of the Easter Attack is a case in point. Neither the teacher nor student is encouraged to broaden their knowledge base.
Hence, the generations that are coming forth are increasingly behaving mindlessly and selfishly. On the pronouncements of an individual entity, the followers of the JVP and LTTE perceive mostly imagined grievances against society. Those two eras destroyed too many of our promising youth. Those who escaped the clutches of those two devils are now in responsible positions as school principals and teachers. However, it is obvious that they are still susceptible to becoming someone else’s pawns.
Teachers pay hikes: an unjust call
KLL Wijeratne who retired from the Sri Lanka Administrative Service and functioned as the Secretary of Salaries & Cadres Commission from 2006-2009 and Chairman of the Salaries & Cadres Commission from 2016-2019 gave the background of the salary anomalies in ‘The Island’ of 03 August .
Prior to the establishment of the Teachers Service on 06 October 1994, teachers’ salaries were based on their qualifications as trained teachers, non-trained teachers, honours graduates, general degree holders and diploma holders. Thus five salary scales determined the pay of nearly 25 categories of teachers providing neither a grading system nor a promotional scheme” writes Wijeratne.
On 27 September 1994 the Minister of Education & Higher Education Richard Pathirana sought Cabinet approval to establish a Teachers’ Service. Chandrika Kumaratunga as the Finance Minister whilst accepting the proposal on principle to establish such a Teachers’ Service cautioned that the salary scales included therein would create anomalies on the Public Service Salary Structure and emphasised the need to first examine and compare other sectors of the Public Service depending on work norms and other conditions of service. Irrespective of these observations the Cabinet Paper 94/14/13 was approved by the Cabinet of Ministers on 28 September 1994.”
Wijeratne continues to say This approval included the implementation of the proposed salary scales. In response, Finance Minister Kumaratunga sought Cabinet approval for amending the Cabinet decision by including the words ‘it was decided to refer the proposals to the Salaries & Cadres Committee for a comprehensive examination and report before implementing the proposals’.”
However, this caution was thrown to the wind when UNP Presidential candidate Srima Dissanayake issued a full page notice promising to implement the proposed salary scale, recalls Wijeratne. Immediately, Kumaratunga who was also contesting at the 1994 Presidential Elections gazetted the salary scale. This is the first time a salary scale was gazetted before establishing a Service” observes Wijeratne.
As expected this paved the way for anomalies to arise in the education sector and other parallel services – especially in the Principals Service Salaries. To resolve this issue the Supreme Court directed principals’ salaries to be increased. This created anomalies between the salaries of Teacher Educators Service and the Sri Lanka Education Administrative Service (SLEAS).” The matter again ended up in the Supreme Courts” states Wijeratne.
This was finally resolved in 2006 with the Mahinda Rajapaksa Government issuing a new National Wage Policy with a salary structure and promotional scheme considering all the grades of the Public Service, removing the anomalies between the Principals Service and the SLEAS. Therefore there are no anomalies between the Principals Service, the SLEAS and other Services due to the overall, overarching comprehensive new salary structure and promotional scheme adapted across the entire Public Service.
Moreover the pensionable salary of all public servants has been increased by more than 100 per cent between 2016 to 2020” concludes Wijeratne.
The Treacherous Target
If as Wijeratne explains there are no salary anomalies, then arises the question the reason for the protests. Even if Wijeratne is wrong and the principals and teachers do have a justifiable grievance, gives rise to the question as to the reasons for the trade union actions to erupt at this particular juncture of time. After all, by the admission of the protesters themselves, this is an issue that has been festering for nearly quarter of a century.
These protesters could have taken to the streets with this same intensity during the last Government. After all, the then Education Minister Akila Viraj Kariyawasam earned the wrath of teachers for his ill-conceived decisions. His directive to forcibly transfer teachers who had served in the same school for a decade was deeply resented. Teachers personally felt that they were being punished for a wrong they did not commit. Many felt humiliated for having to exchange places where they had to take up positions due to lesser qualified teachers whilst the lesser qualified took places that required greater experience. Consequently, teachers with training to teach larger classes ended in smaller numbered classes. They were replaced with teachers who could not handle a large group of students. Many suspected that the then Minister took this foolish decision to justify the appointment of his supporters to teaching positions without the necessary teaching experience.
The same protest organisers
The protests initially started to oppose the proposed Kotelawala Defence University Bill. When Ceylon Teachers Union General Secretary Joseph Stalin and other organisers were detained and sent to a quarantine centre, releasing him became another demand. It was on top of this the grievances alleged to salary anomalies was added.
Before the principals and teachers began their protests, the farmers protested over the agrochemical fertiliser ban. In all these protests, the same organisers could be seen.
Judging by the response generated in social media, it is clear that the public too is beginning to suspect a scam.
Sri Lanka is on a very tight rope. It must balance both the raging pandemic and the directly impacted economy. This is the opera that the Opposition never dreamed of getting. If not for the COVID-19 pandemic the Opposition would have been sulking ducks they were soon after the successful completion of the war against terrorism.
Despite the challenges and doomsday predictions, the Gotabaya Rajapaksa Administration is still holding the economy together. When the Administration recently settled the USD 1 billion loan, the Opposition was left speechless. They see their only recourse to discredit the Government is to upset the carefully managed pandemic.
Despite sadistic expectations from certain quarters including credit rating agencies, the Government managed to get honor the USD one billion loan ahead of time. Whether the trade unionists’ protests that has intensified since then is coincidental is quite questionable. Trade unions that were dormant during the Yahapalana Government to suddenly rise to an issue that has been festering for 24 years seems to be motivated by more than an actual grievance.
When the Health sector too tried to kick the Government in the belly via its trade union muscle the military took over the vaccination drive and produced far better results. By August, 86 per cent of those above age 30 had been vaccinated with at least one dose; 19 per cent has been given both vaccines and 50 per cent will have got both vaccines by mid-August.
Instead of supporting this effort as responsible citizens a total of 120 protests have been held across the country on the month of July alone. Each protest has had over 1,500 participants. The sudden spike in COVID-19 infected, especially with the dreaded delta variant, is due to these protesters who refuse to follow the health guidelines has been the observation of the intelligence services.
The trade unions of principals and teachers have stated that until they get the pound of flesh, they will continue to agitate in the streets. According to Minister Gamini Lokuge, Rs 56 billion would be needed per month to fulfil this anomaly. This is an impossible demand. Yet, the trade unionists have rejected Education Minister Professor GL Peiris pledge to address these anomalies at the forthcoming budget proposals that are only three months away.
As State Minister Dr Nalaka Godahewa noted that the annual state sector salary and pension bill is a staggering Rs 1.2 trillion. To meet this commitment in the face of the dwindling revenue is a mean task.
Responding to a question raised by the Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa Health Minister Pavithra Wanniarchchi noted that in comparison to the 1000-1500 infected per week detected in the past, the new numbers have jumped to 2000-2500 per week. Ragama hospital among others are now treating patients three times its capacity. If this situation continues, the country will be again forced into another lockdown. This is clearly the target of the unionists. Minister Lokuge recalls that even in 2014 similar protests, instigated by foreign funded NGOs took place.
The discerning public should understand the objectives of these foreign funders’ attempt to derail the incumbent Government. Memories of the Yahapalana Government are still fresh. These western oriented funders applauded and praised the servitude of a weak and bumbling Government even as the country’s economy and national security crumbled.
Way Forward
Whether these trade unions are politically motivated or acting on the orders of foreign agents is a moot point. Either way, this issue needs resolving.
If the principals and teachers want a higher salary, then the Government as the negotiator of Sri Lankan citizens must also forward certain demands. Chief among these must be that teachers must prove their performance. Teachers’ salaries are paid by the people’s taxes. Then, it is grossly unfair for the parents to pay more to meet teachers’ salaries AND also pay to privately tutor their children. The burden of coaching children should not fall on the parent either and nor must the child be overburdened with homework. The education ministry must play an active role to ensure that children have adequate play and rest time after school hours, which means that the set homework must be reasonable and possible for children to attend without a parent’s intervention.
This is a most reasonable demand and would be much welcomed by all parents. Teachers today have lost their respectable standing in society. They, who have flouted healthcare regulations and are holding the entire nation hostage, will have an uphill journey to be taken seriously as disciplinarians. Their only recourse too would be to prove their commitment to their profession.
Nearly about 45,000 of the total coronavirus cases reported so far (out of 329,994 of total) in Sri Lanka have been children, Dr. Nalin Kitulwatta of Lady Ridgeway Children’s Hospital stated.
He pointed out that a total of fourteen children have died from COVID-19 in Sri Lanka
Dr. Kitulwatta says that the COVID-19 wards at the Lady Ridgeway Children’s Hospital are overcrowded as the COVID-19 infection is rapidly spread among children.
We have taken steps to open two more wards elsewhere in Rajagiriya. As of this morning, about 150 children are being treated at Lady Ridgeway Children’s Hospital and the other two wards under its control.
According to statistics, 45,000 children with COVID-19 have been reported in Sri Lanka so far. About 20,000 of them are children under 10 years of age. Fourteen of them have died.”
Dr. Nalin Kitulwatta states that there is no need to hospitalize children with COVID-19 infection who show normal symptoms.
Not every child needs to be hospitalized. If possible, it is better to take care of children with colds and mild fever at home without bringing them to the hospital.
However, the child could be brought to the hospital anytime if they have high fever and do not eat or drink, with symptoms of vomiting and diarrhea.”
People who have
recovered from COVID-19 retain broad and effective longer-term immunity to the disease, according to a
new study.
Findings of the study,
which is the most comprehensive of its kind so far, have implications for
expanding understanding about human immune memory as well as future vaccine
development for coronaviruses.
For the longitudinal study
in Cell Reports Medicine,
researchers looked at 254 patients with mostly mild to moderate symptoms of
SARS-CoV-2 infection over a period of more than eight months (250 days) and
found that their immune
response to the
virus remained durable and strong.
The findings are
reassuring, especially given early reports during the pandemic that protective
neutralizing antibodies didn’t last in COVID-19 patients, said Rafi Ahmed,
director of the Emory University Vaccine Center and a lead author of the paper.
The study serves as a
framework to define and predict long-lived immunity to SARS-CoV-2 after natural
infection. We also saw indications in this phase that natural immunity could
continue to persist,” Ahmed said.
The research team will
continue to evaluate this cohort over the next few years.
The researchers found that
not only did the immune response increase with disease
severity but also with each decade of age regardless of disease
severity, suggesting that there are additional unknown factors influencing
age-related differences in COVID-19 responses.
In following the patients
for months, researchers got a more nuanced view of how the immune system
responds to COVID-19 infection. The picture that emerges indicates that the
body’s defense shield not only produces an array of neutralizing antibodies but
activates certain T and B cells to establish immune memory, offering more
sustained defenses against reinfection.
We saw that antibody
responses, especially IgG antibodies, were not only durable in the vast
majority of patients but decayed at a slower rate than previously estimated,
which suggests that patients are generating longer-lived plasma cells that can
neutralize the SARS-CoV-2 spike protein.”
Ahmed said investigators
were surprised to see that convalescent participants also displayed increased
immunity against common human coronaviruses as well as SARS-CoV-1, a close
relative of the current coronavirus. The study suggests that patients who
survived COVID-19 are likely to also possess protective immunity even against
some SARS-CoV-2 variants.
Vaccines that target other
parts of the virus rather than just the spike protein may be more helpful in
containing infection as SARS-CoV-2 variants overtake the prevailing strains,”
Ahmed said. This could pave the way for us to design vaccines that address
multiple coronaviruses.”
The researchers said the
study more comprehensively identifies the adaptive immune components leading to
recovery, and that it will serve as a benchmark for immune memory induced by SARS-CoV-2 vaccines.
We can build on these
results to define the progression to long-lived immunity against the new
coronavirus, which can guide rational responses when future outbreaks occur,”
Ahmed said.
The National Institutes of
Health funded the work, which is a collaboration between Emory University and
the Fred Hutchinson Cancer Research Center in Seattle, Washington.
Colombo, August 8 (The Citizen): Unsustainable claims put forward by the Sinhalese and the Tamils on language, religion and ethnicity, have muddied Sri Lankan politics in the post-independence era.
The Sinhalese loudly proclaim that Buddhism is quintessentially and exclusively, a Sinhala” religion. The Tamils, on the other hand, claim with equal vehemence, that they have always been unalloyed Hindus, who had never ever had anything to do with Buddhism, which they identify with Sinhala hegemony.”
Sinhala-Buddhist radicals claim that Buddhist archaeological sites in the Tamil-dominated Northern and Eastern Provinces are relics of a Sinhala-Buddhist past over there, and therefore, the Sinhala’s ownership of those lands should be retrieved. The Tamils, on the other hand, feel that these archaeological findings will go against their claim on the lands in question as they too identify Buddhist relics with the Sinhalese and see the discovery of such relics as a threat to their existence.
In some cases they have reportedly destroyed the relics forcing the government to think of ways of protecting them. In May 2020, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa formed a Presidential Task Force under the Defense Secretary to conduct a comprehensive survey of archaeological sites in the East and to take measures to protect them as several parties had voiced their concern regarding the destruction of historical monuments. Significantly, the Task Force was wholly Sinhala- Buddhist.
Dr. Gintota P.V. Somaratna, former Head of the Department of History and Political Science, University of Colombo, in his paper entitled: Tamil Buddhism in Sri Lanka argues that the Sinhala-Buddhists’ claim about these relics being Sinhala” and the Tamils’ insecurity over the issue, are both unfounded if history is seen in the correct perspective. The fact is that the majority of Tamils were also Buddhist in the past. Sinhalese Buddhism, as practiced had, and still has, many elements of Tamil Hinduism. Sri Lanka has always had a syncretic culture. Buddhists and Hindus had both peacefully co-existed and fought each other down the ages. In fact, there has never been a clear cut division between the two because beliefs and practices were shared. For example, Lankan monarchs of Indian origin could practice Hinduism in private so long as they were nominally Buddhist and stoutly protected Buddhism in their realm. The Kandyan Kings of the Nayakar dynasty (1739-1815) were Hindus but they were accepted by the Sinhala-Buddhist majority because they protected Buddhism.
Historian K.M.de Silva says that prior to the advent of the British, there was hardly any evidence of ethno-religious tension. The historian of the Catholic church, V. Perniola, noted that in the Dutch period, there was no racial distinction between Sinhala and Tamils, only caste divisions. According to Dr.Somaratna, it was because of the introduction of the ten-yearly population census in 1871 and the institution of universal adult franchise in 1931, that ethnic identity began to be used to garner political support.
Buddhism in Sri Lanka was closely linked to Buddhism in Tamil Nadu, Dr.Somaratna points out. Buddhism flourished in Tamil Nadu in three phases: (1) between the 3 rd. and the 7 th. Centuries); (2) during Pallava rule (400 to 650 AD); and (3) in the Chola period (mid 9th to early14th century AD).
Asokan Rock Edicts II, V and XIII mention Kerala, Chola,Pandya and Chera kingdoms in Tamil Nadu apart from Tambapanni (Sri Lanka).These were places to which Emperor Asoka had sent Buddhist missions. A number of caves with inscriptions in the Brahmi script have been found in Madurai, Tiruchi, Tirunelveli, Tanjaur andseveral other districts in Tamil Nadu. The Brahmi script had come to South India through Asoka’s missionaries. There is evidence that Mahinda Thera, the son of Emperor Asoka, spread the Dhamma in Tamil Nadu before his arrival in Sri Lanka. He had travelled by sea from a North Indian port and called at Kaveripattinam on the Tamil Nadu coast before heading for Dambakolapatuna or Jambukolapatuna (the modern Sambuthurai) in Jaffna. King Devanampiya Tissa’s delegation to the Mauryan court of Emperor Asoka (around 230 BC) had embarked from the port of Jambukolapatuna.
Among the greatest Pali scholars in Tamil Nadu were Buddhaghosa, Buddhadatta, and Dharmapala. The Chinese Buddhist monk-scholar, Hsuan Tsang, who visited India in 7th Century AD, describes Kanchipuram, the Pallava capital, as a flourishing city of Buddhists with over 100 Buddhist monasteries and over a thousand monks.
Interactions between the monks of Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka are mentioned in the 2 nd. Century AD Tamil classic Manimekalai, authored by Seethalai Sathanar, a Buddhist. Protagonist Manimekalai’s request to the Chola king to convert prisons to places of piety with Buddhist monks is mentioned. Buddha‘s teachings on the compassionate way of life are presented.
Among other Tamil literary epics which show the influence of Buddhism are the Silappadhikaram, Valaiyapathi, Kundalakesi and Jivaka Cintamani . Tolkappiyam the earliest Tamil grammar (3rd century BC), was written by a Buddhist. A section of Tamils continued to patronize Buddhism well into the 10 th., Century. Dr.Somaratna points out that Hsuan Tsang recorded instances of Tamil Buddhist monks fleeing to Sri Lanka when they were worsted in religious debates and feared the repercussions of their rulers’ change of religion. The Chulavamsa states that in the 13th. Century King Parakramabahu VI of Dambadeniya (in North Western Province) brought down Buddhist monks and scriptures from the Chola country to resuscitate Buddhism in his kingdom.
The Mahavamsa is cited to show that several Buddhist Viharas existed in the Jaffna peninsula. Devanampiya Tissa himself built two Viharas close to Jambukolapatuna – the Tissamaha Vihara and the Pachina Vihara. Monks from Piyangudipa (Pungudutivu) participated in the meritorious acts of Dutthagamani. King Dhatusena (455-473 AD) restored the Mahanaga Vihara.
There are remains of Buddhist establishments datable to the early centuries of the Christian Era in Kandarodai, Vallipuram, Ponnalia, Makiyapini, Nilavarai, Uduvil, Nainativu, Punkuditivu, and Neduntivu in Jaffna. The Buddhist archaeological ruins found in Vallipuram near Velvettiturai show the historical presence of Buddhism in Jaffna. Kandarodai has very rich archaeological remains that point to early settlements. It was probably an emporium in the first centuries AD, Dr.Somaratna says.
In 1917, an administrator cum historian, Paul E. Pieris, identified the ruins as the ancient Kandarodai Vihara. This group of Dagobas situated close together at the site, served as a monastery for Buddhist monks. Pieris found remains of a shrine room, several Buddha images, coins, about 60 small and large stupas (pagodas), pieces of pinnacles of stupas, pieces of stone with imprints of the Buddha‘s foot, and tiles from the site. Black-Red ware Kandarodai potsherd with Tamil Brahmi scripts from 300 BC were excavated and Roman coins, early Pandyan coins, early Chera Dynasty coins were found.
Both Manimekalai and the Mahavamsa describe the Buddha settling a dispute between two Naga princes of Jaffna over a gem-set throne in Nainativu.
However, Dr.Somaratna rues that Sinhalese writers take these findings to be evidence of Sinhalese” presence in the area on the assumption that all Buddhists in every period of time in Sri Lanka were Sinhalese. It is forgotten that the majority of Tamils were Buddhists at that time.
The finding of Buddhist places in the Jaffna peninsula today has created tension in the minds of both Sinhalese and Tamils because of its political implications.”
A total of 726 more people tested positive for COVID-19 today (August 08), bringing the daily count of positive cases to 2,956.
The new development has brought Sri Lanka’s confirmed coronavirus cases tally to 329,9942.
As per official data, as many as 293,357 patients who were infected with the virus have returned to health so far while 31,620 are still under medical care at selected hospitals and treatment centers across the country.
In the meantime, the death toll from coronavirus now stands at 5,111.
I have always strongly endorsed the necessity for actors to possess a reasonable degree of social responsibility. The actor who is adored by millions of people owes something to the society, which has given him an elevated and highly respected position.
Dilip Kumar
Dilip Kumar was born in Peshawar (which is now in Pakistan, but
then part of India) on December 11, 1922, and died in Mumbai on July 7,
2021 at the ripe old age of 98. Named Mohammad Yousuf Khan at birth, he
was better known and idolized by his stage or industry name Dilip Kumar.
He was the oldest and the most renowned surviving representative of the Golden
Age of Hindi cinema. Considered as the brightest and the most creative period
of Hindi cinema (both artistic and commercial) by historians of the
Indian film industry, the Golden Age spanned more than two decades from the
late 1940’s to the 1960’s.
This era saw a historic conglomeration of talented cine artistes
including such legendary playback singers as the sister duo Latha Mangeshkar and
Asha Bhonsle, Mohammed Rafi and Manna Dey, such innovative music
directors as Naushad and S.D. Burman, such great actors as Ashok Kumar,
Bharat Bhushan, Raj Kumar, and Sunil Dutt, such exceptionally beautiful and
equally talented female artistes as Nargis, Suraiya, Meena Kumari, and
Madhubala, and such respected film directors as Kamal Amrohi and Shakti
Samantha. During this period were produced, among many memorable films,
masterpieces like Chetan Anand’s Neecha Nagar (1946), Raj Kapoor’s Awaara
(1951) and Shree 420 (1955), Ritwik Ghatak’s Nagarik (1952),
Bimal Roy’s Do Beegha Zameen (1953) and Madhumati (1958),
Satyajit Ray’s Pather Panchali (1955), Guru Dutt’s Pyasa (1957),
Mehboob Khan’s Mother India (1957), K. Asif’s Mughal-e-Azam
(1960), A. Bhimsingh’s Khandan (1965), and Devendra Goel’s Ek Phool
Do Mali (1969).
The artistes and their works were nationally and internationally
acclaimed: Neecha Nagar won the Golden Palm award at the Cannes Film
Festival in1946; Mother India was the first Indian entry for the Academy
Award for the Best Foreign Language Film in 1958, and got shortlisted for the
same; Dilip Kumar was approached for a role in British director David Lean’s Lawrence
of Arabia (1962), but Dilip didn’t accept the offer because he was so
choosy about films he did. Being one of the ‘Big Three’ of that era (the other
two were Raj Kapoor and Dev Anand), Dilip Kumar graced the Indian cinema’s
centre stage the longest, even beyond the Golden Age.
While the above extremely simplified background note may be
adequate to give the readers an idea about the glory of the Golden Age of Hindi
cinema, even for me of the older generation of Sri Lankans, the Indian cine
artistes of that time and their films were no more than fast receding echoes
from a past lost in the dimming brightness of a golden sunset; in other words,
I had only a nodding acquaintance with that era of Hindi cinema. (Today I
hardly watch Hindi films, but I listen to Hindi songs, particularly, new
renditions of Golden Age classics.) I myself had seen only a couple of the last
of the Golden Age Hindi films before the 1980’s.
However, thanks to modern technology in the form of the Internet,
they are available to us on the computer screen at a click on a relevant link
and at little cost. This, no doubt, is a great boon to those old-timers like me
who are besotted with Hindi films and film music of that vintage. It is
doubtful whether the average young Sri Lankans of today could experience the
linguistic (Sinhala and Hindi being sister languages belonging to the same
Indo-European language family) and cultural affinity we still nostalgically
feel with the characters and incidents in those classic Hindi films. Of course,
we can’t blame them if they fail to see anything remarkably great or
interesting in them just as many film-goers of the previous generations find
nothing absorbing in the average Hindi films on offer today that are obviously
much loved by youngsters; it’s only that times have changed. At the same time,
we shouldn’t forget the fact that there are enough young fans of old
Hindi films who admire them especially for their music. This essay, written to
mark the passing away of a demigod of Bollywood, is dedicated to all lovers of
the great Hindi movies of the Golden Age, and all admirers of the heroes and
heroines that starred in them.
As stated at the beginning, Muhammad Yousuf Khan (later ‘Dilip
Kumar’ to the film world) was born in Peshawar (now in Pakistan) on 11
December 1922. His father Lala Ghulam Sarvar was a fruit trader who had
orchards in Peshawar and in Deolali in Maharashtra, India. Lala Ghulam moved to
Bombay (modern Mumbai) with his large family of twelve in the late 1930’s. Dilip
went to Puna (now Pune) somewhere in the early 40’s. While engaged in a canteen
business there, the young Yousuf Khan was spotted by actress Devika Rani, wife
of Himanshu Rai, the owner of Bombay Talkies, himself an actor.
Devika Rani gave him his first break in films in Jwar Bhata
(1944), a film that was hardly noticed. His second film was Jugnu (1947)
where he was paired with Noorjehan, and it became his first major hit. Dilip
Kumar starred in Andaz (1949) with Raj Kapoor and Nargis; the film was based
on the classic story of a love triangle. Following these initial ventures, he
played tragic roles in a number of successful films in the 1950’s, which earned
him the sobriquet Tragedy King”. Some of these films were Jogan (1950),
Deedar (1951), Daag (1952), Devdas (1955), Yahudi
(1958) Madhumati (1958) and Kohinoor (1960).
When in 1964 he played the role of a youthful, rebellious,
anarchist law graduate in Leader, he was already into his middle age.
But he continued to work in films till 1998, that is, just past his 75th
birthday. He withdrew from films for a short five years from 1976 to 1981.
Dilip Kumar and his contemporary Raj Kumar played the lead roles in the 1991
mega movie Saudagar based on the drama of a feud between two estranged
childhood friends, Veeru Singh and Rajeshwar Singh (played by Dilip and Raj
Kumar respectively); a forbidden love affair between their grandchildren
(Manisha Koirala and Vivek Mushran in the film) is a sort of sub-plot, as
critics have correctly shown.
In his nearly sixty years in films he acted in over sixty films.
This is against the seventy-two films that his erstwhile sweetheart Madhubala
managed to do within a comparatively short span of less than twenty years. In
the case of Madhubala, only fifteen of her many films became successful at the
box-office, and she did not win any awards (which, however, was no reflection
on her abilities). Her fault was that she apparently didn’t think of choosing
her films with care. Dilip Kumar said, commenting on this lapse on her part,
years after her death: Had she selected her films with more care, she would
have been far superior to her contemporaries.” Dilip Kumar himself
exercised forethought before he signed on to do films. It is known that he
rejected a role in his friend Raj Kapoor’s film Sangam, which later
became a big hit. Similarly, when the British film maker David Lean invited
Dilip Kumar to take up the role of Sherif Ali in his film Lawrence of Arabia
(1962), he declined the offer. This role was played by the Egyptian actor
Omar Sherif with great aplomb. Dilip was not the sort of man to later regret
his decision to reject certain films that became successful. He had character,
and he believed in his principles.
Romantic alliances between stars excited great interest among
their fans then as they do now. But such relationships were less raunchy and
had fewer cheap publicity stunts than what we hear about nowadays. In the case
of Dilip Kumar, there were at least five women who were romantically linked
with his name. It appeared that Dilip and Vyjayanthimala enjoyed proper
professional rapport, and made a good screen couple. They acted in seven
films together. That was the largest number of films Dilip did with a single
female colleague. Though they were romantically linked by cine gossips, there
was no evidence of any such serious connection between them. Actually, there
were four women in his life in a serious sense, but Vyjayanthimala was not one
of them.
Kamini Kaushal who starred in Chetan Anand’s award winning Neecha
Nagar (1946) was the first woman Dilip got romantically involved with. They
wanted to marry, but the girl’s family forced her to marry the brother of her
dead husband instead, for she was at that time a young widow. Then it became
Madhubala’s chance to form an alliance with the handsome actor who had thus
been thwarted in his first affair; they gelled marvelously in their
professional and personal lives, though she was more than ten years younger
than Dilip. Unfortunately, Madhubala’s family bonds, especially those with her
father, put paid to their six or seven year long affair (1951-1956).
In 1966, Dilip Kumar got married to beauty queen Saira Banu who
was twenty-two years his junior in age. Saira has said that she fell in love
with the man when she was only twelve. Then in the early 80’s (1981-83), Dilip
had a brief marriage with a Pakistani woman called Asmaa, after which he
returned to Saira Banu, and remained with her until his death. Perhaps Dilip
Kumar never reached the ideal of perfect lover in real life, which revealed his
feet of clay, confirming the authenticity of his humanity.
However, he was meticulous about guarding his honour in his
professional and personal relationships with his female co-stars, as actresses
like Nimmi, Vyjayantimala, and Nanda attest in the ‘Reminiscences’ section of
Dilip Kumar’s autobiography Dilip Kumar: The Substance and the Shadow” (Hay
House India, 2014) compiled by Udayatara Nayar. The last of the three stars
mentioned above, Nanda (1939-2014) was the youngest. After many years of
dreaming of getting a chance to act opposite Dilip Kumar whom she had adored so
much, she was able to work with him in ‘Mazdoor’ (released in 1983) and she
said to herself, Now your track record is complete, Nanda!” Nanda died in March
2014, about six months before Dilip’s autobiography was published.
Dilip Kumar was a conscientious performer; he was a true
professional who employed conscious artistry. He was the ultimate method
actor” according to Satyajit Ray. Amitabh Bacchan described Dilip as the
greatest actor ever. Shahrukh Khan once said: No one can copy him, and idiots
like me try to copy him.” Acting as compere at a function to felicitate the
celebrated senior actor, Sharukh by himself unrolled the red carpet for him.
When Dilip was awarded the Filmfare Best Actor Award for the eighth and last
time in 1982 a number of mega stars of younger generations than his (such as
Dharmendra and Rajesh Khanna) had already come and gone, or were in decline.
He was the first to win the Filmfare Best Actor Award, which was
in 1954. It was awarded for his role in Daag (1952). Dilip was given the
same award again for Devdas (1955), and yet again for Kohinoor (1960).
He won another Filmfare Best Actor Award for Shakti (1982) in
which he played Amitabh Bacchan’s father (the lead role in the film). In fact,
he was honoured with the Filmfare Best Actor Award eight times. He received the
Filmfare Lifetime Achievement Award in 1993. It would be educative for young
actors today to watch all those films for which Dilip won the Filmfare Best
Actor Award.
While Dilip Kumar was thus honoured by the industry, he was also
honoured by both the Indian and Pakistan governments. In 1991 the Indian
government gave him the Padma Bhushan Award, and later, in 1994, the
Dadasaheb Phalke Award. He was also nominated to the Rajya Sabha, the Upper
House of the Indian parliament for a term. The government of Pakistan conferred
on him the title of Nishan-e-Imtiaz in 1997. Dilip was honoured with the
CNN-IBN Lifetime Achievement Award in 2009.
An opportunity to serve the nation as a politician came to him
when he was nominated to the upper house of the Indian parliament. He served in
this capacity from 2000 to 2006. Just as he did in his chosen field as a
professional, Dilip Kumar played a conscientious role in politics. He dedicated
his efforts to bringing the Indians and Pakistanis together, and in this he
succeeded to a certain extent. He didn’t allow politics to shake his belief in
principles. The Kargil War, fought between India and Pakistan (both nuclear
states) from May to July in 1999 provoked by alleged Pakistani intrusions along
the line of control (LOC) between the two countries, led to much anger and
agitation on both sides. Following the Kargil conflict, the Shiv Sena chief Bal
Thackeray demanded that Dilip return the Pakistan government’s title given him
the previous year. Thackeray wanted Dilip to do this in protest against that
country’s blatant aggression on Indian soil”. Predictably, the latter refused
to do so. His explanation was:
“This award was given to me for the humane activities
to which I have dedicated myself. I have worked for the poor, I have worked for
many years to bridge the cultural and communal gaps between India and Pakistan.
Politics and religion have created these boundaries. I have striven to bring
the two people(s) together in whatever way I could. Tell me, what does any of
this have to do with the Kargil conflict?”
This was in consonance with his claim in a TV interview: I have always strongly
endorsed the necessity for actors to possess a reasonable degree of social
responsibility. The actor who is adored by millions of people owes something to
the society, which has given him an elevated and highly respected position” With
such personal political and socio-ethical attitudes Dilip Kumar proved
that he was not just a successful celluloid hero, but that he was a real life
hero.
The substance endures, though the shadow has vanished.
Dr. Chula Rajapakse MNZM Spokesperson , United Sri Lanka Assn, Wellington NZ
Rt Hon Jacinda Arden Prime Minister of New Zealand.
Dear Prime
Minister,
Tamil Genocide / Mullivaikal Massacre Remembrance Day In Auckland – Stirring Up Communal Strife In New Zealand Based On A Disproven Allegation
The United Sri
Lanka Association (USLA) of Wellington and it’s members are both frustrated and
distraught at learning of a planned
Tamil Genocide Remembrance Day” meeting on 18th of May at 6.30pm at
202 Hillsborough Road, Hillsborough , Auckland. This allegation of Tamil
Genocide” , during the final weeks of liberation of Sri Lanka from three
decades of Tamil Tiger Terror, on the 19th of May 2009 at
Mulivaikal, was first levelled by the
international funders of the Tigers, within days of their defeat at the hands
of the Sri Lankan security forces , to discredit the latter. The allegation was that in these last few
weeks the civilian casualty rate was of the order of 40 to 120 thousand , disproportionately
high suggesting directed shooting at
civilians by the SL forces and hence justifying the charge of Genocide,
However, this
claim has now been shown to be clearly
false through a impressive volume of evidence . Most notable among them were
the war time dispatches in May 2019,from UK Defense Attache Lt Colonel Anton
Gash from Colombo, first tabled by Lord
Naseby in the UK House of Lords in September 2017 and many times thereafter, having
obtained them with great difficulty using the official information act. The
heavily redacted 39 dispatches Lord
Naseby tabled , showed clearly that the civilian casualties
were of the order of seven thousand , quite proportional to the scale of the
fighting. This number was also similar to the estimates of US Defense attache
Lt Col. Lawrense Smith, estimates of Sir John Holmes the UN resident
representative in Colombo in May 2019
and the findings of the SL Tamil University Teachers census carried out a few months later.
Sir Desmond de
Silva QC of UK, a former United Nations Chief War Crimes Prosecutor in Sierra
Leon, providing a legal opinion to respond to these Tiger allegation, following
examination of extensive information provided on the conflict concluded that the great mass of civilian
deaths which occurred in the final stages of the war were regrettable but
permissible collateral damage.”
Additionally , it
is recognised that in war the number of injured would be two to three times of
the fatalities. Ten years after the end of the war those found injured were not anything like the 120 to 300 thousand that should have
been found. Nor have any sites of burial for the 40 to 120 thousand allegedly killed , even ten years after the
event.
The claimed
support for this Tiger allegation from
the UN , their only significant support,
was in fact not from the UN and the
basis of their support was of questionable credibility. It came from a panel of three experts, all with
recent adverse interactions with SL ,appointed by the UNSG against the wishes
of the UNSC , to advice UNSG on
accountability provisions in SL. Going beyond their brief, they indicated the presence of credible allegations” of
disproportionate civilian loss of life, but refused to reveal their sources for
thirty years, so bringing in to question the credibility of this observation.
Despite this
volume of evidence against Tamil Genocide” ,importing this claim from Toronto
Canada where this claim is rife will inevitably import also the consequent inter
communal discord and even violence within the Sri Lankan community, that is
commonplace there , to hitherto peaceful New Zealand.
This prospect is
horrifying to contemplate for Sri Lankan
New Zealanders , especially to those of us who came to New Zealand fleeing
Tiger Terror and have enjoyed decades of peace. This is a flagrant misuse of
the democratic freedoms of New Zealand to spread what are now clearly falsehoods, with no regard to the discord it would lead
to. It’s aim is to avenge the defeat of
the Tigers they sustained with funds and propaganda for decades .
It is for these
reasons that USLA seek your help and urge
you to use the power and resources at your disposal to prevent this
agenda of Tamil Genocide” being pursued as planned, in NZ.
On the other hand
if it is to be a Remembrance of Tamil
Victims of the Three Decade Long Conflict”
, then we would have no objection
and would be happy to even support.
Thank you very
much for your help as requested.
Yours Sincerely,
Dr. Chula Rajapakse MNZM Spokesperson , United Sri Lanka Assn, Wellington NZ
‘It is unforgiveable and a black day for my UK
Govt.’
It was reprehensible that the UK, as the leader of the Core Group
on Sri Lanka and a member of the UNHRC, had suppressed ‘robust evidence of
utmost importance’, Lord Naseby said on Tuesday (23).
The Conservative party member said in his capacity as the President of
the All Party Parliamentary UK – Sri Lanka Group: It is unforgivable and is a
black day for my UK Government.”
The following is the text of a statement made available by Lord
Naseby’s Office in the aftermath of the UNHRC adopted accountability resolution
with 22 voting for, 11 against and 14 countries, including India skipping the
vote: The Core Group chaired by the UK tabled a shoddy motion based on a
hostile UNHRC Report riddled with factual errors and unproven allegations going
back to 2009; none of which qualifies as robust evidence.
It is a gross intrusion on the sovereignty of a state, Sri Lanka, based
on a simple majority vote when Motions of this significance would need a 2/3rds
majority. Even worse, the UK Minister for Human Rights Lord Ahmad is the same
Minister, who despite a series of Written Questions from me has purposely and
consciously withheld ‘Robust evidence’ of the utmost importance being sent to
the UNHRC. I refer to the UK Military Attaché, Lt. Col. Gash’s Dispatches from
the War front. Dispatches that highlight the care the Sri Lankan armed forces
took not to kill civilians, indeed how nearly 300,000 civilians were rescued.
He also witnessed the war actions of the Tamil Tigers in recruiting and putting
in the front line several thousand Child soldiers, a War Crime in itself, plus
the 250,000 poor Tamil civilians forced out of their homes to be a human
shield. Finally, Lt Col Gash makes his own estimate as 7,000 civilians sadly
killed of which 25% were probably LTTE cadres.
I find it unacceptable that the senior UK Minister responsible for Human
Rights policy should state that the UNHRC did not ask for these Dispatches. The
Minister knew how crucial the contents of these Dispatches are to the truth. He
should have sent them unredacted to create an informed Report. The action is
made even worse by the UK Chairing the Core Group and is absolutely
reprehensible. It is unforgiveable and is a black day for my UK Government.
As we approach
Easter, I remember a phrase from St Mathew in the Bible: ‘Why beholdest thou
the mote that is in thy brother’s eye, but considerest not the beam that is in
thine own eye?’
We hear and see
the absolute destitute situation of the patients in the hospitals. Will it be
too much to ask the government to think of alternative arrangements?
We see very sick people, mildly sick people, and even dead people mixed up in the wards and doctors/nurses seeing the patients while they are even on the floor. Meanwhile, we get umpteen calls about the inability to get the patients admitted even when they are PCR positive or are seriously sick.
Why not give a little comfort to the patients? All it needs is a little considerate thinking and planning.
1. Why not put up some tents in the compounds of the hospitals and mobilize some beds so that people who are not too serious, but need hospital care are kept there until they get better?
2. Why not convert some wedding halls or schools into wards and send the patients who need only supervision there with a skeleton staff with volunteers?
If we want, we can always find alternative avenues to make our people comfortable.
Dr. Sunil J. Wimalawansa Prof. Medicine, Endocrinology, & Nutrition
While vaccines are a temporary
solution, there is no possibility of generating herd immunity through vaccines
to eradicate the pandemic. The current delta mutants, highly infectious,
might direct the nations in that direction as nearly achieving in India,
certain parts of the USA, and Sri Lanks in months to come.
Protective effects against delta
variant from Sinopharm or Sinovac (the worst vaccine) is abysmal, 31%, ~80% of
Sri Lankans have had so far: they are little better than a placebo
injection. Despite spending over $250 million to purchase the
mentioned worse two (inactivated viral) vaccines (apparently had the highest
commissions: coming from China!): they have little effect in controlling the
spread of the pandemic.
With $2.4 million invested in
a mass-scale distribution of vitamin D, it provided free to people across the
country. Within a few weeks, it would have markedly improved the immune
systems of everyone in the country, allowing effectively to fight against any
SARS-CoV-2 and all its variants. This is with no curfew and no economic
loss.
That would have allowed
overcoming SARS-CoV-2 and its mutants lasting for a year naturally (but
little or no commission for crooks). Although the latter approach is
highly cost-effective, it was flatly rejected by the administration. If
employed, it would have efficiently reduced ~80% of hospitalisations, ICU bed
use, and deaths AND entirely avoided the current crisis.
People should demand
accountability:
It is time that people start
demanding responsible folks accountable for the ongoing tragedy, including
deaths. Meanwhile, Sri Lanka leaders seem not interested in prevention,
have no listening skills, and doing none to prevent the tragedy, but a lot of
worthless talking /noise.
Expanding structural
facilities (e.g., beds), as the army has been ‘proudly’ doing since the
mid-last year, is a wholly wrong approach: it only expands patient population
and deaths. Prevention of the disease and stopping developing
complications and deaths are the right approach. Virtually nothing is done
in this regard. Why?
Importance of sun
exposure:
At the minimum, the government
should have advised, as we requested several times (but rejected), using the
mass media to benefit the public. It should have advised on daily
exposure of a third of the skin surface to direct sunlight, between 10.30 AM
and 1.30 PM, between 30 to 60 minutes (while covering eyes and
face).
Although it cost nothing for
the government, they would not do it because senior doctors advised
against it. Thus, they are also accountable for the mess. It would
have reduced COVID complications and avoided the major crises in last October,
and 2021 April and the current crises.
Longer-term approaches
needed,:
However, sun exposure takes
several months to build up blood levels of vitamin D [25(OH)D level above 50
ng/mL] necessary to boost the immune system. So, it is a long term
strategy to prevent diseases and keeping the population
healthy.
Sri Lankans are lucky to have
year-round sunshine. If we started a countrywide sun exposure program in
April 2020, as I was strongly advising, there would not have a crisis
today.
Following is an article that
might interest you (published this week/NSF):
Please
review the first article on the following website (it can be download, forward,
or print, free):
On the
second day of U.K. Convention (7th August), Ahmadiyya Khalifa Hazrat
Mirza Masroor Ahmad delivered an address for the Ahmadi Ladies, the gist of
which as below:
Ahmadiyya
Khalifa said:
Nowadays,
such a notion of so-called freedom has taken hold in the name of enlightenment,
which, rather than ensuring enlightenment, is in fact a means of pushing people
further into the darkness. It is a superficial and shallow concept, that nobody
has even cared to compare its real impact; its supposed benefits and harm.
Aspects of this so-called freedom and enlightenment have more harm than
benefits. It is being completely ignored that in the name of this so-called
enlightenment and freedom, the future of posterity is being jeopardized, which
is not only causing people to fall into the pits of darkness but also pushing
their future generations into them. This so-called freedom is being extensively
propagated and exploited through social media. It is being presented in a way
that people seem to have given up their faculty of thinking, which would enable
them to think as to what destruction they are calling upon themselves. When
worldly people try to save themselves from evil, they fall into another evil,
for their spiritual eyes are closed. Moreover, worldliness and a detachment
from religion have pushed people so far away from religion, that they do not
even wish to take religion into any consideration.
As for
the religion of Islam, generally, very harsh criticism is levelled against it.
Islam is particularly targeted in this regard. The teaching of Islam is
described as outdated, which does not have any room in this modern world. This
is what is said about Islam. However, in fact, it is only the religion of
Islam, that has teachings that stipulate the rights of everyone in the society.
It gives guidance on freedom as well as its bounds and limits. It also guides
us as to how there can be a balance between the two.
Today, I
would like to mention certain things with regard to women. Generally, an
allegation is raised against Islam that it does not give rights to women. This
criticism is unfounded and stems from ignorance of the teachings of
Islam.
The most
fundamental Islamic principle with regards to rights is that one should not
merely emphasize gaining more rights. Rather one should also pay full attention
to fulfilling the rights owed to others in order to establish an atmosphere of
peace and tranquility in society and everyone should also fulfil their
respective obligations. Where on the one hand, Islam explains the rights of
everyone, on the other hand, it also expounds everyone’s responsibilities.
Islam does not only tell women that they should attain their rights, but it
also warns them with regards to realizing their status and safeguarding
themselves from all evil. The Islamic teaching with regards to rights is such
that it cannot be matched by any other religious teaching or worldly law.
Ahmadiyya
Khalifa then outlined the Islamic teachings on marriage in Islam, on the rights
owed to the family, on the just and kind treatment of women and the equal
spiritual rewards for women in Islam.
Colombo, August 7 (NewsWire) – Sri Lanka Police has commenced a special operation in Colombo to trace those who have not been vaccinated with even a single dose, Police Spokesman SDIG Ajith Rohana said.
He said they had Police Community Policing Division has been assigned to identify people who are over 30 years not vaccinated yet and take them to get vaccinated.
Those over 30 years of age in Colombo city & still not vaccinated against Covid-19 are requested to go to the Sugathadasa Stadium & obtain their 1st dose” Police Spokesman added.
Researchers from one of Sri Lanka’s leading universities, the Sri Jayewardenepura University, have found that China’s Sinopharm COVID-19 vaccine is highly efficient against the Delta variant which has become the dominant variant across the world. According to the study, 95 percent of individuals who received two doses of the Sinopharm vaccine have developed antibodies similar to a naturally infected COVID-19 person.
The Sri Jayawardenepura General Hospital today dismissed media reports that the COVID-19 patients are lying in corridors due to the insufficient space to treat patients at the hospital.Hospital Director Dr Rathnasiri A Hewage said none of their COVID or other patients are lying in corridors or on floor at the moment.”We have adequate number of beds to treat and accommodate COVID and other in-house patients at the hospital,” he added.
A total of 2,796 more COVID-19 patients were detected within today increasing the number of patients reported in Sri Lanka to 327,019, the Government Information Department said.
The Covid-19 death toll exceeded 5,000 mark with 98 more deaths being reported today, the Government Information Department said.
Accordingly, a total of 98 more COVID-19 related deaths that occurred yesterday (06) were confirmed by the Director-General of Health Services today pushing the death toll to 5,017.
According to the Government Information Department,51 females and 47 males are among the deceased.
The Community Policing Division of the Sri Lanka Police has commenced an operation to trace those who have not been vaccinated with even a single dose in the Colombo city, Police Spokesman SDIG Ajith Rohana said.
He said they had observed that a number of people in the Colombo city had not received the vaccine against COVID-19 owing to several reasons.
However, the police personnel attached to the Community Policing Division will trace such individuals from today and take them to the Sugathadasa Indoor Stadium with their consent,” he said.
The Police Spokesman also requested those who have not still been vaccinated in Colombo city to get the vaccine without further delay and hesitation.
The President has decided to allow anyone over the age of 30 to receive the first dose at any of the centres where the second vaccine is given.
The decision was taken during a meeting with the COVID Suppression Special Committee on Vaccination and Operations at the Presidential Secretariat this morning.
He said there has been an escalation in the number of patients visiting hospitals in several major cities, including Colombo, on a daily basis due to COVID symptoms.
Meanwhile, SPC Chairman (Consultant Neurosurgeon) Dr. Prasanna Gunasena said both doses have been ordered to be given to the entire population of the country over the age of 18 before September. The government is ready for even a third dose. However, it was unfortunate that there was a lack of support from the public to prevent the spread of the disease.
There are around 120 protests held across the country during the past month. At least 1,500 people attended each protest. However, according to intelligence sources, this mobilization without following health advice has accelerated the spread of COVID across the country.
We
cannot solve our problems with the same thinking we used when we created them.
– Albert Einstein
Sri Lanka is in dire economic strife, its politicians are
a discredited lot, and are produced by a system that perpetuates corruption,
inefficiency and ineffectiveness. Inter community harmony is as facile as the
cloak of ritualism that passes as Buddhism. A new governance model is needed
that meets the inherent psyche of its people, and which lessens the power of
politicians and enhances the real power of people.
It is strongly suggested that the concept of a Union of
Regions authored by late Dr Neelan Tiruchelvam is given serious consideration.
Dr Tiruchelvam was murdered by the LTTE for bringing forth this proposal, but
mercifully the murderous LTTE is no more. The climate is right to revisit this
proposal and build on it to introduce a governance model that can take the
country towards the future and not to its dark past. People are sick and tired
of the current system and what it produces as politicians. The system has to
change if it is to produce the undoubted talent that the country has, and which
remains and will remain silent on account of the flaws in the current system.
Tamil ethnic conflict
At the outset, readers could perhaps consider the
possibility, some might say the reality, that the ethnic issue involving the
Tamil and Sinhala communities in Sri Lanka was created by the leaders of these
two communities, and not by the Sinhala & Tamil communities in the country.
True, they had grievances but at the time of the creation of the contemporary issue,
which one could identify with the British colonial period, they were not unmanageable
and compared to what it became over time, miniscule in extent and intensity. It
could be argued that a mole hill became a mountain over time, and a volcanic
mountain that that. It erupted in 1983 in the hands of the then government. The
rest, as they say, is history.
To the best of the writer’s knowledge, Sinhala and Tamil
people have not engaged in any major conflict between them even during the
times of Kings and Queens of the country.
The island is replete with a history of invasions from India from time
to time to gain control of local Kingdoms, conquer territory and battles fought
by the country’s Kings to defeat invaders.
The population of the country comprises of migrants mainly
from India who arrived at different times throughout history with the
indigenous people of the country being the Aadi Vasi people or the Veddah’s.
In this context, the rest are all occupiers who have made the island their
home.
But, has it been the home for Tamils in recent times?
Their ethnicity has rendered them targets for violence. State sponsored goons demonstrated
in 1983 in no uncertain terms that Tamils were not safe in the country, except
in areas where they were the majority. It also sent rightful signals to the
Tamil community that the State could repeat such inhuman acts whenever and
wherever they chose.
In looking for a solution to the conflict, what perhaps is
paramount is how Tamils could be safe in their homes and workplaces wherever
they live in the country. This has to be the aspiration of all Sri Lankans.
Tamils of Sri Lanka
In contemporary Sri Lanka, it needs to be mentioned that
in any discussion concerning the Tamil ethnic issue in Sri Lanka, there are
different aspirational dimensions amongst the Tamils that needs to be
considered depending on the Tamil group concerned, that is, whether it is the group referred to as Sri
Lankan Tamils who are the Tamils from India with a very long history in the
island, in particular the Northern part of the island, or the more recent
arrivals from India who are domiciled mostly in the central part of the country,
who are also referred to as plantation Tamils.
All are Sri Lankan Tamils now but the ethnic issue that
has drained the country for decades concerns the former category, although the
latter category too has their grievances and aspirations.
The Tamil community in Sri Lanka is not a homogenous
community, although both groups have faced issues in common, primarily with
regard to their safety and security in the country.
The writer wishes to suggest a discussion on a way forward
for all Tamils, and the country as a whole, having regarded some of the reasons
that were responsible for creating the problem, and as Einstein said, to
explore a way forward with a mindset that the problems cannot be solved with
the same thinking that were used to create the problem.
No doubt many people and groups contributed, wittingly or
unwittingly, to creating the problem beginning with the British Colonialists.
Tamil politicians as well Sinhala politicians too contributed to creating the
problem, and some, still continue to do so. One can add sections of the Maha
Sangha too for adding fuel to the fire and from a contemporary perspective,
that they still influence the perpetuation of the problem. Then, there is the
powerful Tamil Diaspora, or at least a section of it, which continues to
perpetuate the problem. The first point for discussion could be that the
factors that contributed, and, used to create the problem, are still being used
to as the basis to find a solution to the contemporary situation, and whether
this is what the country should be doing.
Governance models that have failed
One can argue that the context to the problem creation had
some differences during the colonial and post-colonial period, when, during the
colonial period, the Sri Lankan Tamil and Sinhalese politicians were more
concerned about a common enemy, the British colonialists, rather than each
other, although seeds were being sown towards the creation of the problem.
Much has been written, still being written, discussed and
debated about a solution that the Sri Lankan Tamils in the North and East are seeking
based primarily on self-determination for Tamils living in the North and the
East, within a merged province.
The goal of self-determination for the North and East
within the framework of the political governance model introduced by the
British colonialists, the Westminster model, is a phenomenon that had little
relevance prior to that as the governance models that preceded the Westminster
model were decentralised, lose structures. On the whole, for a variety of
reasons, there were varying degrees of ipso facto self-determination for
Kingdoms and other forms of governance bodies that existed within the
island.
In the context of this historical perspective, the British
colonial masters, and the country’s Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim political elite
who worked with them to introduce the Donoughmore constitution followed by the
Soulbury constitution, removed the inherent, historical nature of governance in
the country. Sri Lankans continued on this trajectory when introducing the 1972
and 1978 constitutions.
Fissures began to appear in these models after
independence, and Sinhala, and primarily Buddhist, domination of governance led
to widening of these fissures. Attempts were made by some political leaders to
address these fissures with proposals like regional councils
(Bandaranaike/Chelvanayakam Pact), District Councils (Senanayake/Chelvanayakam
Pact) and the Union of Regions bill (Kumaratunga/Tiruchelvam proposals) and
finally the introduction of Provincial Councils at the behest of India.
Enter the LTTE
In the absence of an acceptable solution to the conflict, the
problem escalated to violent means of achieving a separate State within the
island as the solution. While there cannot be any justification for this
violence perpetrated by the LTTE, which became the sole armed as well as the
unarmed political group campaigning for Tamil” demands, the fundamental
aspirational mindset amongst Tamils in the North and East was never understood
or addressed.
During the period of LTTE dominance, efforts were made by
various parties to find a negotiated solution. The most noteworthy of all was
the effort by Norway to mediate between the LTTE and the Sri Lankan government
to find such a solution. It failed, and the full scale war between the LTTE and
the Sri Lankan government Armed forces saw the military demise of the LTTE in
2009.
In a very interesting
and revealing article titled Let Us Be Clear On What We Buried In Nandikadal
Lagoon by Sanjeewa Ranaweera published in the Colombo Telegraph on the 26th
of July 2021 (https://www.colombotelegraph.com/index.php/let-us-be-clear-that-what-we-buried-in-nandikadal-lagoon/), the Norwegian led
peace process is comprehensively summarised. The role played by Eric Solheim is
also examined and an interview with him also included as part of the article.
The article as well as
the Solheim interview portrays the dynamics and thinking of the LTTE leader
Prabakaran, and the political ideologue and Prabakaran’s adviser and confidante
Anton Balasingham, and the highlights strategies adopted by Ranil Wickramasinghe,
then Prime Minister, to find a peaceful solution to the conflict.
One is not sure
whether these strategies were aimed at finding a solution to the conflict with
the LTTE, or whether they were directed towards finding a solution to the
conflict with the Tamils and their aspirations. The reason for saying this is
because if the objective of the strategy was the latter, then, there would have
been an acceptance that the LTTE was the sole representative of the Tamils as
no other Tamil political entity from Sri Lanka was associated with the effort
made by Prime Minister Wickramasinghe. Such an acceptance would have meant an
acceptance of the LTTE political philosophy as well as their violent tactics.
This is mentioned not as a critique of the effort, but to highlight it as one
of the many problems that were created in the perpetuation of the ethnic
conflict. It is also revealing that Anton Balasingham had reportedly been
consistently taking the position that a solution had to be found through
negotiation and not through violent means.
The future direction?
Given this backdrop,
and moving forward to the future rather than looking backwards to the past to
look for a solution, and with the benefit of hindsight, a solution has to be
found which stands the test of time in a future that will be so different to
the past when the problem was created in the first place.
The future will be one of currently unimaginable
technology, innovation and life styles. Governance models will change and those
governing will have to change. Most of the types currently in political
governance will become Dinosaurs when looking at the future. Some may say they
already are!
Religious traditions, cultural traditions of course will
continue as they have for centuries, albeit perhaps with less conviction as it
is already happening.
In respect of political governance models in Sri Lanka so
far, they have fundamentally failed to chart a peaceful, contented path towards
the future. There is mistrust and degrees of animosity amongst communities and
a decline in values.
The primary community conflict is with the Tamil community
and this can only be addressed through a governance mechanism that provides a
degree of self-determination, not just for its sake, but because the models
that does not provide it, but which have been tried and tested, have failed to
ensure the safety and security of the Tamil community and even the Muslim
community, and affected the country as a whole.
In this context, it is strongly suggested that the
conceptual framework of the Union of Regions model authored by late Dr Neelan
Tiruchelvam is considered as the framework to move onto the future.
It will assist in negating the negatives of the provincial
council system including ineffective, costly duplication and lessen the
politicisation of administrative activity.
Regional governments within the framework of a national
governance model, provided its primary function would be to engage in policy
settings to maximise resources in the region both material and human, and to
ensure the safety and security of people in the region, by people from the
region, would address the issue of self-determination substantially, and assist
in decentralising governance power far more effectively than the current model.
Personality centric, highly centralised models will not
work and Sri Lanka will be saddled with all associated drawbacks in its attempt
to move onto the future. Hopefully, it will dawn on the current set of
politicians that the model in operation has been diminished because of them, and
by them, and the model has precluded efficient, honest and credible persons
from participating in the model.
A new model based on the framework of a Union of Regions
should not replicate the negatives of the current system. The thinking should
be directed to the future and not the baggage of the past or even the present.
James Chai Political analyst based in Kuala Lumpur Courtesy Aljazeera
What Malaysia’s raging COVID-19 crisis tells us about failed leadership.
Family members of a victim of
COVID-19 pray at a hospital mortuary before burial, in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
on May 23, 2021 [Reuters/Lim Huey Teng]
The horrific and
heartbreaking scenes at Malaysian hospitals are akin to a disaster movie. An
overwhelmed healthcare system and overworked medical staff have struggled to
cope with the exponential growth in COVID-19 admissions.
Canvas beds have
been put up in hospital car parks, several patients have had to share the same
oxygen canister, and some life-saving procedures had to be performed on
hospital floors. Doctors have reported that whole families have been admitted
together to hospitals and some have died together.
To keep up with
the rising death counts, bodies have had to be stacked up on trolleys and
pushed to the morgues. Volunteer undertakers have been handling nearly 30
times more bodies than they did last year.
Now, I just
have no emotions, it is what it is … death has become so frequent that you
become numb,” one front-line worker told Malaysian outlet Malaysiakini.
Malaysia’s
biggest COVID-19 fear was becoming a mini-India and unfortunately, it has come
true. Its daily infection and death counts per capita surpassed India’s peak.
At the end of July, Malaysia’s daily cases per million people stood at 515.9
and its daily deaths per million were at 4.95; by contrast, at its peak, India
reached 283.50 cases and 3.04 deaths. The country also has the highest
per-million cases in Asia, and one of the highest per-million deaths in
Southeast Asia.
This is a
dramatic reversal of fortunes for a country once deemed the role model in
handling the pandemic. Just a year ago, Malaysia celebrated as local
transmissions reached zero for a few days, garnering praise from foreign
experts, academics, and organisations such as the World Health Organization.
The Malaysian government’s swift actions to implement a full-scale lockdown,
invest in testing and medical facilities, and deploy proactive communication
with the public resulted in fewer cases than in the rest of Southeast Asia.
Malaysia’s
director-general of health, Dr Noor Hisham, was given the highest civilian
honour and was named alongside the US’s Dr Anthony Fauci and New Zealand’s
Ashley Bloomfield as the top health officials in the battle against COVID-19.
But the
country’s success was also its curse.
Government
complacency
Not unlike
India’s early celebration of success, Malaysia was too quick to
self-congratulate for containing the virus. The government grew overconfident
with the good results of its anti-pandemic measures in 2020 and in August
decided to hold a state-wide election in Malaysia’s poorest state,
Sabah.
During the
campaign period, airlines increased flight frequency to ferry politicians and
supporters in and out of the state. In total, 257 rallies were approved and
many were held with little social distancing, mask-wearing or adherence to
health guidelines. On election day, 1.1 million voters turned up at polling
stations.
Researchers from
the National University of Singapore found that the Sabah election
contributed 70 percent of cases in the state itself and at least 64 percent in
the rest of the country.
In the following
months, as the number of cases continued to rise, the government engaged in
rounds of denialism, stating that the situation was still manageable” and
under control”. Interstate travel was allowed and restrictions
loosened in December, although the country experienced a nearly tenfold
increase in cumulative cases from October to December.
In January,
medical professionals wrote an open letter to Malaysian Prime Minister
Muhyiddin Yassin about the impending disaster at hospitals if the contagion
were not controlled. But government complacency meant little effort was made to
avert it. Restrictions were half-hearted and unscientific, and when a
nationwide blanket lockdown finally came in June, it could not stop record-high
infections numbers, with cases nearing a million – in a country of only 32
million.
Lack
of unified chain of command
Apart from its
complacency, the health emergency of 2021 also uncovered the absence of a
unified chain of command in Muhyiddin’s government. His cabinet comprises
ministers from different parties who are political rivals and therefore, are
mistrustful and uncooperative in their collective work. Public spats between
the different factions of the prime minister’s party, BERSATU, and UMNO, the
largest party in government, have resulted in contradictory decisions and
confusing policies.
In May, as the
health crisis was accelerating, Zahid Hamidi, the president of UMNO, asked the
public not to link Muhyiddin’s failures to his party, despite UMNO being a
member of the coalition government. It is true that [we] are part of [the] government
… [but] most of our views and advice about COVID-19 do not get much attention,”
he said.
As the situation
worsened, so did cabinet infighting. In June, Defence Minister Ismail Sabri
from the UMNO party posted a photo of himself with the cryptic caption I have
closed the front door but …” The image implied that the lockdown measures he
introduced were ineffective because Azmin Ali, the international trade minister
from the BERSATU party, continued to allow non-essential industries to operate.
Many Malaysians
were furious after local media outlets reported that non-essential
businesses like photography studios, electronic goods factories, and
leather furniture workshops were able to obtain an approval letter from Azmin’s
ministry to continue work.
Confusion about
contradictory policies, such as the temporary closure of some malls and bazaars
and the issuance of police permissions to travel, have only worsened the
situation. Clear communication and policies were absent when they were most
needed.
Loss
of legitimacy
Another
contributing factor to the massive COVID-19 crisis is the government’s
diminishing legitimacy, which has resulted in low public compliance with
anti-pandemic measures. Instead of acting as role models, ministers and elected
officials have consistently broken COVID-19 rules, giving rise to claims of
double standards.
Ministers are
exempted from the compulsory 14-day quarantine period upon return from
overseas, while members of parliament have been allowed to travel abroad
freely. There have been reports of officials not abiding by lockdown
restrictions, including ministers dining at restaurants when it was not
allowed. When they have been caught in violation of the anti-pandemic measures,
punishment has been far lesser than what ordinary Malaysians would have faced.
These incidents
have fed growing public resentment, which has discouraged many Malaysians from
abiding by the COVID-19 rules. Inter-district and inter-state travel bans have
been ignored, while barricades set up by the police have been burned as a form
of defiance.
This anger and
frustration came to a boil when hundreds of mostly young protesters took to the
streets to demand the prime minister’s resignation. The rally, featuring
banners, placards, black flags, and effigies of dead bodies”, passed through
Kuala Lumpur’s major roads on July 31.
But perhaps the
most significant indication that the government has lost legitimacy is that
Malaysians are increasingly looking to each other for help as the pandemic has
left them impoverished and desperate.
Many, including
the prime minister, believe that the poorest 40 percent of Malaysian society,
called the B40 (bottom 40 percent), has now expanded to B50. Average salaries
have fallen for the first time since 2010, cutting across all demographics.
Suicide cases have soared, and the number of calls to distress hotlines has
risen to concerning levels. Millions are out of work and trapped at home with
little savings.
Having lost
faith that the authorities can provide for them, families have started putting
up white flags to ask their neighbours for help. Whole communities
have mobilised to provide for those struggling to cope. Ordinary people have
set up food banks nationwide to help others.
One
mini-market owner in the small town of Johor Bahru set up a rack in
front of her shop as a makeshift food bank. Though many came and took what they
needed, the supplies never seemed to run out. Then she realised that the food
bank was quietly replenished by nameless and faceless donors on her behalf.
Stories like
this one demonstrate Malaysians’ resilience and the strength of their community
spirit. When this pandemic is all over, those who survive will celebrate this
spirit for helping them pull through, and not the failed policies of a chaotic
government.
In a situation where videos and photos circulating online of patients lying in hospital corridors raising alarm among the public and medical community, the Health Ministry said they were not reported of any incidents where there is massive congestion at hospitals as shown in pictures and videos.
Addressing a news briefing at the Health Promotion Bureau, Deputy Director General of Health Services Dr. Hemantha Herath said all hospitals have been informed to act in times of an emergency situation of this nature.
It is difficult to say whether people in those pictures being circulated are all COVID patients. Normally, COVID patients are kept in sealed wards where outsiders are not allowed to enter. Even health officials have to wear personal protective equipment when entering the wards,” he underscored.
He said wards in several hospitals where COVID patients are treated are overflowed. However, there is a system in all the hospitals to act when situations of such a nature happen.
To my knowledge, the relevant authorities at the hospitals where the capacity has exceed have taken prompt measures to accommodate the patients and to ensure that they are treated well,” he added.
Dr. Herath said this is nothing to do with the lack of beds at hospitals to treat COVID patients.
The Director General of Health Services has given necessary instructions to the concerned hospitals to allocate more beds for COVID patients act swiftly at emergency situations,” Dr. Herath added.
The June 10, 1962 edition of the Times of Ceylon contained the
following tales about the tooth relic, the Burma connection and other legends
surrounding the relic. Excerpts from the article:
Maligawa Tusker steps on the Pavada carrying the casket of relics
A recent statement in the popular ‘Believe it or Not’ series that a broom made
with the hair of King Bayinnaung of Burma and his Queen was being used to sweep
the Temple of the Sacred Tooth at Kandy, seemed to have been received with some
seriousness in Ceylon because the “Sunday Times” published a
refutation of the statement.
In Burma, however, it caused only amusement because the absurdity
of the statement was at once noticed by the average Burmese newspaper reader
for Bayinnaung lived and died before the Temple at Kandy was built.
The refutation that human hair had too evil a smell to be used as
a broom in the temple, also puzzled the Burmese reader firstly, because the
Relic originally arrived in Ceylon hidden in a woman’s hair, and secondly
because in Burma brooms made of human hair are never meant to be used in relic
chambers and special shrine rooms where the gods themselves come to worship.
Conquests
Bayinnaung was one of the greatest kings of Burma and also one of
the great patrons of Buddhism. He united not only the whole of Burma into a
single kingdom but also conquered the whole of Indo-China and parts of China
and India, thus establishing the Second Burmese Empire.
He built a magnificent palace at Pegu and dazzled with his power
and glory such hardened European travellers as Caesar Frederic, the Venetian,
and Ralph Fitch the Englishman, who left to posterity glowing accounts of the
Second Burmese Empire and its founder.
The Portuguese documents of the period referred to him with awe as
Great Braginoco and he was the one oriental despot to whom the Portuguese of
those days showed respect and consideration.
Bayinnaung came to the throne of Burma in 1552, the very same year
that Dhammapala came to the throne of Kotte, already shaken by the ill wind of
Portuguese power.
In the midst of his victories, Bayinnaung was perturbed by the
news of the “raid” on Kotte by the Portuguese Viceroy soon after
Dhammapala came to the throne, and in 1554, he sent an embassy to Kotte to
enquire after the safety of the Sacred Tooth, in the face of persistent rumours
that the Relic was no longer in its Temple.
Tooth was
safe
The embassy returned with the good news that although the Temple
had been despoiled and damaged by the Portuguese “raid”, the Sacred
Tooth itself was safe. Bayinnaung in 1555 sent back another mission, bearing
gifts for the Temple.
The mission included among its members leading craftsmen who were
building his great palace at Pegu. Under the instruction of the King, the
Burmese Ambassador bought a piece of land and donated it as an endowment to
keep lights always burning in the Temple. The King also sent a broom made of
his own hair and the hair of his chief queen to sweep the steps of the Temple.
The mission returned only after the craftsmen had repaired and
re-decorated the damaged Temple.
The Burmese mission during its stay was royally entertained by the
Regent Tammita Suriya who had lately replaced Vidiye Bandara, King Dhammapala’s
own father. Before leaving the Burmese Ambassador promised all necessary
assistance to help the Regent defend the Sacred Relic and its Temple.
We now know from Sinhalese sources that by that time the Sacred
Relic was no longer in the Temple, but the Burmese could not know that because
it was a well guarded secret and it may well be that the Regent himself did not
know. It was a period of stress and uncertainty and of conflicting rumours.
In 1560, a Portuguese ship arrived at the port of Pegu with the
disturbing news that the Portuguese had captured the Sacred Tooth. The King
learned from the Captain the following circumstances of the capture.
The father of Dhammapla and erstwhile Regent, Lord Vidiye Bandara,
had arrived in Jaffna, fleeing from the Portuguese and had been killed with the
result that all his treasures fell into the hands of the King of Jaffna, then
the King of Jaffna himself had been captured by the Portuguese and among the
treasures of Bandara was found the Sacred Tooth Relic.
Bayinnaung, after hearing the story, believed that the Tooth now
at Goa was the genuine one. One cannot accuse Bayinnaung of being too
credulous, because the Portuguese themselves really thought that the Tooth in
their possession was the genuine one, and perhaps even some of their Sinhalese
contemporaries themselves shared in this opinion.
After all, Vidiye Bandara was known to be a bold and ambitious man
who would not hesitate to carry off from the Temple the Sacred Tooth, fully
aware of the prevailing belief “that he who held the Tooth would hold
Ceylon.” Bayinnaung at once chartered the ship and loaded it with
treasures assessed by the Portuguese to be worth eight lakhs of rupees at
prices prevailing at that time, sent it to Goa with an ambassador with full
plenipotentiary powers to buy the Relic at any cost.
Flying the Burmese flag of a golden Peacock on a white background,
the ship arrived at a port near Jaffna where the Burmese Ambassador made
further inquiries as to whether the captured Tooth was a genuine one. Fully
satisfied of its genuineness, the ambassador proceeded in the chartered ship to
Goa.
Bitter debate
The Burmese Ambassador met the Viceroy of Goa and asking for the
Tooth, offered to sign, in addition to the eight lakhs worth of treasure
brought on the ship, a contract in perpetuity to supply a shipload of rice,
whenever necessary, to the Portuguese garrison at Malacca. The Captain of the
chartered ship proved to be an eloquent advocate on behalf of the Burmese
offer.
The Viceroy whose treasury was almost empty at the time was very
much interested, but unfortunately, the Archbishop heard about the matter and
rushing to the vice-regal lodge, argued with him, pointing out that the main
purpose of the Portuguese intervention in the East was to save the souls of its
pagan inhabitants. The Viceroy, in return pleaded that with an empty treasury
nothing could be done.
The Viceroy, in fear of ex-communication summoned his advisory
council and for days there was a bitter debate between the priests and the
soldiers.
The Archbishop and the other priests referred to the Sacred Tooth
as “that accursed thing”, and they were of the belief that it had to
be destroyed in full view of onlookers, so as to demonstrate to all Buddhists
that the Relic had no supernatural powers.
Tooth crushed
Finally, on an appointed day and hour, in the square before the
great Cathedral, the Archbishop solemnly placed the Tooth in a mortar, ground
it to powder and burnt the powder in a brazier. The brazier was taken to the
river and the ashes cast on the waters.
G. E. Harvey, in describing the scene, stated that the Burmese
envoys had a look of horror on their faces as they watched the proceedings. In
actual fact, the look was one of utter surprise because they were now sure that
the Relic was merely a replica and not genuine. Harvey, with due sarcasm, also
stated that according to the Burmese envoys, the Tooth had slipped through the
bottom of the mortar, mounted up into the sky, flown 750 miles to Kandy, and
alighted on a lotus there.
The Burmese as a race are sceptical of miracles, but as devout
Buddhists, certain beliefs are ingrained in them and one of such beliefs is
that no relic of the Buddha can be destroyed by any external agency. Just as a
Buddha would die only a natural death. Therefore, the Burmese envoys were
surprised to see the supposed Tooth ground into powder.
A suggestion
So the Burmese embassy sailed back to Burma, but on the way they
touched at Kotte and suggested to their old friend, the Regent, that should
disorders continue in the kingdom, the Tooth together with the Alms Bowl, could
be sent to Pegu for safe custody. Dhammapla, by then had become a Christian,
but the Burmese seemed to have thought that he did so for political reasons
only and he would always remain a guardian of Buddhism as his name implied.
Historians have commented on the fact that Dhammapala, in spite of
his baptism, remained ever popular with his people, and that was perhaps
because like the Burmese envoys, they never could believe that Don Juan
Dhammapala would ever be Don Juan rather than Dharmapala.
It may be mentioned also that the sole aim of Bayinnaung in
endeavouring to procure the Tooth, was to save it for future generations of
Buddhists to worship.
The ship finally reached Pegu safely in 1562, and the fact that
this treasure ship could sale the Portuguese infested seas without molestation,
testified how high was the prestige of the Burmese King.
Alms Bowl
In 1567, a mission from Kotte arrived, bringing with it a stone
Alms Bowl which the mission assured was the genuine Begging Bowl of the Buddha,
which had reposed together with the Sacred Tooth for many centuries. Bayinnaung
showered the mission with rich presents.
It must always remain a matter of conjecture as to whether the
Alms Bowl gifted to Bayinnaung was the genuine relic or otherwise. The
Sinhalese sources do not seem to mention this particular mission, let alone its
gift of the Alms Bowl .
On the one hand, one could argue that no Sinhalese king would part
with such a priceless treasure. On the other hand, one could argue also that as
Dhammapala was a devout Christian, he did not value it much.
It may well be also that either Dhammapala or his trusted Tammita,
the former Regent and now the Chief Chamberlain, wanted the Alms Bowl to be
taken to a place of safety across the sea from the scene of strife and
struggle, especially as Colombo was now the capital.
There is one curious feature regarding this Alms Bowl: it
disappeared from public worship in Ceylon about this time and Sinhalese
sources, including the Mahavamsa, suddenly ceased to mention it. Both Hocart
and Geiger noticed this, and the latter commented thus:
“The Sinhalese Kings liked to keep the palladium of the
Kingdom (namely, the Tooth and the Bowl Relics) in their immediate
neighbourhood. It is remarkable how in the later part of the Mahavamsa the
Pattadhatu – the Bowl Relic – is relegated to the background and how the whole
religious and political interest centres in the Dathadhatu – the Tooth
Relic”.
Nell’s view
Nell in his “Annals of the Tooth Relic” stated that
during the troublous times at Kotte the Bowl Relic was for security secretly
removed to Senkadagala (Kandy), just as the Tooth Relic was removed to
Delgamuwa. However, he cited no authority for his statement regarding the Bowl.
In any case, when Portuguese power had waned, it was only the
Tooth Relic which emerged for public worship.
Doubtless Bayinnaung was approached by emissaries from other
Sinhalese kings for assistance and in 1574, he sent another embassy to
Dhammapala with the suggestion that the friendship between the two kingdoms be
sealed by his marriage to Dhammapala’s daughter.
In fact, Dhammapala was childless, but we do not know whether this
fact was known to the Burmese.
In any case Dhammapala offered an “adopted daughter” to
be Bayinnaung’s queen. The Burmese ambassador was overjoyed, and made his
preparations to return to Pegu with the supposed princess, but there was some
delay.
Secret shrine
The venerable monks who accompanied the embassy expressed to Lord
Chamberlain Tammita their burning desire to worship the Tooth before they left
the shores of Ceylon. The Chamberlain took the Burmese monks and envoys to a
place some distance from Colombo and under an oath of secrecy, they were one
night ushered to a secret shrine and shown the Tooth Relic to worship.
The embassy and the princess arrived in Pegu in due course, where
she was accorded the highest honours and inducted as one of the three chief
queens. Learning that the Tooth was still with Dhammapala, Bayinnaung sent back
the embassy in haste, with much treasure and with the request that the Relic be
gifted to him.
After obtaining the Tooth Relic from Tammita himself, the embassy
returned to Pegu in 1576. The arrival of the Tooth was a joyous occasion for
the King and the people of Pegu. Bayinnaung received on his head the Sacred
Relic, and surrounded by the vassal kings of his empire and his lords and
ladies, he led the procession round the city.
Then the King enshrined the Alms Bowl which he had kept in a
temporary temple in his palace and the Tooth in the great Mahazedi Pagoda.
However, another Sinhalese mission arrived in great haste, this time, from the
King of Kandy. The mission asked for Bayinnaung’s help and assistance for their
King to conquer Colombo and punish Dhammapala and Tammita, whom the mission
accused of treachery and insult to Bayinnaung for palming off a common
maid-of-honour as a Sinhalese princess and a piece of the horn of a stag as the
Sacred Tooth.
Despondent
“Great King” announced to the Sinhalese ambassador
“our master has a real daughter and also the genuine Tooth”.
But Bayinnaung was not interested, and saying that in the Burmese
viewpoint only Dhammapala was rightful King of Ceylon, dismissed the embassy
courteously but curtly.
Bayinnaung continued to extend his friendship and patronage to
Dhammapla and in the great siege of Colombo during 1579-81, he sent his crack
regiments consisting of Burmese, Mon and Siamese veterans to the beleaguered
city.
In 1582, Bayinnaung died and the son who succeeded him proved to
be a great soldier but a poor administrator and soon in the far-flung marches
of his dominions.
Kinglets and Viceroys began to plot, and on the high seas, the
Portuguese began to wonder whether their dream of empire should cover Pegu
after all.
Then Siam and the neighbouring provinces declared their
independence, and even the Burmese provinces and Toungoo in Middle Burma and
Arakan on the western sea-board, became kingdoms on their own.
When news came from Ceylon that Vimaladharmasuriya who became King
of Kandy in 1592, had brought the Sacred Tooth Relic from Delagamuwa and had
installed it in a specially built temple, in the corridors of the great Pegun
Palace itself, men dared to express their doubt as to the genuineness of the
Tooth enshrined in Bayinnaung’s great pagoda.
When further news came that Vimaladharmasuriya had invited a
mission of Burmese monks from the new Kingdom of Arakan to worship the Tooth
Relic and also to re-establish the Buddhist Order in Ceylon, even those who
belonged to the inner circle of the King of Pegu felt weary and despondent.
Finally in 1600, on an appointed date, the armies of Arakan,
Toungoo, Siam and a Portuguese adventurer by the name of Phillip de Britto
converged on Pegu from all four directions and after a great siege, conquered
it.
Executions
As the Portuguese, the Siamese and the soldiers of Arakan were
busy looting the great palace of its untold treasures the Toungoo army quietly
slipped out of the city to the Mahazedi Pagoda five miles away, and breaking it
open, took away the Sacred Alms Bowl and the Tooth Relic to Toungoo where they
were enshrined in another pagoda.
De Britto who had made himself King of Syriam was impaled, and
thousands watched him suffering in agony until he died three days later.
All the surviving Portuguese including De Britto’s queen herself
were sold as slaves. Arakan submitted and escaped lightly because Anaukpetlun
appreciated its action in sending the mission of monks to Kandy.
On his way back, Anaukpetlun broke open the Pagoda at Toungoo and
took away the Alms Bowl and the Tooth to Ava, where they were re-enshrined.
His successor, Tharlun (1629-48) thought the Pagoda was not
magnificent enough and sent his craftsmen to Ceylon to study the dimensions and
the structure of the Maha Thuparama Dagoba at Anuradhapura.
These craftsmen on their return built at Sagaing across the River
Irrawaddy from Ava, a full-sized replica of that Ceylon Dagoba, which came to
be known as “Kaunghmudaw” or the “Royal Deed of Merit”. In
that magnificent pagoda, the Alms Bowl and the Sacred Tooth have reposed up to
the present day.
The emergence of COVID-19
in December 2019 in China spread like wildfire. In January 2020, despite China
imposing a lockdown in Wuhan, the virus spread to the mainland and eventually
worldwide. The pandemic has affected millions of people worldwide.
The death rate is over four
million up to date. Sri Lanka managed to control the initial stages of the
pandemic, where even the WHO commended the actions taken by the Sri Lanka
Government. People had to stay at home, and workers had to work from home
during the lockdown period to control the epidemic.
The Government decided to
pay substantially to those who depended on a daily wage. Unfortunately, the
Opposition Parties and the JVP continue with adverse comments in criticising
the Government rather than supporting it during the pandemic. With the Delta
variant, there appears to be a new wave causing countless deaths.
Health authorities strongly
emphasise how to refrain from getting infected by the coronavirus. However,
many tend to ignore such instructions, and as a result, the number of Covid-19
cases has increased. With all such restrictions and despite those who defied
health instructions, the Government recently decided to ease restrictions to a
certain degree and ‘open’ the country for economic purposes with special
conditions in force.
Once the pandemic began to
spread throughout the world, various countries started developing numerous
vaccines of different types. Some vaccines were sent free of charge to Sri
Lanka by friendly countries, and the rest had to be purchased by the
Government. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa has instructed the health authorities
to end the vaccination programme by the end of August 2021, as Sri Lanka is
already receiving adequate supplies.
On 20th July 2021, Sri
Lanka took the lead in the world community relating to vaccination programmes.
The Sri Lankan Government has now embarked on a vigorous vaccination programme.
Though it has not been made mandatory by law, rumours have unsettled those
reluctant to be vaccinated. It is rumoured that a vaccination card will have to
be produced to board public transport when seeking treatment at hospitals etc.
Critics maintain this is equivalent to an illegal mandatory requirement adopted
by public bodies.
Public Opinion
Most people harbour a
reluctance to get vaccinated owing to the fear of long-term side effects. Their
view is that compulsive vaccination cannot be made mandatory as it stifles the
freedom of choice of the masses. Some even say it violates freedom of choice
due to the provisions enshrined in the Sri Lankan Constitution! Critics also
say it goes against good social ethics and makes an entire society cow down by
restrictions.
Indeed, it is their
understandable fear as each one should have the freedom to choose because it
concerns one’s body and life. In the UK, for instance, anyone has the space to
tell their GP or a consultant doctor that, “No, I am not going to listen
to your instructions because this is my body, and it is my life – and you
cannot take decisions on my life and my body.” But it is a different
kettle of fish in Sri Lanka.
Critics against vaccination
maintain that “unusual blood clots are a possible side effect of the
vaccine”, and studies have proved it to be so. Blood clots in circulation
are deadly as they may precipitate pulmonary embolism, strokes, and heart
attacks! The development of blood clots places lives in danger, and what about
other risk factors yet to come? Therefore, critics claim that guidelines should
be given to service providers such as hospitals, transport organisations,
cinema halls etc., not to demand vaccination cards and allow people to exercise
their choice.
Strikes and protests
Due to the non-availability
of toxic fertiliser for this Kanne, the opposition and the JVP have organised
protests and strikes through trade unions, including the education sector,
against the Kotelawela National Defence University (KNDU) Bill. Protest
campaigns have taken place in different parts of the country. The Ceylon
Teachers Union (CTU) General Secretary was arrested during such a demonstration
and moved to the Mullaitivu Quarantine facility for breaking health guidelines.
The Police proceeded to control people as they were gathering while ignoring
the law.
By behaving so, health
authorities say another cluster may break out soon! Meanwhile, the online
education system crashed when teachers withdrew in support of the protesters
breaking health regulations. The Police naturally had to take appropriate
action and send them to quarantine centres. People have a different opinion on
Police behaviour in a chaotic state of affairs. The demonstrators had to be
carried by the Police taking risks to their own lives whenever they submitted
meekly.
The Government had no
option but to utilise Army personnel under the circumstances to vaccinate
people rather than sending them home being irritated and frustrated. It
resulted in Sri Lanka coming on top of the list amongst vaccinated countries.
Public opinion is that ‘with any dispute with the Government, the protesters
should take it up with the regime and not interfere with online education of
innocent children.
Meanwhile, social media has
gone viral with criticism that some of the JVP stalwarts’ children are studying
in overseas countries while they turn a blind eye to the helpless children in
Sri Lanka. Therefore, it is crystal clear what the opposition and the JVP are
playing a political game to make the present Government unpopular.
Homoeopathy, Ayurveda, and
Traditional Treatment
A few Homoeopathy drugs are
highly effective against the COVID-19 virus and cure those afflicted with the
disease, immaterial of the variants, within 48 hours, with no complications or
hospitalisation, says Dr. Mass R. Usuf (President of the National Association
of Homoeopaths & Affiliates). He furthers advises that the Government Homoeopathic
Hospital in Welisara can be utilised as a centre to cure those affected by
Covid-19 – with mortality reduced to zero and fast recovery with no severe
complications! Thousands of people would prefer to have homoeopathic, ayurvedic
treatment or traditional methods rather than being subjected to vaccination and
making their bodies vulnerable to serious side effects.
It is especially so among
those who believe in conventional medicine, which has been in existence from
time immemorial, state that Sri Lankans had weathered many an infectious
disease in the past. With the onslaught of COVID19, many Homoeopaths, Ayurvedic
doctors, traditional doctors (vedamahattayas) have invented numerous methods to
fight against the Covid-19 virus and its variants, enabling a boosted immune
system to fight against any infection and as a prophylactic.
The latest is a germ killer
inhaler, using rare traditional herbs available in this country where our
ancestors used to combat any epidemic. It is available in the local market and
is said to address any virus, be it COVID-19 or any other variant – obviously
more convenient than gobbling. It would violate human rights to compel the
masses to undergo vaccination by law or by an illegal mandatory requirement
adopted by public bodies. Critics are getting ready for setting up an
anti-vaccination lobby to resort to legal action against any such moves!
Colombo, August 6 (newsin.asia): Sri Lankan President Gotabaya Rajapaksa has pointed out that a rash of protest rallies across the island recently has contributed to the spurt in the spread of the COVID-19 virus.
The intelligence agencies have found that the spurt giving rise of unprecedented congestion in the hospitals is due to the over 120 demonstrations across the country with over 1500 people participating in each of them, the President said on Friday.
People getting together in this manner without following health guidelines have led to the rapid spread of COVID-19, the agencies had told him. There has been an increase in the number of patients being treated at hospitals in several major cities including Colombo with COVID-19 symptoms.
The President emphasized that the patients should not be inconvenienced due to the congestion. He said that intermediate treatment centers have been set up in several major cities recently. The President pointed out the need to refer those who show symptoms first to the Intermediate Treatment Centers and then to the hospitals after monitoring the patient’s condition.
The President made these remarks at a meeting held with the Special Committee on Prevention of COVID 19 Outbreak on vaccination drive and its future plans, at the Presidential Secretariat today (06).
Many of the personnel who are involved in the operations to contain the COVID-19 virus spread take indigenous medicines daily and this has greatly contributed to enhance immunization, said Indigenous Medicine Promotion State Minister Sisira Jayakody. He stated that even if the vaccine is administered, taking indigenous medicines daily with steam inhalation will help minimize the risk of contracting the virus.
President Rajapaksa further stated that it is the responsibility of health professionals to constantly advise the public through the media to avoid contracting the virus.
It was also decided to provide facilities for anyone over the age of 30 to receive the first dose at any of the vaccination centers that administer the second dose. Vaccines have been ordered to provide both doses to all citizens over the age of 18 before September. The government is even prepared for a third dose.
Consultant Neurosurgeon Dr. Prasanna Gunasena said it is disappointing to note the lack of support from the public to prevent the spread of the virus.
