Ancient 45,000-year-old quartz tools ‘used to hunt animals up trees’ are found in Sri Lanka – making them the oldest human-made implements ever found in South Asian rainforest

October 2nd, 2019

By IAN RANDALL FOR MAILONLINE

  • Archaeologists studied tiny, worked stone tools found in the Fa-Hein Lena Cave
  • They believe they were made during the production of projectiles like spears
  • Ancient humans likely used them to hunt tree-dwelling animals like monkeys
  • These early tools overturn the idea that rainforests impeded humanity’s spread

PUBLISHED: 19:00, 2 October 2019 | UPDATED: 19:00, 2 October 2019

The oldest known tools from South Asian rainforests have been found in Sri Lanka — tiny, retouched stones called microliths that date back around 45,000 years.

Archaeologists had previously thought that rainforests presented a barrier to the early spread of humankind.

In comparison with the environments of Europe and Africa, these dense tropical surroundings are considerably more challenging to both travel through and inhabit.

However, the discovery of these tools, which are believed to have been weapons to kill animals hiding in trees, suggests humanity spread more diversely than was thought.

The tools — along with the formation of complex social structures — may have been key in letting humans adapt to life in the rainforest and nearly every habitat beyond.

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The oldest known tools from South Asian rainforests have been found in Sri Lanka — tiny, retouched stones called microliths that date back around 45,000 years

The oldest known tools from South Asian rainforests have been found in Sri Lanka — tiny, retouched stones called microliths that date back around 45,000 years

Archaeologist Oshan Wedage of the Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History in Germany and colleagues analysed microliths, from the west Sri Lankan cave of Fa-Hein Lena, that date back to around 48,000–45,000 years ago.

The formation of microlithic tools are often associated with the production of composite, projectile weapons like spears, which are used by cultures with advanced hunting strategies.

While these tools were common in Europe at this time, similar-aged microliths had not previously been found in South Asia or in a rainforest setting.

‘We undertook detailed measurements of stone tools and reconstructed their production patterns at the site of Fa-Hien Lena Cave,’ said Mr Wedage.

This, he added, is ‘the site with the earliest evidence for human occupation in Sri Lanka.’

‘We found clear evidence for the production of “miniaturised” stone tools or “microliths” at Fa-Hien Lena, dating to the earliest period of human occupation.’

Archaeologists had previously thought that rainforests would have presented a barrier to the early spread of humanity. Pictured, the outside of the Fa-Hien Cave where the tools were found

Archaeologists had previously thought that rainforests would have presented a barrier to the early spread of humanity. Pictured, the outside of the Fa-Hien Cave where the tools were found

Dense tropical surroundings are challenging to both traverse and inhabit. However, the discovery of these tools — the exact intended uses of which remain unclear — suggests humanity spread more diversely than was thought

Dense tropical surroundings are challenging to both traverse and inhabit. However, the discovery of these tools — the exact intended uses of which remain unclear — suggests humanity spread more diversely than was thought

'We undertook detailed measurements of stone tools and reconstructed their production patterns at the site of Fa-Hien Lena Cave,' said Mr Wedage. Pictured, the cave's interior

‘We undertook detailed measurements of stone tools and reconstructed their production patterns at the site of Fa-Hien Lena Cave,’ said Mr Wedage. Pictured, the cave’s interior

While further research will be needed to determine exactly how these stone tools were used, the team believe that they were likely employed to hunt, capture and kill tree-dwelling prey like monkeys and tree squirrels.

In addition, the researchers note that the tools found in the Fa-Hein cave bear a considerable similarity to those used by the local cultures as recently as around 4,000 years ago — suggest a long-term technological stability in the region.

The full findings of the study were published in the journal PLOS ONE

In addition, the researchers note that the tools found in the Fa-Hein cave, pictured, bear a considerable similarity to those used by the local cultures as recently as around 4,000 years ago — suggest a long-term technological stability in the region

In addition, the researchers note that the tools found in the Fa-Hein cave, pictured, bear a considerable similarity to those used by the local cultures as recently as around 4,000 years ago — suggest a long-term technological stability in the region

Archaeologist Oshan Wedage of the Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History in Germany and colleagues analysed microliths, from the west Sri Lankan cave of Fa-Hein Lena, that date back to around 48,000–45,000 years ago

Archaeologist Oshan Wedage of the Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History in Germany and colleagues analysed microliths, from the west Sri Lankan cave of Fa-Hein Lena, that date back to around 48,000–45,000 years ago

WHEN DID HUMANS START USING TOOLS?

It is hard for scientists to say precisely when humans started making tools because the more primitive remains look like a natural object rather than a human artefact.

The oldest-known instruments are the Oldowan stone tools from Ethiopia, which date back about 2.6 million years.

The Acheulean tool technology period – up to 1.76 million years ago – featured large stone hand axes made from flint and quartzite.

Towards the end of this period, the tools became more refined and then followed the so-called Levallois technique, which saw the creation of scrapers, slicers, needled and flattened needles.

About 50,000 years ago more refined and specialised flint tools were made and used by Neanderthals and it is believed it was at this stage tools were constructed out of bone.

As human culture advanced, artefacts such as fish hooks, buttons and bone needles were used.

Cut marks have found on animal bones that have been dated to be 3.4 million years old – around the time that a squat ape-like ancestor called Australopithecus afarensis – known as Lucy – roamed Africa. 

Onion prices bring tears to the eyes of Indian consumers

October 2nd, 2019

Courtesy Straits Times

NEW DELHI – In India, the government gets the jitters when the price of onions, a staple in Indian cooking, go up.

Onion prices have doubled and even tripled in many cities over the past few weeks, going for anything from 60 rupees (S$1.17) to 100 rupees (S$1.95) a kilogram, much to the dismay of consumers. Some state governments are subsidising the vegetable like in Delhi where government-run enterprises are selling it for 24 rupees a kg.

The prices began spiking after erratic rainfall impacted crops.

The Narendra Modi government swung into action on Sunday, banning the export of onions and imposing stock limits on onion traders to prevent hoarding to artificially drive prices up.

Retail traders can only stock 10,000kg of onions at a time and wholesalers 50,000kg.

Farmers and traders predicted that prices would drop substantially in the next three to four days on the back of the government’s measures.

But for consumers, the prices continue to pinch for now.

Ms Aslina Bibi, a cook, said she was buying very little for her own household and has been cautioned by her employers to use onions judiciously in meal preparations.

“It’s very difficult to cook food without onions. So I put very little just for some taste. I really hope the prices go down soon,” said Ms Bibi, who lives in Gurugram in Haryana.

“Otherwise, who will pay that much for onions?”

In India, household budgets are thrown out of gear when onion prices shoot up and angry voters have been known to vote out governments solely on this one issue.

In 1998, a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government in Delhi was voted out because state elections coincided with a rise in onion prices.

In 1980, while on the comeback trail, former prime minister Indira Gandhi used the price of onions, among other issues, to attack the government. She won the election.

The current onion crisis comes at a time when the ruling BJP is going into its first set of state elections after returning to power in a general election earlier this year. The BJP is seeking to retain power in Haryana and Maharashtra, a key onion producing state, later this month.

“The price of onions has become symbolic. The price of all vegetables are going up but the government has taken no initiative to bring them down. It is only onions because there is a history of governments losing badly due to their prices. It is a politically sensitive issue,” said Professor Sanjay Kumar from the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, a research institute.

“It just adds to the (economic) problems of the government,” he added.

The rise in onion prices comes at a turbulent time for the Indian economy, which has cast a cloud over the second term of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

The economy has slowed down, unemployment has gone up and several sectors from auto manufacturing to real estate are struggling.

Not surprisingly, the move to bring down onion prices has found little favour with onion farmers and traders who complain that it has disrupted the market.

“The farmers are already bringing less after the ban. They don’t know if merchants are buying. There is a lot of confusion. It’s not a good situation. Traders need to be able to hold more stock,” said Mr Jaydatta Holkar, chairman of the Agricultural Produce Market Committee in Lasalgaon, a prominent onion market.

Farmers are frustrated over the unpredictability of prices. Last year, due to a glut in production, onion prices dropped to one rupee a kilogram in some places prompting some farmers to burn their crops in protest.

“Every year prices go up and down. Finally farmers were getting a good price. Banning exports is an anti-farmers decision. The government needs to stabilise prices. They should make storage facilities and set a minimum price for farmers,” said Mr Abhimanyu Kohar, a spokesman for Rashtriya Kisan Mahasangh, a federation of 180 farmer organisations.

“In the next two to three days, we will know how much prices go down. In the end, the farmers will not get their prices.”

Meanwhile, some countries like Nepal and Bangladesh, which import Indian onions, have been hit by rising prices.

India exported 2.2 million tonnes of onions in the 2018-19 financial year with production estimated to be around 23.28 million tonnes.

The Daily Star, a newspaper in Bangladesh, reported that onion prices at the retail markets in Bangladesh went up around 71 per cent per kg within a day on Monday following the Indian government ban on onion exports.

Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa wants parliamentary-level probe

October 2nd, 2019

Lahiru Pothmulla Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa today said he called for a parliamentary level committee to probe the allegations made by Solicitor General Dilrukshi Dias Wickremesinghe and former Solicitor General Suhada Gamlath over political influence.

Mr. Rajapaksa expressed these views while speaking at the National Convention of the Sri Lanka Mahajana Pakshaya which was held in Kurunegala thismorning.

He said the attention had been drawn to interdict one Solicitor General and to remove the other over the allegations they had made. But no attention has been drawn to probe the allegations and revelations itself. Therefore, he called for a parliamentary level committee to probe the allegations made by the officials.

He said the government was only focused on taking revenge from its political opponents and that the two Solicitors General had admitted that court cases against SLPP Presidential candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa were politically motivated.

“These allegations must be investigated. SG Suhada Gamlath clearly made these allegations. The drama staged at Temple Trees after forming an illegal and a bogus committee of accomplices is a crime. If someone was punished even for a day for a false court case, it is a crime too. That was why the Police and the AG’s Department have been given the authority to look into these allegations. No other government had acted in a vindictive manner like this one. We never sought revenge from family members of Premadasa who brought currency notes in bundles. Those who spoke of making Gotabaya wear jumpers came so close to end up in one during this government’s tenure itself,” he added.

Fmr. President exercised plenary Executive powers: AG

October 2nd, 2019

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Appearing for the Attorney General, Senior Deputy Solicitor General Nerin Pulle today told that the former president, who had signed the dual citizenship certificate of Gotabaya Rajapaksa in 2005, actually had the power to do so as the relevant minister, because he had continued to exercise being the head of the government and the executive even in absence of a cabinet at that time.

Appearing for the petitioners, Counsel Suren Fernando at the onset of the writ inquiry stated that Gotabaya Rajapaksa was a former citizen of Sri Lanka before 2003 by decent. Thereafter, on or around January 31, 2003, he had become a citizen of another country i.e. the United States of America. From that day onwards, Gotabaya Rajapaksa ceased to be a Citizen of Sri Lanka under the Citizenship Act of Sri Lanka.

Subsequently, he had to obtain a dual citizenship status by applying to the relevant Ministry, in order to obtain a new Passport and a National Identity Card, because he was no longer a citizen of Sri Lanka at that time.

Mr. Fernando stated that, thereafter, Gotabaya Rajapaksa had possibly applied for a dual citizenship certificate to the relevant Ministry during the time period November 18 – 24, 2005, soon after his brother, Mahinda Rajapaksa was elected as the President of Sri Lanka.

He said that Mahinda Rajapaksa was the Prime Minister prior to him having assumed office as President of Sri Lanka in 2005 November. Therefore, upon his assuming the office of President, Mahinda Rajapaksa ceased to be a member of Parliament and ceased to be the Prime Minister of SL. (after November 18, 2005)

Upon Mahinda Rajapaksa assuming office as President soon after the election on November 18, 2005, the Cabinet of Ministers stood dissolved. According to Mr. Fernando, the new Prime Minister, Ministers and assigning of the subjects to the Ministries took place, on November 21, 23 and December 08 respectively.

So he stressed that there was no cabinet and therefore no Ministers or secretaries were functioning when Gotabhaya Rajapaksa’s dual citizenship certificate was issued.

He said that the impugned dual citizenship certificate had been signed for the relevant ministerial secretary by the then President and thus such secretary cannot function by the operation of law under the constitution.

Court of Appeal President Yasantha Kodagoda brought a question at this moment on the fact that whether there was any residual power vested upon president to exercise the executive arm of the government in the absence of the cabinet.

Counsel Fernando replied that the 1978 constitution is a combination of both Westminster and presidential systems of governance and that it’s intention was not to provide such powers to execute by one person. And he also stressed on the fact that there was a difference between the President’s executive power as a whole and the executive powers vested upon ministers and their secretaries.

Therefore he said that the former President could not have exercised such powers in the absence of a cabinet.

Consequently, he requested to grant interim reliefs as the impugned dual citizenship certificate, on the face of it (ex facie) void and is nullity in law.

However, Senior Deputy Solicitor General Nerin Pulle informed the Attorney General’s stance on the issue differently.

He Appeared for the Attorney General, on behalf of the Respondents-Controller General of Immigration and Emigration Department (1), Commissioner General Department for Registration of Persons (2),Secretary Ministry of Internal and Home Affairs (4), Acting Inspector General of Police (7), Ravi Seneviratne- SDIG CID (8), G.S. Abeysekara – Director CID (9), and Lalitha Dissanayake – OIC – Special Branch CID (10).

He said dual citizenship concept was first introduced to the Citizenship Act with the amendment made in 1987 and it stipulates two requirements to obtain a dual citizenship certificate. First there has to be an application addressed to the relevant minister and then the minister has to make a declaration on the dual citizenship.

On that background SDSG Nerin Pulle said that a dual citizenship certificate did not need the signature of a secretary but only the authorization of the relevant minister.

He said, in this impugned certificate the former President had signed it as a minister which he could do according to certain constitutional provisions.

He disputed the petitioner’s stance and said that 1978 constitution is not a hybrid system but a presidential form of governance based constitution. The president is the head of the executive elected by the people according to the constitution thereby he possesses a plenary executive power.

He referred to the Article 30(1) of the constitution and said that the president is the head of the state, government and the executive, and therefore, even in the absence of a cabinet he is the head of the executive with executive plenary powers.

SDSG also referring to the Article 44(2) of the Constitution which was in existence in 2005 ( this article was amended after 19 amendment) said that the President could continue to function all the executive powers as the head of the government and the executive, until the new cabinet is appointed. ‘So in this case, the president had signed the certificate as per citizenship Act in the ministerial capacity and therefore the requirements to obtain dual citizenship certificate had been fulfilled as per law”, he said.

He also stated that the reliefs sought in the petition is dealt with the statutory powers confered to the respondents and there for seeking writ of prohibition on his respondents is questionable.

Meanwhile, During his submission, the SDSG also made a comment that, the original docket pertaining to Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s dual citizenship issue is not in possession at the moment to produce before the court.

Article 44(2) of the Constitution which was in existence in 2005 said that the President could continue to function all the executive powers as the head of the government and the executive, until the new cabinet is appointed. So in this case, President had signed the certificate as per citizenship Act in the ministerial capacity and therefore the requirements to obtain dual citizenship certificate had been fulfilled as per law. (Shehan Chamika Silva)

Objection over maintainability of writ petitionRomesh de Silva PC appearing for Gotabaya Rajapaksa in the writ petition today brought up a preliminary objection over the maintainability of the writ application on several grounds.He said the petition cannot seek the relief sought in the petition as they do not have the locus standi (right to bring the action) in the first place.Mr. De Silva said that the subject matter relating to the petition is identical to investigation which is still in progress at the Chief Magistrate’s Court and therefore, without such investigation being come to a conclusion the petitioners cannot invoke writ jurisdiction and seek reliefs.He was of the view that the petition has been filed mala fide by politically motivated intentions as there was unexplained delay in filing the case after a long time since 2005.Gamini Marapana PC who appeared for former President Mahinda Rajapaksa also said that the petitioners should have waited till the investigation is concluded on this matter at the magistrate’s court. If the investigation finds that there is no wrongdoing, then what would happen? Only the people’s right to vote what they want may be deprived from this” he said.The three Judges Bench comprising, Justices Yasantha Kodagoda (President/CA), Arjuna Obeysekara and Mahinda Samayawardena however, decided to consider the petitioners’ stance and the preliminary objections both together heard the petitioners’ and Attorney General’s stance today.Other respondents address the court from 1.30 p.m. today over the writ application which was filed disputing the citizenship status of Gotabaya Rajapaksa. (Shehan Chamika Silva)

Did not receive invitation from UNP – Susantha Punchinilame

October 2nd, 2019

Courtesy Adaderana

UPFA Parliamentarian Susantha Punchinilame says that certain people are spreading false claims that he is planning to join the United National Party (UNP).

He stated this speaking at a press briefing held in Trincomalee.

Stressing that he has not received a personal invitation to join the UNP, Punchinilame said he would continue to serve as the convenor of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna and a parliamentarian of the United People’s Freedom Alliance.

Punchihewa also said that he would work for the victory of SLPP’s presidential aspirant Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

More candidates place deposits for prez polls

October 2nd, 2019

Courtesy Adaderana

The Chairman of Elections Commissions Mahinda Deshapriya says that 20 candidates have placed their deposits in view of the Presidential Election 2019 so far.

Two independent candidates, namely Samaraweera Weeravanni and Ashoka Wadigamangawa along with A.S.P. Liyanage from Sri Lanka Labour Party had made their deposits during the course of yesterday (02).

The total number of candidates who had placed their deposits include ten from recognized political parties, and ten independent candidates or members of unrecognized political parties, the Commission’s chairman Mahinda Deshapriya stated.

The presidential aspirants who have already placed cash deposits are as follows:

  1. Ketagoda Gamage Jayantha Perera (Independent)
  2. Siripala Amarasinghe (Independent)
  3. Ajantha Wijesinghe (Socialist Party of Sri Lanka)
  4. Aparekke Punnananda Thera (Independent)
  5. Welisarage Saman Prasanna Perera (Our Power of People Party)
  6. Nandasena Gotabaya Rajapaksa (Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna)
  7. Ariyawansa Dissanayake (Democratic United National Front)
  8. Sirithunga Jayasuriya (United Socialist Party)
  9. Warnakulasuriya Milroy Sergius Fernando (Independent)
  10. Bedde Gamage Nandimithra (Nawa Sama Samaja Party)
  11. Nambunama Nanayakkara Akmeemana Palliyaguruge Vajirapani Wijesiriwardene (Socialist Equality Party)
  12. Sarath Manamendra (Nawa Sihala Urumaya)
  13. Pallewatta Gamaralalage Rohan Pallewatte (Jathika Sangwardhena Peramuna)
  14. Anura Kumara Dissanayake (National People’s Movement)
  15. Chandrasekara Herath Hitihamy Koralalage Samansiri Herath (Independent)
  16. Sarath Vijithakumara Keerthiratne (Independent)
  17. Polgampala Ralalage Chaminda Anuruddha (Independent)
  18. Samaraweera Weeravanni (Independent)
  19. Ashoka Wadigamangawa (Independent)
  20. A.S.P. Liyanage (Sri Lanka Labour Party)

A special discussion was held among the presidential candidates, representatives of political parties and the officials of the Elections Commission last evening (02).

Accepting deposits for the forthcoming presidential election ends at 12 noon on the 6th of October.

The Elections Commission will begin accepting the nominations for the presidential poll from 9.00 am-11.00 am on the 7th of October and objections for the nominations can be submitted from 9.00 am to 11.30 am on the same day.

Meanwhile, the closing date of submitting the applications for the postal voting for the Presidential Election 2019, which was set to end on last Wednesday (30), was extended until midnight on the 04th of October. This decision was taken due to the prevailing inclement weather condition and the ongoing trade union actions.Disclaimer: All the comments will be moderated by the AD editorial. Abstain from posting comments that are obscene, defamatory or slanderous. Please avoid outside hyperlinks inside the comment and avoid typing all capitalized comments. Help us delete comments that do not follow these guidelines by flagging them(mouse over a comment and click the flag icon on the right side). Do use these forums to voice your opinions and create healthy discourse.

Further consideration of petition against Gotabaya’s citizenship tomorrow

October 2nd, 2019

Courtesy Adaderana

A three-judge bench of the Court of Appeal has postponed further consideration of the petition filed against recognizing the citizenship of former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa, till 1.30 pm tomorrow (03).

When the petition was taken up today (30), the Controller General of the Department of Immigration and Emigration, the Commissioner General of the Department of Registration of Persons and the Director of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) had presented themselves before the judge bench.

Deputy Solicitor General Nerin Pulle, appearing on behalf of the Controller of Immigration and Emigration, informed the court that the Department of Immigration and Emigration does not have the applications and documents pertaining to the passport of the defendant, Mr Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

President’s Counsel Romesh de Silva, appearing on behalf of Mr Rajapaksa, then stated that continuing this hearing without those documents would be unfair to his client. Raising preliminary objections, he further said that a case is being heard before the Colombo Magistrate’s Court regarding the issue underlying this case.

The defence attorney further stressed that presenting a petition in such manner based on facts which are part of an ongoing court case and hearing the petition would be seriously problematic. He stated that if the Magistrate’s Court decides that his client is innocent the facts which are the basis of this petition would also be unfounded.

President’s Counsel Romesh de Silva claimed that the court has no power to hear this petition and therefore requested it to dismiss the petition. 

President of the Appeal Court Justice Yasantha Kodagoda stated that the court will consider the fact presented in the preliminary objections on a later date and that the petitioners should be given the opportunity to make submissions. 

 Attorney-at-Law Suren Fernando, appearing on behalf of the petitioners, alleged that the citizenship certificate issued to Mr Gotabaya Rajapaksa is not a valid document before the law.

He added that according to Article 19 of the Citizenship Act only the subject minister is vested with the power to issue dual citizenship. However, he said that Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s certificate of citizenship has not been issued by the relevant subject minister, it has been issued by then President Mahinda Rajapaksa, which he says is an illegal act.

Therefore the citizenship certificate which Mr Rajapaksa is supposed to own is an invalid document before the law, he declared.

Deputy Solicitor General Nerin Pulle, making submissions, stated that executive powers are vested with the President in accordance with the Constitution and that those powers are vested with the President even if a Cabinet of Ministers has not been appointed.

Therefore if at some point even if a minister has not been appointed to the subject relating to the Citizenship Act, the powers of the minister are vested with the President as Executive, the Deputy Solicitor General explained.

The former President could have signed the dual citizenship certificate in 2005 under the powers of the relevant ministry as he is the head of the government and the executive, the Attorney General’s Department said. 

The petition was filed by two social activists Gamini Viyangoda and Prof. Chandraguptha Thenuwara on Monday (30).

The Controller General of the Department of Immigration and Emigration, the Commissioner General of the Department of Registration of Persons, Minister Vajira Abeywardena, Secretary to the Ministry of Internal & Home Affairs and Provincial Councils & Local Government, Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa, former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Acting Inspector General of Police (IGP), Director of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), Senior Deputy IGP of CID and Officer in Charge of CID’s Special Branch have been cited as the respondents of the petition.

The petitioners allege that Gotabaya Rajapaksa has obtained a passport and a National Identity Card (NIC) claiming that he revoked his US citizenship.

The petitioners further stated that they have the necessary information to prove the former Defence Secretary did submit proper documentation to verify revocation of his US citizenship when obtaining a Sri Lankan passport and a NIC.

Hence, the petitioners request the Appeals Court to deliver an order suspending the issuance of a passport and a NIC to Gotabaya Rajapaksa. They have also sought an interim order preventing the functioning of said passport and NIC until the court delivers the petition’s verdict.

රනිල්ගේ සොහොයුරුට අයත් TNL එකෙන් සජිත්ට ප්‍රහාරයක් – ගෝඨාට ප්‍රශංසා (Video)

October 2nd, 2019

Courtesy  Lanka Lead News

එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ නායක අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතාගේ සහෝදරයෙකු වන ශාන් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතාට අයත් TNL රූපවාහිනි සේවය විසින් ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට එරෙහිව කැළණිය විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ මහාචාර්ය චන්ද්‍රගුප්ත තේනුවර සහ පුරවැසි බලය සංවිධානයේ කැඳවුම්කාර මණ්ඩල සාමාජික ගාමිණී වියන්ගොඩ විසින් අභියාචනයක් ඉදිරිපත් කිරීම දැඩි ලෙස විවේචනයට ලක් කොට තිබේ.

බලයට පත් කිසිදු රාජ්‍ය නායකයෙකුට අවසන් කිරීමට නොහැකි වූ තිස් වසරක සාපරාධී යුද්ධය අවසන් කළ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ රජයේ ආරක්ෂාව භාරව සිටි ප්‍රබල චරිතය අන් කිසිවෙකු නොව රණකාමී විරවරයෙකු වන ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතා බව එම නාලිකාවේ විකාශය විය.

කෘතගුණ දත් කිසිදු ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයෙකු එය අමතක නොකරන බවද එහි සඳහන් වේ.

චන්ද්‍රගුප්ත තේනුවර සහ ගාමිණී වියන්ගොඩ උසාවි ගොස් ඇත්තේ එවන් උදාරතර රණ කාමියෙකුට විරුද්ධව බවද එහිදී ප්‍රකාශ විය.

ඉදිරිදි ජනාධිපතිවරණයේදී ජනතාව විශ්වාස කල යුත්තේ උපන් බිම රකින ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතාගේ කඳවුරද, එසේ නැත්තනම් මුදල් වලට යටපත් වී උපන් බිමට හතුරු වූ රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධාන මුල් කර ගත් කඳවුර දැයි තීරණය කළ යුතු යැයි එහිදී සඳහන් කෙරිණි.

මෙම කරුණු TNL රූපවාහිනී නාලිකාවේ ප්‍රවෘත්ති විකාශය අතරතුර වැඩසටහනකදී විකාශය කළේය.

මෙම කරුණු TNL රූපවාහිනී නාලිකාවේ ප්‍රවෘත්ති විකාශය අතරතුර වැඩසටහනකදී විකාශය කළේය.

https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=758726217894683

සජිත් බලය බෙදනවාද, නැද්ද?

October 2nd, 2019

කතු වැකිය  උපුටා ගැන්ම  අරුණ පුවත්

ජනාධිපතිවරණයේ දී තමන්ගේ සහය ලබා ගැනීමට නම් දෙමළ ජනතාවගේ ගැටලු සඳහා විසඳුම් සතියක් ඇතුළත ඉදිරිපත් කරන්නැයි දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානය සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතාට දැනුම් දී තිබේ. ඔවුන් මේ බව දැනුම් දී ඇත්තේ එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ නායක රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ හා සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස ඇතුළු එම පක්ෂ නියෝජිත පිරිසක් සමග අරලියගහ මන්දිරයේදී පැවති සාකච්ඡාවකදීය. දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානය මේ මතුකර ඇත්තේ ඔවුන් පමණක් නොව රටම දැනගන්නට නොඉවසිල්ලෙන් සිටින වැදගත් කාරණයකි.

එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය ජාතික ප්‍රශ්නය සම්බන්ධයෙන් දරන ස්ථාවරය ඉතා පැහැදිලි එකකි. ඔවුන් පෙනී සිටින්නේ උපරිම බලය බෙදීමක් වෙනුවෙනි. උපරිම බලය බෙදීමක් යැයි කී විට එහි සීමාව ෆෙඩරල් තත්ත්වයක් දක්වා වුවද දිගු විය හැකිය. මේ වෙනුවෙන් නව ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කිරීමට අදහස් කරන බවටද ඔවුන් 2015 මහ මැතිවරණයේදී ද පොරොන්දුවක් දී තිබේ. මේ ස්ථාවරය වෙනස්කොට ඇති බවක් තවමත් ප්‍රකාශ වී නැති නිසා එය තවමත් ඔවුන්ගේ ස්ථාවරය ලෙස පිළිගැනීමට අපට සිදු වේ.

එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ නියෝජ්‍ය නායකයා වුවද සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතා ජනාධිපතිවරණයට ඉදිරිපත් වීමට සූදානම් වන්නේ නව ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී පෙරමුණේ අපේක්ෂකයා ලෙසය. ඔහු දැනටමත් ඉඟි කරමින් සිටින්නේ තමන් එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ ප්‍රතිපත්තිවලට වඩා වෙනස් වූ ගමනක් යන්නට සූදානමින් සිටින බවය. තමන් රට කරවන්නට බලාපොරොත්තු වන්නේ තම පියාණන් වූ රණසිංහ ප්‍රේමදාස ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ ප්‍රතිපත්තිවලට අනුව බවද ඔහු වැඩිදුරටත් කියා ඇත. සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතා ජනාධිපති ධුර අපේක්ෂකත්වය ලබා ගැනීම සඳහා රට පුරා රැස්වීම් තබමින් ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන් දිවි පුදන්නට සූදානම් බව ප්‍රකාශ කොට තිබේ. එහෙත් ජනතාවට බලපාන කිසිදු ප්‍රධාන කරුණක් සම්බන්ධයෙන් ඔහුගේ මතයක් හෝ ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් ඉදිරිපත් කොට නැත. උතුරේ දෙමළ ජනතාව කේන්ද්‍ර කර ගනිමින් පවතින අර්බුදය, මෙරට සෑම මැතිවරණයකදීම තීරණාත්මක කාරණයකි. ජනපති අපේක්ෂකයන්ද, දේශපාලන පක්ෂද එය සිය ප්‍රතිපත්ති ප්‍රකාශයන්හි ප්‍රමුඛ කාරණයක් කොට සලකන්නේ ඒ නිසාය. එහෙත් සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතා ඒ ගැන හෝ කිසිදු අදහසක් ඉදිරිපත්කොට නැත. ඒ මේ ප්‍රශ්නයට විසඳුමක් යෝජනා කරන්නට තරම් ඔහුට දේශපාලන අවබෝධයක් නැති නිසාද? නැතහොත් සටකපටකමටද යන්න අප දන්නේ නැත.

පෙනෙන ආකාරයට අපට පමණක් නොව ජාතික ප්‍රශ්නය සම්බන්ධයෙන් සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතාගේ ස්ථාවරය ගැන ඔහු නියෝජ්‍ය නායකත්වය දරන එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයටද පැහැදිලිතාවක් නොමැති සේය.

ජනාධිපති ධුර අපේක්ෂකත්වය ලබා දීමට පෙර නව ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කිරීමට, බලය බෙදීමට හා දෙමළ ජනතාවගේ ප්‍රශ්න විසඳීමට පියවර ගන්නා බවට පක්ෂය ඔහුගෙන් පොරොන්දුවක් ලබාගෙන ඇත්තේ එනිසා විය යුතුය.

අපේක්ෂකත්වය ලබා ගැනීම සඳහා එලෙස පොරොන්දු වුවත් සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාසට තවමත් උතුරේ ප්‍රශ්නය සම්බන්ධයෙන් තමන්ගේ ස්ථාවරය හෙළිදරව් කිරීමට හැකි වී නැත. දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානය ජනාධිපතිවරණය සම්බන්ධයෙන් තවමත් සිය මතය ප්‍රකාශ කොට නැත්තේද මේ නිසාය. කෙසේ වෙතත් දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානයේ සහාය නොමැතිව එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය ප්‍රමුඛ සන්ධානයකට කුමන මැතිවරණයක් වුවද ජය ගැනීමට නොහැකි බව කවුරු නැතත් එජාප නායකයා ඉතා හොඳින්ම දන්නා කාරණයකි. සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතා උතුරේ ප්‍රශ්නය සම්බන්ධයෙන් දරන ස්ථාවරය සම්බන්ධයෙන් රටේ ජනතාව නොඉවසිල්ලෙන් බලා සිටින්නේ මේ නිසාය. ඒ හේතු දෙකක් මුල් කර ගනිමිනි. පළමුවැන්න නම් 2015 දී එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය හා දෙමළ සන්ධානය අතර රහස් ගිවිසුමක් තිබූ බවට පවතින විශ්වාසයයි. මේ නිසා ඇතැම් විටෙක සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාසද නොදැන එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය විසින් මෙවරත් එවැනි රහස් එකඟතාවකට එළැඹෙන්නට ඉඩ ඇතැයි යන සිතුවිල්ලය.

තමන් අනුගමනය කරන්නේ තම පියාණන්ගේ ප්‍රතිපත්ති බවට සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතා කරන ප්‍රකාශය දෙවැන්නය. වසර 30 ක් තිස්සේ මේ රට විනාශ කරන්නට හේතු වූ කොටි සංවිධානයට ආයුධ හා මුදල් දුන් එකම විධායක ජනාධිපතිවරයා සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතාගේ පියාණන් වන රණසිංහ ප්‍රේමදාස බව සජිත් අමතක කර ඇතත් මේ රටේ ජනතාවට හොඳහැටි මතකය.

නිදි වැරීම හෝ ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන් මැරෙන්නට සූදානම් බවට හැඟුම්බර කතා කිරීම පමණක් ජනාධිපති ධුරයක් දැරීමට සුදුසුකමක් නොවන බව සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතා දැන්වත් තේරුම්ගත යුතුය. ජනාධිපති ධුරයට පත්වන අයකුට මේ රටේ දෙකෝටියකට අධික ජනතාවගේ කුදුමහත් ප්‍රශ්න පමණක් නොව ලෝකයේ රටවල් දෙසීයකට ආසන්න සංඛ්‍යාවක් සමගද ගනුදෙනු කරන්නට සිදු වේ. ඒ සඳහා පක්ෂය කුමක් වුවත් තමන්ගේ කියා දැක්මක්, දර්ශනයක් හා වැඩපිළිවෙළක් තිබිය යුතුය. එක්සත් ජාතික පාක්ෂිකයන් දැන්ද, අනාගතයේද භුක්ති විඳිනු ඇත්තේ එවැන්නෙකු තෝරා නොගැනීමේ පාඩමය.

ගෝඨාභය තරග කරන සලකුණ වෙනස් කළොත් නීතිමය ගැටලුවක් පැන නැගිය හැකියි – විපක්ෂ නායක

October 2nd, 2019

උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

ජනාධිපතිවරණයේදී ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතා තරග කරන පක්ෂයේ සලකුණ වෙනස් කරන්නේනම් නීතිමය ගැටලුවක් පැන නැගිය හැකි බව විපක්ෂ නායක මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා පවසනවා.

ඔහු මේ බව සඳහන් කළේ පැපිලියාන ශ්‍රී සුනෙත්‍රා දේවි පිරිවෙනේ පැවති පුණ්‍යොත්සවයකින් අනතුරුව අදහස් දක්වමින්.

හබරණ වන අලි මියයාම ගැන ආණ්ඩුවේ මන්ත්‍රිවරයෙකුට චෝදනා

October 2nd, 2019

උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

ආන්දෝලනයට තුඩුදුන් හබරණ – හිරිවඩුන්න – තුම්බිකුලම රක්ෂිතයේ දී ඇතින්නියන් හයදෙනෙකු සහ වන අලියෙකු අස්වාභාවික ලෙස මියයාමේ සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් අද තවත් අනාවරණයක් සිදු කෙරුණා.

ඒ, සමස්ත ලංකා ගොවිජන සම්මේලනය මගින්. දඹුල්ල ප්‍රදේශයේ මාධ්‍ය හමුවක් කැඳවමින් එම සම්මේලනයේ ජාතික සංවිධායක නාමල් කරුණාරත්න සඳහන් කළේ සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් කලාවැව ජාතික උද්‍යානයේ වන අලි පන්නා දැමීම සහ වනජීවී නිලධාරීන් සමඟ ආරවුලක් ඇතිකරගත් ආණ්ඩුව නියෝජනය කරන ප්‍රදේශයේ පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රිවරයා ඇතුලූ කණ්ඩායමක් පිළිබඳව සැකයක් පවතින බවයි.

>එසේම තුම්බිකුලම රක්ෂිතයේදී ඇතින්නියන් මියයෑමේ සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් හබරණ ප්‍රදේශවාසීන් පිරිසක් අද හිරු ප්‍රවෘත්ති අංශයට ලිපියක් යොමුකර තිබුණා.

එම ලිපියෙන් ගම්වාසීන් ප්‍රකාශ කර තිබුණේ හිරිවඩුන්න ගොවි සංවිධානයේ ලේකම්වරයා, ඔහුගේ පවුලේ කිහිපදෙනෙකු සහ තවත් පිරිසක් එක්ව තුම්බිකුලම රක්ෂිතය විනාශ කරමින් සිටින බවයි.

එමෙන්ම ගොවි සංවිධානයේ ලේකම්වරයාගේ පුත්‍රයා පිටුපස පසුගියදා වන අලියෙකු ලූහුබැඳ ඇති අතර, ඒ  හේතුවෙන් ඔවුන් වන අලි සමඟ දැඩි කෝපයකින් සිටි බවටද හබරණ ප්‍රදේශවාසීන් හිරු ප්‍රවෘත්ති අංශයට දන්වා තිබුණා.

මේ අතර සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් සමස්ත සමාජයේම අවධානය යොමුව ඇති නිසා පරීක්ෂණ කටයුතු අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව යටතට පැවරිය යුතු බව පරිසර යුක්ති කේන්ද්‍රය නිවේදනයක් නිකුත් කරමින් අද සඳහන් කළා.

සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස බියට පත්වෙලා – බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂ

October 2nd, 2019

උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

ඉදිරි ජනාධිපතිවරණයේදී ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතාගේ ආගමනයට බිය වූ අමාත්‍ය  සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතා ඔහුට එරෙහි නඩු වැලක් ඉදිරිපත් කර ඇති බව ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණේ ජාතික සංවිධායක බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂ මහතා පවසනවා.

ඊයේ ඇල්පිටියේ පැවැති ජන හමුවකට එක්වෙමින් ඒ මහතා මෙම අදහස් පළකළා.

ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ සහය ගැන ඩිලාන් පෙරේරා කියයි

October 2nd, 2019

උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ සහය ඔක්තෝම්බර් 15 වෙනිදාට පෙර ස්ථීර වශයෙන්ම ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණේ ජනාධිපතිධූර අපේක්ෂක ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට හිමිවනු ඇති බව එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සන්ධාන පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී ඩිලාන් පෙරේරා මහතා පවසනවා.

ඔහු මේ අදහස් පළ කළේ එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සන්ධානයේ පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී එස්.බී. දිසානායක මහතා සමඟ අද කැඳවා තිබූ ප්‍රවෘත්ති සාකච්ඡාවකදීයි.

ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ සහය ගැන අදත් සාකච්ඡාවක්

October 2nd, 2019

උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට සහය දැක්වීම සඳහා වන අවබෝධතා ගිවිසුම පිළිබඳ අදත් ඔහු සමඟ සාකච්ඡාවක නිරත වීමට නියමිත බව ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂ මහලේකම් දයාසිරි ජයසේකර මහතා පවසනවා.

ඔහු මේ බව සඳහන් කළේ මැතිවරණ කොමිෂන් සභාවේ අද පැවති සාකච්ඡාවකින් අනතුරුව මාධ්‍යයට අදහස් පල කරමින්.

ඉදිරි ජනාධිපතිවරණය සම්බන්ධයෙන් දේශපාලන පක්ෂ නියෝජිතයන් සහ මැතිවරණ කොමිෂන් සභාව අතර විශේෂ සාකච්ඡාවක් අද පස්වරුවේ පැවැත්වුණා.

එම සාකච්ඡාව සඳහා වැඩ බලන පොලිස්පතිවරයා සහ තවත් ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ පොලිස් නිලධාරීන් පිරිසක්ද  එක්ව සිටියා.

මැතිවරණ නීති උල්ලංඝනය කිරීම් වැලැක්වීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් පක්ෂ නියෝජිතයන් මෙහිදී එකඟතාවන් කිහිපයකට පැමිණ තිබෙනවා.

සාකච්ඡවෙන් අනතුරුව ඔවුන් මාධ්‍යයට මෙලෙස අදහස් පළ කළා.

Can we win our Economy?

October 1st, 2019

By Garvin Karunaratne

It is perhaps the right time to address our economic situation. We are currently deep in debt with some $ 60 billion to repay which we never can. Poverty is on the increase because 51% of the country’s income is earned by the richest 20% of the people.

In 1976 we did not have foreign debt. In 1977 our foreign debt was only $ 750 million.  At the end of 2014, the foreign debt was only $ 42.9 billion. Even in the process of servicing that debt- paying the interest due and the instalments due per year we fall further into debt because we have to borrow dollars at high interest to meet that payment. We have to face a payment of $ 16 billion in the next 4 years to service our foreign debt. We are facing a drop in exports, and an increase in imports. Let us not forget that the massive Gal Oya Development was all done with our funds. This denotes that in the early Fifties we had a sound economy.

It is necessary to understand how did we fall into this predicament in order to find a way out of this mess.

We had a sound economy, though facing some problems till 1977.  There were ups and downs, but we were self-reliant. We often ran into problems like in the mid-Seventies when Minister Kobbekaduwa in the Government of Sirimavo decided to take over all plantations over 50 acres, which crippled the private sector. Fifty acres is not an economically viable extent to run a plantation. We ourselves crippled the private sector. Then came the demise in paddy production It is a landmark achievement to become self-sufficient in paddy while implementing a rice ration scheme- an achievement never reached anywhere.. Premier Dudley devoted all his effort at increasing paddy production and he did succeed. It was unfortunate that the next Government of Premier Sirimavo  de-emphasized agriculture and instead concentrated on small industry and youth employment which had mediocre success. The Divisional Development Programme of 1971-77 provided employment to only 33,271 youths, some of them on a part-time basis. The possible success of this DDC Programme was hindered by the JVP uprising of 1971 which crippled the rural areas for some six months. All development work was at a standstill.

   It also happened that the socialist policies of the 1971-1977 period were not appreciated by the Superpowers who imposed sanctions on us, though very unofficially, which caused problems. Take the bread queues of 1974-1975. This was due to the USA not giving us flour under the PL480 Food Aid scheme on discounted terms, which they were giving us earlier. The Government in the period 1972 to 1976 found it an extremely difficult task to balance the foreign exchange budget due to high increases in import prices. the cost of imported rice increased from Rs.1015 to Rs. 2639 per long ton in 1974. Sugar increased from Rs. 3093 to Rs.5486 per long ton.  Flour prices increased from Rs.  1386 to Rs. 2124. per long ton.(From: How the IMF Ruined Sri Lanka: 2006)

 Britain insisted that we pay in dollars to the tea multinationals for the plantations we took over  and we paid that bill.  Despite all these price increases and payments to be made in foreign exchange, the Government was able to have a positive balance of payments of US $ 58 million  in 1976 and $ 117 million in 1977. The value of the Rupee was maintained at Rs 15.50  to the $ US in October 1977 and the foreign debt was nil in 1976 and only $ 750 million in 1977.  Though there were bread queues and shortages, these statistics speak highly of the economy of the period 1970-1977.

What happened in 1977 for a country that was self reliant and had no debt to become bankrupt?

When the Government of President Jayawardena requested Aid from the International Monetary Fund at the end of 1977, because we could not find finances- due to the fact that the prices of oil were increased threefold, the IMF imposed various conditions that had to be followed. It was the intention of Finance Minister Ronnie de Mel that Sri Lanka will be able to get on its feet based on following the advice of the IMF.

The IMF imposed the Structural Adjustment Programme on Sri lanka as well as other Third World countries that sought financial assistance. The economic theories that had been followed till then had enabled our countries to meet all our expenses and to provide for local development- our countries were making what our people needed and the incoming foreign exchange was carefully handled and allocated with care. Our imports were controlled.  This led to a situation where our countries imported less manufactured goods from the Superpowers.  The inability to sell manufactures crippled the economies of the Superpowers and they came up with an alternative economic system which they imposed on our countries to cripple our economies. This was the Structural Adjustment Programme. It was intended to restructure our economies to make us indebted and make us economically subservient.

This SAP was first made up by the Chicago School of Economics by Professor Milton Friedman and adopted by President  Ronald Regan and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and imposed though the IMF on our countries whenever we requested help.  The fundamental premise was for our countries to give up all controls on imports and the use of foreign exchange. We were told to allow all imports and to allow the free use of foreign exchange for foreign travel, for foreign cruises, and to even send people for foreign study(this helped the rich) and when we faced shortages of foreign funds in this process we were given loans. This was aimed both to create sales for the manufactured products of the Superpowers as well as to make the Third World countries indebted so that they can be brought under control- the countries had to get more loans to service the loans they had taken and will have to abide by the Structural Adjustment provisions which will make them further and further indebted, a situation from which they can never recover.

To help this process we were given grace periods of 5 to 10 years when we need not service the loans and our leaders jumped at the idea because they may not be there when the days comes to repay. There were additional clauses that crippled us. We were asked tlo impose high interest rates and Sri Lanka hijacked interest rates to some eighteen percent which meant that banks charged twenty five percent. This put off all our entrepreneurs from manufacturing. They closed down their ventures and instead enjoyed high interest on fixed deposits. While Sri Lanka follows this high interest rate policy even till today India totally rejected it. Today finance is available to people in India at 8 %. Our industries had to get crippled to enable the Superpowers to sell their manufactures.  We have all become colonies once again. We produce raw materials get them exported and then buy the manufactured product from the Superpowers.

During the time when we were sovereign- from the time we became independent till  the time we became appendages of the Superpowers by following the SAP conditions  (at the end of 1977 in Sri Lanka) we had built up a development infrastructure to enable our producers to sell their produce at reasonable rates. We built up the Marketing Department(MD) activities, commenced under Premier DS Senanayake.  There was a vegetable and fruit marketing scheme to buy at high prices from producers- prices higher than what the traders bought. These were brought overnight to the cities and sold at low rates to help city dwellers to buy at low rates. I happened to have been in charge of this scheme and can vouch for its success. Our motto was to keep a margin of 15% while left to the traders they kept 100% or more. That was how we killed two birds with one stone- to provide a high price to the producer as well as to sell at low prices to city folk.  Thereby we controlled inflation. The Marketing Department had a Canning Fctory where fruits were processed into jam and juice.  The MD purchased the total produce of Red Pumpkin, Ash Pumpkin and Pineapple and made them into Golden Melon Jam, Silver Melon Jam, Pineapple Jam and Juice. Our producers became rich and we needed no imports. This was a pain in the neck for the Superpowers who wanted sales for their fruit. They decided that the Govcernment should not have any commercial undertakings. The Marketing Department was scrapped. Its Cannery was privatized.  While we used the Cannery to make Sri Lanka self sufficient in fruit and veg preparations, the privatized cannery runs to make a profit. No wonder we have on our shelves Tomatoe Sauce and Vinegar from the USA, fruit juice from USA and Australia, just to mention a few items.

We also had a Paddy Purchasing Scheme where we purchased paddy at a premium price from genuine producers.  After 1977 this Scheme was altered to purchase from anyone. The traders collected paddy from the farmers and handed over to the Government and benefited from the premium price offered by the people. In the pre 1977 Paddy Purchase Scheme paddy was purchased only from genuine producers on a list prepared by the agricultural overseers/ agrarian services officials. After 1977 the purchases were from anyone and the premium price paid did not serve to help the genuine farmers.

Ronal Regan and Margaret Thatcher directed the IMF, under their control to cripple our economies and make us ‘colonies’ once again and we were the losers. What is sad to realize is that almost all our economists fail to understand the ‘economics’ underlying the Structural Adjustment Programme and its effects. Our Universities are full of qualified economists, but analyzing the Friedman economics is far beyond their comprehension.

How we once do it? We imported chassis instead of coaches and built the chassis into busses and at Ramalana we made all the coaches required for the railways.  In that manner we made a controlled economy. We were self sufficient in all textiles. We imported cars- never luxury models and that was done by import controls. Some think that import controls will lead to chaos. I can assure that there was no chaos. I myself handled small industries and was in charge of allowing foreign exchange to import machinery or an ingredient that was needed for making some item. I can assure anyone that every genuine industrialist was satisfied. 

Way back in  1972 I wanted to establish an import substitution industry. I decided to make crayons and my Planning Officer Vetus Fernando, a raw chemistry graduate,  worked on experiments to find the art of making crayons locked up in the Rahula College school science lab for three long months from six to midnight every evening and did succeed.  I decided that a cooperative should be set up and Coop Crayon was born. I summoned Sumanapala Dahanayake the Member of Parliament for Deniyaya who was also the President of the Morawaka Cooperaive Union and authorized him to use cooperative funds and set up an industry. I had no authority to order the use of cooperative funds but in the national interest we always bend rules. Sumanapala was a maverick who too connived to bend rules for the benefit of the country. It was a handmade crayon like most Chinese products of today.  It was a difficult task to have exact quantities, boil to a certain degree and then pour into glass jars. But it was done, established in some three weeks under the personal direction of katcheri officials who worked day and night to assure the quality, training the youths who were workers. Coop Crayon was easily equal to the qualility of Crayola of today.  We had many problems to surmount and we did it all. We were refused an allocation of foreign exchange by the Ministry of Industries because we were a cooperative and the officials there did not want to bend rules in the national interest. I then approached Harry Guneratne the Controller of Imports who had earmarked dollars to import crayons. It did not take long to convince Harry that by giving us a small allocation he could stop imports. He readily agreed and we sought the approval of his Minister, Illangaratne to do something wrong- in administrative rules to use funds earmarked for imports to be used for manufactures. Minister Illangaratne not only approved it but insisted that we should establish a crayon making factory at Kolonnawa, his electorate.  This detail of how we once did –how the member of parliament Sumanapala Dahanayake slaved to establish Coop Crayon that had islandwide sales within a few months illustrate that we can such feats if called upon again.

. It was the IMF trap of the Structural Adjustment programme that really trapped us and we have now in the few decades from 1978 lost our bearings. The few illustrations of what we did once achieve illustrate that we can win.

Now we come to today. As illustrated though not in great detail we once did it and can do it again

This effort has to get support from the Government in departing from the high interest policy, having controls over imports to ensure that we do not import anything that we can make. For instance we can become self sufficient in all our fruit and fruit juice requirements in one year because we have mangoes and other fruit in plenty. What has to be done is to set up small scale fruit preparation industries and develop an industry. That is a task that can be done in a few months.

This is true of many things we import. The mantra that has to be followed is Import Control and Local manufacture and if we cannot do that we will be doomed for ever.

In addition to all this there has been increased corruption which can be effectively stopped somehow. I can assure that the Members of parliament and ministers till 1973, the year I left were not corrupt. Corruption was not in their veins. They were all fighting with the officers to get development tasks done.. It is my opinion that we can get out of the quagmire of corruption.

However many things have to be done. Economist Sanderatne cries aloud in the Sunday Times that agriculture has got lost.  Why? We have made a few mistakes. Take agricultural extension.

 Let me emphatically state that we have crippled our agricultural exztension service in the Seventies and Eighties. Firstly the World Bank(at the behest fd the Superpowers) decided to cripple our extension service. First they wanted our countries to privatize the Seed Research Stations, which we did.

Then they wanted to cripple the service. In our countries the number of farmers are legion. The only method of working with them to find their needs, provide good seeds etc is through a cooperative network and our countries had built up able cooperatives to muster and enable farmers. The World Bank came up with their Training and Visit System of Extension which they forced on our countries in around 1978. When Our administrators refused the World Bank gave us loans and grants and we readily complied. Giving us a loan or a grant is the bait offered by institutions like the World Bank and the IMF and even by the Superpowers.

Next, during the days of President Premadasa, he promoted all Agricultural Overseers- those who manned agricultural extension at the village level as Grama Niladharis and since then there has been no officer with agricultural training at the village level. For a few years there was no one at the village level and after a few years Niyamakas were appointed. They were not trained nor was any training programme done for them done till today.  The closest trained agricultural officer is at the divisional level and he caters tyo some 4000 to 12,000 farmers. In short the agricultural extension service does not exist at the field level. The problem is that this vacuum is not even understood by the authorities.

Building up the lost agricultural extension system, re establishing the lost Marketing Department activities, building up new programmes, enforcing import controls  etc have all to be done and this is a task that behoves attention by the authorities, even at this late stage.

Garvin Karunaratne

Former GA Matara

Author of:

How the IMF Ruined Sri Lanka, Godages, 2006

How the IMF Sabotaged Third World Development, Kindle/Godages, 2017

2/10/2019

Yahapalanaya not built anything of lasting value from USD26bn loans: MR

October 1st, 2019

Courtesy LBO

Oct 01, 2019 (LBO) – Sri Lanka’s Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa says that the yahapalana government has not built anything of lasting value or anything that would generate an income from the staggering 26 billion US dollars that they took in the form of foreign currency commercial loans since January 2015.

Releasing a statement, the ex-President says that the debt crisis created in Sri Lanka by the yahapalana government has now reached a critical stage.

The total government debt which was Rs. 7.39 trillion at the time this government came into power in January 2015, had skyrocketed to Rs. 12.64 trillion by the end of July 2019 – an increase of 71%,” Rajapaksa said.

The most salient feature of the debt that the present government has taken on, is that none of it has been utilised to develop the country but only to meet the day to day expenses of the government.”

Current position regarding the yahapalana govt.’s debt crisis

The debt crisis created in this country by the yahapalana government has now reached a critical stage. The total government debt which was Rs. 7.39 trillion at the time this government came into power in January 2015, had skyrocketed to Rs. 12.64 trillion by the end of July 2019 – an increase of 71%. The high proportion of foreign currency commercial loans in the debt taken by the yahapalana government increases the risk to the country. The international ratings agency Moody’s issued a warning recently with regard to this matter. From January 2015 to date, this government has taken a staggering 26 billion US Dollars in foreign currency commercial loans through Sri Lanka Development Bonds, Sovereign Bonds, Syndicated Loans, Currency Swaps and the like.

Foreign currency loans have to be repaid in foreign currency. Hence the debt burden increases automatically when the value of the US Dollar increases in relation to the Rupee. The value of the US Dollar which was Rs.131 when this government came into power, has increased to Rs.183 today. The depreciation of the currency from 2015 up to the end of 2018 alone, had increased the government’s debt burden by Rs.1,709 billion. The most salient feature of the debt that the present government has taken on, is that none of it has been utilised to develop the country but only to meet the day to day expenses of the government.

Whenever the yahapalana camp refers to the debt taken on by my government, they refer only to various project loans that we took to build infrastructure. It should be noted that during the past five years, the yahapalana camp has never referred to any debt taken by my government which was not related to a project. The reason for this is that it was very sparingly that my government took commercial loans through Sri Lankan Development Bonds, Sovereign Bonds, Currency Swaps or Syndicated Loans. The project loans taken during my time were long term loans taken at concessionary rates of interest. Furthermore the amounts that we took as project loans are very small in comparison to the yahapalana consumption borrowings.

The cost of the Norochholai power plant was 1.35 billion USD. The entire loan taken to build the Hambantota harbour was 1.26 billion USD. The Expressway up to Matara cost 740 million USD, the Mattala airport 209 million USD, the Colombo Katunayake expressway 292 million USD and the loan taken to build the Lotus Tower was 67 million USD. Even if the loans taken to build all these projects are put together, the amount taken does not come even close to the 4.4 billion USD that the yahapalana government borrowed in 2019 alone through the issue of two sovereign bonds.

That would place in perspective the proportions of the debt crisis created by the yahapalana government in less than five years. This is why I have kept the public informed about this issue from time to time. My government took loans for investment. Today the Norochcholai power plant is a very profitable enterprise. The Auditor General stated last year that the expressways are also making profits. Last Sunday, the newspapers reported that the nine story administrative building of the Hambantota Port now has a 95% occupancy rate with companies engaged in various operations related to the port renting space in the building. This means that before long the Hambantota Port will also be making profits. The government can also derive a large income from the Lotus Tower which was opened recently.

In contrast to this, the yahapalana government has not built anything of lasting value or anything that would generate an income from the staggering 26 billion USD that they took in the form of foreign currency commercial loans since January 2015. The reason why my government did not have to take foreign currency loans for consumption while the yahapalana government has had to do so, is because the latter threw government money into political endeavours to win elections and to retain power. The money spent by the yahapalana government to keep themselves in power will finally have to be paid by the people of this country. Economic crises have occurred under previous governments as well. However, this is the first time that an economic crisis has come about due to the mismanagement of state funds. Never in the 71 years since independence have we had a government that has been as irresponsible as this in the handling of government finances.

Mahinda Rajapaksa
Leader of the Opposition

SL currency notes signed by Mahendran – Opposition to seek SC interpretation

October 1st, 2019

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

In the wake of a court case filed challenging Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s citizenship, the Opposition said today, it would seek a Supreme Court interpretation on the validity of currency notes signed by Central Bank’s former governor Arjuna Mahendran, who is a Singaporean national.

MP Dr. Bandula Gunawardana told a news conference Mr. Mahendran was never a Sri Lankan though he signed Sri Lanka’s currency notes as the then CB governor.

According to Singaporean laws, no Singaporean can hold dual citizenship. Therefore, Mr. Mahendran always was and is a Singaporean national. No foreign national is allowed to hold office in Sri Lanka let alone sign currency notes. This was an issue we raised previously as well but gave in after the bond commission was appointed, because we thought proper legal action will be taken following the commission’s recommendations. It didn’t happen and today, the government is targeting Gotabaya Rajapaksa over his citizenship when he has evidently abandoned his US citizenship and is a Sri Lankan citizen now,” he said.

Dr. Gunawardena said the Opposition’s legal team was studying the legal aspect of Mr. Mahendran signing Sri Lankan currency notes while remaining as a Singaporean national.

This raises the question whether the notes signed by Mr. Mahendran are valid since he is not a Sri Lankan,” he said.

Commenting on the court case filed against SLPP presidential candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Dr. Gunawardena said they had their faith and confidence in the judiciary to deliver a correct judgement.

Gotabaya renounced his US citizenship. All these allegations and court cases are being made against him since he is contesting the presidential election and is a strong candidate,” he said.

Cop or thug?

October 1st, 2019

Editorial Courtesy The Island

October 1, 2019, 8:20 pm 

IGP Pujith Jayasundera, currently on compulsory leave, was arrested, yesterday, for having manhandled a lift operator at the Police Headquarters, in 2017. One may wonder why on earth the police took so long to take action against the police chief for that incident in spite of the availability of irrefutable evidence against him. A video of the attack went viral on the Internet. But our judicial system is so efficient that no sooner had he been taken into custody than he was released on bail.

Ironically, IGP Jayasundera, who flew into a rage and pounced on the elevator operator, undertook to train the police personnel to exercise patience and be at peace with themselves as well as the world at large; he made it mandatory for them to observe sil every morning. He himself should have practised meditation and learnt to control his volatile temper. One may recall that in 2013, Jayasundera, who was a senior DIG then, made all the personnel, attached to the Kattankudy police station, kneel as it had been brought to his notice that one of the traffic cops had taken a bribe. Sadly, he failed to maintain law and order in the area, where gangs operated freely. Kattankudy became a hotbed of extremism and the home turf of Zaharan and other terrorists responsible for the Easter Sunday carnage.

Jayasundera should kneel, in public, by way of penance for his deplorable conduct and failures, which are legion. It has now been revealed that he did not properly act on the intelligence warnings of impending Easter attacks, which destroyed more than 250 lives. He shamelessly allowed politicians to use the police as a malleable tool. The CID is doing full-time political work. So is the FCID, which has turned a blind eye to the biggest ever financial crime in the country—the 2015 bond scam. Had some political rivals of the government been involved therein, the FCID would have lost no time in arresting the suspects and their family members as well. Billions of rupees have gone down the gurgler owing to an imported milch cow racket, where some politicians and bureaucrats lined their pockets. No action has been taken against these crooks.

The government claims to have restored law and order. If so, the IGP should have been arrested in the act of manhandling the hapless lift operator. The incident would not have come to light but for the fierce rivalries among senior police officers who are jostling for promotions. The officer who leaked the CCTV footage at issue, obviously, wanted to ruin the IGP’s career.

The police were recently looking for a person who had videoed an incident where two novice Buddhist monks were assaulted. The guardians of the law said that he had to be brought to justice for having videoed the assault without intervening to save the victims. By the same token, legal action should be instituted against the police officers who were present when the aforesaid lift operator was attacked but did not intervene to save him from the IGP on the rampage. It will be interesting to see what the National Police Commission has got to say to this.

Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has drawn heavy flak for the appointment of Arjuna Mahendran as the Central Bank Governor. It was on his recommendations that President Maithripala Sirisena appointed Mahendran to that post. Mahendran is now a fugitive from justice, having got involved in the bond scams and fled the country. President Sirisena was blamed for the appointment of I. H. K. Mahanama as his Chief of Staff, following the latter’s arrest for taking a bribe. Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa is still being raked over the coals for having appointed rogues to high posts while he was in power. So, the blame for the appointment of the incumbent IGP, who has become a disgrace to the Police Department and the country should go to the Constitutional Council, which picked him at the expense of a better qualified officer. 

Wednesday 2nd October, 2019

ඇතින්නියන් මිය ‍ගිය හේතුව ගැන හෝඩුවාවක්

October 1st, 2019

උපුටාගැණීම අද දෙරණ

හබරණ ප්‍රදේශයේදී අභිරහස් ලෙස මියගිය ඇතින්නන් 07දෙනාගේ මරණවලට හේතුව විෂ රසායනික ද්‍රව්‍යක් ශරීරගතවීම විය හැකි බව වනජිවි අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල් චන්දන සූරියබණ්ඩාර මහතා පවසයි.

අද(01) කොළඹදී මාධ්‍ය හමුවක් පවත්වමින් ඒ මහතා මේ බව සඳහන් කළේය. 

මෙහිදී අදහස් දක්වමින් කියා සිටියේ, මෙම සිදුවීම ඉතාමත් අස්වාභාවික සිදුවීමක් බවත් ඒ හේතුවෙන් අධිකරණයෙන් මෙම සතුන්ගේ පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණ සිදු කිරීමට අවසර ලැබුණු බවත්ය.

ඒ අනුව පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණ සියල්ල සිදු කර අවසන් බවත් දැනට එයින් ලැබී ඇති කරුණු මත මෙම මරණ 7 විෂ රසායනික ද්‍රව්‍ය නිසා බවට සැකයක් පවතින බවද ඒ මහතා පැවසීය.

එය තහවුරු කර ගැනීමට අවශ්‍ය බවත්, එය සමහර විට කෘෂි රසායනික ද්‍රව්‍යයක් විය හැකි බවත් එසේ නොමැති නම් වෙනස් දිලීර වර්ගයක් විය හැකි බවත් පැවසු වනජිවි අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල්වරයා, මේ ගැන පරීක්ෂණ පවත්වන බවත් කියා සිටියේය.

යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව ඇතිකළ ණය අර්බුදයේ වත්මන් තත්වය

October 1st, 2019

මාධ්‍ය නිවේදනය මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ විපක්‍ෂ නායක

යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව මේ රටේ ඇතිකළ ණය අර්බුදය මේ වන විට අතිශයින්ම බරපතල  තත්වයකට පැමිණ තිබේ. වර්තමාන ආණ්ඩුව 2015 ජනවාරියේදී බලයට පැමිණෙන අවස්ථාවේදී රුපියල් ට්‍රිලියන 7.39 ක් වූ ලංකාවේ මුලු ණය බර, 2019 ජුලි මස අවසානය වන විට රුපියල් ට්‍රිලියන 12.64 ක් දක්වා 71% කින් ඉහල ගොස් තිබුණි. මේ ණය ගැනිල්ල  වඩාත්ම අවදානම් සහගත වන්නේ විදේශ විනිමය ණය වැඩි වශයෙන් ගැනීම නිසයි. ජාත්‍යන්තර ශ්‍රේණිගත කිරීම් ආයතනයක් වන මූඩීස් සමාගමද මීට නොබෝ දිනකට පෙර ලංකාවේ මේ විදෙස් ණය ගැනීම ගැන විශේෂ අනතුරු හැඟවීමක් කර තිබුණි. 2015 ජනවාරි මස සිට අද දක්වා මේ ආණ්ඩුව ශ්‍රී ලංකා සංවර්ධන බැඳුම්කර, සවරින් බොන්ඩ්, කරන්සි ස්වොප්, සින්ඩිකේටඩ් ලෝන් යනාදී නොයෙක් මුලාශ්‍ර වලින් ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් බිලියන 26 ක් ඉක්මවූ මුදලක් විදෙස් විනිමය ණය  වශයෙන් පමණක් ලබා ගෙන ඇත.

විදෙස් විනිමය ණය ගත්විට ඒ ණය සියල්ලම විදේශ විනිමයෙන්ම ආපසු ගෙවීමට සිදු වේ. රුපියලට සාපේක්ෂව ඇමරිකානු ඩොලරයේ වටිනාකම වැඩිවන විට විනිමය අනුපොතයේ ඇතිවෙන වෙනස්කම් නිසාද රටේ ණය බර නිරායාසයෙන්ම වැඩි වෙයි. මහා පරිමාණයෙන් විදෙස් විනිමය වානිජ ණය ගැනීම මර උගුලක් වන්නේ මේ නිසාය. 2014 අවසානයේදී රුපියල් 131 ක් වූ ඇමරිකානු ඩොලරය යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව යටතේ සිදුවූ ආර්ථික පරිහානිය හේතුවෙන්, අද වන විට රුපියල් 183 දක්වා ඉතිහාසයේ පෙර නොවූ විරූ ආකාරයට වැඩිවී ඇත. 2015  සිට රුපියලේ වටිනාකම බිඳවැටීම හේතුවෙන්ම පමණක් 2018 අවසානය වන විට ලංකාවේ මුලු ණය බර රුපියල් බිලියන 1,709 කින් වැඩි වී තිබුණි. වත්මන් ආණ්ඩුවේ ණය ගැනීමේ සුවිශේෂම ලක්‍ෂණය වන්නේ ඒ කිසිවක් රට දියුණු කිරීමට ලබාගත් ව්‍යාපෘති ණය නොව ආණ්ඩුවේ එදිනෙදා වියදම් පියවා ගැනීම සඳහා ලබාගත් වානිජ ණය වීමයි.

මගේ ආණ්ඩුවෙන් ලබාගත් ණය ගැන යහපාලකයන් කතා කරන විට ඔවුන් හැමවිටම සඳහන් කරන්නේ නොයෙක් ව්‍යාපෘති සඳහා ගත් ණය ගැන පමණි. මගේ ආණ්ඩුව කාලයේ ව්‍යාපෘතියකට සම්බන්ධ නැති ණයක් ගැන පසුගිය අවුරුදු පහ මුලුල්ලේම යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුවේ අය කිසිඳු සඳහනක් කර නැති බව ජනතාවගේ විශේෂ අවධානයට ලක් විය යුතුය.  මගේ ආණ්ඩුව ශ්‍රී ලංකා සංවර්ධන බැඳුකර, සවරින් බොන්ඩ්, කරන්සි ස්වොප්, සින්ඩිකේටඩ් ලෝන් වැනි මූලාශ්‍ර වලින් වානිජ ණය ලබාගැනීම ඉතාමත්ම අවම මට්ටමකින් පවත්වාගෙන ගියේය. අපේ පාලන සමයේ ව්‍යාපෘති සඳහා  විදෙස් ණය ගනු ලැබුවේ 2% වැනි සහනදායි පොලියට දිගු කාලීන ණය වශයෙන්ය. එසේ ලබාගෙන තිබෙන්නේද, යහපාලන ණය ගැනිල්ලට සාපේක්ෂව ඉතාමත්ම සුලු මුදලකි. නොරොච්චෝලේ බලාගාරය සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම ඉදිකිරීමට වැය වූයේ ඇ.ඩො. බිලියන 1.35 කි. හම්බන්තොට වරාය අද තිබෙන තත්වයට ගෙන ඒමට ගත් මුලු ණය ඩොලර් බිලියන 1.26 කි. මාතර දක්වා දක්‍ෂිණ අධිවේගී මාර්ගයට ඩොලර් මිලියන 740කි. මත්තල ගුවන්තොටුපලට ඩොලර් මිලියන 209කි. කටුණායක අධිවේගී මාර්ගයට ඩොලර් මිලියන 292 කි. නෙළුම් කුලුණ ඉදිකිරීමට ගත් ණය ප්‍රමාණය ඩොලර් මිලියන 67කි. මේ සියලුම ව්‍යාපෘති වලට වැය වූ මුදල් එකට එකතු කළත්, යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව මේ වසරේදී පමණක් සවරින් බොන්ඩ් දෙකක් හරහා ලබාගත් ඩොලර් බිලියන 4.4ට කිට්ටුවටවත් එන්නේ නැත.

යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව විසින් අවරුදු පහකට අඩු කාලයක් තුළ ඇතිකළ මේ ණය අර්බුදයේ තරම එයයි. මම පසුගිය වකවානුව පුරාම මේ ප්‍රශ්නය ගැන විටින් විට ජනතාව දැණුවත් කිරීමට පියවර ගත්තේ මෙහි ඇති බරපතලකම නිසාමය. මගේ ආණ්ඩුව ණය අරගෙන කළේ ආයෝජනයයි. අද වන විට නොරොච්චෝලේ බලාගාරය අධික ලාභ ලබන ව්‍යාපෘතියකි. අධිවේගී මාර්ගද ලාභ ලබන බව විගනකාධිපතිවරයා ගිය අවුරුද්දේ පැවසීය. පුද්ගලික සමාගමකට අවුරුදු 99 කට බදු දී ඇති හම්බන්තොට වරායේ තට්ටු නවයේ පරිපාලන ගොඩනැගිල්ලෙන් 95% ක් දැනටමත්  වරාය ආශ්‍රිත වානිජ මෙහෙයුම් කරන නොයෙක් සමාගම් වලට බදු දී හමාර බව පසුගිය ඉරිදා මාධ්‍යයේ පලවිය. එයින් පෙනෙන්නේ හම්බන්තොට වරායත් තව නොබෝ කාලෙකින් ලාභ ලබන තත්වයට පත්වෙන බවයි. මෑතකදී විවෘත කළ නෙළුම් කුලුනෙන්ද ආණ්ඩුවට විශාල ආදායම් ලබාගත හැක.

නමුත් පසුගිය අවුරුදු හතරහමාර තුළ යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුවෙන් ලබාගත් ඩොලර් බිලියන 26ක විදෙස් ණයෙන්, කිසිඳු කල්පවතින, ආදායම් උපයන ආයෝජනයක් කර නැත. මගේ පාලන සමයේදී මහා පරිමානයෙන් පරිභෝජන ණය ගැනීමට සිදු නොවුණේත්, වර්තමාන ආන්ඩුවට එසේ කිරීමට සිදුවී තිබෙන්නේත් අන් කිසිවක් නිසා නොව යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව මැතිවරණ ජයගැනීමට හා බලය රැකගැනීමට රජයේ මුදල් විසිකිරීම නිසාය. තමන්ගෙ බලය  රැකගැනීමට යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව කරන වියදම් සියල්ල අවසානයේදී  ගෙවීමට සිදුවන්නේ මහජනතාවටමය. මීට කළින් පැවති ආණ්ඩු යටතේත්, මේ රටේ නොයෙක් ආර්ථික අර්බුද ඇති වී තිබුණත්, ආණ්ඩුවේ මූල්‍ය පාලනය අවුල් කිරීම තුළින් අපේ රටේ ආර්ථික අර්බුදයක් නිර්මාණය වූ පළමු අවස්ථාව මෙයයි. ආණ්ඩුවේ මුදල් පාලනය කෙරෙහි මේ තරම් වගකීම් විරහිත ආකල්පයක් දැක්වූ වෙනත් කිසිම ආණ්ඩුවක් නිදහසින් පසු ගත වූ අවුරුදු 71 දී අපි දැක නැත.   

මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ

විපක්‍ෂ නායක

Yahapalana regime used govt. money for political purposes – Mahinda

October 1st, 2019

Mahinda Rajapaksa Leader of the Opposition

Current position regarding the yahapalana govt.’s debt crisis

The debt crisis created in this country by the yahapalana government has now reached a critical stage. The total government debt which was Rs. 7.39 trillion at the time this government came into power in January 2015, had skyrocketed to Rs. 12.64 trillion by the end of July 2019 – an increase of 71%. The high proportion of foreign currency commercial loans in the debt taken by the yahapalana government increases the risk to the country. The international ratings agency Moody’s issued a warning recently with regard to this matter. From January 2015 to date, this government has taken a staggering 26 billion US Dollars in foreign currency commercial loans through Sri Lanka Development Bonds, Sovereign Bonds, Syndicated Loans, Currency Swaps and the like.

Foreign currency loans have to be repaid in foreign currency. Hence the debt burden increases automatically when the value of the US Dollar increases in relation to the Rupee. The value of the US Dollar which was Rs.131 when this government came into power, has increased to Rs.183 today. The depreciation of the currency from 2015 up to the end of 2018 alone, had increased the government’s debt burden by Rs.1,709 billion. The most salient feature of the debt that the present government has taken on, is that none of it has been utilised to develop the country but only to meet the day to day expenses of the government. 

Whenever the yahapalana camp refers to the debt taken on by my government, they refer only to various project loans that we took to build infrastructure.  It should be noted that during the past five years, the yahapalana camp has never referred to any debt taken by my government which was not related to a project. The reason for this is that it was very sparingly that my government took commercial loans through Sri Lankan Development Bonds, Sovereign Bonds, Currency Swaps or Syndicated Loans. The project loans taken during my time were long term loans taken at concessionary rates of interest. Furthermore the amounts that we took as project loans are very small in comparison to the yahapalana consumption borrowings.

The cost of the Norochholai power plant was 1.35 billion USD. The entire loan taken to build the Hambantota harbour was 1.26 billion USD. The Expressway up to Matara cost 740 million USD, the Mattala airport 209 million USD, the Colombo Katunayake expressway 292 million USD and the loan taken to build the Lotus Tower was 67 million USD. Even if the loans taken to build all these projects are put together, the amount taken does not come even close to the 4.4 billion USD that the yahapalana government borrowed in 2019 alone through the issue of two sovereign bonds.

That would place in perspective the proportions of the debt crisis created by the yahapalana government in less than five years. This is why I have kept the public informed about this issue from time to time. My government took loans for investment. Today the Norochcholai power plant is a very profitable enterprise. The Auditor General stated last year that the expressways are also making profits.  Last Sunday, the newspapers reported that the nine story administrative building of the Hambantota Port now has a 95% occupancy rate with companies engaged in various operations related to the port renting space in the building. This means that before long the Hambantota Port will also be making profits. The government can also derive a large income from the Lotus Tower which was opened recently.

In contrast to this, the yahapalana government has not built anything of lasting value or anything that would generate an income from the staggering 26 billion USD that they took in the form of foreign currency commercial loans since January 2015. The reason why my government did not have to take foreign currency loans for consumption while the yahapalana government has had to do so, is because the latter threw government money into political endeavours to win elections and to retain power.  The money spent by the yahapalana government to keep themselves in power will finally have to be paid by the people of this country. Economic crises have occurred under previous governments as well. However, this is the first time that an economic crisis has come about due to the mismanagement of state funds. Never in the 71 years since independence have we had a government that has been as irresponsible as this in the handling of government finances. 

Mahinda Rajapaksa

Leader of the Opposition

I spoke the truth, I won’t resign: Ex-SG Gamlath

October 1st, 2019

Susitha Fernando Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Former Solicitor General (SG) and Chairman of the Sri Lanka National Authority for the Protection of Witnesses and Victims, Suhada Gamlath reiterated that he spoke the truth and said telling truth had been construed as politics.

He was responding to Justice Minister Thalatha Athukorala, who said he has talked politics while holding a position in the public service.

If telling truth is construed as politics what is the use of living in this country,” Mr. Gamlath asked.

He insisted that he would not resign from his position as the head of the National Authority for the Protection of Witnesses and Victims but that he would wait until any action was taken against him.

“When these people were making a fuss about this matter, I informed the Secretary to the President that I may resign. But reading what another lawyer told a state-run newspaper that I should resign forthwith I decided not to do so. They cannot remove me with that kind of pressure,” Mr. Gamlath said. Let them remove me.”

He said he was reappointed as the President of the National Authority this month on the recommendation of Minister Athukorala herself.

If they want to remove me they can do so. That is perfectly alright. But I have done my duty. If my removal is based on my statement, I really don’t know what is political in it. I have said the truth, the absolute truth of what is happening in this country. If saying the truth is construed as talking politics well then we have to fine another country to settle down,” Mr. Gamlath said.

Referring to an earlier controversial telephone conversation by former Solicitor General Dilrukshi Dias Wickramasinghe, Mr. Gamalath said, My statement is a sequel to what the other SG said. She has said that she was pressured by politicians to act in that manner and I endorse that view. That is what happened to me also. This is not talking politics. This is the reality that exists in the government service of this country,” he said.

Mr. Gamlath said he took over the National Authority for the Protection of Witnesses and Victims when it had become dysfunctional after its previous chairman quit within one year.

This authority was set up in 2016 and then a board of directors was appointed. The chairman couldn’t function for more than one year and he abandoned it. There was a lull without a chairman and the work came to a grinding halt. During this period I was left in the lurch at the Attorney General’s Department without being assigned any work by the then AG Jayantha Jayasuriya and as Solicitor General I was not allowed to do substantial work for some time,” he said. During that period I was told that this authority was not functional and I told Mr. Wijayadasa Rajapaksa to hand it over to me and I will see whether I could do something as a service to the country. In my view within the matter of one and half years I have done a lot to bring it up to this level.”

Mr. Gamlath said there were lot of defects in the law and that he did what he could to rectify them. He said Minister Athukorala had appointed him to draft a law on children who were victims of crimes and witnesses. I am spending lot of time drafting that as well. I have been asked to draft the whistle-blowers law and I am working on it as well. I am doing this work on a voluntary basis. I am doing this because I want to serve my country,” he said. 

Violating Procedures: Suhada Gamlath asked to resign

October 1st, 2019

Yohan Perera Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Chairman of the National Authority for Protection of Witnesses and Victims, Suhada Gamlath has said he would submit his resignation shortly but action is be taken by the Presidential Secretariat to remove him if he fails to do so by today, Justice and Law Reforms Minister Thalatha Athukorala said today.

She told a conference that Mr. Gamlath had committed an offence as a public servant by talking to the media on certain issues.

I requested President Maithripala Sirisena to take action against him and the President’s office had assured me that action will be taken,” the minister said. We have no issues with his political ideology but he has violated procedures which a public servant should follow.”

Mr. Gamlath was quoted as saying that two ministers had exercised undue influence on him to arrest SLPP presidential candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

මහේෂ් සේනානායක එන්නේ මොකාටද?

October 1st, 2019

කතු වැකිය උපුටා ගැන්ම  අරුණ පුවත්

රටට නායකයන් නැති නිසාදෝ දැන් ජනාධිපති ධුර අපේක්ෂකයන් වැහි වැහැලාය. අලුත්ම අපේක්ෂකයා වන්නේ හිටපු හමුදාපති මහේෂ් සේනානායකය. ඔහුව මේ තරගයට ගෙනැවිත් ඇත්තේ ජාතික ජනතා ව්‍යාපාරය නම් සංවිධානයක් විසිනි. මහේෂ් සේනානායක මහතා සුදුසුම හා එකම අපේක්ෂකයා ලෙස ඉදිරිපත් කර ඇතත් අපට නම් පෙනෙන්නේ මහේෂ් සේනානායක එම සංවිධානයේ ‘බැරිම තැන’ අපේක්ෂකයා ලෙසය. ඔවුන් මීට පෙර ශිරාණි බණ්ඩාරනායක, දිල්රුක්ෂි ඩයස් වැනි චරිත ජනාධිපතිවරණයට කැඳවීමට සූදානමින් සිටියහ. නාගානන්ද කොඩිතුවක්කු හා ගාමිණී විජේසිංහ වැනි අයගේ නම්ද මීට පෙර සඳහන් වී තිබිණ.

මහේෂ් සේනානායක ඉදිරිපත්කොට ඇත්තේ මේ එක් අයකු හෝ ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට උත්සාහ කොට නොහැකි වූ නිසා බව පැහැදිලිය. මේ අන්දමින් බලන කල ඔහු ගැන අපට ඇත්තේ අනුකම්පාවකි. ඒ මේ තරගයෙන් ඔහුගේ පරාජය නියත නිසා නොව, මේ රටේ යුද හමුදාපති ධුරය වැනි ඉතා භාරධූර වගකීම් සහගත ධුරයක් දරා ඇත්තේ මේ තරම් කුඩා මිනිහෙක්දැයි සිතෙන විටය.

ජනාධිපතිවරණයකදී සටන ඇත්තේ ප්‍රධාන පක්ෂ දෙකේ අපේක්ෂකයන් අතරය. ඉතිහාසයේ කිසි දිනෙක කුඩා පක්ෂයකින් හෝ පක්ෂයකින් තොරව ඉදිරිපත් වූ අපේක්ෂකයකු ජයග්‍රහණය කරනවා තබා දෙවන හෝ තෙවන ස්ථානයටවත් තේරී නැත. යුද විශේෂඥයකු වූ සුන්සු පවසා ඇත්තේ තමන්ට අවාසිදායක භූමියක සටනට නොයා යුතු බවය. වසර 36 ක හමුදා සේවා අත්දැකීම් ඇති මහේෂ් සේනානායක සුන්සු කියවා නැතිවන්නට විදියක් නැත.

එසේ නම් යුද හමුදාපතිවරයා ලෙස ගෞරවනීය මතකයක් ජනතාව තුළ රඳවන්නට හැකියාව තිබියදී පරාජිත ජනාධිපති අපේක්ෂකයකු වන්නට මහේෂ් සේනානායක තීරණය කරන්නේ ඇයි? මහේෂ් සේනානායක මෙන් නොව ඇත්තෙන්ම සංග්‍රාම භූමියේ සෙන්පතියකු වූද, එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ හා ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණේ සහාය ලැබූ ඔහුගේ පූර්වගාමියකු වූ සරත් ​ෆොන්සේකාටත් වඩා තමන්ට ජන ප්‍රසාදයක් ඇතැයි සිතන්නට තරම් මහේෂ් සේනානායක මෝඩයකු වන්නට නොහැකිය.

එසේ නම් පරාජය සක්සුදක් සේ පැහැදිලිව තිබියදී ඔහු මේ සූදානම් වන්නේ කුමක් සඳහාද? කාගේ අවශ්‍යතාවක් වෙනුවෙන්ද?

2015 දී මෙරට පැවති පාලන තන්ත්‍රය වෙනස් වූයේ බටහිර සැලසුමකට අනුව බව දැන් කවුරුත් දන්නා කරුණකි. ඒ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ පාලනයේ තිබූ වැරදි නිසාම නොව ජාත්‍යන්තර භූ දේශපාලනයේ චලනයන්ට අනුව සිදු වූවකි. කෙසේ වෙතත් ඔවුන්ගේ සැලසුමට අනුව බලය ගත් කණ්ඩායම මේ වන විටත් ජනතාවගෙන් ප්‍රතික්ෂේප වී අවසන්ය. යළිත් වරක් මෙරට පාලනය හිමිවන්නට යන්නේ බටහිරට ගැති නොවන කණ්ඩායමකට බවට ඉඟි පළවෙමින් තිබේ. 2015 මෙරට පාලන තන්ත්‍රය වෙනස් කළ බලවේගයන්ට අවශ්‍ය කෙසේ හෝ එය වෙනස් කිරීමටය.

එහෙත් ඒ සඳහා ඔවුන්ගේ අභිලාෂයන්ට ගැළපෙන ප්‍රබල චරිතයක් නැත. දැන් ඔවුන්ගේ සැලසුම වී ඇත්තේ එක් එක් අංශයන් නියෝජනය වන පරිදි අපේක්ෂකයන් කිහිප දෙනකු යොදවා ඡන්ද කැඩීමය.

මේ අනුව මහේෂ් සේනානායක යනු ඒ මහා සැලැස්මේ එක් ඉත්තෙක් පමණකි. ඔහු පිටිපසින් සිටින්නේ කවුරුන්ද යන්න හඳුනාගත් පසු එය තේරුම්ගත හැකිය. එසේම මෙය කලක සිට කරන ලද සැලසුම් සහගත වැඩපිළිවෙළක් බවද වටහාගත හැකිය.

2015 ජනාධිපතිවරණයේදී සිවිල් සංවිධාන නමැති ප්‍රපංචයන්ට විශාල වැඩ කොටසක් පැවරී තිබුණේය. එහෙත් යහපාලනය කූජිත වීමත් සමග මේ සිවිල් සංවිධානවල වලංගුතාවද අහෝසි වී ගියේය. 2015 න් පසු සමාජ සාධාරණත්වය නීතිය, යුක්තිය, වගවීම ගැන කතා කරන නව චරිත සමාජගත කිරීම ක්‍රමානුකූලව සිදුවිය. දැන් මහේෂ් සේනානායක පිටුපස සිටින්නේ මේ නව සිවිල් යැයි කියන සංවිධානය. මෙතෙක් කලක් පසුබිමේ සිට දේශපාලනය කළ කුප්‍රකට රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධානයක්ද පළමුවරට මේ හරහා ක්‍රියාකාරී දේශපාලනයට පිවිස තිබේ. ඔවුන්ගේ අවශ්‍යතාව කොතරම් ප්‍රබලද යන්න වටහා ගැනීමට එම කාරණය වුවද ප්‍රමාණවත්ය.

මහේෂ් සේනානායකද කලක සිටම මේ සැලසුමේ කොටස්කරුවෙක්ව සිටි බව අප්‍රේල් 21 ප්‍රහාරයෙන් පසුව ඔහුගේ හැසිරීම් නිරීක්ෂණයෙන් තේරුම්ගත හැකිය. ආරක්ෂාව තහවුරු වී ඇති නිසා පාසල් යන්නැයි ළමුන්ට කීවේ මහේෂ් සේනානායකය. මාස තුනකට රට භාර ගන්නැයි ජනතාව තමන්ගෙන් ඉල්ලන බවද කීවේ ඔහුය. රටේ ජනතාවට දේශපාලන නායකත්වය කොතරම් එපා වී තිබුණේද යත් පාස්කු ප්‍රහාරය එල්ල වීම ගැන හමුදාපති මහේෂ් සේනානායක ද වගකිව යුතු බව ජනතාවට අමතක විය. ඔවුහු මහේෂ් සේනානායක ජාතික වීරයෙක් බවට බෞතීස්ම කළෝය. මහේෂ් ඇතුළු නඩයට අවශ්‍ය වූයේද එයමය. ඒ අනුව දැන් මශේෂ් සේනානායක ජනාධිපතිවරණයේදී ස්ථානගත වන්නට සූදානම් වන්නේ දේශප්‍රේමියකු හා යුද වීරයකු ලෙසය.

ඔහු යුද වීරයකු යැයි කියන අය යුද්ධයේදී ඔහු කළ වික්‍රමය කුමක්දැයි විමසන්නේ නැත. අනෙක් අතට යුද්ධය ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කරන ඊනියා සිවිල් සංවිධාන කන්නට ඕනෑ වූ විට කබරගොයා තලගොයා කර ගනිමින් සොල්දාදුවකු මේ රටේ ජනාධිපති කරන්නට අපට යෝජනා කරන්නේ කෙසේ දැයි කිසිවකු ප්‍රශ්න කරන්නේද නැත.

අප වැනි කුඩා රටවල දේශපාලන න්‍යාය පත්‍රය ලියන්නේ ලොව බලවත් රටවලින් බව අප පිළිගත යුතු සත්‍යයකි. එහෙත් එහිදී අපටද රටක් ලෙස මැදිහත් වීමට ඉඩක් තබා ගත යුතුය. එලෙස ඉඩක් ලබා ගැනීමට නම් පළමුව කළ යුත්තේ මහේෂ් සේනානායක වැනි ඉත්තන් හා ඔවුන් පිටුපස සිටින රූකඩ පරාජය කිරීමය. කවුරුන් මේ රටේ ජනාධිපති වුවත් ඔහු බටහිර රූකඩයක් නොවිය යුත්තා ​සේම ඒ තනතුර දරන්නට සුදුස්සකුද විය යුතු බැවිනි

ආණ්ඩුවේ නීතිය නැවීම ගැන හෙළිදරව් කළ සුහද ගෙදර යවනවා – ඇමති තලතා

October 1st, 2019

උපුටා ගැන්ම  අරුන පුවත්

හිටපු සොලිස්ටර් ජනරාල් සුහද ගම්ලත් වින්දිතයන් හා සාක්ෂිකරුවන් ආරක්ෂා කිරීමේ අධිකාරියේ සභාපති ධූරයෙන් අද වන විට ඉල්ලා අස් නොවුනොත් තමන් ඔහු සම්බන්ධව ක්‍රියාමාර්ගයක් ගන්නා බව අධිකරණ හා බන්ධනාගාර ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ ඇමැති තලතා අතුකෝරළ අද (01) ප්‍රකාශ කළාය.

මුදල් ඇමැති මංගල සමරවීරගේ කොළඹ පිහිටි නිල නිවසේ ජනාධිපතිධූර අපේක්ෂක සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාසගේ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන් පැවැති මාධ්‍ය හමුවේදී අධිකරණ අමාත්‍යවරිය මේ බව සදහන් කළාය.

ගෝඨාභයට නඩු දාන්න රජය බලපෑම් කළ ආකාරය යන ශීර්ෂය යටතේ පසුගිය සති අග අරුණ පුවත්පතට සුහද ගම්ලත් විසින් සම්මුඛ සාකච්ඡාවක් ලබාදෙමින් කළ හෙළිදරව්ව පිළිබදව මාධ්‍යවේදියෙක් ඇමැතිවරියගෙන් විමසූ අවස්ථාවේදී ඇය මෙසේ කීවාය.

How does Public Service Work? Can the Presidential Aspirants Come Clean?

September 30th, 2019

Dr D.Chandraratna

Given the rush to recruit personnel to the public service we need reassurance from the powers that be that the country is not condemned to be a banana republic in South Asia for decades to come. Those of us who worked in the Sri Lankan administrative service are generally aware of the methods and procedures governing the recruitment, dismissal and retirement provisions of public servants. Monies are allocated to different departments taking account of the budgetary requirements of the respective ministries. These monies are voted under various heads, which guide the disbursement of funds. Strict regulations exist to prevent the illicit transfer of funds from different categories of expenditure. All this because of the indisputable sanctity of public money and the limits to the discretionary powers of those who are in charge of the executive functions of accounting.  The authorized personnel exclude any who are related to the legislative functions of the state. So runs the public service, the executive arm to guarantee the separation of powers needed for good governance.

How the public service functions in Sri Lanka which claims to have ushered in Good governance and pristine democracy is puzzling to the average citizen. What budgetary provisions were there in the Appropriation bills of the year, which allow recruitment of thousands of public servants and Samurdhi payments overnight? Where do the monies come from? If they come from Consolidated revenue were they approved by parliament under supplementary estimates? We are aware that Sri Lankan politicians being the most corrupt in South Asia are capable of bypassing any rule through vicarious procedures which, if at all, were intended to be for one off events. Such expenditures had to be ratified subsequently through normal channels to avert unpredicted crises. But the practice, which was a stop gap measure to avert a crisis, has become the norm and cabinet papers have become the easy way to manipulate the public purse.

That the public servants of today have become the acquiescent underlings of the Cabinet Ministers is well known and the rampant corruption in the public service is not the exception anymore. Our knowledge of unbridled corruption is through personal experience. In importing my used vehicle from Australia at every point I had requests to grease the palm of many a public official from the customs to the Motor vehicle department. Every ounce of my effort expended to avoid paying bribes was hard to edcape and my patience was tested to the n’th point. In getting my apartment the deed from the NHDA was another saga of gargantuan effort spruiced up with greasing the palm at every point. It is only in Sri Lanka a legal contract signed with the Government Housing authority is not worth the paper, even in a court of law. They had changed the Master Plan after signing our contracts without our knowledge.  What democracy are we talking about?

How various ministers have stacked their departments with their men is an offence of mammoth proportions. In doing so you are putting on a burden on the tax paying public for over many years. The recruits salary (not approved in the Treasury allowed cadre plus his pension, w & op thereafter plus the new demand on the Ranaviru persons (outside the reasonable dues) to pay for the children until they reach 18 years is the extremity of the nanny state. Who can sustain an unproductive work force of this magnitude in this modern age? Imagine a country with 225 MP’s (mostly uneducated, who will not understand the fiscal or monetary repercussions of silly actions), 8000 odd absolutely wasteful local legislators and another 15 to 20 lakhs of public servants who are mostly there for welfare reasons than productive activity, what kind of economy can we build for this country. Is the way out going be to send all our women as maids to every corner of the planet and live on the blood, sweat and tears of the hapless poor? When we see the politicos who flit in and out of the President’s Palace in Mahagama Sekera Mawatha, in expensive limousines one cannot but curse these good for nothing people pilfering the public purse.

Will the new Presidential aspirants promise to stop this mass robbery of the public purse starting from the Country’s August law making body? Which presidential aspirant will have this as an item in the manifesto if he/she is serious about a corrupt free administration. If you do not, even retrospectively, collect the taxes they avoided by claiming some irregular loophole then the prospective President will never be for a corruption free administration. Remember that the rot must be cleaned from the head. Who will be man enough to turn the corner in this ‘land like no other’?

GOTA PHOBIA – Part 1 (Threat to provoke Muslims)

September 30th, 2019

By : A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA

We, Sri Lankans are facing a presidential election after almost five years  rule  of vicious, evil, visionless, foreign servile, economically bankrupt, unpatriotic, reactionary government which made Sri Lanka a fast developing nation in Asia to dwindle into one of the poorest countries in the world.  The CIA, British M16 and the Indian RAW espionage agencies together with Western embassies carried out an extensive, massive and unprecedented campaign of misinformation and distortion of facts with the support of dollar voracious unpatriotic N GO vultures most of which mushroomed in 2014 financed particularly by Tiger terrorist diaspora installed this government which called itself as a yahapalana government but in fact it turned out to be a yamapalana dictatorship.

Their promises of one million jobs, massive and extensive foreign investments, Volkswagon  factory in Kuliyapitiya, Modern Tyre Factory in Horana, and many other factories which could fill the pockets of the poor people were similar to Ranil’s 2001 promise of gold chains,  gold bracelets and denim trousers to youths and computer knowledge to farmers. Instead all ongoing projects such as Port City, Lotus Tower etc, were stalled and several thousand people were made jobless. 

They emphasized that Rajapaksas were misleading, cheating and robbing us for almost nine years and were swindling the wealth and resources of this country and among their robberies included depositing the swindled wealth in Banks in Dubai (as per quisling Manhgala Samaraweera it amounted to 18.5 Billiom U.S.Dollars which was substantiated by political chameleon dentist Rajitha Senaratne saying that he saw with his own eyes Namal Rajapaksa carrying the money stacked in gunny bags to a Dubai Bank). They branded the Rajapaksa government as a family enterprise of bandits, an extremely chauvinist outfit, Nepotists who denied meritorious employments, who denied freedom of expression, and all other individual freedoms. 

The new reactionary government instead of developing the country and ushering the promised new era was only interested in prosecuting the members and the family members of the former government including the grandmother of Rajapaksa children.  Many members of the former government and their supporters such as Mr. Mohamed Muzammil had to languish in remand custody for months and months.  This victimisation did not spare well known Buddhist monks even.  The highly admired Ven. Uduwe Dammaloka Thero was forced to remain in remand custody for several months for feeding and raring a baby elephant donated to his temple by a well-wisher.   None of these allegations could be proved and it only wasted government resources and funds.  

The neo-liberalist foreign servile Ranil Wickremasinghe unleashed a vicious pre-election campaign in 2014 under which he made Muslim wealthy traders docile to him go to villages inhabited by Muslims and show in wide screen TVs exaggerated and concocted scenes of Aluthgama/Beruwela incidents spinned especially by Sirikotha slasnder experts to make majority of the Muslims hateful of the Rajapaksa government and vote against Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa.  At that time their propagandists also spread the concocted rumour that Mr. Gotabhaya Rajapaksa was a close confidante of Gnanasara thero and hence Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa will not take any action against the thero. 

What actually happened in this case was Mr. Mahinda was not in the country at the time of the incident and when he returned he straight went to Aluthgama/Beruwela and instructed security forces to immediately commence the repair of damaged houses and properties. Then he also wanted to take legal action against Gnanasara thero.  Them Minister Pa.cha.Ranawaka intervened and threatened Mr. Rajapaksa that if he takes any such action he would resign from the government and would bring a large number of Buddhist monks to the streets to protest against the government and create an unprecedented blood bath in the country. Being well aware of the past activities of this pseudo-Buddhist JVPer , Mr. Mahinda was restrained from taking any further action as it could have led to an extensive blood bath.

Muslims faced continuous threats to their lives and properties from this pseudo-Buddhist former JVPer who was responsible for instigating and carrying out ant-Muslim clashes in Gintota, Ampara, Digana, Katugastota, Akurana and several other places and it was revealed in the Parliament that a tall UNP Minister from the Colombo district was responsible for the unrest and clashes in the country but the government did not take any action against the perpetrators of these crimes and remained silent similar to what happened when around 100,000 Muslims were forcibly expelled overnight from the North by the ruthless LTTE terrorists when Premadasa was the President.  This pseudo-Buddhist former JVPer has also written several books against Islam and Muslims including the book titled ‘Al Qaisw and Al Jihad’ and spoken condemning Islam and the Holy Quran in Parliament while the so-called Muslim Ministers and MPs remained silent. 

Muslims of this country are the biggest unemployed lot in the country and they are not being provided even unskilled jobs by the Ministers and members of this government as they give preference only to Sinhalese and people belonging to their particular religion and castes. This has forced many Muslim youths to become three-wheel drivers and women and girls to seek jobs as domestic servants in the Middle East countries and Malaysia.

Meanwhile, UNP sources indicate that there is a massive plan to be put into operation jointly by this pseudo-Buddhist former JVPer, foreign servile quisling Mangala Samaraweera and the political chameleon and alleged ship owner dentist Rajitha Senaratne to antagonise the Muslims against the presidemntial aspirant Mr.  Gotabhaya Rajapaksa as they are unable to stomach the growing support shown by Muslims to Mr. Gotabhaya Rajapaksa when he visited the mosques of Katchimalai in Beruwela, and the main mosques in Anuradhapura, Kaduruwela in Polonnaruwa, Ratnapura, Chilaw and several other places.

It was as a part of this vicious plan that stoning of houses in Kirinda. Hakmana was staged last week and it was rumoured that the stoning had been carried out by Gotabhaya’s people.  Newspapers reported that 4 Police officers had been suspended.  What happened as per the people of kirinda was some Cattle thieves who are staunch UNPers andnominal Muslims after consuming liquor had thrown the empty bottles to the nearby Temple yard and damaged the Temple gate as well to provoke the chief incumbent of the village Temple and the Sinhalese people of the area.   It is reported that Mangala has sent his Cinnamon Pole gang to stone the houses and properties of Muslims to provoke them saying they are Gotabhaya’s people. 

Several minutes after that Quisling Mangala is reported to have sent the same people saying that they are Mangala’s people who had been sent to protect the victimised Muslims. When these things happened the Police have remained silenced and just to show that the government was concerned about the incident 4 innocent Police officers 3 sergeants and one PC have been suspended,  This incident was a failed operation of the evil trio but Muslims should be highly cautious as definitely there will be some more operations to provoke the Muslims and instil fear in them and prevent them from voting for Mr. Gotabhaya Rajapaksa.   (end)`       

VARIETY OF CHOICES TO THE PEOPLE TO CHOSE AS A PRESIDENT

September 30th, 2019

Dr. Sarath Obeysekera 

 Well .we have an ex-army commander who us a General  in the fray to contest for presidency 

We also have an ex  Colonel who dictated the terms to Generals like in Sierra Leone many years back
Then  we have a politician who hails from lower ranks of society, and we also have  Buddhist priest as a contestant 

We are expecting a capitalist and a lawyer who want to contest preaching a just society 

But we still do not have a woman contestant or a  comedian like in Ukraine 

We need a strong person who can win the hearts of the people .

I suggest that we should have Casino owner or a Liquor supplier who has been very successful in business.

Dr. Sarath Obeysekera 

WHAT DO WE NEED -LAW AND ORDER COUPLED WITH DICTATORSHIP OR DEMOCRACY WITH EMPTY STOMACH ?

September 30th, 2019

Dr Sarath Obeysekera 

When JR was voted to be the prime minister and later to become the first president my mother wrote to me to Russia and said that ” Sri Lanka will have a prosperous   ( Saubaghyamath anagathayak) future.

What did we get? 

A doomed Constitution which has become a bane to the country.

Whatever said and done despite the fact that my mother was hardcore green party follower and my father who wore a national dress when SWRD become the prime minister, I was of the opinion that we were not ready for a sudden change.

We got a TV with Japanese funding, and I did not have to get an exit permit to travel abroad, I thought we are not yet ready.

Free Trade Zones were opened up , all the Industries started by Mrs. B with Russian help were left to rot

Cement, Plywood, paper, Steel, textile, petroleum, fertilizer factories which should have been developed with improved productivity were either sold or closed down.

People wanted to see miracles in the face of an open economy 

What did we get?

Mahaweli with a very high level of purported corruption has given some benefit to the country but our productivity was at the lowest level

Then Sirikotha imported the first Tuk Tuk with much publicity, and what did we get?

Millions of youngsters are now unproductive.

My opinion is that we should have had a dictatorship with s socialist outlook like China and make the people abide by the rule of law and then slowly open up to the west and open economy like China.

Now people are lamenting about lack of discipline and want a ruler with strong alienation to uphold law and order, but in a year or two they will complain?

But we may have higher productivity or do we prefer democracy with an empty stomach?

Dr. Sarath Obeysekera 

Curiouser and curiouser!

September 30th, 2019

Editorial Courtesy The Island

The government has urged the public to ensure its presidential candidate Sajith Premadasa’s victory, in November, to enact a new Constitution, among other things. One is puzzled. It had a two-thirds majority in Parliament, besides having the Executive President on its side, from January 2015 to October 2018, but failed to fulfil its pledge to introduce a new Constitution. There was a national government in power, but the UNP, which promised constitutional reforms, did not make a serious effort to grab that opportunity probably because it feared a political backlash in the southern parts of the country. It craftily put its constitution-making project on the back burner. Now, it is trying to market the same pledge in the run-up to the next presidential election as well! It is apparently trying to use that promise as a carrot to enlist the support of the Tamil political parties, which cannot face their voters, having failed to make good on their pledge to have more powers devolved to the provinces; some of them went to the extent of promising federalism.

The next President will have no say in Parliament, and, therefore, it defies comprehension how anyone can get a new Constitution passed after the upcoming presidential election. The executive presidency is a misnomer to begin with. It has been stripped of almost all vital powers. The real effect of the 19th Amendment (19A) to the Constitution will kick in when the transitional provisions, introduced in favour of the incumbent President, cease to be effective come the end of his term. His successor will be a mere figurehead so much so that President Maithripala Sirisena has said that the presidency is not worth fighting for ever again. His critics may argue that it is a case of sour grapes, but his argument is tenable.

The next President won’t be able to hold any Cabinet post or remove even a deputy minister. He will find himself in a gilded straitjacket. The Prime Minister will be more powerful than he, in most respects. Time was when the late Ranasinghe Premadasa lamented, in Parliament that he, as the Prime Minister, was like a glorified peon, where his powers were concerned. He told the truth in that he had to function under President J. R. Jayewardene, who was also the UNP leader.

When a President and a Prime Minister were elected from the same party, the former was more powerful than the latter; it was the other way around when they were elected from two different parties. But, in the future, the President won’t be able to control the PM in any manner even if they happen to represent the same party, thanks to 19A. This is the political reality.

It may be seen that the government won’t be able to fulfil its pledge to introduce a new Constitution even if it wins the upcoming presidential election; it won’t have a two-thirds majority in Parliament. The situation will remain the same even in the event of its victory at the next general election; it may be able to engineer some crossovers in such an eventuality. President Sirisena has gone on record as saying that during last year’s constitutional coup, the crossovers were paid as much as Rs. 500 mn each. But the numbers in Parliament alone won’t help replace the present Constitution; there will have to be a referendum, which is a worrisome proposition for any government.

Meanwhile, as things stand, there is no need to change the Constitution to get rid of the executive presidency, which has already been rendered impotent, to all intents and purposes. It is being argued in some quarters that only those who are desirous of having more powers devolved to the provinces are campaigning for a new Constitution.

Pressure is bound to mount on UNP presidential candidate, Sajith Premadasa, in the coming weeks, to make his position known on the government’s offer of a new Constitution. It will be interesting to see what he has got to say.


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