ෆොන්සේකාට අනියම් ඇසුරකින් දරුවෙක්.. කෝප වී බිරිදගේ හිසේ පොල්තෙල් වත්කරයි.. ආප්ප වාටියකට හමුදා සෙබළුන් දණගස්වයි..- ෆොන්සේකා තෙවරප්පෙරුම ගැටුම සීමාව පනී..

January 4th, 2019

 lanka C news

සරත් ෆොන්සේකා මහතා විදින ලද සිර දඬුවමක් නැති බවත් ඔහුට සියළු පහසුකම් සලසා තිබූ බවත් නියෝජ්‍ය ඇමති පාලිත තෙවරප්පෙරුම මහතා පවසයි.

ෆොන්සේකා මහතාට සිරගෙදර තුලට ගෙන ගොස් දීමට නොහැකි වූයේ ගෑණියෙක් පමණක් යයිද ඔහු කියා සිටී.

සරත් ෆොන්සේකා මහතා විසින් ඊයේ දිනයේ දක්වන ලද අදහස්වලට පිලිතුරු ලෙස ඔහු මෙම අදහස් පල කලේය.

ෆොන්සේකා මහතා කෝප වී සිය බිරිදගේ හිසේ පොල්තෙල් වත්කල බවත්, ආප්පයක වාටින නැතැයි කියා හමුදා සෙබලුන්ට දණ ගැස්වූ බවත් ෆොන්සේකාට අනියම් ඇසුරකින් දරුවෙක්ද සිටිනා බවටත් ඔහු චෝදනා කලේය

අපි පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ඉන්න තුරු රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ එක`ගවුනු සුමන්දිරම්ගේ ව්‍යවස්ථාව කිසිදිනෙක සම්මත කරන්න ඉඩ තියන්නේ නැහැ. පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තී‍්‍ර සෙහාන් සේමසිංහ මහතා

January 4th, 2019

පොදුජන පෙරමුණ මාධ්‍යායතනය

අද (04/01/2019)  දින මාධ්‍ය සාකච්ඡුාවට සහභාගි වූ නියෝජිතයින්
 පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තී‍්‍ර සෙහාන් සේමසිංහ මහතා
 පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තී‍්‍ර සනත් නිශාන්ත මහතා

පස්වෙනි වරටත් රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතා අගමැති වෙලා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කරපු පළවෙනි ප‍්‍රකාශයෙන් ඇ`ගිල්ල දිග් කලේ මාධ්‍යයට. අවුරුදු හතරක් තිස්සේ ආණ්ඩුව රට විනාශ කරමින් සදාචාරය සංස්කෘතිය විනාශ කරමින් කළ දේ මාධ්‍ය රටට හෙළි කළා. අගමැතිධූරය දරන අවසන් අවස්ථාවේ රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතා මාධ්‍ය හැදින්වූයේ කලූ මාධ්‍ය ලෙසයි. කලූමාධ්‍ය සංස්කෘතිය වෙනස් කරන්න ආණ්ඩුව පියවර ගන්න බව කිව්වා. මාධ්‍ය මර්ධනය සදහා අණ පනත් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සම්මත කරන්න සූදානමක් තියෙනවා. මාධ්‍ය නිහ`ඩ කලේ නැත්නම් රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ ආණ්ඩුවට ඉදිරියට යන්න බැහැ. එහි පියවරක් විදියට තෝරාගත් මාධ්‍ය සදහා දැන්වීම් ලබා දීම නතර කළා. හිරු හා දෙරණ තෝරා ගෙනයි මේ ප‍්‍රහාරය පටන් ගත්තේ. හෙට දිනයේ අනෙක් මාධ්‍ය ආයතනවලටත් මේ දේ වෙන්න පුලූවන්. 70%ක් පේක්ෂකයින් නරඹන නාලිකාවලට දැන්වීම් නොදීමෙන් වෙන්නේ රාජ්‍ය ආදායම අඩු වීමයි. ආණ්ඩුවේපළවෙනි පියවර මාධ්‍ය නිහඩ කිරිමයි.

රජයේ මැතිඇමැතිවරු එකිනෙකා බැන ගන්නවා. මේක අස්ථාවර කුමන්ත‍්‍රණකාරී ආණ්ඩුවක් නිසා ඒකේ තනතුරු බෙදා ගන්න බැරිව හැල හැප්පීම් යනවා. රටේ ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකය නියෝජනය කරන මන්තී‍්‍රවරයාගේ භූමිකාව ඉටු කරනවා වෙනුවට ඇමැතිධූර ලබා ගැනීම කෙරෙහි මේ අයගේ අවධානය යොමු වෙලා තියෙන්නේ. පසුපෙළ මන්තී‍්‍රවරුන්ගේ මේ ගැටුම රනිල්් වික‍්‍රමසිංහගේ තවත් කුමන්ත‍්‍රණයක් වෙන්න පුලූවන්. රටේ තියෙන අර්බුද ජනතාව අතරට යාම වළක්වන්න මේ විදියටම රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතා මීට පෙරත් කටයුතු කර තිබෙනවා. පසුපෙළ මන්තී‍්‍රවරු හරහා මේ කි‍්‍රයාත්මක කරලා තියෙන්නේ නැවතත් ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවකට යන්න දරන උත්සාහයක්. ඩග්ලස් දේවානන්ද මහතා තනි පක්ෂයක් තනි මන්තී‍්‍රවරයෙක් විදියට පාර්ලිමේන්තුව නියෝජනය කරමින් සිටින නිසා රජය එතුමා ඉදිරියේ දණින් වැටිලා ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවකට යන්න ඉල්ලා සිටියා. එතුමා තමන්ට ඡුන්දය දීපු ජනතාවගේ ගෞරවය ආරක්ෂා කරමින් තමන්ට ඡුන්දය දුන්න ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන් සිටියා. දැන් ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවක් නිර්මාණය කරන්න විදියක් සොයමින් ඉන්නේ.

ඊයේ අගමැතිවරයා ඇමැතිධූර බලාගෙන ඉන්න මන්තී‍්‍රනවරු කිහිප දෙනෙක් අරලිය ගහ මන්දීරයට ගෙන්වූවා. ඒ ඇමැතිකම ලැබෙන තුරු ඔවුන්ට විෂයයන් වල වගකිම් බාරදෙන බව ප‍්‍රකාශ කළා. ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවකට යන්න මොවුන් කල් මරමින් මොවුන් ඉන්නේ. කුමන්ත‍්‍රණයක් ම`ගින් ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවකට යනවා නම් ඔවුන් ගැන ජනතාව බලාගනියි. අගමැතිතුමාට ඕනේ ඇමැතිකම් ලබා දීලා මන්තී‍්‍රවරු නිහඩ කරලා තියා ගන්නයි. නැවත වරක් ජනතාවගේ ඇස්වලට වැලි ගැසීමට දරන මේ උත්සාහයට හසු වෙන්න එපා කියලා අපි ජනතාවගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා.

අද ආණ්ඩුවේ හිතවතා දෙමළ සන්ධානයයි. දෙමළ සන්ධානයෙත් කිහිපදෙනයි මේ උත්සාහයේ ඉන්නේ. බලහත්කාරයෙන් විපක්ෂනායක කාර්යාලයේත්, විපක්ෂනායක නිල නිවසෙත් ඉන්නවා. රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ කරපු දේමයි මේ ගොල්ලෝ කරන්නේ. විපක්ෂනායකධූරය දැවැද්දෙන් ලැබුණු දෙයක්වත් භූදලයවත් නෙවෙයි. පාර්ලිමේන්තුව පත්කරන්නෙත් වෙනස් කරන්නෙත් ජනතාව. මේ තනතුරු වෙනස් කරන්නෙත් ජනතාවයි. එදා අගමැතිධූරයෙන් මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා ඉවත් කරන්න කුමන්ත‍්‍රණය කරපු විදියටම අද විපක්ෂනායකධූරයෙනුත් ඉවත් කරන්නයි මේ අය හදන්නේ. පුලූවන්නම් මන්තී‍්‍රධූරයෙනුත් ඉවත්කරයි. මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාගේ කණ්ඩායමට හිතවත් අය වගේම විරුද්ධ අයත් ඉන්නවා. සාධාරණත්වයේ නාමයෙන් හා ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍රවාදයේ නාමයෙන් ඇස් ඇරලා රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ සහ සුමන්දිරම් මන්තී‍්‍රවරයා ගෙනයන වැඩපිීළිවෙල දිහා බලන්න. ඔවුන්ට බටහිර බලවේගයන් වලින් භාර¥පු වැඩපිීළිවෙලයි මේ කරමින් සිටින්නේ. රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතා ආණ්ඩුකරන හැම අවස්ථාවකට දෙමළ සන්ධානය මේ විදියට ගිවිසුම්වලට ආවා.

එජාපය සුමන්දිරම්ලාව බළල් අතක් විදියට භාවිතා කරන බවයි බොහෝ අය කිව්වේ. නමුත් මේ සිද්ධවෙන දේවල් එක්ක බලපුවම පේන්නේ සුමන්දිරම් මන්තී‍්‍රවරයාගේ බළල් අතක් බවට එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය පත්වෙලා තියෙනවා කියන එකයි. ව්‍යවස්ථාව ඔවුන්ගේ ප‍්‍රමුඛ කාර්යය. රට බෙදන, ජාතීන් අතර අසමගිය ඇති වෙන, ජනතාව විරුද්ධ ව්‍යවස්ථාව ගෙන ඒමයි මේ අයට අවශ්‍ය. තුනෙන් දෙකක් බලයක් සහිත රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ ආණ්ඩුවක් ඔවුන්ට අවශ්‍ය වෙලා තියෙන්නේ. එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ ඉ`දගෙන ශී‍්‍ර ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ වගේ පෙනී ඉන්න අයත් ඉන්නවා. අපි පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ඉන්න තුරු රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ එක`ගවුනු සුමන්දිරම්ගේ ව්‍යවස්ථාව කිසිදිනෙක සම්මත කරන්න ඉඩ තියන්නේ නැහැ. අද ආණ්ඩුව පවත්වා ගෙන යන්න බැරි තත්ත්වයක් ඇති වෙලා. ඇමැතිකම් ගත්ත අය සතුටු නැත්නම් ආණ්ඩුවේ එකිනෙකා කුලල් කා ගන්නවා නම් පවතින පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවා හැරලා නව පාර්ලිමේන්තුවයක් පත් කර ගැනීමට මැතිවරණයක් පවත්වන්න.

ආණ්ඩුව අයවැය ගේන්න සූදානම්. මැතිවරණයක් ඉලක්ක කරගත්ත මේ අයවැයෙන් ඒ සදහාම වූ බදු ප‍්‍රතිපත්තියක් එකතු වෙන්න ඉඩ තියෙන බව මේ වන විට විද්වතුන්ගේ අදහසයි. 2018 වෙද්දි රුපියල් බිලියන 11800 දක්වා ණය ගත්තා. ණය ගත්තේ රුපියල් බිලියන 7000 ණය ගෙවනවා කියලා. නමුත් ඒක වුනේ නැහැ. ආණ්ඩුව දැන් ආයෙත් විදෙස් ණය ගන්න සූදානම්. රුපියල් බිලියන 550ක් 2019 මුල භාගයේ ගන්න සූදානම්. ආර්ථිකය දුර්වල වීමේ වගකීමත් රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතාගේ ආණ්ඩුව භාර ගන්න ඕනේ. ආර්ථීක වර්ධන වේගය කඩා වැටිලා, ජාත්‍යන්තර සංවිධාන අපේ රට ආර්ථික දර්ශකවල පහලට දැම්මේ මහ බැංකු හොරකම නිසයි. තවදුරටත් මහ බැංකු සිද්ධිය ගැන ස්වාධීන පරික්ෂණයක් වෙන්නේ නැති බව මේ ආණ්ඩුව පත්වීමෙන් පැහැදිලි වෙනවා. රුපියල් 3000 අල්ලසක් ගත්ත පොලිස් නිලධාරියා බන්ධානගාරගත කරලා කෝටි ගණන් වංචා කරපු මහබැංකු හොරු නිදැල්ලේ. අත් අඩංගුවට අරන් ස්වාධීන පරික්ෂණයක් පවත්වනවා නම් පළමුව අත් අඩංගුවට ගන්න ඕනේ රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ අගමැතිවරයායි.

කෙටි කාලීන ආණ්ඩු වෙනස නිසා අද ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ හා දෙමළ සන්ධානය අන්ත අසරණ වෙලා ඉන්නවා.
නිල කාර්යාල හා නිල නිවාසවල බලෙන් ඉන්න අයගෙන් ඊට වැයවූ මුදල් අය කරගැනීමට ඉදිරියේදී පියවර ගන්නවා.
පාලිත රංගේ බණ්ඩාර අපේ කණ්ඩායමට එකතු කර ගැනීම නතර කලේ මමයි.

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තී‍්‍ර සනත් නිශාන්ත මහතා
අපේ පාක්ෂිකයෝ කියන්නේ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහත්තයා අගමැතිකම නොගත්තා නම් හො`දයි නේද කියන අවස්ථා තියෙනවා. රටේ මිනිස්සු දැක්කා ඇත්ත ආණ්ඩු කවුද? ඇත්ත විපක්ෂය කවුද? පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විකෘතියි නේද කියන දේ. කතානායක අසුනේ සිටියෙත් විපක්ෂ නායක ධූරයේ සිටියේත්, අගමැතිධූරයේ සිටියෙත්, විපක්ෂයේප‍්‍රධාන සංවිධායක ධූරයේ සිටියේත් හංසයා දිනවන්න කටයුතු කරපු අයයි. කෙටි කාලීන ආණ්ඩු වෙනස නිසා අද ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ හා දෙමළ සන්ධානය අන්ත අසරණ වෙලා ඉන්නවා.

අපි ඒ තීින්දුව නොගත්තා නම් මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහත්තයා අදත් මන්තී‍්‍රවරයෙක් විතරයි. ඒ තීන්දුව නිසා අද මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහත්තයා විපක්ෂ නායක වෙලා ඉන්නවා. ශී‍්‍රලනීපය එජාපය විරසක වෙලා. ජනාධිපතිතුමා අගමැතිතුමා ඉදිරියේ අගමැතිතුමා වැඩ කරපු විදිය ප‍්‍රසිද්ධියේ කියපු ආකාරය ජනතාවට දැක ගන්න ලැබුණා. අද ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණට විපක්ෂයේ ප‍්‍රධාන සංවිධායකධූරය අහිමි වෙලා හතර අතේ දුවනවා. සම්බන්ධන් මහත්තයාලා නිල නිවෙස් බලහත්කාරයෙන් අල්ලා ගෙන ඉන්නවා. ඉදිරියේ දි අපි නිල නිවසකට වැය වන මුදල කාර්යාලයක් පවත්වා ගෙන යන්න වැයවන මුදල කොයි තරම්ද කියලා සොයා බලනවා. අපි දන්න විදියට පොදු දේපල පරිහරණයේදී අලාභය රුපියල් ලක්ෂයකට වැඩි නම් ඇප ලැබෙන්නේ නැහැ. මාස කිහිපයක්වත් රක්ෂීත බන්ධනාගාරයේ ඉන්නත් වෙනවා.

ජනතාවගේ අවධානය වොනතකට යොමු කරන්නත් මේ වෙද්දි එජාපයේ කට්ටිය පියවර අරන් තියෙනවා. පාලිත රංගේ බන්ඩාර කාලයකට ඉස්සෙල්ලා අපේ පස්සෙන් ආවා. ඒ දුරකතන සංවාද අදත් අපි දකිනවා. මේ සියලූ දේ කතා කරන විට පොදුජන පෙරමුනේ සංවිධාන කටයුතු කරපු මම කිව්වා පාලිත රංගේ බන්ඩාර අපිට එකතු කර ගන්න එපා. අපේ දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කයේ 34ක් අමුඅමුවේ මරා දැමුවා කියලා. මමයි ඔහුව ගැනීම වැලැක්වූවේ. පාලිත තෙවරප්පෙරුමයි සරත් ෆොන්සේකායි අද මරා ගන්නවා. ඒ අයට තියෙන්නේ ජනතාවට සේවය කිරීමේ අවශ්‍යතාවයක් නෙවෙයි. හරින් ප‍්‍රනාන්දුලා වගේ අය කිව්වා ලොම් හැරුණු අය ඉවත් කරන්න ඕනේ කියලා. ටිකිරි මොලේ තියෙන රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහත්තයා සහන මල්ලක් එක්ක අයවැයක් ගෙනත් ඉක්මනින් පාර්ලිමේන්තු මැතිවරණයකට යන්නයි සූදානම. ඊට පස්සේ ඔහු ජනාධිපතිවරණයට ඉදිරිපත් වෙයි. මේකටයි ඔහු සූදානම් වෙන්නේ. අපේ ගම්වල මිනිස්සු අසරණ වෙලා. ආර්ථීකය කඩා වැටිලා.

වත්මන් අර්බුදය හමුවේ වැඩකරන ජනතා න්‍යාය පත‍්‍රය

January 4th, 2019

2019-01-03 දින කොළඹ මහජන පුස්තකාලයේ පැවති ‘වත්මන් අර්බුදය හමුවේ වැඩකරන ජනතා න්‍යාය පත‍්‍රය’ ජනගත කිරීම අවස්ථාවේ කම්කරු අරගල මධ්‍යස්ථානයේ සංවිධායක ලේකම් දුමින්ද නාගමුව දැක්වූ අදහස්

අපි මේ මුහුණ දෙමින් ඉන්න දේශපාලන අර්බුදය ඉස්සරහ පිට වැඩකරන ජනතාවගේ න්‍යාය පත‍්‍රය කුමක්ද? එය කෙසේ විය යුතුද කියලා මේ රටේ වැඩකරන ජනතාවත් එක්ක ඒ සාකච්ඡුාව ගන්න ඕන. 1990 දශකය ආරම්භ වනවාත් එක්කම විශාල මතවාදයක් ඉදරිපත් වුණා, ඉතිහාසය අවසන් කියලා. ෆ‍්‍රැන්සිස් ෆුකුයාමා තමයි මේ අදහස ඉදිරියට ගෙනාවේ. ඉතිහාසය අවසන් කියලා ඔහු කිව්වේ මොකක්ද? ඔහු කිව්වේ මිනිස් ඉතිහාසය අවසන් කියලා නොවෙයි, ගෙවිච්ච සියවස් එක හමාරක පමණ කාලය තුළ මිනිස් ඉතිහාසයේ ප‍්‍රධාන දේශපාලන මතවාද තුනක් අතර ගැටුමක් තිබුණා. ඒ ලිබරල්වාදය, ජාතිවාදය සහ මාක්ස්වාදය අතර. ඒ ගැටුම ඉවරයි, මෙතනින් එහාට තවදුරටත් පවතින්නේ එක දහමයි, ඒ ලිබරල්වාදය කියලයි ඔහු කිව්වේ.
නමුත් අපි දන්නවා පහුගිය දශකය වන විට ඔහුම ඔහුගේ කලින් අදහස ප‍්‍රශ්න කරමින් ඉන්නවා. ඒ දේශපාලන සංකල්පය අද ප‍්‍රායෝගික තත්වයේදී ඇති තරම් අභියෝගයට ලක් වෙලා තිබෙනවා. ලිබරල්වාදය හැම රටකදීම අද තියුණු අර්බුදයකට මුහුණ දීලා තිබෙනවා.
මේ වනවිටත් ලෝක දේශපාලනය තුළ ජාතිවාදය රටවල් තුළ ජනප‍්‍රිය වෙමින් තිබෙනවා. 1990 දශකය ආරම්භ වීමත් එක්ක ලෝකය තනි කඳවුරකට ගියා. නමුත් අද වන විට කඳවුරු ගණනාවක් නිර්මාණය වෙලා. ඒ කඳවුරු අතර ගැටුම තිබෙනවා. ඒ වගේම ඒ රටවල් තුළ ජාතිවාදය වර්ධනය වෙමින් තිබෙනවා. ට‍්‍රම්ප්ගේ මැදිහත්වීම, බි‍්‍රතාන්‍ය යුරෝපා සංගමයෙන් ඉවත්වීම පිටුපස තිබෙන්නේ ඒක. සමාජවාදී යැයි කියන චීන කොමියුන්ට් පක්ෂය යම් ජාතිවාදී ලක්ෂණ සහිතවයි කටයුතු කරමින් ඉන්නේ. මෝඩි හරහා ඉන්දියාව අඛණ්ඩ ඉන්දියාවක් නිර්මාණය කිරීමේ උත්සාහය රුසියාවේ පුටිංගේ මැදිහත්වීම තුළ වගේ බොහෝ රටවලව මැතිවරණවලින් පවා පෙනෙන්නේ ඒ ප‍්‍රවණතාව.
ලංකාවේත් ලෝකයේත් බහුතරයක් දෙනාට ජාතිවාදයට එරෙහිව ලිබරල්වාදය දෙසට නැඹුරු වෙන්න සිද්ධ වෙලා තිබෙනවා. මේ අභියෝගය ඉදරියේ තමන්ගේ න්‍යාය පත‍්‍රය හරියටම සකස් කර ගන්න එකයි, හරියටම සුසර කර ගන්න එකයි අද වැඩකරන ජනතාවට තිබෙන අභියෝගය. ලිබරල්වාදයත්, ජාතිවාදයත් අප ඉස්සරහට ගේන සටන් පාඨ අපි ඉතිහාසය පුරා ඇති තරම් අත්විඳලා තිබෙනවා.
රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහලා මෛත‍්‍රිපාල මැදින් පැනලා පහුගිය කාලයේ ලබා දුන්නු ජවයත් පාවිච්චි කරලා ලිබරල් න්‍යාය පත‍්‍රය පෙරට ගන්න උත්සාහ කරමින් ඉන්නවා. රාජපක්ෂලා සුපුරුදු පරිදි ජාතිවාදී සටන් පාඨ ඉදිරියට දාලා දේශපාලන බලය ඩැහැ ගන්න උත්සාහ කරනවා.
මේ ජාතිවදාය, ලිබරල්වාදය කියලා දවටනවල ඔතලා ගේන වැඩපිලිවෙළ එකම වැඩපිළිවෙළක්. එකම ටොෆිය වික‍්‍රමසිංහලා ලිබරල් කොළයේ ඔතනවා, රාජපක්ෂලා ජාතිවාදී කොළයේ ඔතනවා. ආර්ථිකවය සම්බන්ධයෙන් මේ අයගේ ප‍්‍රතිපත්ති එකයි.
විශ‍්‍රම වැටුප් සම්බන්ධ ප‍්‍රශ්නය ගත්තොත්… එජාපය බලයට ආපු ගමන් ගෙනාපු 2016 අය වැය, රාජ්‍ය සේවකයන්ගේ විශ‍්‍රාම වැටුප කැපුවා. දැනුත් දෙන පත්වීමේ ලිපියේ ලියන්නේ රජය ගන්නා තීරණයකට යටත් විය යුතු වේ කියලා. වික‍්‍රමසිංහලා විතරද මේක කළේ. නෑ. රාජපක්ෂලා තමයි 2006 විශ‍්‍රාම වැටුප කප්පාදු කළේ. ඒක නතර කළේ වෘත්තීය සමිති මැදිහත් වෙලා.
අර්ථසාධක අරමුදල කොල්ලකන්න රාජපක්ෂලාත් කැස කැව්වා, මේ අයත් කැස කවනවා. රොෂේන් චානකලා ජීවිත පරිත්‍යාග කරලා තමයි ඒ උත්සාහය පරාජය කරන්න පුළුවන් වුණේ. මේ වගේ ලැයිස්තුවක් අරගෙන කතා කරන්න පුළුවන්. අපට පැහැදිලිව පෙනෙන එක දෙයක් තිබෙනවා. ඒ තමයි ආර්ථික ප‍්‍රතිපත්තියේදී දෙගොල්ලන්ටම තියෙන්නේ එකම වැඩපිළිවෙළයි.
නමුත් දේශපාලනය කරද්දී කාටද ආමන්ත‍්‍රණය කරන්නේ? ගමටද? නගරයටද? කියන ප‍්‍රශ්නෙදි, කතා කරන භාෂාවේ වෙනස්කම විතරයි ඔවුන්ට දේශපාලනයේදී වෙනසක් විදියට අපි ඉස්සරහට ගේන්න පුළුවන් වෙලා තිබෙන්නේ.
මේ කඳවුරු දෙක නැවතත් සූදානම් වෙමින් ඉන්නවා, ජනමතය කොල්ල කන්න. ඊළග මැතිවරණවල සූදානම් වෙන්නේ ඒකට. මේ ව්‍යාජයට එරෙහිව නව වැඩපිළිවෙළක් ඉස්සරයට ගෙන එන්න අපට අවශ්‍යයි. නව කේන්ද්‍රයක් ගොඩනගන්න අවශ්‍යයි. ඒ කේන්ද්‍රය ගොඩනැගීමේදී වැඩකරන ජනතාවට විශාල වැඩකොටසක් පැවරී තිබෙනවා. වැඩකරන ජනතාවගේ අයිතිවාසිකම් රැුකෙන වැඩපිළිවෙළකට කම්කරු පන්තිය සූදානම් කර ගන්නේ කොහොමද? ඒක තමයි අපි ඉදිරියේදී තිබෙන අභියෝගය.
අපි හිතනවා විධායක ජනාධිපති ක‍්‍රමය අහෝසි කිරීම අප දිනා ගත යුතු දෙයක්. නමුත් මේ සටන් පාඨයට අපි තවත් කීපාරක් රැුවටෙනවාද? 1994 චන්ද්‍රිකා, 2005 මහින්ද, 2010 ෆොන්සේකා, 2015 මෛත‍්‍රී… දැන් එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය. නවලිබරල් ධනවාදය ආරම්භ කළ හැම රටකම ඒක ආරම්භ කළේ විධායකය, අධිකරණය, ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකය අතර තිබෙන සංවරණය හා තුලනය බිදිමින්. නවලිරබල් ධනවාදය වැඩිපුර බලය තහවුරු කරන්නේ විධායටය සහ අධිකරණයට මිසක් ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකට නොවෙයි. අපි අත්දැකීමෙන් ඒක දන්නවා.
කම්කරු පන්තිය වැඩවර්ජනවලට ආවාම විධායකය කියනවා ඒක අත්‍යවශ්‍ය සේවාවක් කියලා. ඊළගට අධිකරණය කියනවා වැඩවර්ජන කරන්න බෑ කියලා. ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකය බලවත් කරන ප‍්‍රතිපත්තියක් නොවෙයි, නවලිබරල් ප‍්‍රතිසංස්කරණ හඳුන්වා දුන් රටවල්වල සිද්ධ වුණේ.
මේ රටේ වැඩකරන ජනතාවගේ ප‍්‍රශ්න මල්ල දිහා බැලූවාම ඒක විසඳන්නේ කොහොමද? විධායක ජනාධිපති ක‍්‍රමය වෙනස් කරලා අගමැතිට බලය පැවරුවාම ඒ ප‍්‍රශ්න විසඳෙනවාද? ඒ අලූත් තත්වය අස්සෙන් රිංගලා මේ වැඩපිළිවෙළම ඉදිරියට ගෙන යන්න බැරිද? අපි මේ වගේ ප‍්‍රශ්න සිය දහස් ගණනක් අහන්න ඕන. නැත්නම් අපිට හැමදාම වෙන්නේ අඩු නපුර තෝර තෝර ඉන්න. හැමදාම අඩු නපුරක් තියෙනවා.
රනිල් අධිරාජ්‍ය ගැතියෙක්, ඒ නිසා රනිල් පරද්දන්න රාජපක්ෂ දිනවමු කියනවා. එයාත් මූල්‍ය අරමුදලේ පදේට නටනවා. එකම වෙනස එයාට චීනයෙන් ණය ටිකක් හම්බ වුණා. හොදට මතක තියා ගන්න ඒ ණය පිටුපස්සේ ලොකු අර්බුදයක් තිබෙනවා. චීන ණය සම්බන්ධ වෙලා තිබෙන්නේ චීනය සහ ඇමරිකාව අතර ගැටුමට. චීනයෙන් ණය ගත්ත රටවල් දහයක් දොළහක් අද දේශපාලන අර්බුදවලට ගොදුරු වෙලා තිබෙනවා. අප‍්‍රිකාවේ ජිබූති රාජ්‍යයේ චීනයේ, ප‍්‍රංශයේ, ඇමරිකාවේ යුද හමුදා කඳවුරු පිහිටුවලා තිබෙනවා. මූල්‍ය අරමුදලේ ණය ගත්තත් ඒක පිටුපසත් අර්බුදයක් එනවා. ලෝකයේ යුද උණුසුමක් වර්ධනය වෙන වෙලාවක මේ රට ඒ යුද උණුසුමේ ගොදුරක් බවට පත් වෙනවා. ඒ අවදානම ඉදිරියේ අපි අද ඉන්නේ.
ඒ නිසා එක පැත්තකින් මූල්‍ය අරමුදල, ලොක බැංකුව, යුරෝපය, එක්සත් ජනපදය, ඉන්දියාව මැදිහත් වෙලා ක‍්‍රියාත්මක කරන ප‍්‍රතිපත්තිය වගේම අනෙක් පැත්තෙන් ඒ ටික සහ චීනය මැදිහත් වෙලා කරන ප‍්‍රතිපත්තිය ගෙන එන්නේ අර්බුද.
දැන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ශක්තිමත් කරනවා කියන්න පුළුවන්ද? අර අර්බුදය අස්සේ මන්ත‍්‍රීවරු දවස ගානේ විකිණෙනවා. මේ විකිණෙන පාර්ලිමේන්තුවටද කියන්නේ ශක්තිමත් කරනවා කියලා. මේ ගොඩනගලා තියෙන මේ බල කණුවලට සාමාන්‍ය ජනතාවගේ ප‍්‍රශ්න විසඳන්න පුළුවන් වෙලා නෑ. ඒ නිසා අද අවශ්‍යයි, මේ දේශපාලන ප‍්‍රශ්නය මේ අර්ථයෙන් තේරුම් ගන්න. ක්ෂණික ප‍්‍රශ්නවලට ක්ෂණික විසදුම් ඉදරිපත් කිරිම අපිට තේරුම් ගන්න පුළුවන්. නමුත් දැන්වත් අපි අපේ න්‍යාය පත‍්‍රය, අපේ ප‍්‍රශ්නය වේදිකාවට ගන්න ඕන. ඒ නිසා තමයි වැඩකරන ජනතාවට තමන්ගේම න්‍යාය පත‍්‍රයක් අවශ්‍ය වෙන්නේ.
වැඩකරන ජනතාවගේ න්‍යායා පත‍්‍රය ඉදිරියට ගන්නවා නම් අපට තිබෙන ප‍්‍රමුඛ ප‍්‍රශ්නය තමයි බෙදී යාමේ වසමතාව. මේ බෙදී යාමේ විසමතාව සලකන්නේ නැති වැඩපිළිවෙළක් ජනතාවගේ ප‍්‍රශ්න කතා කරන වැඩපිළිවෙළක් නොවෙයි. ඇති නැති පරතරය ගැන කතා නොකරන වැඩපිළිවෙළක් ජනතාවගේ ප‍්‍රශ්න නියෝජනය කරන්නේ නෑ.
2016 ඔක්ස්ෆෑම් කියන ලාබ නොලබන ආයතනය වාර්තාවක් නිකුත් කළා. ඒ වාර්තාවේ කියනවා 2016 වසරේ ලෝකයේ ජනගහනයෙන් දුප්පත්ම බාගයේ වත්කම් සහ පොහොසත්ම පුද්ගලයන් 62 දෙනාගේ වත්කම් සමානයි කියලා. 2017 ඔවුන්ගේම වාර්තාවේ ඔවුන් කියනවා ලෝකයේ දුප්පත්ම ජනගහනයේ වත්කමයි, ලෝකයේ පොහොසත්ම අට දෙනාගේ වත්කමයි සමානයි කියලා.
ඒ වගේම ඔවුන් ඉදිරිපත් කළ වාර්තාවට අනුව ආදායම් බෙදී යාමේ විසමතාව ලෝකයේ පොහොසත්ම සියයට එක, ලෝක ආදායමෙන් 47%ක් ලබා ගන්නවා. 2016 වන විට ඒක 49% දක්වා වැඩි වුණා. දැන් ඒක සියයට පනහ ඉක්මවවලා.
ලංකාවේ දත්ත පරිශීලනය කරන්න ලැබෙන්ේ අඩුවෙන්. නමුත් ලංකාවේ ප‍්‍රධාන සමාගම් සියයයේ පසුගිය ගෙවිච්ච අවුරුදු ත-න ත-ළ ඔවුන්ගේ වත්කම් ප‍්‍රසාරණය වෙලා. 2016 15., 2016 ……………………. ප‍්‍රසාරණය වෙලා. 2014-15 5%, 2016-17 13% ලාභ ප‍්‍රතිශතය වැඩි වෙලා. අර්බුදය තිබෙන්නේ කාටද? මේ සමාගම් ජාලයටදඃ නෑ. ඔවුන් ලාභ පිට ලාභ අරන් තිබෙනවා. රජය…? ආණ්ඩුවට විය හියදම් කර ගන්න බැරි වුණාම කාටද පටවන්නේ? ඒක පටවන්නේ මේ රටේ සාමාන්‍ය ජනතාවටද? අර්බුදයක් තිබෙනවා. ඒක තියෙන්නේ මේ රටේ සාමාන්‍ය ජනතාවට.
2017 වෙද්දි බිලියනව ……… පවුලේ සියයේ ත්කම්.

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ඇත්ත ඒවා මීට වඩා ගොඩක් ලොකුයි.
ලාභය බිලියන 200ක් ශුද්ධ ලාභය සොයනවා. මේ ශුද්ධ ලාභය, සේවකයෙක්ගේ වැටුප 40000යි කියලා හිත-වොත්, පවුල් සියයක් අත ගොඩගැහෙන මේ පංග-ව ගත්තොත් සේවකයන් ලක්ෂ හතරකට අවුරුද්දක් වැටුප් ගෙවන්න පුන්‍දාවන්. මේ ඇති නැති පරතරයට පිළිබි ප5ශ්නය වේදිකාවට ගන්නේව කවද්ද? ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍රවාදය ගැන, ඇලෝසියස් ගැන, ¥ෂණ වංචා ගැන කතා කරනවා. නමුත් මේ ප‍්‍රශ්නය කවද්ද වේදකාවට ගන්නේ?
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වතු කම්කරුවන් කියන්නේ ඉතාම දුක්ඛිත ජීවත ගත කරන කම්කරු ප‍්‍රජාවක්. ඔවුන් ඉල්ලන්නේ දිනකට රුපියල් 1000ක්. දැන් අහයි කම්කරුවන්ට දාහක් දීලා වතු ටික රකින්නේ කොහොමද කියලා. ඇත්තද මේ කතාව. වතු කම්කරුවන්ගේ රුපියල් 500ක් වන මූලික වැටුප 1000 කළොත් යන්න බැරිද? වතු කම්කරුවන් දවස් හතක් වැඩ වර්ජනයක් කළා. හාම්පුතුන් කියනවා වර්ජනය නිසා එක දවසකට කෝටි 25ක් පාඩුයි කියලා. වතුකම්කරුවන්ට තවත් රුපියල් 500ක් දෙන්න යන්නේ කෝටි පහයි. ඔය කෝටි 25න් පහයි දෙන්න ඕන. ඒක දෙන්න බැරිද? දැන් හරි ඒක දෙන්න බැරි ඇයි? කුඩා තේ වතු හිමියෝ කීයක් ගෙවනවද? ඔවුනට පුළුවන් නම් 1000ට 1500ට වැටුප් ගෙවන්න මේ සමාගම්වලට බැරි ඇයි?
මේ බොහෝ වතු සමාගම්වලට තියෙනවා අතරමැදි තැරැුව්කාර සමාගමක්. එතකොට තැරැුව්කාර සමාගම් තමයි ලාභ ගන්නේ. ඒ විදියට තමයි වතු සමාගමේ ලාභ අඩු කරලා පෙන්වන්නේ.
රාජ්‍ය සේවකයාට 10000ක් දුන්නා කියලා මහ ලොකුවට කතා කළා. නමුත් 2007 අවුරුද්දේ තමයි එදා තිබුණු ජීවන වියදමට අනුව මේ වැටුප් වැඩිවීම ඉල්ලූවේ. 2007 ඉල්ලපු 10,000 මූලික වැටුපට එකතු වෙන්නේ 2020 වන විට. ඔන්න රාජ්‍ය සේවකයන්ගේ වැටුප් වැඩි වුණු විදිය. මේ ලැබෙන වැටුපෙන් ජීවත් වෙන්න පුළුවන්. පෞද්ගලික අංශයේ මූලික වැටුප කීයද? රුපියල් 12,000ත් 15,000ක් අතර තියෙන්නේ. පෞද්ගලික අංශයේ මූලික වැටුප් වැඩි කළ යුතුයි. අවම වශයෙන් රාජ්‍ය, පෞද්ගලික, වතු කම්කරුවන්ගේ මූලික වැටුප රුපියල් 10,000කින්වත් වැඩි විය යුතුයි.
ඊළගට එන්න නියමිත ඊළග අර්බුදය තමයි, අර්ථසාධක අරමුදල කෝලකන්න පනත් කෙටුම්පතක් සකස් කෙරෙමින් තිබෙනවා. මේ අරමුදල රුපියල් බිලියන 2066ක වටිනාකමක් තිබෙන අරමුදලක්. මේ මුදල පුස් කකා තියෙන්නේ නෑ. දැනටත් ඒක බැදුම්කර හරහා ආයෝජනය කරලා තියෙන්නේ. දැන් මේ ඉල්ලන්නේ මේ ගොල්ලන්ට ඒ මුදලින් බිස්නස් කරන්න. ඒ පැළැන්තියට තමයි ඉල්ලන්නේ මේ සල්ලි ඉල්ලන්නේ. මේ සල්ලි බිස්නස් කරන්න අරගෙන පාඩු වුණොත් ඒ පාඩුව දරන්න වෙන්නේ පෞද්ගලික අංශයේ කම්කරුවන්ට. අර්ථසාධක අරමුදල රැුක ගැනීමට අරගලයකට මේ රටේ වැඩකරන ජනතාව පෙළ ගැසිය යුතුව තිබෙනවා.
සිංගප්පූරු ගිවිසුම මගින් මේ රටේ ශ‍්‍රම වෙළෙද පොළ විවෘත කළා. ලෝකයේ ඕනෑම රටක කම්කරුවන්ට මේ ගිවිසුම හරහා ලංකාවට එන්න පුළුවන්. ගොවියන්, සුළු නිෂ්පාදකයන් මේ හැමෝම අමාරුවෙන් උපයලා වෙළෙඳ පොළට ගේන භාණ්ඩ ගණනාවක් මේ ගිවිසුම අස්සට දාලා තිබෙනවා.
අපි කිව්වා ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍රවාදය විධායක ජනාධිපති ක‍්‍රමයට ලඝු කරන්න එපා කියලා. නිදහස් වෙළෙද කලාපයේ වෘත්තිය සමිති හදන්න දෙනවද? පෞද්ගලික සමාගම් ගණනාවක් තිබෙනවා, වෘත්තීය සමිති හදන්න දෙන්නේ නෑ. වැඩර්ජනවලට, උද්ඝොෂණවලට කොහොමද ප‍්‍රතිචාර දැක්වුවේ. උද්ඝෝෂණවලට, වැඩවර්ජනවලට වාරණ නියෝග ගන්නවා. ඒ ගොල්ලෝ උද්ඝෝෂණ කරනවා පාරවල් වහගෙන. පහුගිය දවස්වල අපි ඒක දැක්කා. ඒකට ප‍්‍රශ්නයක් නෑ. ගොවියෝ ශිෂ්‍යයෝ පාරට බැස්සාම පාර අවහිර වෙනවා. සාමය කඩ වෙනවා.
ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍රවදය පිළිබද ගැඹුරු ප‍්‍රශ්නයකට මුහුණ දෙන්න වැඩකරන ජනතාවට සිද්ධ වෙනවා. ප‍්‍රතිත‍්‍රස්ත පනතට විරුද්ධව මේ රටේ කම්කරු ව්‍යාපාරය වැඩ වර්ජනයක් කැදවිය යුතු ප‍්‍රශ්නයක්. ඒකාබද්ධ ක‍්‍රියාමාර්ග ගන්නවා නම් ඒ සදහා ගනිමු. මොකක්ද ගෙනත් තියෙන්නේ. ඉතාම ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍ර විරෝධී, දේශපාලන අයිතීන් උදුරා ගන්නා පනතක්. යටිතල පහසුකම්වලට, අත්‍යවශ්‍ය සේවාවලට අවහිර කරනවා නම්, සෙඛ්‍ය ක්ෂේත‍්‍රය අවහිර කරනවා නම්, ආණ්ඩුවට විරුද්ධව කටයුතු කරනවා නම් ත‍්‍රස්තවාදී ක‍්‍රියා විදියට නම් කරලා තිබෙනවා.
ජේ.ආර්. ත‍්‍රස්තවාදය වැළැක්වීමේ පනත ගෙන එන කොට අපි 87-89ක් දැකලා තිබණේ නෑ. මේ වගේ මර්දනයක් දැකලා නෑ. වික‍්‍රමසිංහ අද මේ හිතන විදිය තව අවුරුදු පහක් දහයක් යද්දි වික‍්‍රමසිංහලාගේ ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍රවාදයත් අර විදියටම රහ බලන්න ඕනද? රට පුරා කෙරෙන හැම උද්ඝෝෂණයකටම මේ නීතිය සම්බන්ධ වෙනවා. ඒ නිසා අපි සටන් පාඨවල ප‍්‍රමුඛතාව හදුනාගනිමු.
රාජ්‍ය ආයතන විකුණන ලැයිස්තුවේ තියෙනවා රාජ්‍ය බැංකු. ගොඩක් ආයතන යෝජනා කරනවා රාජ්‍ය පෞද්ගලික සහයෝගිතාව. මේ වැඬේ ටෙලිකොම් එකට කළා. පහුගිය කාලේ යෝජනා වුණේ ඉතුරු බාගෙත් විකණන්. ඒ නිසා මේ බාගෙට බාගෙ යෝජනාව ඉතුරු ටිකත් විකනන්න ගේන යෝජනාවක්. ආයතන තිස් ගනනක් මේ විකිණීමේ ලැයිස්තුවේ තිබෙනවා.
මේ සමස්ත අර්බුදය දිහා බැලූවාම අපේ න්‍යාය පත‍්‍රයේ අපට එන ප‍්‍රමුඛ ප‍්‍රශ්න ඒවා. අපේ ජීවිතත් එක්ක බැඳෙන ප‍්‍රශ්න මේවා නම් අපේ න්‍යාය පත‍්‍රය විය යුත්තේ මේක නේද? කවුරු හරි හදලා දෙන නැත්නම් කවුරු හරි සංස්කරණය කරලා දෙන න්‍යාය පත‍්‍ර උඩ නෙවෙයි, මේ වැඩකරන ජනතාවගේ න්‍යාය පත‍්‍රය උඩ පෙරට ආ යුතුයි.

The Need To Revisit The 19th Amendment

January 4th, 2019

By Neville Ladduwahetty Courtesy The Island

Recent political developments have brought into sharp focus the need to revisit the 19th Amendment (19A) despite the unanimous approval it had received in Parliament in May 2015, with the notable exception of one brave Naval Officer Rear Admiral MP Sarath Weerasekara. The primary aim of the 19A was to transfer power from an Executive President to a Prime Minister and a Cabinet of Ministers. The first attempt to indulge in such an exercise was in 2002. Having failed in 2002 a fresh attempt was made in 2015. The 2015 attempt succeeded subject to the Supreme Court determining that some named provisions required approval of the people at a Referendum. Notwithstanding this judicial intervention the fact that certain provisions that should have received the attention it deserved escaped attention makes it necessary to revisit 19A in order to address at least some of the omissions that matter for the sake of clarity.

A few key issues that have a significant bearing on the functioning of the State are:

1. Article 33A: The President shall be responsible to Parliament.

2. Article 42 (2) The Cabinet of Ministers shall be responsible to Parliament

3. Article 33 (2) (c) and Article 70 relating to dissolution of Parliament

4. Chapter VIIA – The Constitutional Council

5. Article 46 (5) Composition of a National Government.

Although each of these issues had been addressed in previous publications they are herein presented collectively to emphasize the need to revisit these issues in order to prevent confusion of the sort that prevailed in the fifty plus days since October 26, 2018. Therefore, repeating material already published is inevitable for which I seek the reader’s indulgence.

1. ARTICLE 33A: PRESIDENT responsible to PARLIAMENT

Article 33A states: “”The President shall be responsible to Parliament for the exercise, performance and discharge of his powers, duties and functions under the Constitution…”.

The Supreme Court conveying its opinion on the 19th Amendment of 2015 stated:

“In fact Mr. Sumanthiran contended that Article 42 (1978 Constitution) is identical to the provision in the 1st Republican Constitution of 1972, which stated in Article 91 that ‘the President shall be responsible to the National State Assembly for the due execution and performance of the powers and functions of his office under the Constitution…Thus the position of the President vis-à-vis the legislature, in which the President is responsible to the legislature, was introduced by the 1978 Constitution”(S.D. No. 04/2015).

However, while the proposition that “the President is responsible to the National State Assembly” is appropriate for a Parliamentary system that collectively exercises legislative and executive powers, it is conceptually inconsistent within a Presidential system where legislative and executive powers are exercised by separate organs of government with equal status. In the particular case of the 1972 Constitution the President was a citizen “nominated by the Prime Minister for the Office” (Article 25). Such a “nominated” President should be responsible to the National State Assembly that is responsible for exercising the sovereignty of the People as the “the supreme instrument of State power of the Republic” (Articles 4 and 5 of the 1072 Constitution).

This is in sharp contrast to a President that is directly elected by the People and on whom the People have conferred their sovereign executive power as stated in the 1978 Constitution. This power starts with the sovereignty of the People as stated in Article 3 (below) of the 1978 Constitution.

Article 3 states: “In the Republic of Sri Lanka sovereignty is in the People and is inalienable. Sovereignty includes the powers of government, fundamental rights and the franchise”.

Article 4 states” “The sovereignty of the People shall be exercised and enjoyed in the following manner:

(a) “the legislative power of the People shall be exercised by Parliament, consisting of elected representatives of the People and by the People at a Referendum”

(b) “the executive power of the People, including the defence of Sri Lanka, shall be exercised by the President of the Republic elected by the People”

If the first rule when interpreting a Constitution as stated unanimously by a seven member Supreme Court (SC FR 351-3612/2018) is that “words in a statute must be given their ordinary meaning”, it is clearly evident from the foregoing that the sovereignty of the People in respect of their Legislative and Executive power are to be exercised separately. Furthermore, based on the opinion of the Court relating to the relationship between the general and the specific, while Article 3 – an entrenched Article is the general provision relating to sovereignty the specific form and manner in which the sovereignty of the People is exercised is in Article 4. Therefore Article 3 has to be read with Article 4; a fact accepted and repeated by the Courts. Therefore, since powers under such a system are separate and inalienable, a President as the directly elected Head of one organ of government that is responsible for the exercise of Executive powers of the People cannot be responsible to a separate organ of government that is responsible for the inalienable Legislative power of the People.

Whatever opinion one may have of Montesquieu and the theory of distribution of power applying the “ordinary meaning” to the words in Article 3read with Article 4 is what matters. The blind incorporation of an Article from a Parliamentary system into a Presidential system as in the 1978 Constitution and repeated in 19A without awareness of the altered context reflects poorly on the framers of both and all those who cite it repeatedly without question. Therefore, Article 42 in the 1978 Constitution and Article 33A in the 19th Amendment should thus be repealed for constitutional correctness and clarity.

Article 42 (2) – CABINET of MINISTERS shall be responsible to PARLIAMENT.

Article 42(2) of the 19th Amendment states:”The Cabinet of Ministers shall be collectively responsible and answerable to Parliament” and Article 42(3) states: “the President shall be a member of the Cabinet of Ministers and shall be the Head of the Cabinet of Ministers”. This is a direct carryover of a relic from the 1972 Parliamentary system (Article 92) and transposed out of context into a Presidential system in 1978; a practice of cut and paste common to Sri Lanka’s framers of Constitutions and Constitutional Amendments.

Commenting on how the Cabinet of Ministers derives its power the Supreme Court in 2015 stated:

“It is in this backdrop the Court in the Nineteenth Amendment Determination came to the conclusion that the transfer, relinquishment or removal of a power attributed to one organ of government to another organ or body would be inconsistent with Article 3 read with Article 4 of the Constitution. Though Article 4 provides the form and manner of exercise of the sovereignty of the people, the ultimate act or decision of the executive functions must be retained by the President. So long as the President remains the Head of the Executive, the exercise of his powers remain (sic) supreme or sovereign in the executive field and others to whom such power is given must derive the authority from the President or exercise the Executive power vested in the President as a delegate of the President” (S.D. No. 04/2015).

If the President in a Presidential system cannot be constitutionally “responsible” or “answerable” to any other organ of government, how can the Cabinet that “derives its authority from the President be “collectively responsible and answerable to Parliament”? Furthermore, the fact that if the President is not satisfied with the “direction and control of the Government”, he is entitled to “at any time change the assignment of subjects and functions and the composition of the Cabinet of Ministers…” as provided in Article 43(3) of the 19th Amendment and Article 44(3) of the 1978 Constitution) means the Cabinet of Ministers derive their powers and function as agents of the President.

Therefore, while the undue importance given to the Prime Minister regarding the selection of Cabinet Ministers is misplaced his primary function is to secure the support and approval of Parliament whenever needed.

In the particular context of Sri Lanka the Cabinet is made up of Members of Parliament. They do not sever their connections with Parliament when they become part of the Cabinet. Consequently, there is a conflict of interest between their constitutional Legislative responsibilities and delegated functions as part of the executive under the President. The only way to overcome such conflicts of interest is to make the Cabinet independent of Parliament; a principle accepted by the USA and France. Therefore, Article 42 (2) of 19A should be revised and the manner of selecting the Cabinet of Ministers should be revisited; an issue raised earlier and more recently by Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha (The Island, December 21, 2018).

2. DISSOLUTION of PARLIAMENT

The debate that prevailed in the country following the dissolution of Parliament on November 9th 2018 was resolved by the unanimous decision of a Supreme Court panel of seven judges. Their judgment addressed the relationship between Articles 33(2)(c) and 70. The key feature of the Court’s determination was:

“Thus it is evident that while article 33(2)(c) is by way of general provision in which the President’s power of summoning, proroguing and dissolving Parliament is enumerated in Article 33(2) along with seven other powers vested in the President, the specific and detailed provisions of Article 70(1) to Article 70(7) comprehensively specify the manner and method by which the President may lawfully exercise his power of summoning, proroguing and dissolving Parliament”.

The Court also stated: “The resulting conclusion must be that the President’s power…can only be exercised under and in terms of the scheme set out in Article 70 and is circumscribed and limited by the provisions of Article 70 and can be exercised only within and in conformity with the provisions of Article 70”.

The relationship between the general and specific also exists between Articles 3 and Article 4 of the Constitution. While the general provision in Article 3 is that “sovereignty is in the People and is inalienable” the specific form and manner in which it is exercised is in Article 4. Hence the often repeated statement by Courts that Article 3 must be read with Article 4. Applying this concept to Article 33(2)(c) and Article 70 (1) to Article 70 (7) the former is the general provision and the latter is the specific form and manner in which Parliament is to dissolved. Therefore, the two Articles must be read together and not separately as implied by the Court’s determination because the Article 70 states that the President “may by Proclamation …dissolve Parliament”.

The Gazette notification of November 9th 2018 states that it is a Proclamation by the President. The Proclamation states: “KNOW YE that by virtue of the powers vested in me by paragraph (5) of Article 70 of the Constitution…to be read with paragraph (2)(c) of Article 33 of the Constitution…” thus confirming that both Articles need to be read together and not separately.

The context in which the above Proclamation came into being was when the UPFA officially withdrew on October 26, 2018 from the “National Government” that had functioned for nearly three plus years. This was followed by the removal of the Prime Minister of the National Government that had existed from August 2015 and the appointment of a new Prime Minister on 26th October. Neither Prime Minister was able to muster a majority in Parliament to form a functioning government. Consequently there was no functioning government from October 26th until November 13th when a Court order staying the operation of the President’s action to dissolve Parliament was issued.

According to the Court’s determination the options open to the President are either to wait however long it takes for the formation of a functioning government or wait for Parliament to secure a two third majority and “request” him to dissolve Parliament hoping that a fresh election would return a functioning government. The Court’s determination that “the President’s power…can only be exercised under and in terms of the scheme set out in Article 70” means that the President’s powers have been severely curtailed to the point that he is made impotent and reduced to the position of an agent of Parliament with power to dissolve Parliament when asked to do so any time within four and a half years. The claim “that Article 33(2)(c) was intentionally inserted…as a new provision to preserve with the President a power to dissolve Parliament at any time at his sole discretion” was found unacceptable to the 2018 Court: a fact that disturbs the needed balance between different organs that represent the sovereignty of the people.

Since Courts have interpreted such removals and transfers of power from one organ to another as being “inconsistent with Article 3 read with Article 4, should not the provisions in 19A relating to dissolution of Parliament be a matter that should have been determined by the People at a Referendum (S.D. No. 04/2015)? Despite the Court’s opinion cited above the Court in 2015 did not find this issue among others to be a “matter that would require consideration” notwithstanding its significance. The reason perhaps being that there was no erosion of Presidential power because of the inclusion of Article 33(2)(c) as part of additional Presidential power that did not exist prior to 19A, thus endorsing that the general provision of 33(2)(c) must be read with the specific of Article 70. In such a background, the ruling by the Court in 2018 is a significant departure from judicial precedence that prevailed until 2018. As far as the public is concerned the divergence in the interpretation between the Court of 2015 that President’s power in relation to dissolution of power was not affected and the interpretation by the Court of 2018 that the President’s power is in fact circumscribed and limited by Article 70 is bound to have far reaching ramifications.

Accepting the fact that Sri Lanka has experienced minority governments in 1994, 2000, 2001, 2004 and 2015 and that many more are likely to follow in the future, it is imperative that the prevailing lack of clarity in constitutional provisions are revisited forthwith if Sri Lanka is to protect its People and the dignity of the State. (To be continued)

Sri Lankan becomes third woman to enter shrine

January 4th, 2019

Courtesy  DECCAN CHRONICLE.

Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan confirmed that a third woman” had indeed visited the sannidhanam.
The woman identified as Sasikala, reached Sabarimala on Thursday night with her family. Plainclothed officers escorted her to the temple and she prayed in front of the sanctum sanctorum at 9.30 pm.

 The woman identified as Sasikala, reached Sabarimala on Thursday night with her family. Plainclothed officers escorted her to the temple and she prayed in front of the sanctum sanctorum at 9.30 pm.

Pampa: Amidst confusion over the visit of a 46-year-old Sri Lankan woman to the Sabarimala temple on Thursday night, Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan confirmed that a third woman” had indeed visited the sannidhanam. Why nobody wants to call a hartal and undertake purification in the temple,” he asked on Friday.

The woman identified as Sasikala, reached Sabarimala on Thursday night with her family. Plainclothed officers escorted her to the temple and she prayed in front of the sanctum sanctorum at 9.30 pm. They accompanied her downhill to Pampa by 11.30 pm. Her passport gave her date of birth as December 3, 1972.

 

However, Sasikala told reporters at Pampa that she did not worship and that the police had sent her back. “I am a devotee. I wanted to pray, I had completed the 48-day vratham (penance). Who are they to send me back,” she asked.

Amidst confusion over the visit of a 46-year-old Sri Lankan woman to the Sabarimala temple on Thursday night, Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan confirmed that a third woman” had indeed visited the sannidhanam. Why nobody wants to call a hartal and undertake purification in the temple,” he asked on Friday.

The woman identified as Sasikala, reached Sabarimala on Thursday night with her family. Plainclothed officers escorted her to the temple and she prayed in front of the sanctum sanctorum at 9.30 pm. They accompanied her downhill to Pampa by 11.30 pm. Her passport gave her date of birth as December 3, 1972.

However, Sasikala told reporters at Pampa that she did not worship and that the police had sent her back. “I am a devotee. I wanted to pray, I had completed the 48-day vratham (penance). Who are they to send me back,” she asked.

She also said that her uterus had been removed for medical reasons and hence she had the right to go to the temple. “I am a devotee, I have a medical certificate,” she said.

Her husband told the media that they went only till Marakootam, which lies one km from the sanctum. According to him, the policemen in mufti retreated when they saw a camera crew. He and their son made the darshan, while Sasikala returned. The police on Friday reconfirmed that Sasikala had darshan at the temple.

They also claimed to have video footage of her entering the shrine and said they were ready to produce it if sought by a court or any competent legal authority.  Since it is linked to the right to privacy, they did not make it public.

The woman and her family had informed the police in advance about their visit and sought their protection.  The tantri has not proceeded to take action because he was not sure whether the woman had darshan.

Meanwhile, a transgender named Kayal, who arrived at Pampa around 6 am on Friday, was turned away by the police following protests from devotees. Kayal, who had come wearing a sari, later changed to men’s clothes and tried to trek the hills with the ‘irumudikettu.’ Four transgenders had recently offered prayers at Sabarimala wearing black saris.

Sri Lanka police arrest two for bribing life-size cutout

January 4th, 2019

Screen grab from social media video of man bribing life-size cardboard cutoutImage copyrightVAVUNIYA POLICE
Image captionThe man in this clip and his friend who filmed it have been released on bail

Sri Lankan police have arrested two people who posted a Facebook video showing one of them pretending to give a bribe to a traffic police cutout.

In the footage, a motorcyclist is seen offering money to the life-size figure of an officer with a speed gun in the northern town of Vavuniya.

The man in the video and his friend who filmed it have been released on bail.

They are charged with damaging public property, and humiliating and creating a bad public image of the police.

The cardboard cutout, which police say had its head damaged, is one of many which were placed on main roads last year to deter speeding and dangerous driving.

A few months ago, local police arrested two youths who had taken one home.

‘Satire, not crime’

Bribing traffic police to avoid formal fines and a long-drawn out process in court is common in Sri Lanka.

People have taken to social media to criticise the police action against the two men, said to be aged 23.

“The youth were sending a powerful message aimed at eliminating the bribery culture,” Twitter user Ameen Izzadeen told the BBC. “It’s satire, not a crime.”

Another social media user wrote: “This is not some joke. So many people are killed every year due to bad driving. There is so much the cops can do to enforce the law.”

Why is this controversial?

Transparency International, an anti-corruption NGO, told the BBC that it considers the police one of Sri Lanka’s most corrupt institutions.

“This issue is further evidenced by the lack of will to incorporate basic systems to combat petty bribery amongst traffic police,” said country head Asoka Obeysekara.

Last week police suspended two officers after a viral video showed them allegedly taking a bribe near the president’s office, which is also close to Sri Lanka’s police headquarters.

The country’s head of traffic police, Ajith Rohana, told the BBC last year they were taking measures to punish wrongdoers and urged the public to complain against such officers.

Pakistan, Sri Lanka lack policies to tackle money laundering and terror financing, says watchdog

January 4th, 2019

Courtesy  scroll.in

The Financial Action Task Force said the Bahamas, Botswana, Ethiopia, Ghana, Serbia, Syria, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia and Yemen also need to do more.

The Reserve Bank of India on Thursday said inter-governmental body Financial Action Task Force has called on its members to take steps to protect the financial system from threats emanating from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. According to the top bank, Pakistan and Sri Lanka have been included in a list of nations with strategic deficiencies” in their approach towards anti-money laundering measures and the crackdown on financing of terrorism.

The Financial Action Task Force, set up in 1989, works to stop money laundering, terrorist financing and other related threats to the international financial system. The task force has listed the Bahamas, Botswana, Ethiopia, Ghana, Serbia, Syria, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia and Yemen as other countries that need to crack down on money laundering and terror financing.

Lankan instability stalls India’s Palaly airport modernization project: Livemint

January 4th, 2019

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

New Delhi, January 4 (Livemint): The Indian Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) is waiting for the political atmosphere in Sri Lanka to clear before it gives the nod to the Airport Authority of India’s proposal to modernize the Palaly airport in North Sri Lanka, Livemint says quoting an un-named AAI official here.

An AAI official, requesting anonymity, said the state-run company hopes to get the clearadnce of the MEA in the coming months.

The delay in getting MEA nod is due to the current political climate in Sri Lanka. If the relationship between both countries, which is still sort of fragile, gets stronger in the coming months, we will definitely get a go-ahead to develop the airport,” the official said.

The MEA spokesperson didn’t respond to calls.

Lankan instability stalls India’s Palaly airport modernization project: Livemint

Jayant Sinha, Minister of State for Aviation, told the Lok Sabha that while AAI had signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the MEA for preparing a detailed project report (DPR) for developing airports at Kalay in Myanmar and Palaly in Sri Lanka, the Ministry is yet to give the required permission.

The DPR for airport at Kalay has been completed and submitted to MEA. So far, MEA has not given its permission to prepare the DPR for Palaly Airport in Sri Lanka,” Sinha said.

Palaly is located in the Tamil-dominated Jaffna region of northern Sri Lanka, traditionally considered close to India.

With China investing massively in infrastructure in the island nation, the Indian government is also eyeing opportunities to invest in critical infrastructure.

Lankan President asserts authority over administration

January 4th, 2019

Colombo, January 4 (newsin.asia): Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena, who is yet to reconcile with his Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, has issued a series of instructions tightening his control over the country’s administration.

He told a meeting of Ministry Secretaries here on Friday that they must refer to a committee he has set up, names of people who are to be, or have been, appointed as Chairpersons or members of the Board of Directors of State Owned Enterprises (SOEs).

The Secretaries to the Ministries must act according to the circulars issued by the Secretary to the President when appointing Chairpersons and members to Boards of Directors of State enterprises including the statutory boards and public corporations,” the President said.

Lankan President asserts authority over administration

The circular numbered PS/PCMD/19/2018 signed by the Secretary to the President was issued on December 31, 2018. Furthermore, the President had taken steps to appoint a Committee to submit recommendations after inquiring into the qualifications of the individuals to be appointed as Chairpersons or members to Director Boards of State enterprises.

The Secretary to the President chairs the Committee to review appointments. Other members of the Committee are President’s Senior Advisor W.J.S. Karunaratne, two representatives appointed by the Prime Minister and a representative of the Secretary to the Ministry of Finance.

The President also instructed the Secretaries of Ministries to forward the names of the currently appointed Chairpersons and members of the Board of Directors to this committee for examining their qualifications.

President Sirisena further stated that he will send written instructions in this regard to all ministers in the near future.

The President made these remarks during a meeting held at the Presidential Secretariat, yesterday (03) with the Ministry Secretaries.

The President also pointed out that irregularities are emerging due to the fact that regular reports on the use of the vehicles of the government are not regularly maintained. He has instructed the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Transport to jointly schedule a program to get details and facts of the vehicles of the government in order to avoid misuse.

President Sirisena also instructed the officials to maintain the details of the vehicles belonging to the government in a manner that will enable the citizen to know about its use through the internet.

The President also instructed the Secretaries of Ministries to visit the departments and institutes under their ministry at least once in three months to meet the office staff and to find out the procedures and issues.

The President also highlighted the importance of taking action in all the Ministries to assist initiatives to prevent drug abuse and pointed out the importance of establishing a Drug Prevention Unit in each state institution, and fulfill their respective duties according to circulars issued in recent years.

The Gramashakthi People’s Movement was launched to free the people from poverty, and steps are being taken to implement it as a broad people’s movement in the future, the President said.

The dedication of all state officials, including secretaries of Ministries is essential in this endeavor,” the President stressed.

Secretary to the President Udaya R. Seneviratne and Ministry Secretaries were present on this occasion.

BUILDING THE NATIONAL INTEGRATION IN SRI LANKA (Part 1)

January 3rd, 2019

BY EDWARD THEOPHILUS

Building the national integration in Sri Lanka has been a significant issue since independence in 1948 as the Donoughmore reforms initiated in 1928 and the State Council was established by the reforms disguisedly attempted to make communal divisions by British rulers. A similar strategy used in India encouraging communalism between Hindus and Muslims as the communal divisions believed to be easier for the British rulers to control the country. The national integration has not achieved so far in Sri Lanka and political crisis and reconciliation issues remain in the country, which are motivated by the lack of national integration and unnecessary influences of outsiders to the reconciliation process in the country.

What is the meaning of national integration? Shona Khurana (2010) defines as National Integration is the awareness of a common identity amongst the citizens of a country.  This means that though we belong castes, religions, regions and speaks different languages we recognized the fact that we are all one nation.  This kind of integration is very important in the building of a strong and prosperous nation.”  The building national integration in India where has a more circuitous environment was a quite difficult task. We see day to day in international news reports that many communal conflicts are in India based on variety of reasons.   Sri Lanka has a less complex environment than in India and limited diversity with tiny differences. After 2009, there has been no report of communal conflicts except politically motivated commotions such as in Beruwala and Kandy. However, the politics in Sri Lanka shows that building the national integration has become a hard task as the strategies of political parties are contrary to the national integration and based on short-term gains for a specific political party or a front.

The political leadership considered to be primarily essential condition for the national integration. Historically, the national integration was established by the leaderships of Kings and religious institutions of the country such as Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim strongly supported to the national integration. Before Western invasions, Sri Lanka was consisting of only two communities and there were not serious barriers to maintain the national integration.  Anthropological fact is that Sinhala and Tamil people have biologically same origin and may have mixed with different communities, they became Sinhala or Tamil resulting they speak two different languages.   According to historical information of Sri Lanka, Kings gave the leadership for the national integration and never discriminated citizens of the country based on religions or regions or speaking different languages.

It is believed that King Parakramabahu the great was a Sinhala person, who was a believer of Hinduism. During the time of king, Dhatusena, there was an Assyrian Sect Christian Church in Anuradhapura and King Kashyapa and Mugalan has closed association with the Christian Church.  Kings in the Kandyan Kingdom allowed Muslim religion and Kings in Kotte allowed the Catholics. Kings in the history gave leadership for the national integration within a multicultural system. The history gives clear evidence that Buddhism and Hinduism worked together and the best example for this unity is that in each Buddhist temple, there are Hindu devoting places.

The national integration was obviously challenged by the Donoughmore Reform Commission in 1928, which established the State Council. The representatives to the State Council were based on criterion that disguisedly promoting communal differences and the democracy they introduced to the country, was a capitalism based which discriminated to poor. If it analyses more critically the elections to the State Council motivated to create divisions within the Sinhala community based on Castes and provinces. The representation to the State Council was also based on the election which was sowing seeds for promoting communalism in the country and the power of voting was given to rich disregarding poor and ignored the national integration, which had been existed under the leadership of kings. As Shona Khurana (2010) explained the British had encouraged communalism because of division between Hindus and Muslim made easier for them to control the country. it is a result of narrow mindedness, prejudice and lack of knowledge of other religions.”  The British rulers promoted communalism in Sri Lanka with a view to dividing the people as Sinhala and Tamil and destroying the national integration.

Why the British rulers wanted to promote communalism in the country disregarding the moral responsibility of governing a colony to maintain the law and order and the unity among the nationals in the colony? The ruling policy of the British rulers was not democratic and currently it can be seen that many Western democratic advocates are attempting to point figure to Sri Lanka in the reconciliation process, but it was really against the democratic principles.

As the census of 1881 revealed that the majority community of the population in Sri Lanka was Sinhala, the British rulers attempted to divide the majority community as Up Country Sinhala and Lower Country Sinhala, the strategy was   utter failure.  As Sinhala people had no external difference in relation to the language used or the religions they believed and Sinhala people whether they are from up country or lower country, they were similar. The division of Sinhala people as Sinhala Christian and Sinhala Buddhist was riskier to imperialist and Sinhala Buddhist and Sinhala Christian worked together at grassroot level and the divisive policy could not be applied and successful in the Sinhala community.  There were few differences within the Sinhala community based on caste dictions which were rapidly eliminating as a result of the wide expanding of education from grade one to university level.

The caste dictions originated in Sri Lanka in the history based on the professions of people, which were not subject to discrimination and the services of any caste wanted to citizens of the country including the kings, who really respected to services of people, who belong to different caste. At present we can see that the services of different castes have become profitable business, for example fashion, security services etc.  The Indian caste dictions primarily considers discrimination of people from the origin and people of high class have authority over the lower castes even sometimes to kill them. There have been legal changes in India since independence, it seems that legal changes are not implemented successfully due the attitudes of people.

No one can deny the fact that the State Council, implemented several progressive policies in the country in which free education policy, agricultural development programs and industrial development initiatives could be considered that they were vital to the building the national integration.  However, the divisive attitudes rooted to the Tamil community and such attitudes were vicious to building the national integration.  The British rulers were directly responsible for the origination and the complicating of the national integration issues.  Before the British rulers, there were Indian, Portuguese and Dutch rules in the country, neither rules promoted divisive attitudes a with view to encouraging communalism in the country.

BUILDING THE NATIONAL INTEGRATION IN SRI LANKA (Part 2)

January 3rd, 2019

BY EDWARD THEOPHILUS

The Solebury Constitution, which developed the reforms for granting the independence also did not promote the national integration and tried to spread the communalism through the election system. The emergency of 1958 was the first communal struggle obviously echoed in the Sri Lankan society after the independence and the leader of the government had many difficulties to control the problem and the nominal head of state had to take executive power in hand despite the parliamentary traditions and limits of the independent constitution, to control the communal problem. Since then the communal problem in the country complicated and developed to a bloodletting terrorist war in 1983. There were many opportunities to initiate the national integration between 1958 and 1983, however, nobody was interested on this matter as the politics in the democratic system have given priority for gaining power whatever the issue is using.

Since 1983 to until defeat of LTTE terrorism in 2009, various negotiations were between the government and Tamils, but they were not successful and one of the major reasons for the failure was external influences and the concept of national integration was purposely ignored by external forces. When deeply analyses it shows that the external influences dislike the national integration as external forces might have hidden and undisclosed purposes against uniting Sri Lankans as one nation.  It also might contradict with the plans of outside forces toward Sri Lanka.

The reconciliation process initiated after 2015 presidential and general elections was unsuccessful as the process was not genuine to the majority Sinhala community and it seemed that it was a forceful activity involved in hidden tactics against the national unity influenced by external forces. In the history, before Sinhala Kingdom established, Lord Buddha visited the country to reconcile a conflict between Chulodara and Mahodara and in that process Lord Buddha played an impartial process and people of the country accepted the final outcomes of the reconciliation process.  The reconciliation process that Lord Buddha conducted was very cleared to the two parties involved in the conflict and the transparency of the reconciliation process was attracted by people and there was no string from outside and two parties direct negotiated with the mediator (Lord Buddha).

The reconciliation process commenced after the elections of 2015 was not direct negotiation between two parties to the conflict.  Sri Lanka’s government and Army forces were one party but the other party, LTTE was not participated taking the responsibility for the conflict during 1983 to 2007.  Tamil political parties were directly represented Tamil nationals (Most probably the Tamil nationals and LTTE) but never accepted the responsibility for atrocities done by LTTE. In fact, it was not a conflict resolution or a reconciliation process. It clearly seems that the reconciliation was an attempt to punish Sri Lanka’s government.  The behaviour of LTTE during the 1983 to 2007 was against the international law and order.

The reconciliation was a process that was forceful to Sri Lanka’s government to accept a variety of conditions, which were strange to public.  It clearly seemed that the reconciliation process did not prioritized the conditions with the agreement of two parties involved in and it was an attempt to insist conditions that were against the culture (rules and regulations) generally accepted in the society of Sri Lanka.  According to international experiences, it is quite clear that forceful reconciliation would not last long, people involved in reconciliation process should be accepted by the parties to the reconciliation whether the outside forces like to it or not.

The other major short coming of the reconciliation process was that the process did not focus on building the national integration as one nation all communities living in Sri Lanka.  What were the reasons to ignore national integration?  General opinion of that point is outside forces dislike to the national integration, which promotes for the unity idea as a one nation.  Practically, outside forces promote communal divisions in relation to policy implementation. Such a division would be helpful to outsiders, who are eyeing to take Sri Lanka’s assets and facilities for their purposes. Any country like to promote the national integration, despite many communities living in the country have different purposes, the priority should be given to the prime purpose.  For example, in many European countries people from other countries live together though they have migrated from different countries with different cultural background, the governments of those countries, all people have integrated to one nation.  Why is this strategy being not suitable for Sri Lanka?

According to the demographic records of the census of 2012, the total population in Sri Lanka divides to Sinhala 74.90%, Sri Lankan and Indian Tamil 15.27% (Sri Lankan Tamils 11.29% and Indian Tamils 15.43%), Muslim 9.30%, Burghers 0.19% and others 0.34%.  It is estimated that demographic records have already changed increasing Sinhala population to 78% and reducing the Sri Lankan Tamils to less than 10%.  It is quite easy to building the national integration as the 98% total population in Sri Lanka knows Sinhala language and 95% of people in Sri Lanka use Sinhala language as the main language or communication media in homes. Many Muslim organizations recognize Sinhala as their national language.  The demographic results clearly show that the reconciliation and the national integration of Sri Lanka is easier based on Sinhala language.

The lack of political leadership and the divisive attitudes of religious institutions after the independence in 1948 made complexity in the thrust of the national integration.  The constitutional reforms initiated in 1972 attempted to the national integration, but the expectation was remote as the head of state or the president in the 1972 constitution was lacking executive power and the president was inactive for the building of national integration. The constitution introduced in 1978 gave the executive power to the president, despite terms of 1978 constitution, several amendments made to the constitution have become barriers to the national integration.

The effort of national integration needs beginning from the grassroot level and the other important point is that people of the country unit to secure the country first rather than dividing the country by a new constitution.

Putting our thoughts into action

January 3rd, 2019

Bhante Y. Wimala

Dear friends and students,

The new year 2019 has arrived. It is that time again to take a few moments to relax, reflect and make some positive choices.

Following are my affirmations for 2019. Please join me.

1. I will not allow the negativity of others to pollute my mind or disturb me.

Every negative thought is a painful thought. Negativity breeds suffering. We often run into and sometimes we are surrounded by people who are frustrated, angry, and bitter about politicians, injustice, violence in the world and one thing or another. If we are not prepared and do not have clear guidelines for ourselves, it is so easy for them to pollute our minds and disturb us with their negativity.
Be prepared to stop yourself from getting drawn into such dialogues or situations. Be prepared to walk away politely. Be prepared to disconnect or find a reason to change the topic. If everything else fails, remind yourself of the power of your own mind to control your reactions and positively engage them. Refuse to allow the anxiety  of others to disturb you.
2. I will try my best to become a more kind and loving person.

The warmth of kindness and love is universal. When you feel truly loving or kind, you do not even have to tell others. They feel it. Not only humans — even animals and plants — can feel your loving kind thoughts. Whenever you feel genuine love or kindness, you feel a sense of comfort and fulfilment inside you, a kind of comfort that nobody can give you.
By becoming more kind and loving, you nurture yourself while nurturing others around you. The kindness and love help you to bring the best of you into the day. Remember to be kind as often as you can. Ask yourself, am I a loving person? How can I become a more loving person? So your second affirmation is I will remember to try my best to nurture the love and kindness in my heart in the year 2019.”

3. I will try my best to face all my challenges and problems calmly and patiently.

Challenges and problems are a normal part of normal life. You know very well that you do not solve any problem by worrying about it. Worrying about anything simply adds more burden to the problem or challenge. Then why worry? It is simply a habit, a habitual trigger in your mind. The affirmation above will help you to train the mind not to worry and understand that worrying about a problem or challenge does not solve any problem. By remaining calm and becoming patient in the midst of challenges or problems, you can carefully choose an appropriate action and avoid getting stressed.

Thought alone is not enough. Let us bring these thoughts into action and get results in the year 2019. I wish you success in your efforts to bring positive changes into your life.

May you be well and happy.

Bhante Y. Wimala

How women are treated in Hindu temples in India

January 3rd, 2019

Prevention of women entering Temples by Orthodox Hindus in Kerala.

This kind of discrimination against women and also lower castes happens all the time in Tamil Nadu and also especially in Northern Sri Lankan Kovils and Temples. But such things are hardly reported. Before the rise of the LTTE, there were protests in Mavattipuram and other places in Sri Lankan Temples where low-caste people were not allowed entry.  The ITAK party opposed liberalizing temple entry while the Marxist leader Shanmugathasan led the protests. During the LTTE wars, the Tigers militarized and used women for their objectives, often using them as expendable and easily controllable carder who can be used as suicide bombers.

After the war, old caste traditions and orthodoxy have once again began to creep back, with Norther Provincial leaders like Wigneswaran strongly encouraging orthodoxy. But things are stirring up in Kerala and other parts of India.

Unfortunately, Sri Lanka’s  “civil society” types and  “human rights” NGOs are dominated by members of the upper caste Jaffna Orthodoxy. Even the Catholic church memebers in Jaffna are caste and orthodoxy dominated, with burials in the chruchyard determined by caste.

Unlike in India, the feminist movement among women in Sri Lanka is quite inactive against these issues. Instead, Tamil human rights famininists  unleash their ire in Geneva.

Zwei Frauen trotzen der Mauer aus Hindu-Männern

Zwei Frauen trotzen der Mauer aus Hindu-Männern

Unter Polizeischutz und bei Dunkelheit haben sie es geschafft: Zwei Frauen gelangten in einen Hindu-Tempel im Sü…

 

Here is a rough translation of a German language report .

——————————————————————-

Two women defy the wall of men forbidding Temple entry for Women in Kerala

Under police protection and in the dark, they made it: Two women arrived in a Hindu temple in the south of India – and so demanded their right to equal treatment. The conflict has been smoldering for months.

In the shelter of darkness, two women in India have entered one of the holiest Hindu shrines, claiming their right to equal treatment. According to authorities, they secretly entered the Sabarimala Temple in Kerala state under police protection shortly before sunrise and later left the sanctuary undetected. They were thus able to bypass the extremist Hindus, who have for weeks transformed the Sabarimala Temple in Kerala into a fortress and withheld women.
Two women arrive at the Hindu temple in the state of Kerala in southern India.

[Photo” Two women arrive at the Hindu temple in the state of Kerala in southern India.]

On video footage can be seen how the two women in black robes with lowered heads rush into the temple. They did not come to the temple via the “18 holy steps” but through the personnel access, they reported afterwards.

Head Priest orders “cleansing ritual”
The action of the two women caused violent protests by arch-conservative Hindus – the Sabarimala Temple is one of their most sacred temples. The supreme priest ordered the temple to be shut down for a cleansing ritual. After an hour he was reopened.

The extremist Hindus oppose the lifting of the women’s ban on visiting the country’s Supreme Court. According to tradition, women between the ages of ten and fifty cannot enter the gilded temple because the deity worshipped there is considered unmarried and believers fear a “seduction” of the god by women’s vile. The ban was informal for many years and became law in 1972. However, in September 2018, India’s Supreme Court declared that the practice violated the constitutionally guaranteed equal treatment of men and women.

Violent riots
Many women then tried to reach the mountain shrine of the god Ayyappa. However, they had been deterred by angry Hindu activists. There were riots between supporters of the ban and the police in October, and around 2,000 people were arrested. Again, there were  violent protests against the action of women. In front of the parliament in Kerala’s capital Thiruvananthapuram, there were violent clashes. The police used tear gas, water cannons and stun grenades against the protesters. Protests were also reported from other cities in the state

Recently, tens of thousands of women in Kerala had formed a mile long human chain to protest against the Temple ban and to promote gender justice. According to the Communist Party of Kerala, 5.5 million women came together for the protests. The news of the two women who had access to the temple was received enthusiastically by the solidarity movement.

Opposition to court decision
Even legally, the dispute continues. Numerous conservative Hindu movements and the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) of Prime Minister Narendra Modi object to the Supreme Court’s decision. They challenge the verdict on the grounds that it ignores the traditional belief that Ayyappa lived in celibacy. For January 22, a court hearing of the opponents of the judgment is provided.

Since India is again ruled by Modi’s Hindu nationalist BJP, conservative and fundamentalist Hindus have been buoyant. The conflict over the South Indian temple is therefore also indicative of the identity politics with which they make mood. Not only does the BJP seek to give new meaning to the ancient Indian cultural and religious heritage, it also borders on India’s other religious communities, whether Muslim, Christian, Jain or Parse. Equal rights for women are also considered fundamental. This strategy should also shape the election campaign of the Hindu nationalists: this year, the Indians determine a new parliament, the BJP wants to remain  in power by what ever means.

Re-Kids eat free in Australia

January 3rd, 2019

Stanley Perera Melbourne, Australia.

It is absolute truth that kids eat free in Australia.  Kids have pets and there are bank accounts for the pets and and pets hospitals and pets cemetries in Australia.  It is also absolute truth that kids and their pets are Australian’s national treasure.  Kids go to school and pets go to obedience classes and get toilet trained.  When those kids grow up those entitlements and inheritanced enjoyed in their childhood are transferred to their kids.  That is the Australian National heritage enjoyed by Australians with dignity, honesty and integrity.  In my days if an English man was called a liar, he would commit suicide.  It was that truthful an Englishman those days.  In the modern day the English Prime Minister Tony Blair  was called Blair the liar by the English public when Tony Blair said a pack of lies about Sadam Husein.  As a reward Tony Blair was made the lifetime president of the Middle east peace board by Little Bush with enormous amounts of perks.  Blair’s wife was called Flats lady.

225 KIDS ALSO EAT FREE IN ISLAN NATION OF SRI LANKA

It is absolute truth that 225 kids eat free 5 course meals all day and all night 24 hours of the in in this beautiful Island Nation of Sri Lanka.  They are issued with duty free luxury BMW permits every year instead of a pet.  It is not only His,but also a Her’s.  So His’s and Her’s Luxury BMWs.  One for the master(luxury bullet proof), two for the kids and none for the naughty kids who say no to the 19A.  Majority of those kids never went to a school.  They carry knives to the play scool.  They pour water on to the class teacher’s chair, fortunately it was not that electric chair made in the USA.  Some kids call the class teach who is also a kid “Karumaya”.  One kid threw urine mixed with chilli powder which got into the eye of another kid and this kid was crying his eyes out and screaming his head off danawo “danawo, danawo”.  Some people though it was a real act of kids and some people thought it was the play school drama.  Unlike in Australian kids, these 225 Siri Lankan kids are housed in 7 star luxury hotel in the tiny little island in Diyawanna.  It is absolute truth that tose 225 Siri Lankan kids never grow up, nover go to school and never do a job.  All they do twddile their thumbs, picking their noses and arses and thinking day and night how to rob the banks.  Those duty free luxury car permis once every year come with a no repay bank loans not exceeding 500 million rupees.  The Ambassadors visit the head of the kids from time to time to check the health and welfare of the kids.  Those Ambassados in the public gallery applause whenever the class teacher discipline the kids at the play scool.  Those dispora appointed Ambassados’s main job is to puppeteer the puppet kids play school.  The head of the kids is a thug.  Some people call him Mr. Batalanda.  Some people call him white skinned Ambusados’s boot licker.  All the people call him mid night.  That is becuse when all the kids go to sleep the thug of the kids pass 19A 40A, 33A and all the As that comes to his mind.  Some people call him an arch crook.  Somebody said he is butter fly.  Pople also call those 225 kids “free loaders”.  Part 11 to be continued.

Stanley Perera

Melbourne, Australia.

ELON MUSC Vs THAI CAVE RESCUER

January 3rd, 2019

Stanley Perera Melbourne, Australia.

Elon Musc the American Billioner was preparing a capsule to rescue the Thai boys from the cave. This pommy guy who was a cave rescuer said the American can stick his capsule where it hurts.  In response to that tounge lashing American billioner Elon Musc said that pedo guy.  As I did not know what it meant by pedo guy, I asked this Aussie guy what the meaning of pedo guy.  The Aussie guy said to me ” those Pommy Guys and Aussie Guys go to Thailand to sleep with boys are called pedo guys.  So that pedo guy the cave digger sued American billioner Elon Musc for deformation of caracter.  Elon Musc said “I am not denying.  I said what I know about the pommie guy.  He sleeps with Thai boys.  Such people are called pedo guys”.  What are you going to do about it?  So the pedo guy had to shut his face.

The other day  In a public speech the Siri Lankan President said ” that man is a butterfly”.  As I did not know the meaning of butterfly, I asked a young Siri Lankan lass what it meant by Butterfly.  This young Siri Lankan lass told me it is the three letter word starting with G”.  Oh it is the god I said .  No dumb dumb three letter word starting with ga.

Oh, it is gal.  No idiot it is gay.  I still cannot understand what it really means gay.  Let me tell you in simple language man, she said “it is the man sleeping with a man”.  Then I asked the young Siri Lankan lass what is the difference between the gay guy and pedo guy.  The lass said the pedo guy is the guy who sleeps with the boys and gay guy is the guy who sleeps with a guy.  I am confused it is like the Siri Lankan constitution and 19A,33A, and 40 a,b.c. which can be translated either this way or that way but not both ways.  I asked this Siri Lankan lass what is this homo.  This lass told me I don’t no man I am a les girl. I am confused and confused like the Siri Lankan constition.  God save my Siri Lanka.  My Siri Lanka is in the hands of a bunch of gay guys and pedo guys with les guys.  Where is the nearest mental assylum?  I want to book a room in there.  Before I get there I will find out if there are any pedo guys,gay guys and les guys.  Don’t worry myself all the residents and doctors including nurses are pedo guys, gay guys and les guys.

Stanley Perera

Melbourne, Australia.

 

යුද ජයග්‍රහණයට ගෞරව පුද කිරීමට මහින්ද නමින් මම ගමක් හදනවා-සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස

January 3rd, 2019

උපතිස්ස පෙරේරා උපුටාගැණීම  මව්බිම

අප හිටපු ජනාධිපතිතුමන්ට යුද ජයග්‍රහණයට ගරුත්වය ලබා දිය යුතුයි. ඉදිරියේදී එතුමන්ට එම ගරුත්වය ලබා දෙමින්, මගේ සුරතින් ඔහුගේ නමින් ගම්මානයක් ඉදිකරන්නට කටයුතු කරනවා යැයි, සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතා පැවැසීය.

එස්.ඩබ්ලිව්. ආර්.ඩී. බණ්ඩාරනායක මහතාගේ සහ චන්ද්‍රිකා බණ්ඩාරනායකගේ නමින්ද ගම්මාන ඉදිකරන බවත්, දේශපාලන කුහකකම් හෝ වෛරය හදවතේ තියා ගනිමින් තමා කටයුතු නොකරන බවත් පැවැසීය.
ජාති, ආගම්, පක්ෂ, පාට නොබලා පැය 24ම දින 365ම, ජනතාවට සේවය කිරීම තම බලාපොරොත්තුව බවත් ජනපති ප්‍රමුඛ මැති සභයේ 225 දෙනා රටේ ලක්ෂ 210ක් වූ ජනතාවගේ භාරකරුවන් මිස අයිතිකරුවන් නොවන බවත් පොහොට්ටුවේ පිරිස් රටේ ජනතාව වහලුන් යැයි සිතා කටයුතු කරන්නේ ඔවුන් රටේ අයිතිකරුවන් යැයි සිතන නිසා බවත් පැවැසීය.

පුත්තලම දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ කරුවලගස්වැව, පහළ පුලියන්කුලමේ ඉදිවූ ‘රන්වියන්පුර’ උදා ගම්මානය ජනතා අයිතියට පත් කිරීම වෙනුවෙන් පැවැති උත්සවයේදී නිවාස, ඉදිකිරීම් සහ සංස්කෘතික කටයුතු අමාත්‍ය සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මෙසේද පැවැසීය.

මෙම උදා ගම්මානය විවෘත කිරීමට තිබුණේ පසුගිය ඔක්තෝබර් මස 31 වැනිදායි. නමුත් ඔක්තෝබර් 26 වැනිදා අපේ රටේ දේශපාලන ඛේදවාචකයක් සිදු වුණා. මෙම ඛේදවාචකය සිදු නොවී පසුගිය දින 52ක කාලය තුළත් අපේ ආණ්ඩුව තිබුණා නම් මේ වන විට නව ගම්මාන 150ක් පමණ ආරම්භ කර ඉඩම් හා නිවාස නොමැති ලක්ෂ සංඛ්‍යාත ජනතාවට ආධාර උපකාර කරන්නට තිබුණා. නමුත් අද සිදු වී තිබෙන්නේ කුමක්ද? දින 52ක් නැවතී තිබූ සංවර්ධනය හා ජනතා සේවාව දැන් අප වහා දියත් කළ යුතුයි.

මීට සති කිහිපයකට පෙර ජනාධිපතිතුමන්ටත් හොරෙන් පොහොට්ටුවේ නායකතුමා මන්ත්‍රිවරුන්ට පොහොට්ටු පක්ෂයේ සාමාජිකත්වය ලබා දුන්නා. එසේ කටයුතු කළ ඔවුන් ‘අපි පොහොට්ටුවේ නෙවෙයි අපි එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සන්ධානයේ’ කියා අද කියනවා. පොහොට්ටුවේ සාමාජිකත්වය ලබාගෙන තමන්ගේ මුහුණු පොතේ පණිවුඩ නිකුත් කළා. නමුත් මේ පිළිබඳව පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී නීත්‍යනුකූල ලෙස ප්‍රශ්න කරන විට ඔවුන්ගේ පාණ්ඩුකම්බල ශෛලාසන රත්වෙනවා. ඔවුන් දැන් ප්‍රකාශ කළොත් පොහොට්ටුවේ බව ඔවුන්ගේ මන්ත්‍රිකම අහෝසි වෙනවා. මෙයින් අපට විශාල පාඩමක් ඉගෙන ගැනීමට තිබෙනවා. අපි පක්ෂය සහ පාක්ෂිකයා අපේ අනාගතය උදෙසා කිසිවිට පාවා නොදිය යුතුයි.

සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාසටත්, කරු ජයසූරියටත් අවස්ථා රැසකදී අගමැති ධුරය භාරගන්න කිව්වා කියා පසුගියදා ජනාධිපතිතුමාම ප්‍රකාශ කළා. එය සත්‍යයක්. මට දහ වරකට වඩා එය කිව්වා. එම ඉල්ලීම පිළිබඳව ජනාධිපතිතුමන්ට මා අගෞරවයක් නොකර වැඩ කළ යුතුයි.

අප එක දිනක් තුළ ගම්මාන 85ක වැඩ කටයුතු ආරම්භ කරනු ලැබුවා. කවුරුන් හෝ අභියෝග කරනු ලබනවා නම් මුල්ගල් තැබූ ගම්මාන 85 පිළිබඳව අවශ්‍ය ලියකියවිලි මා සතුව මේ මොහොතේ තිබෙනවා. ජාති, ආගම්, පක්ෂ, පාට, පන්ති භේදයන් මට වැදගත් වන්නේ නැහැ. එකම සුදුසුකම වන්නේ ඉඩමක් නොමැතිකම, නිවෙසක් නොමැතිකමයි.

මගේ පියාණන්ද භේද බින්නවලින් තොරව නිවාස ඉදිකළ නිසා රටේ මහනගර සභාවක මන්ත්‍රිවරයකු ලෙස සිට එතුමා ජනාධිපති වුණා. අපේ වැඩසටහනේ මුල්තැන ලබා දෙනුයේ මිනිසත්කමටයි. එක්කෙනකු, දෙදෙනකු වැරැදි කළාට මා සූදානම් නෑ මාධ්‍යයට විවේචන ඉදිරිපත් කරන්නට.

 

Appointing SF Field Marshal was Prez’s biggest mistake: Thewarapperuma

January 3rd, 2019

Chaturanga Samarawickrama Courtesy The Daily Mirror

While assuming duties as Deputy Minister of Social Empowerment, Palitha Thewarapperuma said yesterday among the many mistakes done by President Maithirpala Sirisena, the biggest was to promote Sarath Fonseka to the rank of Field Marshal.

He said Fonseka did not have qualifications to be promoted to that post and Sri Lanka was fortunate that he was not elected as president.

“When I assumed duties as the deputy minister of the Wildlife Ministry, I thought I was so lucky to work under a war hero like Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka. But I gradually realised that he was not the person he appeared to be,” the deputy minister said. I suffered a lot because of Sarath Fonseka. I was sentenced to prison for 400 days. My party membership was suspended. He did not even have the courtesy to ask me what happened.”

He said they had helped him unconditionally when he was nominated as the common candidate during the election and that he was personally involved in re-erecting elephant fences because Fonseka was not concerned about such issues.

“Fonseka has said I will not be nominated but it is Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and the party who will decide whether to nominate me or not. It is none of his business. I secured 1.8 million votes. Fonseka got only 2,000 votes. It is clear who should be given nominations,” the deputy minister said.

He said I was removed from my post because of a wise decision taken by the Prime Minister.
If the Prime Minister has taken that decision, he should be responsible for the human-elephant conflict and should be answerable to the people. Fonseka ruined the funds of the Wildlife ministry and had done nothing for the country. Fonseka has also claimed that my family used vehicles belonging to the ministry. My family has not even seen my ministerial vehicle. The truth behind this whole drama is that Fonseka is not ready to accept that I have worked hard in the ministry. Now he is mad and crying because of not having a ministerial post. I can offer my Social Empowerment Deputy Minister’s post if he wants,” the deputy minister said.

I will never allow Thewarapperuma to enter parliament: Former Minister and Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka

January 3rd, 2019

Ajith Siriwardane Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Former Minister and Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka said today he would not allow deputy minister Palitha Thewarapperuma to come to parliament alleging that he was engaged in corrupt activities such as sand mining.

Mr. Fonseka told a news conference that he received fewer votes at the 2015 general election than Thewarapperuma as he did not want to enter parliament but to act as an anti-Rajapaksa force and added that if Thewarapperuma contested under a minority party, he would not receive votes of even his family members.

Responding to the allegation that Mr. Fonseka was keeping kith and kin as his personnel staff, he said Mr. Thevarapperuma had no moral right to talk about it and added that he had a right to keep anyone in his personnel staff.

He alleged that Mr. Thewarapperuma had begun politics as a Kasippu’ smuggler and said he was known as Naiwadiye Palitha”.

He was now engaged in sand smuggling. I will take action against this person. I will teach him a good lesson. I will teach him what political decency is,” he said.

Mr. Fonseka said Mr. Thewarrapperuma was a navy deserter and he began politics as the driver of Anil Munasinghe and then joined Kumara Welgama, who kicked him out.

An SLPP govt. will launch fresh probe on bond scam: Mahinda Yapa

January 3rd, 2019

Lahiru Pothmulla Courtesy The Daily Mirror

A government formed by the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) will launch a fresh probe on the Central Bank bond scam after formulating a separate court, MP Mahinda Yapa Abeywardane said yesterday.

When asked about his comment over Colombo Chief Magistrate granting bail on Arjun Aloysius and Kasun Palisena, who are allegedly involved in the bond scam, the MP said the government wants to conceal the bond scam.

“This issue is unlikely to be solved. We hope to establish a separate court and start a new probe under a government of ours,” he told a news briefing held at the SLPP office.

Meanwhile, he said the current government was formed by the elements which wished to see the country divided.

“The ambition of these elements is to weaken the government and divide the country. As the SLPP, we will not allow this to happen,” he said.

MP Kanaka Herath, who also addressed the news briefing, requested President Maithripala Sirisena to remove the National List MPs of the SLFP who joined the government.

“National List MPs came to parliament because of the sacrifices we made. Therefore, we also have a right about the posts of these MPs.They are in parliament thanks to the hard work of former president Mahinda Rajapaksa during the election campaign. They have betrayed the party now,” he said.

20th Amendment is Like a String Bikini; What it Reveals is Interesting but What it Hides is Significant’

January 2nd, 2019

Geethanjana Kudaligamage

Our system is rigged beyond repair. It is a fact. When a system is rigged beyond recognition by a bunch of charlatans and robber barons, the last thing we need is to see rewriting our supreme document of the law of the land by them. Therefore, we shall keep the Executive presidency as much as they hate it and trash it. If we need to rewrite our constitution, of course we may need to do it eventually, let us wait until the right time and right people comes. Those who rigged the system have taken the task of rewriting and changing the laws into their hand right now so they can change it in their favor. So, we ask them, please hands off our constitution! We don’t trust you fellas!

Before Yahapalanaya began, I wasn’t quite contented to write anything about constitutional affairs. Because I thought I was an artist and wasn’t well versed about that area therefore shouldn’t touch such an extremely ‘obnoxious’ field usually kept exclusively for ‘Kalu coat Karayas. Then I was under the impression that one needs to have some background knowledge to touch our constitution.

However, things radically changed. After realizing that our politicians had handled our constitution, the likes of Sambandan and Anura Kumara who were holding high caliber positions in the parliament such as ‘Opposition Leader’ and the ‘Chief Opposition Whip’ respectively, without even knowing kindergarten mathematics, why shouldn’t I? I mean, they didn’t even know what was the greater number among 6,16 and 95, both of them thought 16 and 6 were greater than 95. Not only that, they handled our constitution with such an ease similar to that of an uneducated Nattamy who handled his ‘Race Kole’ (රේස් කොළේ) with incredible comfort. If that is the situation of the folks who are now messing with our constitution, and if that is such an easy thing like reading the ‘race kole’ (රේස් කොළේ) by ‘math-illiterate’ Anura and Sambandan, hell, why shouldn’t I also touch constitutional affairs I thought? Thanks to Anura and Sambandan, I know the secret of reading our constitution now; you must hold it like a race kole (රේස් කොළේ). It’s simple as such.

The twentieth amendment is already in the pipeline. Elderly politician Sambandan looks so excited to see mother Lanka being left defenseless. Anura Kumara acting as the facilitator for this heinous crime, appeared to be enjoying it. As he chuckles when he speaks about the constitution, people ponder if he is really having a mental disorder lately. The main objective of this legal circus is to change our political system entirely to accommodate the path for the division of the nation just to satisfy Sambandan, sumanthiran, Ranil Wickramasinghe, Anura Kumara, NGOs and the click.

However, they want to annul people’s sovereign rights without going for a referendum. Actually, they are trying to pickpocket the approval for the bill through the parliament, to steal something valuable for the people of Sri Lanka without asking for their consent.

According to 1978 constitution, people have entrusted their sovereign rights at Executive president, and if the nation needs to repeal it, then a referendum is required. However, they have brought 19th without going for a referendum creating a bad precedence for future changes, to do anything in future as well. So who are the victims here? The ordinary masses are the victims here. We are being trashed by all the politicians left and right.

We must identify all the charlatans in the parliament who will vote for this bill instead of asking the question whether or not this is unconstitutional to strip sovereign rights of people without asking their consensus for it. This is the biggest crime after the 13th amendment. But still they identify themselves as champions of democracy. Is this democratic for Ranil and Anura?

Following links will take you to the current constitution of Sri Lanka (as amended up to 15th May, 2015) and the next link to the bill of twentieth amendment. To understand the 20th bill, one has to compare the constitution because, I think by purpose, the 20th never provide an addendum explaining the changes.

file:///C:/Users/kudal/Desktop/constitution%20of%20Sri%20Lanka%20after%2019th.pdf

http://srilankabrief.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/Twentieth-Amendment-to-the-Constitution-English.pdf

The 20th amendment is presented in such a manner, as I said, it doesn’t even provide an addendum explaining the reason why those amendment are needed for the country. For instance, it says…

29. Article 93 of the Constitution is hereby amended by the omission of the words of the President of the Republic and”. (No explanation, addendum or side notes)

30. Article 94 of the Constitution is hereby repealed.” (No explanation, addendum or side notes)

This way of presentation makes the ordinary person to compare 1978 constitution with 20th amendment. Then there is no addendum explaining why we need these constitutional changes. It is pretty clear this confusion is also the part of the design. The constitution is the supreme document of the law of the land, therefore it is more important for the ordinary people than the politicians or lawyers. It is therefore responsibility of the authorities to provide a comprehensive addendum. But they have avoided it. Why? Because all they want is to throw sand into public eyes. It is also doubtful if JVP membership or in that matter, even the leadership is well aware of the true weight of the 20th to the nation. The biggest deceitful thing is the new practice of secret vote in the chamber. What is the reason for people’s representatives need to vote secretly? What kind of democracy is that? To hide from whom? Don’t they know that people have the right to know what their representatives do in the parliament? Isn’t this entire circus is aimed to cheat the masses?

The reason why we have to write about 20th amendment and its related issues with EP is because legal experts do not care about it. And we have found that majority of lawyers in the parliament have violated the ethics of their profession. I haven’t seen any of these lawyers coming to Lipton circle to protest against 20th amendment or abrogation of presidency since they see through it and understand the disasters that is looming. The legal professionals know it better than the laymen who doesn’t know the impact of the constitutional law.

I haven’t seen constitutional lawyers debating each other in the media about abrogating EP or the dangers of 20th amendment, other than sporadically publishing one or two articles in the media. If they do, they can bring public awareness about the dangers that are pending in the pipeline. I haven’t seen our eminent legal professionals filing fundamental rights cases in the supreme courts against 20th amendment and about the consequences of abrogating EP while having 13th amendment and provincial councils functioning. Well, maybe they do not trust the legal system since they know about it better than us. Majority of lawyers in the parliament want to bring 20th amendment to destroy the country.

The most troublesome issue is that none of the advocates of the 20th amendment never have given any attention to the reason why Elamists also advocating the abrogation of executive presidency. Why they throw 330 million rupees or 2 million Dollars per vote in the parliament, to pay who is willing to vote for the bill. I won’t be surprised if a secret voting is conducted for this bill. Some of these lawyers maybe do not want to see through it perhaps because they are also part of the conspiracy. Or maybe money makes them mute. Otherwise their explanations would be balanced addressing all aspects of the problem including the dangers of eventual division of the nation.

Democracy would be good if our political culture is sacrosanct and pious; and our politicians are virtuous, honest and ethical. Democracy might be a disaster for a society full of corrupt charlatans, thieves and robber barons. The concept of democracy invented in Greece about 2500 years ago when people had never heard of corrupt form of predatory capitalism, and they had never seen Dollars falling from the sky, above all they had never heard of a fifth column working day and night to destroy a country. When the concept of democracy was invented in Greece, they had an economy based on barter system and there were no politicians capable of breaking central banks in politics. They never had heard of backdoor dealings, nor had they known about bribing representatives to switch sides. They never had offshore banking facilities to hide stolen wealth. When we have offshore banking, a system created by western powers to maintain this corrupt global political culture, that can function above the laws, and where democracy become a mockery. That is the reason why they recommend us to go back to Westminster system, because it serves them better and they can manipulate it far greater than EP system.

Westminster parliamentary system is a colonial recommendation for us to adapt as our political system of our government. Masters never recommend anything virtuously for the slaves to eventually become completely independent from the master’s yoke. That kind of Samaritan masters only found in fairy tales that Ranil Wickramasinghe might have heard in his bedtime stories. Definitely J.R. Jayawardene might have heard of that type of masters in his bedtime stories for sure, since his nanny was an English woman. The colonialists groomed this baby JRJ from the time he was in the womb to destroy his country later in 61 years. He met the expectations of his class obligations. Same goes with SWRD. Although S.W.R.D was also groomed in the same manner, but gone off track therefore they killed him.

If the proponents of 20th amendment have sanctimonious objectives, why do they want to avoid referendum? Why is this fear and horror about people? Is that the democracy that has been perpetuated for Sri Lanka? Isn’t it an unalienable right of the people to decide what is right for them? If they are the angels or the guardians of Democracy, then why are they so frightened of people’s verdict? For me, it is a valid question to ask. But it doesn’t seem to be so valid for Ranil and Anura Kumara and some other folks. May be the kind of democracy they know is much advance than what we know about.

Please watch this video.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nebAwGOYAXA&app=desktop

Please see following videos as well.

https://www.bing.com/videos/search?q=analysis+of+20th+amendment+in+sri+lanka&&view=detail&mid=6771BF9E367AD2DF7CB96771BF9E367AD2DF7CB9&&FORM=VDRVRV

Pivithuru Hela Urumaya statement

https://www.bing.com/videos/search?q=analysis+of+20th+amendment+in+sri+lanka&&view=detail&mid=E107CFB7315F7D9CF59CE107CFB7315F7D9CF59C&&FORM=VDRVRV

What other politicians have to say about 20th

https://www.bing.com/videos/search?q=analysis+of+20th+amendment+in+sri+lanka&&view=detail&mid=87B972570F160ABC9B9F87B972570F160ABC9B9F&&FORM=VDRVRV

Former president J. R. Jayawardene has left huge scars in the psych of the nation so it is easy for anyone to anthropomorphize/personify Executive presidency with JRJ. For that reason, the promoters of abrogating EP talk a lot about JRJ’s wrong doings to win the hearts of people to hide the real agenda behind the entire project. What all the front runners who are promoting the abrogation of the Executive Presidency and the rosy things they are telling us about 20th amendment is pretty interesting. Of course, they are! It reminded me Arthur Koestler’s famous saying about statistics.” Statistics (20th amendment) is like a string bikini; what it reveals is interesting but what it hides is significant’ actually, what these people are hiding from us is so significant, and of greater value for us.

Be cautious mother Lanka. Raise your voice and tell them your verdict loud and clear. The last thing we need is to see these charlatans rewriting our supreme document of the law of the land. Hands off our constitution” Period!  

Treasury bond scams ‘mother of all problems’

January 2nd, 2019

By Shamindra Ferdinando Courtesy The Island


Speaker Karu Jayasuriya recently asserted that the relationship between President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe turned sour in the run up to the last local government polls in Feb 2018. Jayasuriya said so addressing religious leaders at his official residence, on Dec 26, 2018.

A statement issued by the Speaker’s Office, on Dec 28, 2018 quoted Jayasuriya as having said that he, at every possible opportunity, intervened to improve the situation as he realized the disastrous consequences of such a clash. Claiming that he realized the danger at an early stage, Jayasuriya confirmed President Sirisena offered him the premiership on several occasions.

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Jayasuriya emphasized that he didn’t want to accept the premiership as they received a mandate for Sirisena to be the President and Wickremesinghe to be Prime Minister.

The Speaker’s Office statement, issued in Sinhala, dealt with issues at hand, particularly the proposed abolition of the executive presidency.

Unfortunately, Jayasuriya has conveniently forgotten the circumstances, leading to the damaging battle between Sirisena and Wickremesinghe. Those present there, on the invitation of Jayasuriya, refrained from reminding the gathering what was the mother of all yahapalana problems.

Nothing can be further from the truth than Jayasuriya’s claim that Sirisena – Wickremesinghe relations turned sour in the run up to the last local government polls. Obviously, Jayasuriya has turned a blind eye to the bond scam, perpetrated on the morning of Feb 27, 2015, allegedly by the then Governor of the Central Bank, Singaporean Arjuna Mahendran, and his son-in-law, Arjun Aloysius, the owner of primary dealer Perpetual Treasuries Limited (PTL). The UNP has been accused of providing the political backing for the heist.

The first bond scam, perpetrated 50 days after the last presidential election, is the mother of all problems for the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government. The new administration never really recovered from the unprecedented treasury bond scam, though President Sirisena went out of his way to protect the interests of the UNP, for about a year.

At the time of the first bond scam, Jayasuriya functioned as Minister of Public Administration, Democratic Governance and Buddha Sasana. Chamal Rajapaksa was the Speaker. Jayasuriya cannot be unaware how the treasury bond scam caused a massive rift between the UNP and the SLFP, both in and outside parliament. The crisis created by the treasury bond scam certainly caused a debilitating setback to the 100-day government and gave a turbo boost to the group led by twice President, Mahinda Rajapaksa. The UNP should examine the impact of the first treasury bond scam, on the 100-day government, and how the second fraud, committed in late March 2016, ruined everything. At the time of the second bond scam, Jayasuriya was the Speaker and, therefore, he knew the deterioration of the UNP-SLFP relationship long before the Feb 2018 local government polls.

Chronology of events

Let me mention key events relating to the ‘mother of all problems’ against the backdrop of the Presidential Secretariat accusing parliament of deliberately thwarting an accelerated investigation into the treasury bond scam. Following a meeting at the Presidential Secretariat on Dec 21, 2018, President Sirisena had with senior officials involved in the treasury bond scams probe, the media was told how the relevant Parliamentary oversight Committee deliberately sabotaged President Sirisena’s efforts to have those responsible for treasury bond scams punished. President Sirisena cannot, under any circumstances, absolve himself of the responsibility for the second far bigger bond scam perpetrated, due to him dissolving parliament on the night of June 26, 2015 to prevent the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) Chief Dew Gunasekera from presenting the report on the first scam.

Jan. 8, 2015: Presidential election

Jan.9, 2015: Maithripala Sirisena sworn in as President

Jan.9, 2015: Ranil Wickremesinghe sworn in as Prime Minister

Jan.23, 2015: Then Finance Minister Ravi K recommended Arjuna Mahendan as Governor, CBSL

Jan. 26, 2015: President Sirisena appointed Singaporean Mahendran as Governor, CBSL.

Feb. 26, 2015: Mahendran met ministers, Ravi K, Kabir H and UNP Chairman Malik S at CBSL, allegedly to discuss a massive fund requirement of Rs 18 bn (All three politicians were present when President Sirisena lambasted the UNP over treasury bond scams on Dec 16, 2018 at the Presidential Secretariat. PM Wickremesinghe and Mrs Wickremesinghe were also present.)

Feb 27, 2015: First bond scam perpetrated. Within hours, those who mattered knew how PTL had carried out the operation in connivance with Mahendran. The PTL is a fully owned subsidiary of Perpetual Capital (Pvt) Limited, owned by Geoffrey Joseph Aloysius and Arjun Joseph Aloysius. The Central Bank was under the purview of Premier Wickremesinghe, though previously it functioned under the Finance Ministry.

Massive media coverage of the bond scam sent shock waves through the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government. President Sirisena directed his party to lodge a complaint with the CIABOC. The high profile institution, handling of that particular inquiry, should be examined for obvious reasons.

March 10, 2015: Wickremesinghe, following consultations with Sirisena, appointed a three-member committee to probe the issuance of treasury bonds. The committee comprised those considered UNP loyalists i.e. attorney-at-law Gamini Pitipana, attorney-at-law Mahesh Kalugampitiya and attorney-at-law Chandimal Mendis. (Wickremesinghe thereby thwarted Sirisena from appointing a Commission by naming his own)

May 21, 2015: The Joint Opposition requested Speaker Chamal R to call a special debate on the bond scam.

May 22, 2015: Special Sub Committee of CoPE appointed to probe the Feb 27, 2015 issuance of treasury bonds. The 13-member Sub Committee had its inaugural meeting on the same day under the chairmanship of Dew Gunasekera.

The committee comprised Chairman of the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) and General Secretary of the Communist Party, D.E.W. Gunasekera, UPFA MP Susil Premajayantha, Minister of Health and Indigenous Medicine Rajitha Senaratne, UPFA MP Lasantha Alagiyawanna, Democratic National Alliance MP Sunil Handunetti, Minister of Ports, Shipping and Aviation Arjuna Ranatunga, UPFA MP Hassan Ali, Deputy Minister of Highways and Investment Promotion Eran Wickramaratna, Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha, Deputy Minister of Justice Sujeewa Senasinghe, UPFA MP Weerakumara Dissanyake, Illankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) MP E. Saravanapavan and State Minister of Child Development Rosy Senanayake (Sujeewa Senasinghe was later exposed as one of those lawmakers to receive money from the PTL. Senasinghe recently received a promotion with his appointment as a non-cabinet minister).

Parliament had never before appointed a special committee comprising members of COPE to investigate a specific allegation against a senior state official.

May 26, 2015: Probe commenced with Treasury Secretary Dr. R.H.S. Samaratunga and Director General, Department of Treasury M.S.D. Ranasiri being questioned (Later it was revealed Samaratunga took part in a discussion when Ravi K issued controversial directives to state bank officials pertaining to issuance of treasury bonds).

June 18, 23, 2015: CoPE questioned Mahendran. The Singaporean was the last to appear before the committee.

June 25, 2015: Wickremesinghe alleged CoPE denied him of an opportunity to appear before the watchdog. (In terms of the Standing Orders, ministers cannot be summoned before COPE.  Parliament is yet to make required amendments to allow ministers to appear before the watchdog committee. Jayasuriya, as well as leaders of all political parties, represented in parliament, owed an explanation as to why changes weren’t made so far)

June 26, 2015: Sirisena dissolved parliament to thwart CoPE presenting its report on treasury bond scam. General election set for Aug. 17, 2015. (President Sirisena paid a very heavy price for his action).

The dissolution prevented the CoPE Chairman Dew Gunasekera from presenting his report on the first treasury bond scam. In a related action, UNP Deputy Justice Minister Sujeewa Senasinghe moved court to bar Gunasekera from releasing his report to the media.

The writer sought an explanation from Gunasekera, in January this year, at a media briefing, as to the responsibility of Sirisena and the SLFP in the second bond scam, perpetrated on March 29, 2016. Asked whether, a far bigger second treasury bond scam could have been prevented if not for the dissolution of parliament in June 2015; Gunasekera said that question should be posed to President Sirisena as he had done so.

Much respected veteran politician Gunasekera explained the unacceptable growth achieved by PTL at the briefing held at the Communist Party headquarters, Borella. “Let me explain the phenomenal growth of PTL since its establishment in 2013 during the previous administration. Having launched operations with Rs. 300 mn as capital, how could PTL manage to obtain Rs. 11 bn in profits in such a short period?”

June 28, 2015: The writer in an exclusive story based on Dew Gunasekera’s suppressed report headlined ‘COPE inquiry finds Mahendran had intervened in bond issue’ in the June 28 edition of The Sunday Island dealt with Mahendran’s clear complicity in the first scam.

The report drew an angry reaction from the UNP in the wake of Sirasa giving heavy coverage to The Sunday Island report. The ruling party insisted that it be given immediate opportunity to counter The Sunday Island report. Senasinghe and Mahendran told the writer there was no basis for the Dew Gunasekera report. Senasinghe flayed Dew Gunasekera for playing politics and making a despicable bid to undermine the UNP for the advantage of a section of the SLFP (Bond scam: UNP rejects COPE report as biased with strap line ‘Govt. MPs did not endorse the document’-The Island, June 29, 2015).

July 3, 2015: Dew Gunasekera declared that Sirisena could take tangible action on what he called ‘dossier of evidence’ produced by his committee. Gunasekera asserted that Sirisena could call for a copy of the 447-page report from the Secretary General of parliament W.B.D. Dissanayake. The writer covered the briefing at the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute where the Communist Party chief explained how those responsible for the worst financial scam here could be dealt with (COPE bond scam probe: Prez can act on evidence-The Island, July 4, 2015). President Sirisena choose not to do anything. He was determined to ensure the UNP’s victory at the parliamentary polls. The President, obviously believed in continuing with his marriage of convenience with the UNP at any cost.

Aug. 17, 2015: Parliamentary polls.

Sept. 4, 2015:– Malik Samawickrema appointed Development Strategies and International Trade Minister in spite of him never being in parliament or at any level of political structure (Local Government or Provincial Council). Jayasuriya appointed as the Speaker.

Nov. 27, 2016: COPE reconstituted with JVP MP Sunil Handunetti as its Chairman.

March 29, 2016: Second far bigger bond scam perpetrated. The Central Bank was still under Premier Wickremesinghe. Jayasuriya functioned as the Speaker at the time of the second fraudulent transaction. The COPE, headed by Handunetti, was inquiring into the first treasury bond scam. Some UNPers in Handunetti’s committee later that year tried to interfere with the final report. Hope readers hadn’t forgotten about the so-called ‘foot note’ gang.

June 29, 2016: Sirisena visited the CBSL much to the discomfort of Wickremesinghe and Mahendran. Recently, President Sirisena revealed how Wickremesinghe tried to discourage him from visiting CBSL.

July 2, 2016: Renowned economist Dr. Indrajith Coomaraswamy succeed Mahendran as Governor of CBSL after Wickremesinghe made an abortive bid, with the support of Karunanayake, to secure Sirisena’s approval for Charitha Ratwatte to be appointed to the post. But disgraced Mahendran remained in Wickremesinghe’s entourage.

January 27, 2017: Sirisena appoints P-CoI consisting of Supreme Court Judges Kankanithanthri T. Chitrasiri and Prasanna Sujeewa Jayawardena and former Senior Deputy Auditor General Kandasamy Velupillai to probe bond scams.

Aug. 2, 2017: Karunanayake humiliated at P-CoI over the lease of a fifth-floor super luxury condominium apartment at the Monarch Residencies that was allegedly paid for by Arjun Aloysius.

Aug. 10, 2017: Foreign Minister Karunanayake resigned in the wake of shocking revelations at the P-CoI. Karunanayake received the foreign ministry portfolio on May 25, 2017. Karunanayake switched portfolios with Mangala Samaraweera. This took place amidst accusations as regards Samaraweera’s handling of the accountability process. Samaraweera earned the public wrath for co-spnsoring Geneva Resolution though it was a policy decision of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government. The SLFP cannot absolve itself of the responsibility for the Geneva Resolution adopted on Oct 1, 2015.

Nov 16, 2017: Evidence at the Bond Commission revealed how Arjun Aloysius had been in touch with some members of the COPE during its hearings.

Aloysius had spoken a total of 227 times to Sujeewa Senasinghe, 18 times with Dayasiri Jayasekara, 176 times with Harshana Rajakaruna and 73 times to Hector Appuhamy during the period commencing January 2015.

Nov 20, 2017: Wickremesinghe received kid glove treatment at P-CoI with AG Jayantha Jayasuriya assigned to question him. But Wickremesinghe’s affidavits received by P-CoI in response to questions sent to him by the P-CoI and the AG’s department and PM’s responses to AG Jayasuriya established the UNP’s leader’s complicity and failure to thwart the scams beyond doubt. However, Wickremesinghe and the UNP have repeatedly denied involvement whatsoever in bond scams.

Dec 30, 2017: P-CoI report handed over to Sirisena.

Jan. 4, 2018: Sirisena addressed the nation regarding the P-CoI report. Sirisena mounted a devastating attack on the UNP over treasury bond scams in the run-up to the Feb. 10 local government polls. Sirisena’s strategy caused heavy damage to the UNP at the Feb. 10 polls. Sirisena’s relationship with Wickremesinghe suffered irreparable damage due to Sirisena’s verbal attacks. Jayasuriya recent remarks at a meeting with religious leaders meant that the senior UNPer had conveniently forgotten what led to Sirisena’s attacks on Wickremesinghe in the run up to the local government polls in Feb 2018.

Feb 04, 2018: Arjun Aloysius and Chief Executive Officer of PTL Kasun Palisena arrested. They are still in remand pending investigations.

Feb. 10, 2018: UNP and SLFP suffered debilitating setbacks at the long delayed local government polls. Their sidekick JVP too suffered heavy defeat.

Feb. 19, 2018: Constitutional expert Dr. Jayampathy Wickremaratne, on behalf of the United Left Front (ULF) asserted Wickremesinghe role in bond scams – the third primary reason for the humiliating defeat suffered at the Feb. 10 polls.

March 28, 2018: Sirisena removed Central Bank and the Securities and Exchange Commission from Wickremesinghe’s purview -1,125 days after the first bond scam and 727 days after the second bond scam. President Sirisena owned an explanation as to why he waited so long to act.

April 04, 2018: Wickremesinghe comfortably defeats a No-Confidence Motion (NCM) moved by the Joint Opposition and the SLFP against him by a majority of 46 votes. A total of 122 voted against the NCM, 76 for and 26 abstained (24 SLFP lawmakers and two CWC).

Strangely throughout this period, Western powers conveniently refrained from publicly commenting on the bond scam though they worked overtime to discredit the previous Rajapaksa administration with the US pledging to help Sri Lanka recover stolen funds. India also pledged to assist yahapalana efforts.

In fact, the current political leadership certainly owed an explanation to the public as to how Mahendran, Aloysius and PTL CEO Kasun Palisena had committed the second bond scam, 13 months after the first. Obviously, they had been so sure that nothing could go wrong. Most probably, they believed Mahendran was going to have his own term as the Governor after having completed the period allocated to his predecessor Ajith Nivard Cabraal. Cabraal quit immediately after the Jan 2015 presidential polls.

The public should be grateful to former CBSL Senior Deputy Governor Dr W. A. Wijewardena, and the media for relentlessly pursuing the treasury bond scams.

Primary dealer PTL receiving prior information as regards the CBSL’s last minute decision to issue treasury bonds to the value of Rs. 20 bn in spite of its initial call for bids for only Rs 1 bn worth of 30-year treasury bonds has been established beyond doubt now.

Treasury bond scams fallout

Treasury bond scams and the UNP’s determination to pursue neo-liberal economic policies ruined the Sirisena-led administration. Jayasuriya’s comment on the deterioration of President Sirisena’s relationship with Wickremesinghe meant their reluctance to come to terms with the undeniable truth. The President had no option but to explore the possibility of replacing Wichremesinghe with Sajith Premadasa, Karu Jayasuriya, or Ranjith Madduma Bandara, due to disruption of his political alliance with the UNP leader. President Sirisena had the guts to declare, in the presence of Mahinda Rajapaksa that he swore in the former President as the Premier as three UNPers refused to accept the challenge. Although Wickremesinghe managed to secure his premiership back on Dec 16, 2018, President Sirisena seems hell bent on pursuing the treasury bond scam probe. The Presidential Secretariat statement the writer referred at the top of this piece is evidence that President Sirisena intends to go the whole hog. President Sirisena, having rapped the parliament for blocking his efforts to expedite the judicial process against those responsible for treasury bond scams, demanded that those responsible pursue the matter without further delay. The Presidential Secretariat also pointed out the failure on the part of Singapore to extradite Mahendran in spite of Sri Lanka making a formal request.

With presidential and parliamentary polls scheduled for 2019 and 2020 in addition to Provincial Council polls, treasury bond scams will certainly dominate the media, certainly much to the disappointment of those determined to hush up the GREAT CENTRAL BANK ROBBERY.

(To be continued on January 09)

දින 51 ක් බලපොරුත්තුවෙ හිරුඑලියෙන්  සතුටට පත්වූ ජනතාව දෙසැම්බර 13 වනදා විනාශයට ඇද දැමුවාට වගකියන්නේකවුද ?

January 2nd, 2019

චාර්ල්ස් එස් පෙරේරා විසින්

සමහරක් ඇන් ජී ඕ කාරයොයි ජනතාවිමුක්ති පෙරමුනේ ගොයියෝයි එක අච්චුවේ වක්කරපු රුකඩ වගේ. උන් ඔක්කොම දැන් කතාකරනවා  ඔක්තෝබර් 26වැනිදායින් ආරම්භ වී දෙසැම්බර් 16 වැනිදා දක්වා දින 51ක කාලය අඳුරේ විනාශයක් බවත්  ඒ යුගයට වග කිව යුත්තන් සොයා ඒ අයට විරුද්ධව නීතිමය කටයුතුතු කලයුතුබව.

ඇන් ජී ඕ කාරයොයි ජනතාවිමුක්ති පෙරමුනේවිනාශකාරී මාර්කස් වාදියෝයි  හිතාගෙන ඉන්නේ ස්වාධීන කියාගන්න  අභියාචනාධිකරණයෙ  හා ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයෙ නඩුකාරයෝ උන් ගෙනයන විනාශකාරී දේශපාලනයේ සහකරයෝ හැටියටයි.  ජනාධිපති සිරිසෙන මැතිතුමාට  හෝ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමාට විරුද්ධව නඩු පැවරුවොත් ඒ  නඩුකාර මඩුලු  අනුමානයක් නැතිව ඔවුන්ට විරුද්ධව නීතිමය ක්‍රියාවක් ගැනීමට සුදානම්යයි ඇන් ජී ඕ කාරයොයි ජනතාවිමුක්ති පෙරමුනේවිනාශකාරී මාර්කස් වාදියෝයි  හිතා සිටිනවා.

ඇන් ජී ඕ හා ජනතාවිමුක්ති පෙරමුනේ රුකඩයෝ  කියන්නේ මේ 51 දවසක කාලයේ සිදුවුයේ සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන නිර්මාණය කල අර්බුදයක් කියල. අපි මේ ලිපියට ගත්තේ කේ ඩබ්ලියු ජනරංජන කියන  ඇන් ජී ඕ රූකඩයෙක් ඔවුන්ගේ පත්තරයකට ලියපු ලිපියක්.

ඇත්ත වශයෙන්ම ලංකාවේ අධිකරණය දෙශීය  නීතියත් ජනතාවත් අතර ඇති සම්භන්ධය අවභෝධකරනොගත් නීතියේ අකුරුවල හැංගිලා ඉන්න නීතියේ මානුෂික දර්ශනය ගැන හොයාබලන්න නොදන්නා  සමාජයෙන් ඈත්වුනු මිනුස්සු කොටසක්.

මෙය ලියන මා එංගලන්තයේ ලින්කන්ස් ඉන් නමැති නීති සමාජයේ බැරිස්ටර් වරයෙක්කමි. එහිදී නීති ශිෂ්ෂයන් වශයෙන් අපි  වින්ඩ්සර් පාර්ක්හි පිහිටා තියෙන චේම්බර් ලොජ් හි සමහරක්  සති අන්තවල හමුවෙනවා. එහිදී එංගලන්තයේ ප්‍රසිද්ධ ලෝර්ඩ් ඩේනින් ලෝර්ඩ් රස්සෙල් වැනි විනිෂචයකාරවරුන් අපට නීතිමය දේශනා පවත්වනවා.

ඔවුන් අපට නිතර කිවූ දෙයක් තමා නීතිය හැදෑරුවායින් පසු නීතියට අදාල පසුබිම සෙවිය යුත්තේ නීතිය අදාලවෙන මිනිසුන්ගෙන්, ඔවුන් ජීවත්වන පරිසරයෙන්  කියලා, කෙනෙක් වරදකරුවෙක් වශයෙන් උසාවියට ඉදිර්පත්කලාම  ඔහු වරදකාරයෙක් හැටියට බලන්න එපා.  ඔහු ඒ වරද කිරීමට පෙලම්බවුන හේතු හොයන්ට කියල ඔහු හැදුණු පරිසරය බලන්න කියලා. නීතියේ අකුරට යටනොවී එයින් පැනනගින මානුෂික ප්‍රශ්න මොනවාද හොයන්න ඕනේ.

අපේ අධිකරණය එතරම් උසස් ව හිතලද තීන්දු ගන්නේ? එතරම් විශිෂ්ට නීතිමය තීරණ ගැනීමේ දක්ෂතාවයක් බවක් මෑතක  අභියාචනාධිකරණයෙ  හා ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයෙ විනිසුරු මඩුලු ජනාධිපතිතුමා පාරලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවීම පිළිබඳව  හා පාරලිමේන්තුව නාඩගමක්කරගෙන  පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරු 122 ඉදිරිපත් කල විශ්වාෂභන්ග යෝජනාව පිළිගෙන කරපු  නීති විපර්යාශයෙන් එහෙම අධිකරන දක්ෂතාවක් දුටුවෙ නෑ.

නඩුතීන්දුවක් විවේචනය කිරීමේ  හෝ ප්‍රෂනකිරීමේ අයිතියක් හැම කෙනේකුටම තියනවා. 2018 දෙසැම්බර 13 වනදා ශ්‍රීලංකා ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයෙ නව දෙනෙකුගෙන් යුත් විනසුරු මඩුල්ල  දුන් නඩුතීන්දුව මුලුලොකයේම ව්‍යවස්ථාව පිළිබඳව දුන් නඩුතීන්දුවල ඉතාමත් අපැහැදිලි ජනතාවගේ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍ර අය්තිවාසිකම් උදුරාදැමු ලකා ඉතිහාසයේ කළු අකුරෙන් ලියවෙන නඩුතීන්දුවකි.

ශ්‍රී ලංකා ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 19වන සංශෝධනය නිසා  ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ පෙරතුබු වගන්ති අවලන්ගුවී නොමැත. එබැවින් අලුතින් එක්කරනලද සංශෝධනයක් පරික්ශාකිරිමෙදි අවශ්‍යයෙන්ම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ අනිත්  වගන්ති  කොතරම්දුරට සංශෝධනවලට බලපානවාදැයි බැලීමට  මොලයක් ඇති ඕනෑම නීතීඥ වරයෙකු දැන සිටිය යුතුය.

19වන සංසෝධනයේ 70වන වගන්තිය  සම්පුර්ණයෙන්ම අපි දන්නා  ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදයට පටහැනිය. සම්පුර්ණ 19වන සංශෝධනය  සකසා තිබෙන්නේ රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ සහ ඔහුගේ අනුගාමිකයන් විසින් රාජපක්ස පවුලට දේශපාලනයට නැවත පැමිණීමේ දොරටු  වසාදමා එක්සත්ජාතිකපක්ෂයේ ආඥාදායකත්වයක් ස්ඨාපීත කිරීම සඳහාය.

එහි එන 19වන සංශෝධනය අවුරුදු  හතරහමාරක් යනතුරු මැතිවරණයක් පැවතිවිය නොහැකිය යන 70 වන වගන්තිය  ලෝකයේ කොයි රටකවත් නැති ප්‍රජාචන්ද්‍රවාදයට පටහැනි වගන්තියක්.

එයින් මිදී අපි දන්න ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍ර වාදය නැවත ජනතාවට ලබාදීමට තුබු 70 වන වගන්තියෙන් වාරනයකළ නොහැකි  33වන වගන්තිය ජනාධිපතිතුමන්ට දේශපාලන අර්භුධයකදී ජනතාවගේ ස්වාධිපත්‍යයට ඉඩදී මැතිවරණයකට යාමේ එකම බලය පවත්නේ මේ 33වන වගන්තියේය.

මෙය දුටු නීති දෙපාරතමේන්තුවේ නීතිවේදීන් ජනාධිතුමා පාරලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවාහැරීමට ගත් තීරණයට විරුද්ධව ගොනුකළ විරෝධතා අහකදැමිය යුතුය යන නිර්දේශය ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයට ඉදිරිපත්කලේය. නමුත් ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයෙ විනුසුරුමන්ඩලයට එය අවභෝධකරගැනීමට අපහසු බවයි ඔවුන් දෙසමබර  13වනදා ඒ විනිශ්චය  විනසූරු මඩුල්ලේ එක  බාධක මොලයක්  අවුරුදු හතරහමාරකට විසුරුවන්නට බැරියයි මහා හයියෙන් කීයන අතරමගම  ප්‍රකාශයට පත්කළේ .

මේ විනිසුරු මන්ඩලය හිතන්න ඇති ඒ නඩු තීන්දුව පරාජයකලේ ජනාධිපති සිරිසේනගෙයි මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාගේයි බලාපොරොත්තු යයි කියා  වෙන්න ඇති.  නමුත් එයින් පරාජයට  පත්වුයේ අර නඩුකාරයන් වැඩිය හිතන්නේනැති ලන්කාවේ වැඩියක් සිටින  අවුරුදු තුනහමාරක යහපාලනය නිසා අගහිගකමින් මිරිකී දුකින් සිටි දුප්පත් ජනතාවගේ බලාපොරෝත්තු බව ඒ නඩුකර හාමුදුරුගොල්ල නොදත්තෝය.

මේ ඇන් ජී ඕ හා ජනතාවිමුක්ති පෙරමුනේ රුකඩයනට රට දැය ආගම ගැන හැගීමක් හෝ  අවුරුදු තුනහමාරක යහපාලනය නිසා අගහිගකමින් මිරිකී දුකින් සිටි දුප්පත් ජනතාව  ගැන සොයාබැලීමට උවමනාවක් නැත.

ඇන් ජී ඕ රුකඩයන්ට නම් මහජනතාව ගැන කැක්කුමක් ඇත්තේම නැ. උන්ට උවමනා විදේශිකයන්ට හා දේමළ දයස්පොරාවට කත් ඇදීමයි. ජනතාවිමුක්ති පෙරමුනේ මාර්කස් වාදියෝ උන්ට බලයට එන්ට කදීම අවස්තාවක් පහලවෙලා තියෙනවායයි සිතාගෙන බලලෝභයෙන් අන්ධවෙලා 20 වන සංසෝධනයක් කරපින්නගෙන දෙමල සන්ධානයයි එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයයි එක්ක කරන බලය තහවුරු කර  ගැනීමේ වැඩපිළිවෙල නිසා පීඩාවිඳින ජනතාව ගැන සොයාබැලීමට වෙලාවක් නැ.

මේ අධමයන්ට  රටේ  ජනතාවගේ හිතුම් පැතුම් ගැන අබමල් රෙනුවකතරම් වත් දැනීමක් නැ. ඒ නිසයි මුන් කියන්නේ ඔක්තොම්බර  26වනදා පටන් ගෙන දෙසැම්බර 13වනදා අවසන්උන දවස් 51 අඳුරේ විනාශ උන  කාලයක් කියන්නේ.

 අවුරුදු තුනහමාරක් තිස්සේ මේ රට අගාදියට ඇද දමමින් බැංකු මංකොල්ල කාගෙන ජනතාවට බදුබර පටෝලා,රටේ ආදායම් මාර්ග විකුනල, රටේ ආරක්ෂක හමුදාව යුදාපරධකාරයෝ හැටියට ඇමෙරිකාවට පාවාදීල,සින්ගප්පුරුවත් එක්ක වෙළඳ ගිවිසුමකින් අපේ රට ලෝකයේ කුණුකසල ගොඩබාන දුපතක් බවට පත් කරලා,  රටේ ෆෙදෙරල් ව්‍යවස්ථාවකට පාරකපල,  බුද්ධාගම නැතිකරලා, රට අදුරුයුගයකට ඈදදාළ කරගෙන ගිය වැඩපිළිවෙල නවත්වන්න ඔක්තොම්බර 26වනැ දා ගත් පියවර පෙරලා අධිකරණයත් නොමග යවාගෙ රට විනාශයට පත් කරන එකද ඇන් ජී ඕ හා ජනතාවිමුක්ති පෙරමුනේ රුකඩයෝ  රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහගේ නැවත අගමැති වීමෙන් ලැබුවා කියන ඔවුන්ගේ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍ර වාදී නිදහස ?

අපේ රට විනාශකරන්න විදෙශිකයින්ගෙ ඩොලර් සල්ලි වලට  රටට ද්‍රෝහිකම්  කරන ඇන් ජී ඕ හා ජනතාවිමුක්ති පෙරමුනේ රුකඩයෝ  ඔක්තොම්බර 26 වනදා සිට ජනතාව ලද නිදහස බෙල්ල තදකරන මිනිහෙක් ඒ මිනීමරුවාගෙන් බෙරාගත්තාම ලබන නිදහසක් මරණ බියෙන් මිදීමෙන් ලබන සහනයක්  හා සමාන සතුටක්  ඒ ඔක්තොම්බර 26වනදා මහින්ද රාජපක්ස මැතිතුමා අගමැතිවෙලා එ විගසම ජනතාවට ලබා දුන්න සහන ගොඩ නිසා එදා ජනතාව ලැබුවා.  ඒ සතුට  ජනතාවට ඇති උනෙ ආයෙත් නිදහසේ  සතුටින් ජීවත් වීමට සහනයක් ලැබුනාය යන බලාපොරොත්තුව ජනතාව තුල ඇතිවීමෙන්.

නමුත් මේ ඇන් ජී ඕ හා ජනතාවිමුක්ති පෙරමුනේ අධමයන්ට පෙනෙන්නේ ඔක්තොම්බර  26වනදා ලැබුවේ අඳුරු කාලයක් හැටියට. ඒ අදුරුකාලය ඇත්තෙන්ම ලැබුනේ ඇන් ජී ඕ හා ජනතාවිමුක්ති පෙරමුනේ උන්ටයි. උන්වගේම අධම අධිකරණයක් නිසා එදා අපේ රටේ ජනතාව ලැබූ සතුට කෙටිකාලකට සීමා උනා.

එදා ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයෙ නඩු තීන්දුව ජනතා පක්ෂපාතී තීන්දුවක් වුයේ නම් අද පවතින දෙශපාලන අර්භුධ හා  වෙන්ටයන රටේ විනාශය ගැන කිසුදු බයක් නැතිව ජනතාවට අවශ්‍ය සහනාධාර ලබාදී රට යන දේශද්‍රෝහි,  විනාශකාරී මග වෙනස්කර  නැවතත් රටේ සාමය, ආරක්ෂාව ඇතිකර  දියුණුවේ මාර්ගයෙ  යනගමනක සළකුණු පිබිදෙන්නට ඉඩ ප්‍රස්තාවක් තිබුණි.

එක්සත් ජාතික පාක්ෂිකයෝ මහා හයියෙන් කියනවා උන්  ලංකාව ලෝකයේ පිළිගත් රටක් කලාය ප්‍රජාතන්තන්ත්‍රවාදය ස්ථාපිත කලාය අධිකරණය ස්වාධිනකලාය කියල නමුත් ඔවුන් ප්‍රජාතන්තන්ත්‍රවාදය කෙලෙසුවා මෙන්ම අධිකරණයත් ඔවුන්ගේ මෙවලමක් කරගෙන ඇති බවනම් මුළුමහත් ජනතාවම දන්නවා.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවාහැරලා චන්දයකට  ගියානම් එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය පරදින බවත් රනිල් වීක්‍රමසිංහට නැවත අගමැතිවෙන්න බැරි නිසාත් එක්සත් ජාතික පාක්ෂිකයෝ කියන නිදහස් අධිකරණය පුංචි උපකාරයක් දුන්බවක් තමයි අපි දෙසැම්බර 13වනදා දුටුවේ.  තවත්  අභියාචනාධිකරණයෙන් නඩු තීන්දුවක් බලාපොරුන්තුවෙනවා  බලමුකෝ කෙතරම් දුරට නිදහස්  ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී නඩු තීන්දුවක් ලැබෙයිද කියලා.

අයි.ටී.එන්. සේවකයන්ගේ වැඩ තහනම් කිරීම හා මාධ්‍ය මර්ධනය නවතනු,

January 2nd, 2019

ලලිත් පියුම් පෙරේරා ලේකම් යුක්තියට හඬක්

පසුගිය ඔක්තෝම්බර් 26 වැනිදා සිදුවු ආණ්ඩු පෙරළියත් සමගම රාජ්‍ය මාධ්‍ය ආයතනයන්හි පාලනාධිකාරීන් විසින් සිදුකළ දුෂණ, වංචා සහ අක‍්‍රමිකතා රැුසක් අනාවරණය විය. එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ නැවතත් බලයට පැමිණීමත්් සම`ගම එ.ජා.ප රජය සමයේ චෝදනාවන්ට ලක් වූ සභාපතිවරුන් ප‍්‍රමුඛ පාළනාධිකාරිය රජයේ මාධ්‍ය ආයතනවල වැඩ අරඹා තිබේ.

මේ අතරතුර ස්වාධීන රූපවාහිනී මාධ්‍ය ජාලයේ හිටපු පාළනාධිකාරිය එම මාධ්‍ය ජාලයට අයත් ස්ථාවර තැන්පතු මුදලින් රුපියල් කෝටි 64 ක් ලබා ගෙන අනවශ්‍ය ලෙස වියදම් කොට මුල්‍ය අක‍්‍රමිකතාවක් සිදු කර ඇතැයි යන චෝදනාවත් සම`ගින් සේවකයින් වෘත්තීය සමිති ක‍්‍රියාමාර්ගයකට යොමුව තිබේ.
එවැනි පරිසරයක නව වසර උදාවත් සම`ග ස්වාධීන රූපවාහිනී මාධ්‍ය ජාලයේ දුෂණ වංචාවන්ට විරුද්ධ සේවකයන් 13 දෙනකුගේ වැඩ තහනම් කෙරිනි. තවත් සේවකයන් 40 දෙනකුට ආසන්න පිරිසක් වැඩ තහනමට ලක්කිරීමේ සූදානමක් ඇති බවද පැවසෙයි.

වැඩ තහනමට ලක් වු ස්වාධීන රූපවාහිනී සේවයේ සේවකයන් 13 දෙනා වහාම ක‍්‍රියාත්මක වන පරිදි යළි සේවයේ පිහිටුවන ලෙසත් සේවක මර්ධනය වහා නවතන ලෙසත් අප අවධාරණය කරමු.

එමෙන්ම ස්වාධීන රුපවාහිනී සේවයේ සිදුව ඇතැයි කියන මුල්‍ය වංචාවන් සම්බන්ධයෙන් විදිමත් පරීක්ෂණයක් පැවැත්විය යුතු බවද දැඩිව අවධාරණය කරමු.

ලේකම්
ලලිත් පියුම් පෙරේරා

අයවැයෙන් සහන දෙන්න නම් ඩොලරයට ගෙවිය යුතු මුදල් රුපියල් 200ක් විම කෙසේ හෝ නතර කර ගත යුතුය

January 2nd, 2019

 

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තී‍්‍ර බන්ධුල ගුණවර්ධන මහතා

ගලබොඩ ඥාණීස්සර හිමියන්ට සෙත් පැතීමේ බෝධීපූජා පින්කමට පක්ෂ පාට බේදයෙන් තොරව ජනාධිපති මෛතී‍්‍රපාල සිරිසේන මහතා, විපක්ෂ නායක මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා, සජිත් පේ‍්‍රමදාස මහතා, හර්ෂ ද සිල්වා වැනි පිරිස් සහභාගි වුනා. එහිදී මම මාධ්‍ය මර්ධනය සම්බන්ධව ජනාධිපතිතුමාගේ අවධානය යොමුකළා.

ආණ්ඩුව බලයටපත් වීමෙන් පස්සේ මාධ්‍ය මර්ධනයක් දියත් වෙනවා. මාධ්‍ය ආයතන බොහෝමයක් කලූ මාධ්‍ය ආයතන ලෙස අගමැතිවරයා කළ ප‍්‍රකාශයත් සමගයි මේ මර්ධනය ඇරඹුනේ. දිගින් දිගටම රාජ්‍ය මාධ්‍ය ආයතනවලට බලපැම් එල්ල වුනා. ස්වාධීන රූපවාහිනි සේවකයින් විශාල පිරිසක් වැඩ තහනමට ලක්කරලා. තනතුරු වෙනස් කිරිම් හා බ`දවා ගැනීම් සම්බන්ධයෙන් සේවකයින් විරුද්ධවීම නිසයි මෙහෙම වෙලා තියෙන්නේ.

කුමන දේශපාලන මතයක් දැරුවත් ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍රවාදය තුල මාධ්‍ය නිදහස අපි ගරු කළ යුතුයි. අපේ රටේ මාධ්‍ය භාරකාරත්වය මුදල් අමාත්‍යංශය යටතේ තිබීම නිදහස් මාධ්‍යයට හිතකර නැහැ. මුදල් අමාත්‍යංශය යටතේ රාජ්‍ය බැංකු, රාජ්‍ය රක්ෂණ ආයතන, ලොතරැුයි වැනි දේ තියෙන්නේ මුදල් අමාත්‍යංශය යටතෙයි. මේවා එදිනෙදා ප‍්‍රචාරණය අවශ්‍ය දේවල්. මුදල් අමාත්‍යංශය යටතේ තියෙන දැන්වීම් මාධ්‍ය ආයතනවලට නොදී සිටිම මගින් බලපෑම් කිරීමේ හැකියාව තියෙනවා.

ඒ ආයතනවලට රජයට හීලෑ වීමට සිදුවෙනවා. එය ජනතාවට හිලෑ විමක් නෙවෙයි. මුදල් අමාත්‍යංශය ඛන්ජ තෙල් මිල සූත‍්‍රය හදුන්වාදෙන අවස්ථාවේ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ රජයට මඩ ගහන්න දැන්විම් පළ කලා. මම ඊට විරුද්ධව අධිරණයට පෙත්සමක් ඉදිරිපත් කළා. මහජනයාගේ බදු මුදල් භාවිතා කරලා වැරදි තොරතුරු ප‍්‍රචාරණය කිරීම සාධාරණ හා යුක්ති සහගත වෙන්නේ නැහැ. එය ජනතා මුදල් අවභාවිතයක්. ඒ නිසා අපි ඉල්ලා සිටින්නේ අගමැතිතුමත් මුදල් ඇමැතිතුමත් ජනමාධ්‍ය සම්බන්ධ ආයතනත් මාධ්‍යයට සිය රාජකාරී නිදහසේ කරගෙන යාමට ඉඩදිය යුතුයි.

දැනට අතුරු සම්මත ගිනුමක් පමණයි සම්මත වුනේ. එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය ඇතුලූ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ, දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානය දිගින් දිගටම කිව්වේ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට බහුතරය නැති බවයි. අපේ කැබිනට් මණ්ඩලයට වැඩ තහනම් කිරීමකුත් සිද්ධ වුනා. මමත් වැඩ තහනමට ලක්වුනු කැබිනට් මණ්ඩල ඇමැතිවරයෙක් වුනා. මුදල් පනතකට දන්න සිල්ප පෙන්නලා වැඩිම ඡුන්ද පෙන්වනවා. එහෙම කරලත් ගත්තේ 102යි. ඒකෙන් දෙමල සන්ධානයේ ඡුන්ද ටික අයින් වුනාම තියෙන්නේ 88යි. ලෝකෙටම පේනවා මේ ආණ්ඩුවට බහුතරය නැති බව.

තෙවරක් තෙල් මිල අඩු කිරීම, පොහොර සහනාධෘරයව, වැසී යන කර්මාන්ත වැසී යාම වැලැක්වීමේ බදු සහන වගේ දේවල් අපේ කෙටි කාලීන ආණ්ඩුවෙන් ලබා දුන්නා. ඉදිරියේ ගේන්න නියමිත අයවැයෙන් සහන දෙන්න නම් ඩොලරයට ගෙවිය යුතු මුදල් රුපියල් 200ක් විම කෙසේ හෝ නතර කර ගත යුතුයි. ඩොලරයට ගෙවිය යුතු මිල රුපියල් 200 වුනොත් ආනයනය කරන සියලූ භාණ්ඩවල වැඩිපුර රුපියල් ගණනක් ගෙවන්න වෙනවා. අයවැයෙන් මොන සහන දුන්නත් ජිවත්වීමට අරගලයක යෙදෙන ජනතාව පිඩනයට ලක්වෙනවා. අයවැයෙන් සහනයක් දෙන්න නම් රුපියලේ අගය පාලනය කළ යුතුයි.
කරටි කඩන ලෙස ඉහළ ගොස් තිබෙන ණය පොලී අනුපාතය පහළ හෙළලා තනි ඉලක්කමක අගයකට ගෙනා යුතුයි. නැත්නම් භාණ්ඩවල නිෂ්පාදන වියදම, බෙදා හැරීමේ වියදම් ඉහළ යනවා. අද විශාල ආර්ථික ප‍්‍රශ්නය වෙලා තියෙන්නේ පොලී අනුපාතය ඉහළ යාම. මේ නිසා සමහර ව්‍යවසාය අංශ කඩා වැටිලා ව්‍යවසායකයෝ සියදිවි නසාගන්න තත්ත්වයක් ඇති වෙලා.

රාජ්‍ය අයවැය ලේඛණ හ`ිගය අඩුම තරමේ දළ දේශීය නිෂ්පාදනයේ ප‍්‍රතිශතවක් ලෙස 4% මට්ටමකවත් පවත්වා ගෙන යා යුතුයි. නැත්නම් මුදල් අච්චු ගහන්න වෙලා මිල උද්දමනයක් ඇති වෙනවා.

සිංගප්පූරු නිදහස් වෙලෙ`ද ගිවිසුම වගේ රටට අහිතකර ගිවිසුම් කි‍්‍රයාත්මක වීම වැලැක්විය යුතුයි. ඒක නොකලොත් ස්වාජාතිකයෝ වැනසිලා විජාතිකයෝ විතරක් වැජඹෙනවා. අනවශ්‍ය රාජ්‍ය වියදම් කපා හැරීම තුළින් අයවැය පරතරය අඩු කර ගැනීිමට අවධානය යොමු කළ යුතුයි. රාජ්‍ය බැංකු හා පොදු දේපල විකිණීම නතර කළ යුතුයි. මේ කොන්දේසී ඉටු නොකළොත් ජනතාවට ඇත්තට සහනයක් ලැබෙන්නේ නැහැ. එවැනි න්‍යායත්මක හා ප‍්‍රායෝගික ආර්ථිකය හැසිරවීමේ වැඩ පිීළවෙලක් නැතුව ඉදිරිපත් කරන අයවැය පුරසාරමක් විතරයි.

එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය ඇමැතිකම්වලට පොරෙකනවා මිස ජනතාවගේ ප‍්‍රශ්න විස`දන්නේ නැහැ.

පාර්ලිමේන්තු එස්. එම්. චන්ද්‍රසේන මහතා
යුද්ධය අවසාන කාලයේදී ත‍්‍රස්තවාදීන් සිවිල් ජනතාව කොටු කරගෙන, මුදාගත් ප‍්‍රදේශවලට එන්න නොදී කොටුකර ගෙන හිටියා. ඒ වෙලාවේ අපේ හමුදාවන් ජනතාව මුදාගෙන ඕමන්තේ හරහා රැු`දවුම් කර`දවුරුවලට ගේන වෙලාවේ ඔවුන් හිටියේ ඇවිදින ඇටසැකිලි වෙලා. මහින්ද රාජප්කෂ ජනාධිපතිතුමා මට කතා කරලා කිව්වා ලක්ෂ තුනකට විතර කන්න නැහැ. ඉක්මනට ජනතාවට අවශ්‍ය කෑම සූදානම් කරන්න කිව්වා. මම පන්සල්, වෙළ`ද ව්‍යාපාර දැනුම්වත් කරලා සිවිල් වැසියන්ට ජිවත් වෙන්න අවශ්‍ය ආහාර සැපයීිම කළා. සටනෙන් ආබාධිත වුනු රණවිරුවන්ගේ ගෙවල්වලින් පවා ඒ වෙලාවේ ආහාර දුන්නා.

ඒ විදියට අපෙත් සහායෙන් යුද හමුදාව ජිවිත පරදුවට තියාගෙන සිවිල් ජනතාව නැවත පදිංචි කරලා විදුලිය දීලා, වැව් අමුණුහදලා, රෝහල් හ`දලා, රේල් පාර හ`දද්දි හමුදාව අනුපමේය සේවයක් කළා. එදා සයනයිඞ් කරල ළමයින්ගේ කරේ බැදලා තිබුනේ. ජිවිතයක් තිබුනේ නැහැ. ඒ ජිවිත යථා තත්ත්වයට ගේන්න හමුදාව පියවර ගත්ත විදියටම පසුගියදා ගංවතුර වෙලාවෙත් ආරක්ෂක සේනා මැදිහත් වුනා. උතුරේ ජනතාවට ඒ වෙලාවේ පිහිටට හිටියේ හමුදාවන් විතරයි. විග්නේස්වරන්, සුම්න්දිරන්, දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානය ඒ වෙලාවේ ආවේ නැහැ. හරි නම් හමුදාවට උපහාර කරන්න ඕනේ. ඒ වුනාට විග්නේස්වරන් කිව්වා යුද අපරාදවලින් බේරෙන්න හමුදාව මෙහෙම ක බව කිව්වා. සිංහල හමුදාව කියලා එකක් නැහැ. ශී‍්‍ර ලංකා යුද හමුදාවයි ඉන්නේ.

විග්නේෂ්වරන්ලා පළාත් සභාවට දීපු මුදල්වලින් ජනතාවට වැඩක් කලේ නැතිව ඒ මුදල් ආයෙත් ආවා.
රාජ්‍ය දේපළ විකුණලා රට අන්ත අසරණ කරපු එජාප ආණ්ඩුව රකින්න නම් දෙමළ ජාතික සංධානය පෙරමුණ ගන්නවා. ජාතිවාදය වපුරන්නේ නැතිව දේශපාලනය කරන්න කියලයි අපි ඉල්ලා සිටින්නේ.

මම වනජිවි ඇමැතිවරයා ලෙස කටයුතු කරපු කාලයේ නිලධාරින් එක්ක සහායෙන් වන අලින්ගෙ ප‍්‍රශ්නවලට විසදුම් දෙන්න අවශ්‍ය පියවර ගත්තා. නමුත් ඒ කිසිවක් තවමත් අවසන් වෙලා නැහැ. හැබැයි පහුගිය කාලයේ වන ජිවි ඇමැතිවරු දෙන්නා කියා ගත්ත දේවල් අපි දැක්කා. වන අලින්ගෙන් ජනතාවට විශාල ප‍්‍රශ්න ඇති වෙලා. මිනිස්සු මරණවා. ගොවිතැන් පාලූ වෙනවා. එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය ඇමැතිකම්වලට පොරෙකනවා මිස ජනතාවගේ ප‍්‍රශ්න විසදන්නේ නැහැ. ආණ්ඩුව ඇතුලේ තියෙන සටන වෙනම කරන්න. ජනතාවගේ ප‍්‍රශ්න කෙරෙහි ආණ්ඩුවේ අවධානය යොමු කරන්න.
රටේ මහ මැතිවරණයක් පවත්වලා අලූත් ආණ්ඩුවක් පත්කර ගැනීමේ අවශ්‍යතාවයක් තියෙනවා. අද පළාත් සභා නවයම ආණ්ඩුවට සහාය දෙන්නේ නැහැ. පළාත් පාලන ආයතන ටික ආණ්ඩුවට නැහැ. ජනාධිපතිතුමා ආණ්ඩුවත් එක්ක නැහැ. මෙහෙම විහිලූ නොකර ශක්තිමත් ආණ්ඩුවක් හදන්න අවස්ථාව දෙන්න කියලා අපි ආන්ඩුවෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා.

Governance and Psychology – 4 Cultural Psychology

January 2nd, 2019

Kanthar Balanathan

Psychology of Tamil Diaspora

Just to highlight the raucous, boisterous, character of Tamils, I would like to bypass the journal on Governance and Psychology and give readers an event that happened in Sydney in November 2015. Its title: Sydney Tamils boycott Sumanthiran’s meeting in Sydney”. This has some relationships with cultural psychology and cultural neuroscience.

Well, it was not a boycott, however, it was a total gathering to threaten, intimidate, frighten, terrorise daunt, a member of the parliament of SriLanka who has travelled 8,760 km from Colombo to Sydney, and was kind enough to face a bunch of educated/non-educated hoodlums, with a view to update what was happening in SriLanka. The behavioral pattern here will enlighten readers on SriLankan Diaspora Tamil mindset, and whether they are suffering from a neurological and bipolar disorder.

The neurological characteristics of Tamils from the elite caste are as follows: They are cowards and non-kshatriyas. Kshatriyas are the warriors who defend their land. People like SJV Chelvanayagam, Amirthalingham etc are cowards, educated and cunning but they cannot face a formidable situation. Most of their offsprings are also cowards. This is the reason why the Tamil politicians pushed V. Prabakaran and the Valvettiturai (VVT) youngsters into terrorism and violence. Historically VVT people are born kshatriyas like the Karawa of the South of SriLanka. Karawa is the descendant of Kaurava of the Mahabharata.

The elite’s objective is to boss around and make the lower caste people work towards achieving their objective. If the lower caste person tends to argue or turn around then they scare into a mob attack. Two examples given is (i) Lower caste law students were beaten to death inside the Chennai Law College while the Police watched, (ii) Dalit people were beaten to death in Assam cos they asked for more wages while the police watched.

Here in November the Sydney bunch of hoodlums surrounded MAS and was shouting. What they want MAS to do was to fight with GOSL to liberate Tamil Eelam. These fools forgot to realize that they are here, some of them came by boat illegally. Some of the people were decent enough to protect MAS as he was to be assaulted by the hoodlums. The Police were called in, and I am sure Police would have arrested if anyone attempted to assault MAS.

PLEASE VIEW THE VIDEO. JUST AFTER ONE MINUTE OF START, A GUY IN BLUE SHIRT WITH A CAP SHOUTED AT MAS THAT PRABAKARAN’S REGIMENT WILL STEP FOOT in SRILANKA VERY SOON.

This is Tamil rowdy culture, giving no respect to an educated attorney, a member of parliament and a constitutional expert. This is worse than the behavior of MPs in parliament in November 2018.

The ridiculous part is that these boat idiots when they demand Tamil Eelam the MPs should fight an get it.

We should appreciate those civilized Tamils who were there protecting MAS.

To those my Sinhala friends, amigos, and comrades: Now you will realize how a Tamil MP suffers in the hands of Tamil hoodlums under democracy both in SL and overseas. If CV Vigneswaran was there on that day instead of MAS, it is to be presumed that these rowdies would not have attacked the visitor. Everything is based on caste among the dirty Tamils. CVV is related to SJVC and Ponnambalam Ramanathan.

Sydney Tamils boycott Sumanthiran’s meeting in Sydney

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gKsKMFcRS1o

එජාප මාධ්‍ය මර්දනයට එරෙහිව පෙළ ගැසෙමු

January 2nd, 2019

නලීන් කුමාර නිශ්ශංක  මාධ්‍ය ලේකම්  පොදුජන මාධ්‍ය පෙරමුණ

සුපිරි මාධ්‍ය නිදහසක් ලබාදෙන බව පවසමින් බලයට පැමිණි එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ මාධ්‍ය නිදහසේ දිග පළල දැන් මැනවින් පසක් වී තිබේ. සම්මත බ`දවා ගැනීමේ පටිපාටියෙන් බැහැරව දේශපාලන හිතවත්කම්මත කරනු ලැබූ පත්වීම්වලට විරෝධය පලකළ ස්වාධීන රූපවාහිනියේ සේවකයින් 14 දෙනෙකුගේ සේවය අත්හිටුවා ඇත.
ආයතනයේ සම්පත් විනාශ කරමින් අත්තනෝමතික ලෙස ගෙන යන පරිපාලනයට, දේශපාලන පත්වීම් ලබා දීමට විරෝධය පළකරන සියලූ දෙනා ඉවත් කොට යුධ හමුදාව යොදවා ආයතනය පවත්වා ගෙන යන බවට ස්වාධින රූපවාහිනියේ සභාපතිවරයා තර්ජනය කර තිබේ.
අගමැතිවරයා ලෙස රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ යළි පත්වූ වහාම ලේක්හවුස් ආයතනයේ නව සභාපතිවරයා ලෙස වැඩභාරගත් හිටපු සභාපතිවරයා කතෘවරුන් දෙදෙනෙකුට බැණ තර්ජනය කර ඇති අතර, තවත් සේවකයින් ගණනාවක් ආයතනයෙන් එළවා දමන බවටද චෝදනා කළ සිද්ධියක් මීට පෙර වාර්තා විය.
කෙසේ වෙතත් සේවකයින්ගේ මැදිහත්වීම මත ලේක්හවුස් සේවක දඩයම වැළකී ඇතත් ආණ්ඩුවේ වැඩපිළිවෙල ගැන ජනතාවට තොරතුරු ගලායෑම වළක්වා ගැනීම මෙහි අරමුණය. රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතාට අගමැතිධූරය ලබා ගැනීම ස`දහා දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානයට පොරොන්දු වූ ෆෙඩරල් ව්‍යවස්ථාව ඒ අතර ප‍්‍රධාන කරුණකි.
මේ නිසා ආණ්ඩුවේ මාධ්‍ය මර්ධන පිළීවෙත හුදෙක් මාධ්‍යයට එල්ල වූ තර්ජනයක් නොව සමස්ත රටේම ,රටේ සියලූ දෙනා කෙරෙහිම බලපාන්නා වු ඉතා දරුණු පිළිවෙතකි.
නියමිත බ`දවා ගැනීමේ පටිපාටියෙන් තොරව කරනු ලැබූ ස්වාධින රූපවාහිනී බ`දවා ගැනීම් අකුළා ගන්නා ලෙසත් සේවය අත්හිටුවා ඇති ස්වාධින රූපවාහිනී සේවකයින් සියලූ දෙනා වහාම යළි සේවයේ පිහිටුවන ලෙසත් අපි රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහගේ මාධ්‍ය ඇමැති මංගල සමරවීරට බලකර සිටින්නෙමු.
එසේ නොවන්නේ නම් ස්වාධීන රුපවාහිනී සේවක සටනට සහාය දක්වමින් පෙරට එන ලෙස මෙරට සියලූම මාධ්‍ය මෙන්ම සියලූ වෘත්තීය සමිති සිවිල් සංවිධානවලින් ඉල්ලා සිටිමු.

නලීන් කුමාර නිශ්ශංක
මාධ්‍ය ලේකම්
පොදුජන මාධ්‍ය පෙරමුණ

GIVING PRIORITY FOR REDUNDANT ISSUES IN SRI LANKA

January 2nd, 2019

BY EDWARD THEOPHILUS

LTTE terrorist war was a serious problem to Sri Lanka from 1983 to 2009 and the war was ended by Mahinda Rajapaksa regime. Generally, the end of civil war massively benefited to Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim and others such as foreign and domestic tourists. If Prabhakaran and his movement survived on the advices of West, the most of senior members of the parliament including TNA would not alive today.  The post-war situation seems to be talking in news media directed to a criticism on the response of the Rajapaksa regime to bloodletting terrorists rather than benefits generated from the ending of the war. The hidden objectives of criticism are to blame the patriotic behavior of Mr. Rajapaksa not listening to traps of western advocates.  Rajapaksa regime delivered the right service to people of the country as they expected and individually, each person of the country appreciates the service of the Rajapaksa regime.  There may have been willful or unknown minor mistake incurred without the will of Mr. Rajapaksa. The accurate information in the country is that people don’t concern on western oriented rubbish talks and people expect from news media to talk about political, economic, social and other issues in current environment, which generated after the Rajapaksa regime. Most misinformation created in the country during the election platforms and news media managed by mercenaries who created by NGO funds.

News media in Sri Lanka is too much looking for information on the past war issues which are irrelevant to present and the future despite the war-related issues in history.  There may have been many issues that are needed to be discussed by relevant authorities and let them to do it without influencing to current politics in the country and make attention of the public to current issues in the modern era. It appears that news media has ignored them and looking for dead rats misleading the public.

There were many wars after 1950, in which many countries involved and such wars are regarded as historical events and only a few historians do research on such wars and look for information on past events. Why media in Sri Lanka too concern about the past events ignoring modern events? I feel that it is a strategy of people, who lost opportunities from the ending of the war. These people may include Sinhala, Tamil. Muslim and NGO people.  The current experience in Myanmar show that Western-based presents and grants were purposed to change Ms. Awun San Suki, but she never betrayed the country for financial or non-financial advantages

Ms. Awunsan Suki was forced to Western ideology, but she has not changed and stands like a concrete pillar disregarding previous appreciations from Western countries and Korea. That is the truth.  Mr. Rajapaksa also stands like a concrete pillar disregarding outside pressure and he is the most popular politician at the grassroots level. A political commentator in Sunday Times recently mentioned that West is still believing that Mr Rajapaksa has the grass-root level popularity and the reported information of political leaders in new year day showed the politicians are in trouble waters except Mr. Rajapaksa.

Sri Lanka’s government, opposition and minor parties such as TNA too concern on historical matters but many countries where involved in wars are not concerned with the past events and if there is something need to do domestically or internationally, they do them silently and do not use as points to focus in political platforms and major points in media.

According to information I found, media personnel are lowest paid employees are in Sri Lanka except few and many of them are hungry for information to report and make something.  They go behind politicians and look for words to report with a view to make some money for living. Several print publications are already closed and the readers of the available print and electronic media are limited to less than 500 people in the entire country where there is more than 21 million population.  Therefore, many media are depending on advertisements especially from the government.

Sri Lanka has fundamental political, economic, social, cultural, governance, religious problems. Why media suppose to ignore such issues to give awareness to public and generate right opinion to policy makers.  Giving priority for redundant issues reflect the stupidity of media in Sri Lanka, but media in many countries are powerful as they cogent in right things.

DISAPPEARANCES, REPARATION, MISSING PERSONS AND YAHAPALANA Part 2

January 2nd, 2019

KAMALIKA PIERIS

The Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters (Amendment) Bill was passed amidst chaos in Parliament on 9.8.2018, reported the media. The Bill was passed with 95 members voting for it and 31 against. There was one amendment which was passed with 97 members voting for and 24 against.

The Joint Opposition including former President Mahinda Rajapaksa voted against it. Rajapaksa’s participation in the vote was a notable feature as he has been absent during the voting time of almost all Bills brought into the present Parliament, observed the media.

The Cabinet had granted approval to amend the Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters Act, No.25 of 2002, for identifying the offences relating to Money Laundering and the necessity of criminalizing the offences related to bribery outlined in Article 16 of the Convention of the United Nations against Bribery and Corruption. It was also necessary to take into account recent developments pertaining to computer systems and data related criminal offences, and the international obligations of Sri Lanka.

However, Rajapaksa and the Joint Opposition thought otherwise. Rajapaksa had claimed that the amendments proposed to the Act are clearly aimed at assisting foreign courts in the trial of Sri Lankans for offences allegedly committed in Sri Lanka.

I present three sets of overlapping comments on the dangers of this Bill by the respected journalist, C.A.Chandraprema, Retired Navy Chief of Staff and ex-UPFA MP Dr. Sarath Weerasekera and Mahinda Rajapaksa.

Chandraprema commented on the Bill in March 2018. We see that the Bill to amend the Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters Act, No. 25 of 2002 seeks to repeal entire sections of the original law and replace them with new provisions, said Chandraprema.( Sunday Island  27.5.18 p 11)

The original Act applied only to specified Commonwealth countries and countries that had signed agreements with Sri Lanka to render mutual assistance in criminal matters. However, the proposed amendment seeks widen the scope of the Act by making it applicable to every country that is a party to an international Convention relating to mutual assistance in criminal matters, to which Sri Lanka has also  become a party.

The Act is to be made applicable even to a country which has not entered into any agreement with Sri Lanka for mutual assistance in criminal matters, when the Minister in charge of the subject decides to extend and obtain assistance from that country. The original Act applies only to sovereign nations. The Amendment will make the Act applicable to organizations associated with combating international crime as well, which will of course automatically be applicable to the International Criminal Court.

The objectives of the original Act have been expanded to include such matters as the infringement of intellectual property and cybercrime but this appears to be a cover for the actual purpose of the Bill.

This Bill seeks to make documentary evidence obtained in a specified country admissible in a judicial proceeding; and also to make admissible evidence led from a specified country through video conferencing technology.

Another new feature in the amending Bill is that the Central Authority in Sri Lanka (the Secretary to the Ministry of Justice) can authorize any other officer not below the rank of a Senior Assistant Secretary, to act on his behalf in the Central Authority for the purpose of this Act and the Central Authority can also designate competent authorities (which can be a law enforcement authority) who will process information to requests as directed by the Central Authority.

The Central Authority is also enjoined to ensure prompt action in respect of all requests from abroad and to have a dedicated unit to maintain a proper system to manage incoming and outgoing requests. Requests can also be forwarded by electronic means directly to the relevant competent authority through the appropriate authority of a specified country or specified organization. Such competent authority shall, then immediately proceed to implement the request after forwarding a copy of the relevant request to the Central Authority.

There is the additional provision that no court in Sri Lanka may reject a request on the grounds that the Central Authority did not receive such request directly from the appropriate authority of a specified country or specified organization.

A new section has been added to the original law, enjoining the Central Authority and the officers holding delegated authority from him, including the competent authorities, to strict confidentiality with regard to requests made under this Act. If confidentiality cannot be upheld, the appropriate authority of a specified country or specified organization will be informed and this foreign body will then determine whether the request should nevertheless be executed.

Any person who fails to comply with this confidentiality requirement commits an offence and the High Court of the Province can impose a fine on that person ranging from a minimum of Rs. 100,000 to a maximum of Rs. five million. Needless to say the Right to Information law will not apply to anything done under this amended Act.

This Bill makes Sri Lanka completely open to all foreign states and organizations,   through this process of the granting of assistance in investigations and judicial proceedings connected with criminal matters.

Chandraprema says these amendments are being brought in a specific context. This government has already established the Office of Missing Persons which though described as an ‘office’, is really a tribunal for all practical purposes, which can examine witnesses, issue summons and hold hearings. While the investigative mechanism has thus been set up in the form of the OMP, the government has also passed the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance Act No: 5 of 2018 which makes applicable in Sri Lanka, the provisions of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance which has been signed and ratified by the Sri Lankan government.

Even though the name of this international convention would convey the impression that it has something to do with preventing enforced disappearances, its actual purpose is punitive. But the punitive measures contemplated by this International Convention cannot be implemented without the facilities that will be extended by the proposed amendment to the Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters Act, No. 25 of 2002.

It is in that context that we have to view the changes contemplated to the Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters Act, No. 25 of 2002. On the one hand the number of foreign countries coming within the ambit of the original Act has been expanded to include every country that is a party to an international Convention relating to mutual assistance in criminal matters, to which Sri Lanka has become a party.

The proposed provisions to allow the Secretary to the Ministry of Justice to authorize officers below him to act on his behalf, and also to designate competent authorities (which can be a law enforcement authority) to ensure prompt action in respect of all requests from abroad and to have a dedicated unit to maintain a proper system to manage incoming and outgoing requests shows that this is the final set up necessary to begin the war crimes investigation that international sponsors of the Yahapalana government have been angling for.

The proposed amendment to the Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters Act, No. 25 of 2002 indicate that the Sri Lankan side is being prepared to handle a large volume of requests from overseas. Instead of having a local tribunal with foreign judges what Yahapalana has done is to enable foreign judges in foreign tribunals to take action against Sri Lankans with the full cooperation of the Sri Lankan government.

The OMP does the local investigation, the International Convention against Enforced Disappearances confers jurisdiction on foreign nations and indirectly on the ICC as well to hear Sri Lankan cases and this Mutual Assistance Bill seeks to put in place the remaining requirements by making it incumbent on the Sri Lankan authorities to comply with requests for information, documents, witnesses and the like made by foreign governments and international organizations to carry out criminal investigations or prosecutions of Sri Lankan individuals.

This entire set up beginning with the OMP and ending with the mechanisms to be set up under the proposed amendment to Act No: 25 of 2002 will operate under a shroud of secrecy with the Right to Information Act rendered inoperative in relation to action taken under those laws, concluded Chandraprema.

Retired Navy Chief of Staff and ex-UPFA MP Dr. Sarath Weerasekera, also spoke against the Bill at a press conference called by ‘Eliya’. He urged the government to withdraw the Bill He called it an attempt by the government to betray the country and its armed forces. (Island 13.6.18 p 4). The government gazetted the amended Act when the attention of the public was focused on flood situation triggered by heavy rains, he said.

The original Act applied only to specified Commonwealth countries and some other countries, but the proposed amendment would make it applicable to many other countries as well as to organizations associated with combating international crime.

“The Act is applicable to every country that is a party to an international convention relating to mutual assistance in criminal matters, to which Sri Lanka has become a party as well as even to a country which has not entered into any agreement with Sri Lanka for mutual assistance in criminal matters if the Minister-in-Charge of the subject decides to extend and obtain assistance from that country.

According to the original act, an accused for any sort of offence could be sent to any other country or institution only if that person agreed. Also, the country had a right to reject such request from any other country, if the said offence was not an offence under the Sri Lankan law. But through the proposed amendments, Sri Lanka would not be able to do so. Even though the government promised that there would be no international courts or judges, the proposed bill would allow not only foreign judges but also foreign investigators into Sri Lanka.

“By amending the Act, the government would open up Sri Lankans who are alleged to have been involved in causing enforced disappearances in Sri Lanka to international jurisdiction. He also pointed out the connection between OMP Bill, the Enforced Disappearances Bill, and now the amended Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters Act,

Former President and Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, Mahinda Rajapaksa, in one of the most scathing attacks on the current government yesterday accused it of being as committed and enthusiastic in their betrayal of the country as never before in its long history. (Island 18.6.18 p 1)

On May 18 this year, on the very anniversary of the victory against the LTTE, the government gazetted the Bill to amend the Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters Act of 2002 at a moment when the people were preoccupied with the floods that affected many parts of the country. This country has had its share of traitors in its long history, but never anyone as committed and enthusiastic in their betrayal as the present government, said Rajapaksa.

The Bill to amend Act No: 25 of 2002 will repeal and replace entire sections of the original Act and substantially change its character, Rajapaksa said. The purpose of the original law was to facilitate cooperation between Sri Lanka and specified foreign countries in locating and identifying witnesses or suspects, the service of documents on such persons, the examination of witnesses, the obtaining of evidence, execution of requests for search and seizure, temporarily transferring a person in custody to appear as a witness, facilitation of the personal appearance of witnesses, the location of the proceeds of any criminal activity, and enforcing orders for the freezing of property, etc.

The earlier law applied only to specified Commonwealth countries and to other countries that had signed agreements with Sri Lanka to render mutual assistance in criminal matters. The proposed amendment will widen the applicability of the Act to every country that is a party to any International Convention that involves criminal matters. Though the original Act applied only to states, the proposed amendment will make it applicable to international organizations such as the International Criminal Court as well.

Another new feature in the amended Bill is that the Central Authority in Sri Lanka (the Secretary to the Ministry of Justice) can authorize any other officer not below the rank of a Senior Assistant Secretary, to act on his behalf of the Central Authority for the purpose of this Act. The Central Authority is given the power to designate competent authorities (which can be a law enforcement authority) who will process information to request as directed by the Central Authority.

The administrative machinery to respond expeditiously to requests from overseas is also to be expanded. It will also make documentary evidence and evidence obtained through video conferencing from persons resident in foreign countries admissible in judicial proceedings.

The proposed legislation complements two previous laws introduced by the present government – the Office of Missing Persons Act and the Act relating to the International Convention on Enforced Disappearances. Without the Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters amendment Act, No. 25 of 2002 it would not be possible to prosecute Sri Lankans in foreign courts for offences allegedly committed in Sri Lanka. There has to be a mechanism to obtain evidence from Sri Lanka.

The amendments proposed to the Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters Act of 2002 are clearly aimed at assisting foreign courts in the trial of Sri Lankans for offences allegedly committed in Sri Lanka.  This is the latest betrayal by the Yahapalana government. The manner in which this government has been implementing the demands of their foreign patrons should also be taken note of by the public.

I wish to add that these actions by the Yahapalana government show how carefully and thoroughly things have been thought out and planned. These changes would have been planned along ago, abroad, and kept aside, to be used once   regime change took place. It shows also, how far the west, probably USA, is prepared to go to extract their revenge from the armed forces that defeated their precious LTTE. Lastly, we now see that there is a solid block of MPs in Parliament, mainly UNP I suppose, who are prepared to vote blindly for laws which will injure their own people.

There is no difference between appointing Kiriella and Digambaran as Ministers of “Kandyan Heritage and Kandy Development”.

January 2nd, 2019

Dr Sudath Gunasekara

  “Gazette on subject purview of ministers raises questions” A news item. Dec 31 (FT)

Minister of Public Enterprise, Kandyan Heritage and Kandy Development Lakshman Kiriella has four State institutions allocated to his ministry. These institutions include the Ceylon Ceramics Corporation, Kahagolla Engineering Service Company Ltd., BCC Lanka Ltd. and State Resources Management Corporation.

An interesting fact which is highlighted here is even though Minister Kiriella also holds office as the Minister of Kandyan Heritage and Kandy Development, no relevant institutions have been allocated to fall under his purview”

Monday, 31 December 2018)

According to this news item, even though., it appears to be an error I am glad that Minister Kiriella has not been allocated those subjects even by mistake. Any way I dont believe that it is a mistake, going by the manner in which Ministries are been formed, named and subjects are been allocated these days in this country. I wonder whether that is also a part of the scientific naming of MInistries of this Governmnet.Whatever the reasons may  be, I believe god may have beconed the President and PM not to include these subjects in Miniter Kiriella’s list or later god on his own deleted it, after inclusion byMS under pressure from RW, as he knows best that these subjects should never be  given to this intruder and pretender, Kiriella, for he knows that it would be the death knell of the people called Kandayns Sinhalese; I mean the Sinhala people who live in the hill country and its pheriphery.

What ever it is, let the fools ponder, on these flimsy matters, while the Gods will look after the Kandyan Sinhala peasants who had been a betrayed and forgotten set of people in this country by all Governments and politicians in this country since 1948.Coming back to the subject of allocation of subjects to Ministers, what is important from the angle of a Minister is neither the number of institutions that are given to him, nor the name of the Ministry but  the facilities that come with it and how much money one can make out of it. The nubmber of Ministries and Ministers is also not decided by any rational  planning of its functions or exigencies of service to people but merely on the dictates of political reasons to keep the bunch satisfied to maintain the majority in Parliament. That is why  when there are no subjects to be allocated then they  are named as either Minister Without Portfolio or Minister of Special Services, accompanied with all facilities normally made available to any Cabinet Minister. I can understand appointing Deputy or Junior Ministers to Cabinet Ministers. But still I am confused as to why they have another set of parasites called non- Cabinet Ministers while you are already having 40 Deputy Ministers whom I believe are also Non-Cabinet Ministers. The only explnation possible is that this political gamble is done only to pacify MPP in a devious manner to keep them bribed and tied to the party to maintain the required majority in Parliament to make laws for their own betterment.

In Minister Laksman Kiriella’s case, in my opinon, it is a very good thing these two subjects of  ‘Kandyan Heritage and Kandy Development” are not given to him for the following reasons.

In the first place he is neither a Kandyan ( though he pretends to be one)  nor a politician who loves the people who are called Kandyans who live in the Kandyan territory under dippressed and appalling conditions in the secluded valley bottoms after they were being deprived of their native lands by the British plunderers when they openend up the hill country forests to plant Coffee and Tea in the 19th century, or on the degraded hill slopes after the invaders are gone even  without minimum basic facilties, buried and soaked in abject poverty and missery. Mr Kiriella’s main objective was to collect Tamil votes on the estates for the UNP and in the General election.

In my experience he has been a number one betrayer and traitor as far as the Kandyans are concerned. For example he was the man who took Ranil Wickramasinha all over the plantation Raj for the 2015 elections, promissing lands for Indian estate Tamils to build houses and for agriculture and won all the seats there in that election.  If not for these election promises he made and also for Ranil the  Prime Ministerial candidate being taken round, makin another of High Schools with lab facilities for A level students of these Tamils, how could a man who got only 53,000 votes at the 2010 elections from the whole of  Kandy District bagged almost 200 000 votes for the UNP, to win all the seats in the hill country areas  in 2015 creating a record, as I have pointed out many a time even before. I presume out of this 200 000 votes at least 150 000 are Tamil. If not for this unpatriotic and trecherous action on his part the UNPatriotic UNP would never have bagged the entire hill country that was the Motherland of the Kandyan Sinhalese, as it had been for thousands of years. By this dastardly act he has not only deprived the Kandyans of thousands of their ancestral land for ever but also set a very serious precedent that will serve as a lever to remove all the Sinhalese from the central hill country,-the geographical Heartland  (HADABIMA as I have named it in 1991) of this Island nation, that decides the survival of the entire life system and the civilization of this country. If you dont call this a treacherous  and criminal betrayal of the Kandyans by him, then  I do not know by what other name one should call it

No government should ever give the Kandyan Heritage and Kandy Development  Ministry to any man or woman who doesnt know who Kandyan Peasants and their problems are and also who does not undersatand critical role of the Central it had played over  millennia  and continue to do so  in protecting the entire life system and the civilization of this country

Collecting nearly 200 000 Tamil votes for himself and the UNP at the expence of the Sinhala nation in the 2015 General election is the epic record  he has kept in his entire political carrier. I ask him as to what service he has renderred to the neglected, forgotten and betrayed sector of the native Sinhala patriots who had sacrificed all what they had and died in tens of thousands  between 1505=1948 fighting against Portuguese, Dutch and the British,  to protect our motherland for you and me and the posterity, other than this betrayal of a nation?

Aded to this national crime there is also the story of millions of payments he is supposed to  have made to some 48 hand picked men and women of his choice for engaging in collecting votes in 2015 for him. In this backdrop I strongly suggest Kandyan Heritage and Kandy Development  Ministries  should never be given to Kiriella .It is better for him to be given a Ministry that has nothing to do with the Sinhala people in this country. Instead he should be given a ministry like Fisheries and Marine Resources.

As far as the subjects of Kandyan heritage or Kandyan Development are concernerned they should never be given to a person who does not know who the Kandyans and their problems are. They should be given only to a person who has at least seen the Report of the Kandyan Peasantry Commission of 1951 and who understand the critical importance of the central hill country that decides and dictates the very servival of the entire life system and the civilization of this country.

There is no difference between giving this  subject to Kiriella and Digambaran. Because both men serve only the Indian estate Tamils. Digambaran for inborn love for his people and political servival and perhaps for creating a Malayanadu right at the centre of Sri Lanka as their original Homeland in South India is a  virtual hell compared to this Paradise on earth and therefore they have no place to go back. Kiriella on the other  hand serve the estate Tamils  singularly to collect their votes  for his political survival, as he knows for certain that Sinhala voters will never cast their votes to him hereafter, looking at the treacheries he has committed against the Kandyan Sinhalese during this short spell in politics.

මේ රටට හතුරුකම් කරන සියලු රටවල් සමඟ වහාම තානාපතිකම් අත්හෑරදා මේ රටේ අභිමානය රෑකගත යුතුය.

January 2nd, 2019

ආචාරිය සුදත් ගුණසේකර

1.1.2019.

කෑනඩාව, එන්ගලන්තය නෝවේ සහ සුවිස්ටර්ලන්තය ඔවුන්ගේ රටවල ද්විත්ව  පුරවෙසි බව ඈත්තේ දෙමල මන්ත්‍රී  වරුන්ගේ විස්තර නොදෙන බව ප්‍රකාශ කල බව පුවත්පත්වල පලවී තිබුණි.  එය ශ්‍රී ලන්කාවේ ස්වාදීනත්වයට හා නිදහසට කර ඈත්තේ බලවත් තර්ජනයක් හා අව්මානයක් බව පෙන්වාදිය යුතුය..

එබෑවින් මේ රටවල්වල තානාපතිවරුන් වහාම ජනාදිපති කාර්යාලයට ගෙන්වා ඒතානාපති වරුන් සියලුදෙනාම කරුණු විමසා  ඔවුන් සිදුකොට ඈත්ත්තේ බලවත් වරදක් බව නොපිලිගන්නේනම්  වහාම ඔවුන් මේ රටින් පිටුවහල්කොට එකී රටවල් සමන්ග ඈති තානාපතිකම් වහාම අත්හිටවිය යුතුය


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