Why should public care about the ‘bondgate’?

November 27th, 2017

By Ranga Jayasuriya Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Speaker Karu Jayasuriya has referred to the Parliamentary Privileges Committee, a complaint about an alleged breach of privileges due to the disclosure of telephone conversations among  some government members of the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) and the Perpetual Treasuries PLC owner Arjun Aloysius. Why not also investigate the ethical aspect of those clandestine phone conversations that took place while Mr. Aloysius’s company is being investigated by the COPE?

The Leader of the House, Lakshman Kiriella in a statement to parliament, has said the CID or the Attorney General’s Department should have obtained the Speaker’s permission before seeking information on the telephone calls of MPs, but neither of them had done so. This constituted a breach of privileges of MPs, he argued.
The Presidential Commission of Inquiry into the Central Bank Bond has refuted these allegations. It claimed that it had found information during the forensic investigation of several electronic devices used by Mr Arjuna Aloysius and his father –in-law, former Central Bank Governor Arjun Mahendran. The claims that the telephones of several Members of Parliament and other persons have been tapped or recorded in the course of this examination, are utterly false,” it said in a statement.   Minister Kiriella has also argued it was ‘highly improper’ to publish details about MPs’ telephone contacts. The confidential information had been put out for public consumption. Media is now in a frenzy giving all sorts of twisted interpretations to this information,”
he said

But, what if they provide crucial clues of a potential collusion? There are genuine concerns of a conflict of interest when the government MPs, including one who was appointed during the mid- way of the COPE investigation, made several hundred calls with a man whose company was being investigated by the COPE. A sizable number of such conversations had taken place during the period of the COPE investigation of itself.

These concerns cannot be brushed aside as a coincidence. Coincidence does not happen over four hundred times. This is a pattern of events and in most likelihood, a case of collusion. Rather than investigating these concerns, scheming to hide behind Parliament privileges would set a dangerous precedent, and if anything it gives the impression that Sri Lankan politics has not changed much since the end of the Rajapaksa regime.

The difference between a functioning democracy and one that is crippled is not how loud their parliamentarians can quarrel or how often protestors could block public roads, but how their elected leaders are held accountable for their actions. It is easy to feign democracy, but implementing it takes more than words. Sri Lanka celebrated seventy years of Parliamentary democracy this year. However, we are still not a mature democracy. Elected Members of Parliament are far less accountable to public than their predecessors in the last State Council could have been during the British colonial rule. The fundamental problem lies at the heart of weak independent institutions, which have been progressively weakened by the successive governments since the independence. This is not something unique to Sri Lanka, see everywhere in the former British colonies (with a few exceptions such as India, which albeit having millions living hand to mouth also have independent institutions that could check regressive impulses of both the government and public). That failure in our countries may have much to do with certain retrograde social, economic and cultural dynamics of native leaders and populace which can not be discussed without being accused of cultural relativism.

Leaders elsewhere tempt to abuse power when it serves their interests, but where there is a functioning democracy, they are held accountable for what they do. When there is no such oversight, you can see them denying those charges with a straight face, pooh-pooh the independent institutions- and still better, divert the discourse by blaming the former government

Leaders elsewhere tempt to abuse power when it serves their interests, but where there is a functioning democracy, they are held accountable for what they do. When there is no such oversight, you can see them denying those charges with a straight face, pooh-pooh the independent institutions- and still better, divert the discourse by blaming the former government. (Mr Sujeewa Senasinghe went a step further and blamed the President too).

What is equally disturbing is the response of the so called civil society and NGO types, who condemn many things at the drop of  a hat; when an anti-Muslim graffiti scrabbled on a wall, or LTTE detainees stage a hunger strike. Their concerns in all the above are laudatory, but why keep mum now, when there is a perceptible rot at the highest of the political institutions. So are the Ven. Mahanayakas who had spoken out selectively, though not so constructively.

The peripheral problems like the above deserve attention, but they are only the symptoms of a wider political decay. If Sri Lanka could evolve a system that ensures equal rights to all its people, much of ethnic and religious grievances could wither away, whatever the left over can then be addressed proactively. But, nothing is possible when the legitimacy of political institutions is compromised by corruption. That makes public, especially the Sinhala majority to distrust the government, and traps the country in a progressively worsening political decay. That is exactly why the public, civil society and politicians should worry about the implications of the ‘bondgate’.

 

 

If anyone is commemorating LTTE dead, they are celebrating every person killed by LTTE

November 26th, 2017

Shenali D Waduge

LTTE remains a banned terrorist organization both in Sri Lanka & in 32 countries. Ever since the present government came to power through a well-planned regime change bizarre events have taken place going so far as to bring a new constitution that was mooted as an agreement with sections of present Govt & LTTE/TNA leaders in 2013 (Singapore Principles). With just 16 seats in a 225 seat Parliament the LTTE created TNA is next made the Opposition Leader, its leader even storms a military base demanding access to confidential information, many of the demands TNA has made has been accommodated while the biggest yet not unexpected shock comes in the Governments silence and inaction on a TNA MP using Rs.4m of the decentralized budget to make a museum for LTTE dead. When the West is still hounding former Nazi’s in their 90s and imprisoning them would the West allow Nazi’s to be commemorated & a museum built for Nazi’s to set up? Would West allow a museum for Al Qaeda & ISIS?

Sri Lanka’s armed militancy was created overseas when India clandestinely trained LTTE & other militant groups in the mid 1970s. India trained, armed & even financially funded these groups to destabilize Sri Lanka. Biographies of Dixit, former IPKF, Indian Army heads confirm this. That India paid Rs.50m monthly to LTTE in lieu of signing the Indo-Lanka Accord in 1987 is also no secret.

https://www.colombotelegraph.com/index.php/wikileaks1988-indian-payoff-to-ltte-revealed-520-million-indian-rupees-to-tigers/

Former Indian Foreign Secretary’s Book ‘Choices’ reveal that the loss to Sri Lanka throughout the 26year conflict was $200billion – if so India owes this much to Sri Lanka for creating the menace.

With this Indian training & arms Tamil militants began attacking innocent villages – Dollar & Kent Farms becoming first victims and we can but wonder if cadres were on narcotics in the shocking manner these villagers were killed. When people want to build museums & commemorate dead LTTE it only means they are celebrating the killing of thousands of innocent villagers – men, women, children & babies. Pathetic.

When segments of Tamil polity surprising inclusive of the Jaffna University academia & students hold vigils for dead LTTE cadres & protest to release LTTE cadres in prison, it should shock everyone and raise them to ask some not so nice questions to answer.

All those who demand vigils for LTTE, museums for LTTE, burial grounds for dead LTTE, commemorations for LTTE (dead or alive) are actually clapping their hands and celebrating every man, woman, child irrespective of being Tamil, Sinhalese, Muslim or even foreigner put to death by LTTE.

Not only is this news shocking but the manner they are openly advocating this and a weak and spineless government is allowing it while the humanitarian angels the West, UN & the bandwagon of NGOs are happily watching is just disgusting.

Everyone – TNA MPs, Northern Provincial Council PMs, Jaffna University, elements of the bogus ‘civil society’ of Sri Lanka, dollar-paid local stooges all demanding the commemoration of LTTE means that they are actually clapping their hands and jubilant over the pre-meditated murder, ethnic cleansing of Sinhalese & Muslims chased out of the North, stealing of their land & belongings,

Jaffna University academia & students should be ashamed of their conduct – knowing LTTE kidnapped thousands of Tamil children and turned them into LTTE cadres violating Article 26 of the UN Declaration of Human Rights (right to education) the university is siding with LTTE and not the families of these innocent children turned into killers. The silence by the elite Tamils is because these Tamil children came from low caste & poor homes and so they were just rejects of their own Tamil society – good only to serve their purpose & die.

Jaffna University academia & students should also be ashamed that it is siding with LTTE who violated Article 4 & 5 of the Geneva Convention – forced servitude treating Tamils as slaves. It is an absolute disgrace that the university was allowed to be used to hold vigils for dead LTTE!

What is shocking is that Jaffna University has not held a single vigil for any Tamil killed by LTTE including many academics, politicians, clergy, public servants, Mayors, principals/teachers but the University only wants to mourn for and engage in protests on behalf of dead LTTE. Shouldn’t the Vice Chancellor be questioned and action taken against the University?

LTTE remains banned. Even if Tamil academia did not wish to mourn non-Tamil victims of LTTE surely they should be mourning all the Tamils that the LTTE killed – including LTTE’s own cadres? Doesn’t look like it by the manner the Jaffna University is behaving & it does not display anything to be proud about. In fact, it will smear the reputation of the University for demanding vigils and mourning of a terrorist movement. Oxford, Harvard, Cambridge nor any other university in any part of the world WOULD NOT entertain such nonsense.

This is at the university level. Only a few days back the Northern Province Education Minister (a doctorate holder too!) and brother of EPRLF another armed group leader Suresh Premachandran who at a ceremony refused to hoist the National Flag. What is the message he is trying to convey by the theatrics & on behalf of whom is this drama?

http://www.hirunews.lk/176231/state-ministers-protest-to-npc-education-minister-who-said-no-for-hoisting-national-flag

To make matters worse what was the response of the Northern Chief Minister – not surprisingly since he is the ring leader of the troubles & anti-national sentiments, his response is I have the same political reservations” (Wigneswaran) and now a TNA MP has allocated Rs.4m from the decentralized budget to build a LTTE museum and the Central Government is simply watching tax payers money being stolen to erect a monument for a banned terrorist movement. Disgusting.

http://www.ceylontoday.lk/print20170401CT20170630.php?id=34634

But what can be worse when the country’s Prime Minister is happily talking away when the country’s national anthem is playing https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yHiOj5ZHiNY

Where is the end to this – all of these separatist elements are making demands they have no moral right to given that their links to terror remains uninvestigated & that behind every demand is a larger motive with aims in keeping with the Vaddukoddai Resolution of 1976 which can be deduced even by an idiot. The issue is why is the present Government giving in to these demands. After singing the national anthem in Tamil what is the peace that has come from the very groups who claimed that that would be a solution. If a government cedes everything on a futile argument of reconciliation where do these compromises stop & what is the eventual outcome?

Let us also remind those demanding to celebrate LTTE that more Tamils have died by LTTE than they can falsely accuse the Sri Lanka Army of – Tamils were killed when fleeing from LTTE, Tamils were used as human shields & hostages, these are violations of 3rd & 4th Geneva Conventions & Additional Protocol 1. LTTE did not have qualms about killing its own cadres – the injured cadres had been put into buses & set fire. Enough of Tamils overseas have been threatened & attacked if they did not regularly contribute to the LTTE kitty. Many a Tamil have lived in fear of the LTTE too scared to voice their fear & silenced by the fact that the West, NGOs & diplomatic community unabashedly side with the LTTE & their networks locally & overseas instead of doing justice by the victims. We are shocked with disbelief at the hypocrisy & bias that prevails with all of LTTE’s crimes well documented by them & reports their own governments & intelligence have compiled these countries are very happy to allow the entities that funded LTTE to continue & not stopping there, their events are even attended by foreign MPs.

Everyone demanding the right of the LTTE to be commemorating with museums & vigils are celebrating the agony and sorrow brought to families of every person killed by LTTE since 1980s.

No one asked LTTE to take up arms and kill people. It was their choice and it was their choice not to lay down arms & surrender too. Eventually they were defeated in May 2016 after countless failed peace talks, ceasefires & even third party negotiations. Had LTTE not hounded civilians with them to be used as hostages, human shields & temporary cadres there would be no civilian deaths! It was LTTE that put civilians in harm’s way by firing from among them and shot at fleeing civilians. No one will even provide estimates for how many civilians LTTE killed when they fled. The other question never answered is how many were actually civilians. LTTE had its own trained civilian armed force – these dead do not qualify as civilians. All of the false allegations have been legally dealt with by the team of eminent international legal experts led by Sir Desmond de Silva who have establish that the military did not commit war crimes as was being alleged and that the death figures per proportionality was not excesses. Sir Desmond is on record to say that the Sri Lankan Military has been ‘unjustifiably vilified with accusations of war crimes’.

https://www.lankaweb.com/news/items/2016/07/05/did-sri-lanka-commit-war-crimes-international-legal-luminary-sir-desmond-de-silva-says-no/

https://www.lankaweb.com/news/items/2016/07/01/did-sri-lanka-commit-war-crimes-international-legal-luminaries-prof-crane-and-sir-desmond-de-silva-say-no/

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9C3uYsnHIkw Anna Niesat of Human Rights Watch

Look at the situation now

TNA MP funds construction of LTTE Mausoleum reported by Daily Mirror on 24th November 2017  

http://www.dailymirror.lk/article/TNA-MP-funds-construction-of-LTTE-Mausoleum-140975.html

Social Media posted massive cutouts in Jaffna of Prabakaran – LTTE remains banned and the Yahapalana Government is doing nothing about it. What is the message it is giving by inaction?

In September 2017 deproscribed (on flimsy ground of reconciliation) GTF leader Father Emmanuel arrives in Sri Lanka & visits Jaffna and even holds talks with US envoy Keshap. http://www.thesundayleader.lk/2017/09/24/father-emmanuel-visits-sri-lanka/

There are makeshift tents set up in front of select military bases with Tamils taking roster turns to protest 24×7 and regular visits by diplomats clicking photos for their framed reports!

October 2016 – 3 naval ratings attacked by 300 Tamils in Mannar

September 2016 – Chief Minister Norther Province heads protests demanding removal of Buddhist sites, stopping Sinhala ‘colonization’, Buddhisization & removal of military (note: citizens of a country cannot colonize its own country)

August 2016 – Buddhist temples & Head Priests regularly threatened by TNA & supporters scaring them to leave area. Chief incumbent of Sambodhi Viharaya Mullaitivu threatened by TNA Provincial MP. Several Buddhist sites and Buddhist statues vandalized. Damaging historical monuments is a war crime.

July 2016 – Jaffna University unashamedly commemorates LTTE dead

April 2016 – TNA leader & Opposition Leader Sambanthan with 50 others storms army camp in Paravipachchan, Kilinochchi (Note EU Election Observer Head John Cushnahan in his 2004 report said TNA & LTTE were one and the same – Canadian Federal Court too recently upheld a report that LTTE & TNA were one & the same)

February 2015 – Immediately after Yahapalana comes into power it gives into pressure from TNA to reduce military camps, remove high security zones, give lands without asserting whether those demanding lands had title deeds to claim so or asserting whether some IDPs were of Indian origin & thus not entitled to any lands.

January 2015 – Immediately after Yahapalana comes into power the Jaffna court complex is stoned. The first time Tamils have become unruly since May 2009.

What needs to be clearly accepted is that

  • LTTE are not political prisoners.
  • LTTE are not prisoners of war (as Sri Lanka’s conflict is a Non-International Armed Conflict)
  • In Non-International Armed Conflict terms COMBATANT and PRISONER OF WAR does not apply.
  • LTTE are Unlawful Combatant/ Illegal Combatant /belligerent

In terms of commemorating the dead. No one is denying a mother or parents of LTTE cadres do mourn their LTTE sons/daughters but they cannot make a public spectacle of the mourning. In fact they don’t need to have a public gathering to mourn their child. When non-family inclusive of foreigners & dollar-earning entities want to make a public spectacle of LTTE dead, the real objective is political and nothing more. It is against this that we are drawing everyone’s attention.

The TNA including Wigneswaran did not supply a bag of rice to any Tamil affected from LTTE nor did they ask LTTE to release any of the 300,000 Tamils that the Army saved, so what is this big talk of working for the interests of Tamils? All humbug and empty rhetoric to satisfy bigger agendas paid for and funded with bigger objectives in mind.

It is unfortunate that we are plagued with a weak & spineless government that can only watch as extremism and separatism is drummed primarily because they came to power on their support.

While you must know your friends from your enemies, you must learn to wisely choose who you partner with too.

Shenali D Waduge

Terrorist Sambandan’s baseless accusations.

November 26th, 2017

by : A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA

The sheep clothed tiger terrorist R.Sambandan, who was the doyen of the Tamil politicians who supported and justified the crimes and atrocities of the megalomaniac Prabhakaran when he was alive and whose TNA became the post-war, post-LTTE avatar as per Mr. N.Ram the Editor-n-Chief of the reputed Indian daily The Hindu” has made a very lengthy speech on the budget facilitated by the utterly bias Speaker on 16th November which was serialised for three consecutive days in the Island”.

At the beginning of the speech he has congratulated Mangala saying that Mangala is an old, sincere friend of theirs who has always been very progressive in his views, on many crucial issues, particularly on the resolution of what he calls the National Question. He has said that various proposals made in the Budget, have been aimed at ameliorating the living conditions of segments of society, deeply affected as a result of the conflict, facilitating reconciliation and infusing hope in the lives of such people and help them towards resumption of normal life.

Then he has divested completely from the budget and vented his anger and enrage at the former President Mr. Mahinda Raajapaksa, the anger and enrage built up evidently due to Mr. Rajapakse’s bold leadership in leading our gallant war heroes to vanquish armed tiger terrorism from the soil of this country and completely eliminating its leadership including the megalomaniac Prabhakaran, and putting an end to their Eelam dream through armed aggression.

Utterly distorting various statements made by Mr. Rajapaksa to suitably and craftily present his views as Mr. Rajapaaksa’s support extended in the past for devolution and for a new constitution, he asks Mr. Rajapaksa to support the constitution process that is being made at present without indulging in communal politics and make the country to miss the golden opportunity.

This sheep clothed tiger terrorist says that it is well known the diseases that have afflicted this country were lack of unity, disharmony caused by inequality, injustice, discrimination and exclusion. Legitimate political aspirations and demands for equality, inclusion, democratic empowerment were met with violence against unarmed civilians. Political commitments were not honoured, the rule of law was not enforced and these harmful developments resulted in counter violence and eventually an armed conflict of unexpected and unprecedented proportions which lasted several decades. He says that fighting a war at a very heavy cost could have been well avoided if commitments made to democratic Tamil leaders were honoured and if there was reasonable political accommodation of legitimate Tamil aspirations on the indisputable basis that Sri Lanka is a multilingual, multi-ethnic pluralist society. The recognition of that reality was paramount for there to be national harmony and peace.

Sambandan craftily avoids to mention that it was the ignominious Vaddukkodai resolution of 1972 that led to the Tamil youth taking up arms and launching a war for establishing a separate state in the country.  He has conveniently forgotten that they wholeheartedly encouraged this aggression against the country, justified it and lobbied international support for this war. Why they never talked about a peaceful solution then even under the spineless Presidents and Prime Ministers of this country who were slavish to them

On the contrary Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa was very much concerned about ridding the country from this precarious situation and even mentioned that he was even prepared to make the extra mile to meet the terrorist leader and find a solution.  He held several rounds of peace talks in the European countries but the intransigent posture of the terrorists and their rude behaviour of closing down of the Mavil Aru anicut thereby depriving drinking water and irrigation facilities to several thousand families compelled him to give instructions to embark on the long war and continue with it until the country is liberated.

The sheep clothed terrorist Sambandan even went to Canada to raise funds for arms procurement for the terrorists. See my Lankaweb article of 5th November titled Hypocrite Terrorist Sambandan deserves to die as a banished traitor .  He cannot deny the fact of fund raising for the terrorists as the photograph below (originally published with the above referenced article) confirms his despicable involvement in this vicious act. This event was held at Jaasmine Banquet Hall at No.90, Nolan Court, Markham, Ontaria, Canada.

TNA leader withTRO President in the fundraising event

After ending the war on 18th May, 2009 Mr. Rajapaksa took several commendable measures on his own as a great statesman to find a permanent solution for the problems which started with his bold declaration that there is no majority/minority in this country and all are Sri Lankans, and included appointment of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) and appointment of a Parliamentary Select Committee to be represented by all parties in the Parliament to review the APC report presented by Prof. Tissa Vitharana which was mandated to review  all previous APC reports.

The arrogant TNA scuttled this PSC review even ignoring Indian persuasions for them to attend the PSC.

Failing to implement these progressive measures due to the intransigence of the TNA, direct and indirectly non-cooperation by the UNP, President Mahinda Rajapaksa in his Presidential Election manifesto in 2015, said that the country has been battered for 36 years by the 1978 Constitution which was thrust upon our people and the country, without an appropriate debate or discussion and it has been distorted due to various amendments over the years, some of which are not consistent with others. The manifesto said that therefore, instead of amending the Constitution further with piece-meal changes, he will take action to formulate a new Constitution that reflects the people’s ideas, aspirations and wishes within a period of one year. Contrary to this Sambaandan is now asking for Mr. Rajapaksa’s support for a federal and secular constitution and how a person like Mr. Rajapaksa for whom the country is above everything else could agree to such a proposition?

Mr. Rajapaksa’s Select Committee Proposal, though despised by the arrogant TNA received with much appreciation in India as a viable proposition. Mr. N.Ram, the Editor in Chief of the Hindu commented that President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s roadmap for finding a 13th Amendment-plus political solution will take the Tamil question in Sri Lanka to a Parliamentary Select Committee, which will look into it and propose suitable constitutional amendments, and then on to Parliament. Meanwhile, local elections in the Northern Province, which have been scheduled, would be followed by a Provincial Council election. Mr. Ram said that Mr. Rajapaksa told him that he will accept whatever the Parliamentary Select Committee recommends to him.

Mr. Ram stated that Mr. Rajapaksa reiterated his long-held view that police and land powers are not subjects suitable for the Provincial Council, and he reminded Mr. Ram what happened in India, in the Mumbai bomb attacks. How slow the police and security response was with all the restrictions to the Centre and coming back with orders from there. Therefore, Mr. Rajapaksa has emphasized that security matters must be with the central Government of Sri Lanka.

Asked about complaints that the armed forces were expanding their footprint in Jaffna and other Northern districts and apprehensions of a permanent militarisation of the North, Mr. Rajapaksa has pointed out that as soon as the end of the war he appointed the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) to look into the war related problems and recommend measures to settle them and in respect of army camps he has said that army camps exist all over the country even in Hambanthotta, in Colombo, in every Province, and in every district and in that way there are camps in the North and East.

Mr. Ram said that when asked about the allegations of human rights violations, and especially about Channel 4’s Sri Lanka’s Killing Fields, which showed gruesome and distressing footage and charged that the Sri Lankan army and government had committed war crimes and crimes against humanity in the final stage of the war against the LTTE, President Rajapaksa responded saying that it is a film and has explained that the footage showing close-range executions of naked men with their hands tied behind their backs has been filmed in Tamil and that if the footage was true it was not the LTTE cadres, it must be the army boys who were being shot. The man who is shooting, Mr. Rajapaksa has pointed out was not wearing an army belt, but a LTTE belt and if it is true, it was a  LTTE cadre shooting an army man. If it is not true, it’s a film and not a true document.

Mr. Ram in conclusion of his article also states that Mr. Rajapaksa expressed happiness over Sri Lankan High Commissioner Mr. Prasad Kariyawasam’s meeting with Chief Minister Jayalalitha in Chennai and has pointed out that he asked the High Commissioner to meet the Chief Minister Jayalalitha and convey his invitation for her to visit Sri Lanka and if she is not ready or is busy, to send a parliamentary team to see for themselves the true situation in Sri Lanka.

With Mr. Rajapaksa having taken all these measures for true reconciliation in the country and help the Tamil people how can this sheep clothed terrorist Sambandan accuse him as a Sinhala/Buddhist communalist?

Mr. Rajapaksa has also held discussions with the Indian Prime Minister Mr. Narendra Modi on 27th September 2014, during his visit to New York to attend the UN General Assembly sessions to find solutions to the problems in Sri Lanka.  During this meeting Mr. Modi has disclosed to President Mr. Mahinda Rjapaksa about the TNA group meeting him and Mr. Modi too has acknowledged the importance of the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) process.

Earlier in October, 2013 President Mahinda Rajapaksa when he met the visiting Indian External Affairs Minister of that time Mr. Salman Khurshid has apprised him that the Parliamentary Select Committee is the best forum to decide on devolution of more powers to the Northern Provincial Council. Mr. Kurshid has commended the Sri Lankan government for the successful conduct of elections in the Northern Province and described it as a very important step for the society and one that will likely be viewed as a great historic moment.

Mr. Rajapaksa held the Northern Provincial Council election knowing very well that the government cannot win that election, and despite requests from many UPFA parliamentarians not hold that election.  If Mr. Rajapaksa wanted to discriminate the Tamils as the terrorist Sambandan erroneously alleges he could have refrained from holding the PC election in the North or could have used thugs from the South to rig the election as Cyril Mathew and Gamini Dissanayake did to rig the District Council elections in the North or as this government used its henchmen to get local government elections postponed through court orders.

Meanwhile, the website UK Tamilnews.com reported on 5th June, 2014  that TNA was seeking public support and diaspora involvement to make its submissions to the PSC.  TNA has said that rather than participating in the PSC proceedings it would submit its written proposals upon receipt of suggestions from the public and the diaspora.

As per the foregoing facts it is very clear that the LTTE rump TNA scuttled all genuine efforts made by Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa to find a peaceful solutions for the Tamil people’s problems since they wanted nothing short of a separate state or a federal secular self governing entity destined by the Vaddukkodai reesolution which they could not achieve through megalomaniac Prabhakaran’s terrorist war.  Now they shamelessly seek Mr. Rajapaksa’s assistance to get the horrendous Federal Secular constitution which they could utilize as a stepping stone for the establishment of Tamil Eelam in the future.  Sambandan and his acolytes should understand that there is a large percentage of people in this country who are not prepared to become slavish to them and prepared even to sacrifice their lives to protect and safeguard this country as a free, sovereign unitary nation.

This country needs a strong patriotic Sinhala Buddhist visionary Leader to save it from the quagmire in to which it has been put by our post-Independent politicians.

November 26th, 2017

Dr. Sudath Gunasekara  

29.10.2017

This conclusion is based on three 4 premises,

1The inalienable and non-negotiable premise that ‘This country is the land of the Sinhala race and the Sinhala Buddhists culture continuously, as it had been for 2560 years from 543 BC and also for 2324 from 307 BC respectively and its unique civilization was founded by the Sinhalese.

2 All  post-Independent period leaders have failed to restore it to fully independent and sovereign status of Sinhale  as it was known before 1815, except three historic efforts the first, the only visionary political leader of post 1948  period, S.W, R.D Bandaranayaka who ushered in a socio-cultural revolution  (1956/59) of transforming it from a colonial victim State back to an Independent free and sovereign land  heralding the beginning of a resurgent Sinhala Buddhist consciousness, second. by Mrs Sirimavo Bandaranayaka (1960 and 1977) by stregthening  the dream of her visionary husband by making it a fully independent Republic, marking the golden period of  international fame in global politics and thirdly, by Mahinda Rajapaksa who once again restored the unitary status of this Island, that was already divided by then for 30 years, by defeating the LTTE and ending a brutal terrorist war.

3 Third it should be noted that all the above three national resurgent movements were started by the SLFP founded by Bandaranayaka, the only politician who understood the plight of the Sinahla nation, in 1952.  All these resurgences were defeated and reversed, first by assassinating the founder, next by removing the civil rights of Mrs B and finally, by defeating the man who saved the Motherland after defeating  the LTTE (in spite of repeated threats by India and the powerful West) by the reactionary forces of the anti-national and unpatriotic camp polarized around the UNP that is subservient and naïve towards the colonial west.

4 The present so-called yahapalanaya  Government again an illegitimate, deformed and brainless child of a master conspiracy jointly hatched by Ranil, the agent of the West, Chandrika the curse of Bandaranayaka’s as well as of this country and Maitripala  Sirisena the frustrated aspirant PM under MR, vengeful as he was, completely reversed all the achievements gained by the patriotic forces by sacrificing more than 45,000 under the leadership of MR and presently they are desperately trying to divide and destroy this country to appease the Tamil and Muslim minorities who have helped them to defeat the previous regime and satisfy the western ex-colonial forces who have been trying nearly for 450 years and failed to destroy the Sinhala Buddhist imprint in this Island nation but still dreaming and conspiring , funding the local agents and misleading the populous and the vengeful India that is playing a game of political dice to stabilize power at home and in South Asia at our cost.

As such no one can expect this Government or its unpatriotic leadership to fulfill the aspirations of the Sinhala Buddhists or take this country you and I expect.

Therefore this call for the need for a strong patriotic Sinhala Buddhist visionary Leader to save this country, the Sinhala nation and the Buddha sasana.

Talking about leaders, even buffaloes or monkeys have dependable and trustworthy leaders that lead and protect them and their territory in the hour of need.  But alas we the present day Sinhalese, who have had enough leaders of the caliber of Dutugemunu, Parakkramsbahu and Gajabahu and Wijayabahu in the past today as a nation don’t have any. I think we are the only nation in the whole world that doesn’t have any. As such the biggest problem we face as a nation today as I see it is the absence of heroic, patriotic and visionary national leaders, who can correctly fathom up the present national crisis and mobilize the whole nation to rescue this nation and the country from the quagmire in to which it has been put by our selfish and power hungry politicians since 1948 and particularly the present day bunch of political misfits.

In order to retrieve the country from this sad and unfortunate situation we need a set of leaders led by a heroic and visionary leader of the caliber of the ancient Kings mentioned above,

Firstly, who knows the past glory of this country and the Sinhala Buddhist nation and its history, the sacrifices our past leader have done to protect this country for posterity, its traditions, its customs and values, the greatness of its 2500 year old unique culture, its strengths and its potentials in terms of regional and global geopolitical and strategic values and its economic, social and cultural potentials in the modern context?

Secondly, who has the guts and courage to speak the truth caring a dam for losing minority votes, and who has the brain to understand the real strength of the mighty Sinhala Buddhist vote base, which if properly mobilized could even move the earth, and also who has the vision and strategic acumen, to dispel this minority dependency syndrome and misconception by addressing the the Sinhala Buddhist majority through a well- organized apolitical national movement by appealing to their hearts, minds and emotions to discard their blind party affiliations like a rotten fish and think about the country and the nation first, if they love their motherland, the nation and the religion.

All Sri Lankans must realize at least now that subversive and divisive mechanisms like political parties and the Provinces were introduced to this country by the British to destabilize and divide it on ethnic grounds and destroy the Sinhala nation and Sinhala Buddhist culture on this Island nation. This country never had a minority problem in its history before the advent of British who finally gave it a legal status in the Constitution in 1948.

1 If anyone can stand up on his own feet like a lion and make the clarion call to the Sri Lankan Nation and the whole world

  1. That this is the land of the Sinhala people as it had been from the dawn of history and it will remain so as long as the sun and the moon shall last. It is inalienable and non-negotiable. Both Tamils and Muslims living in this country are descendants of their ancestors who have come here as traders, invaders, illicit immigrants or slaves brought to this country by the colonial invaders to work on their exploitive projects or plantations whose motherlands were and are elsewhere. For all Tamils theirs is Tamilnadu and for Muslims either Arab world or Malaysia. So none of these people can have two Motherlands. As long as they think and behave so and unless and until they learn the language of the natives and integrate with the natives they can have no claim to have citizenship or equal rights with the natives. This is the universally accepted principle in any country.

The bottom line of all the so-called ethnic problems (created by the colonial invaders) of this country is the refusal on the part of Tamils and Muslims to accept this hard fact and their greed and dream to conquer  this paradise Island, as their Tamil Home land or a Muslim Home land. Therefore the need to defeat this mania both at national level and international level and get everybody to accept this gospel truth that this is the land of the Sinhala Nation.

  1. That this is the land, our heroic ancestors have defended, from pre-historic times up to date,

Firstly, against serial Indian invasions beginning withlegendary Rama more than 5000 years ago and all successive greedy Indian invaders since then followed by a serial line of invasions numbering about 20, highlighted by Sena Guttika, Elara (2nd C BC), Magha (12th C AD) and finally by their latest invention Pirapaharan, a son of a Malayali immigrant in 2009, the most dangerous and savages Terrorist ever known in the world and his Tamil suicide terrorist gang.

Secondly, against Portuguese, Dutch and British from 1505 to1948 the ruthless, inhuman        invaders and plunderers of the Western World by defeating them in war and chasing them out of our shores, and saved it for you and me to live there as our beloved Motherland and

It was our brave Sinhala ancestors who sacrificed everything they had and died in millions in war to protect this sacred land for us, from the above invaders, ever since civilization began on this Island nation.

Therefore I being a direct descendant and patriotic heir of that great and proud heritage hereby declare

c)That  this country shall be governed by a government elected by the sons  and heirs of the soil, who will  decide from time to time as to who should govern  this country.

  1. d) That no other country in the world either in the West or East and North or South has any right to interfere with its internal affairs or to dictate the way how its Constitution should me framed or should be governed, as they do now, since we stand a free, independent and fully sovereign state, though comparatively small in size
  2. That no people either brought to this country by western colonial powers from India as slaves to work on their projects (Eg Tamils) or come as itinerant traders in search of fortunes (Eg Muslims) or come as illegal immigrants from south India or Muslim refugees from, Asian or west Asian countries have any right to claim any special right or privilege like a separate territory  for their communities or any other as separate and independent ethnic enclaves  that will endanger the birth rights of the Native Sinhalese of this country like language, religion or law and customs, instead of getting legally integrated with the native Sinhalese, as it had happened over history through out. They also must give up all their allegiance to their countries of origin and thereafter pledge and swear their unreserved allegiance to this country, in breach of which they will be deported for treason
  3. That no foreign government or their delegations belonging to any other so-called international organization should directly or indirectly interact with citizens or organizations in the Republic of Sri Lanka bypassing the legitimately Government of the Country.
  4. That we will not have diplomatic relations with any country or International Organization that support anti Sri Lankan elements of any kind such as the LTTE, GTF, UNO or any other that does not respect our independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, freedom and culture and that work against the territorial integrity, ethnic and religious cohesion of this country and conspire to destabilize and disintegrate the Sinhala Buddhist Nation by any action considered inimical to national interests of the State of Sinhale.

 

Thereafter promise to declare and proclaim that

1 This country shall be called as the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sinhale (Sri Lanka) Sinhale   Janarajaya”.

2 This is a Sinhala Buddhist State, with only one nation called the Sinhala Nation as it had been here for 2600 years and you will not allow other minor communities such as Tamil or Muslim who are only descendants of people who were either brought here by colonial invaders or of intruders who have come here in search of greener pastures from time to time and stayed behind, to call themselves as separate nations within this country and anyone who refuse to accept this non-negotiable conditions will have to get back to their original motherlands and only those who subscribe to this condition shall be accepted as citizens of this country.

3 That the Head of The Republic Should be a President elected by all the people in the country from time to time as decided by the people. He should be the Head of the State, the Chief Executive and of the Government and the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces.  No person other than a Sinhala Buddhist can be elected as the President this country.

4 That he/she should vouch and agree

  1. a) To govern the country according to the advice of a Supreme National Council headed by the Maha Mahanayaka Theras of the Three Nikayas in accordance with the Dasaraja Dharma enshrined in Buddhist state craft.
  2. b) To protect the Buddha Sasana as it was done by our Kings during the ancient times. (The Ministry of Buddha Sasana shall be kept under the Head of the State).

5 To have one Law for all citizens of this country. Thesavalamei and Muslim law will be abolished under this system. The principle of one country, one Government and one law shall be enshrined in the Constitution.

6 To declare Buddhism as the State Religion as it had been since 307 BC in this Island nation and to take action to rehabilitate, preserve, protect and develop all Buddhist places with special attention to ancient Buddhist places in the North and the East

7 To make Sinhala the Official Language of the Republic and make it compulsory for all citizens to learn Sinhala the language of the Land  with provision for the reasonable use of Tamil, and English as the international language

8 Reduce the number of MPP in Parliament to about 150 and abolish all communal and ethnic political parties’ like Tamil, Muslim or even Sinhala and have only national parties Like SLFP, UNP and JVP etc.

9 Elections to Parliament shall be held on the former electorate basis on the first-past the post system and abolish the proportional representation, preferential voting and the National List

10 To limit the Cabinet to 15 Ministers including the Prime Minister

11 To apportion the number of MPP to Parliament and all other local Govt bodies and employment in Government sector according to the National Demographic ratios on ethnic proportion.

12 Lay down specific and minimum qualifications like character, education, and wealth and past tract record on social service.

13 A new Constitution based on history, traditions of our land and the aspirations of the natives that will guarantee good governance to make this a peaceful and prosperous country.

14 Set up a permanent National Planning Council and formulate a national Policy on all matters pertaining to governance

15 Restore a fully independent Judicial Service and a Public Service including the Foreign Service, where professionalism and meritocracy should be made the underpinning criteria of selection, appointment and placement,

16 Lay down a national policy for awarding Citizenship to Estate Tamils or any other based on the criteria given in the Nehru/ Kotalawala Agreement of 1954 only

17 To set up a professional Public Service to be in charge of the Public Service and the Cooperate sector and to stop the present practice of appointing defeated politicians and outsiders to all government institutions

18 Stop appointing defeated politicians for any public position as Secretaries to Ministries, Ambassadors and High Commissioners, Heads of Departments and Corporations and Directors of Cooperation should be done away with immediately because all these institutions belong to the State and not to political parties and they have to be run for the benefit of the public.

19 To make all Universities fully independent subjected to a broader national educational policy geared to achieving excellence in the pursuit of knowledge and skills in arts and science and all other fields required in this brave new world

20 To abolish the Provinces invented by colonial invaders to divide the country on ethnic grounds and the Provincial Councils imposed by India again to divide the country; re-demarcate the District boundaries using natural boundaries that will facilitate better use of natural resources ethno-social integration.

21Will discontinue the duty free vehicle permit system for everybody immediately and probe how the recipients have used or misused this facility from the time it was started and punish all those who have misused this facility

22 Will prune all exorbitant facilities and special privileges like the pension given to politicians and make them true servants of the people rather than oppressors as they have turned out to be at present and thereby bring about an entirely a new political culture committed to the service of people in place of the present model of self- centered, exploitive and oppressive politics

23 Restore capital punishment immediately, to minimize grave crimes like murder, drug trafficking, treason, robbing state property,  to eliminate criminals from society and reduce congestion in prisons and wastage of public funds to feed criminals in order to bring back long awaited peace and sanity and civility to this country.

24 That he will demand an apology from colonial invaders for crimes against humanity and genocide committed against the people of this country and sue for compensation for the economic and socio-cultural devastations inflicted upon the motherland and its people and end the subservience to the West i.e. USA, EU and NATO and will turn a new leaf in what SWRD set the trend in his foreign policy in 1956 to make this Island a fully independent, self-sustained, prosperous and proud nation in Asia

25 That he will exercise his full authority as the Head of the State all over the Island and its entire maritime economic zone which is nearly 30 times the land area, for the progress, prosperity and wellbeing of the people of this nation and finally will transform the present system of Government by the politicians, for the politicians and of the politicians to a system of Government by the people, for the people and of the people where every action of the Government will be designed and directed for the wellbeing and good of the people

If someone can stand up and make this clarion call valiantly and bravely and act accordingly, he is the leader people of this country is looking for

Then He is the true hero leader of this Lion nation

and the Patriot leader for whom Sinhala Desaya is desperately dreaming and yearning to rescue this once great Nation from the abysmal depths in to which it had been pushed by our traitorous and visionless self-seeking politicians ever since 1948 and He is the savior and the prophetic Diyasena Kumaraya of this nation who will go down in the annals of history as the greatest liberator this Island nation has ever had. He will even replace Dutugemunu, Parakramabahu and Vijayabahu the Great.

 Anyone who wishes or aspires to be the President in this country should first vouch and agree to implement the above National Programme in his or her election manifesto

and upon his election to that coveted position,

 it must be made mandatory for him or her to take oath before the Sacred Tooth Relict (The symbol of royal power and authority  in this country for the past 2600 years) in front of an august assembly of Mahasangha headed by the Four Mahanaayaka Theras of the Three Nikayas in keeping with the hallowed tradition of this Island nation with the Chief Justice of the nation and  the  three leaders of the other three religions Roman Catholic, Hindu and Muslim to conform with present day  social realities and in attendance.

Then you are the lion and you are the type of leader this nation is desperately yearns for today who could make this country once again the most prosperous and sought for country in the whole of Asia

If Singapore an Island nation formed in 1965 with only 715.8 km2 as against our 65,000 km2 with no great history or land or marine resources compared with ours could become the richest nation in South East Asia with a per capita income over 12,000 US $ within a short period of few decades why can’t we do it?

The secret lies in strong, patriotic, visionary and able leadership more than the size of the country or the resources it has?

Isn’t this exactly what this country too desperately needs today?

50th Anniversary of the Mitirigala Nissarana Vanaya

November 26th, 2017

German Dharmaduta Society and Mitirigala Nissarana Vanaya Sanrakshana Mandalaya

The 50th anniversary of the founding of the Mitirigala Nissarana Vanaya (Mitirigala Forest Hermitage) will be commemorated at a public meeting to be held at the Nissarana Vanaya Aranya commencing at 2.00 p.m. on Sunday December 3, 2017 (Unduvap Poya Day).

A Postage stamp together with a Special Commemorative Cover to mark the 50th Anniversary of the Mitirigala Nissarana Vanaya (1967 – 2017) will be issued by the Philatelic Bureau of the Department of Posts on this occasion.

Mitirigala Nissarana Vanaya is one-of-Sri Lanka’s most respected and largest Buddhist Forest Hermitages nearly 500 acres in extent and situated in a tropical forest reserve located close to the village of Mitirigala, off Dompe in the Western province.

It was founded in 1967 by Asoka Weeraratna, who also founded the German Dharmaduta Society in 1952 and the Berlin Buddhist Vihara in 1957. He subsequently entered the order of the Sangha in 1972 under the name Ven. Mitirigala Dhammanissanti Thera.

Most Venerable Mātara Sri Ñānārāma Mahā Thero, was the first Chief Kammatthānacāriya (meditation teacher) and the Chief Preceptor. The fame and labours of several past meditation masters and the present Chief Preceptor Ven. Uda Eriyagama Dhammajiva Maha Thera, as well as its secluded and contemplative natural environment where monks practice sincerely with dedication aspiring to attain Nibbāna in this life itself, have contributed substantially to its worldwide reputation and high standing.

Mitirigala Nissarana Vanaya offers a variety of opportunities for yogis (lay persons) as well as monks to deepen understanding of the dhamma and to cultivate and develop one’s meditation practice in the Theravada Buddhist tradition.

A new Retreat Centre where the foundation stone was laid on the occasion of the 40th anniversary i.e. 2007, and located at the foothills of the monastery and run separately with its own accommodation facilities for 100 trainees at any given time, and meditation hall is now part of the expanding Mitirigala Forest Hermitage complex.

Meditation retreats are organized at the Retreat Centre throughout the year and are open to both male and female yogis.

There are two Retreats conducted solely in English twice a year for visiting foreign monks and lay people.

Affiliated to the new Retreat Centre is a new Sanghavasa (residence) for 10 visiting monks which will also be declared open on this occasion.

German Dharmaduta Society and Mitirigala Nissarana Vanaya Sanrakshana Mandalaya

පිංපොතෙන් පටන්ගනිමු!

November 26th, 2017

වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති

මේක තමයි මේ ලිපි පෙළේ අවසාන ලිපිය. මේ ලිපියත් පොඩි කතාවක් කියලා ම පටන්ගන්නම්.

ආණ්ඩුවේ රස්සා කරන කාලේ නොයෙක් විදිහේ සමීක්‍ෂණ වැඩවලට මේ ලේඛකයා දායකවෙලා තියෙනවා. සමීක්‍ෂණ වැඩවලට යනවා කියන්නේ හරි අපූරු අත්දැකීම් ලැබෙන වැඩක්. ඉතින් 2003 – 2004 අවුරුදු දෙක ම ආවරණය වෙන විදිහට අවුරුද්දක් පුරා කෙරිච්ච එක්තරා සමීක්‍ෂණ කටයුත්තක දී අත්දැකපු දෙයක් තමයි මේ කතාවට අදාළ.

නියාමක නිලධාරීන් හතර දෙනෙක් එක්ක මේ ලේඛකයා කොටවෙහෙර පැත්තේ ගමකට ගියා. සංඛ්‍යාලෙඛනවලට අදාළ පුද්ගලික තොරතුරු ප්‍රසිද්ධ නොකරන්න එකඟවෙලා තියෙන හින්දා ගමේ නම කියන්න බෑ. සමීක්‍ෂණයට මේ ගමෙන් තේරිච්ච එක පවුලක් හිටියේ අක්කරයක් විතර විශාල ඉඩමක පුංචි පැල් කොටයක් අටවාගෙන. ඇත්තෙන් ම ඒකට පැලක් කියන්නත් බෑ. කණු හතරක් හිටවලා තහඩු දෙක තුනක් හෙවිලිකරලා. වටේ ට කාඩ්බෝඩ්, පොලිිතීන් ආවරණය කරලා. ගෙදර හිටියේ වයස අවුරුදු 25 ක් 26 ක් විතර ඇති තරුණ ජෝඩුවකුයි වයස අවුරුද්දක් විතර වෙච්ච අත දරුවෙකුයි. ඒ නිවසට ගිය නියාමකයා එක්ක ඒ ජෝඩුව දිගින් දිගට ම කිව්වේ තමන් ගේ නැතිබැරිකම ගැන. තියෙන අඩුපාඩුකම් ගැන.

මේ වගේ මිනිස්සු කියන කතන්දර පිංතූරත් එක්ක නිතර ම අපේ පත්තරවලත් පළවෙනවා. ඉතින් ඒවා දැකලා පපුව පත්තුවෙන අපේ මිනිස්සු ඒ වගේ අයට ගෙවල් හදලා දෙන්නත් පෙළැඹෙනවා. පුළු පුළුවන් විදිහට දායකවෙලා දුප්පත් මිනිස්සුන්ට ගෙවල් හදලා දෙන එකත් සිද්දවෙනවා. ඇත්තට ම අපි මේ කරන්නේ පිංකමක් ද? අපි පිහිටවෙන්න ඕන මිනිස්සු ඉන්න බව ඇත්ත. ඒත් අත පය හොඳට තියෙන මේ වගේ මිනිස්සුන්ට බැරිකමක් නෑ ටිකෙන් ටික පිළිවෙකට ගෙයක් හදාගන්න.

ලී දඬු ටිකක් කපාගෙන වරිච්චියක් හරි බැඳගන්න බැරි ඇයි? පොල් අත්තක් දෙකක් වියාගන්න බැරි ඇයි? මේ ලේඛකයාට මතක්වෙනවා තමන් කුඩා කාලයේ ගෙදර හදන්න දායකවෙච්ච විදිහ. ඒ වෙද්දි මේ ලේඛකයාට වයස අවුරුදු 12 ක් විතර ඇති. මේ ලේඛකයා ගේ අයියාට වයස අවුරුදු 13 යි. අයියා ගේ වයසේ ම තවත් ළමයෙක් අපේ ගෙදර නැවතිලා හිටියා. ඉතින් මුළු ගෙදරට ම ඕන කරපු ගඩොල් කැපුවේ අපි තුන්දෙනා එකතුවෙලා. ඉස්කෝලේ ඇරිලා ගෙදර ඇවිල්ලා හවසට මැටි ගොඩක් අනලා තියෙනවා. පහුවදාටත් ඒ වැඩේ ම කරනවා. දවස් දෙකක් පදම්වෙච්ච මැටි ගොඩෙන් තුන්වැනි දවසේ ගඩොල් කපනවා. ඊට පස්සේ තවත් මැටි ගොඩක් අනලා තියෙනවා. ඉතින් මාසයක් දෙකක් යද්දී දන්නේ ම නැතුව ගඩොල් දාස් ගානක් කපලා ඉවරයි.

ඒ විතරක් නෙවෙයි. ඒ දවස්වල අම්මාත් එක්ක එකතුවෙලා හරි හරියට පොල් අතු වියන වැඩේටත් අපි තුන්දෙනා සම්බන්ධවෙලා තියෙනවා. පොල් අතු විව්වේ ගෙදර වහළට හෙවිල්ලන්න විතරක් ම නෙවෙයි. ඒක අපේ ගෙදරට තවත් ආදායමක් හොයාගත්ත මාර්ගයක්. මඩකලපුව පැත්තෙන් අපේ ගම්වලට ලොරි ඇරගෙන එන මුදලාලිලා පොල් අතු එකතුකරනවා. අපි අපේ ගෙදර වත්තේ එළවළු වැව්වා. බුලත් වැව්වා. සති දෙකකට වතාවක් ඉරිදා පොළට තාත්තා බුලත් ඇරගෙන යනවා. ඉතින් ඒ සතියේ බ්‍රහස්පතින්දා විතර ඉඳලා බුලත් කඩන්න ඕන. තෝරන්න ඕන. බුලත් අත් හදන්න ඕන. මේවා මහ ලොකු වැඩ නෙවෙයි. මේ හැම දෙයක් ම අපි කළේ බොහෝ ම විනෝදයෙන්.

අද ඉන්න අපේ සමහර මිනිස්සුන්ට මොකක්ද මේ වෙලා තියෙන්නේ? කවුරු හරි මොනවා හරි ගෙනැල්ලා දෙනකල් හිඟන්නෝ වගේ බලාගෙන ඉන්නවා. දුප්පත්කම ගැන මැසිවිල්ල කිය කියා රෙඳි ඇඳගෙන ම ගත්ත තමන් ගේ පිංතූර පත්තරවලත් දාගන්නවා. ඉතින් මේ වගේ මිනිස්සුන්ට උදව්කිරීමෙන් අපිට ලබාගන්න පුළුවන් පින මොකක්ද කියන එක අපි හොඳින් හිතලා බලන්න ඕන.

අපි පිං කරන්න ඕන බව ඇත්ත. ඒත් අපි කරන පින සමාජයක් ම දියුණුවෙන විදිහට කරන්න පුළුවන් නම් කොච්චර හොඳ ද? අපේ ගම්වල ඉස්කෝල හැදුවේ ගමේ ම මිනිස්සු. මුල් කාලේ වරිච්චි බැඳලා, පොල් අතු බැඳලා හදාගත්ත ශාලාවල පවත්වා ගෙන ගිය ඉස්කෝල පස්සේ කාලෙක ටික ටික දියුණුකළා. අපේ පන්සල් පවා හදාගෙන තියෙන්නේ අපේ ම මිනිස්සු. මේ හැම එකක් ම සමාජ වැඩ. ඒ දේවල්වල පිහිට ලැබිලා තියෙන්නේ මුළුමහත් සමාජයට ම. ඉතින් මේ විදිහට කරන්න පුළුවන් පොදු වැඩ තවත් තියෙනවා.

මේ ලිපිපෙළින් යෝජනාකරපු කාවන්තිස්ස වැඩපිළිවෙලත් ඒ වගේ කටයුත්තක්. ඒ හරහා අපිට අපේ සමාජය යම් ප්‍රමාණයකින් හරි නගාසිටුවන්න පුළුවන්. ඒත් අපේ හිතේ ඇතිවෙන ඒ වගේ අදහස් සමාජයේ උදව්වක් නැතුව ක්‍රියාත්මක කරන්න අමාරුයි. උදාහරණයක් විදිහට මේ වගේ වැඩපිළිවෙලක් හරහා ගමක මොකක් හරි කර්මාන්තයක්, නිෂ්පාදන කටයුත්තක් ආරම්භකරනවා කියලා හිතන්න. ඒ වගේ වැඩකට උවමනාකරන සමාජ දායකත්වය ලබාගන්න නම් කිසියම් ආකාරයක සංවිධානාත්මක වැඩපිළිවෙලක් ඇතිකරගන්න වෙනවා. ඉතින් මේ දේ කරන්න පුළුවන් මොන විදිහට ද?

රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධාන කියලා හදාගන්න ආයතන තමයි බොහෝ වෙලාවට මේ වගේ වැඩවලට මුල්වෙන්නේ. ඒත් විදේශ ආධාරවලින් යැපෙන ඒ ආයතනවලට පුළුවන්කමක් නෑ අපේ රටේ අපේ ම න්‍යාය පත්‍රයකට අනුකූලව වැඩ කරගෙන යන්න. ඒ අයට බොහෝ වෙලාවට වැඩකරන්න වෙන්නේ තමන්ට අරමුදල් ලබාදෙන විදේශ සංවිධානවල අරමුණුවලට ගැලපෙන විදිහට. ඉතින් ඒ මූල සංවිධානවල ඕනෑ එපාකම් අපේ සමාජ අවශ්‍යතා එක්ක නොගැලපෙන හින්දා නිතර නිතර ම ගැටලු මතුවෙනවා. රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධාන ගැන අපේ රටේ මහා අප්‍රසාදයක් ඇතිවෙලා තියෙන්නේ ම ඒ හින්දා.

ඒත් අපිට බැරිකමක් නෑ මේ සංවිධාන ආකෘතියෙන් වැඩක් ගන්න. ඇයි අපිට බැරි අපේ ම රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධාන හදාගන්න? අපේ ම අරමුදල්වලින් වැඩකරන සංවිධානයකට එහෙම නැතිනම් සංවිධානවලට පුළුවන් අපේ අරමුණු වෙනුවෙන් ම පෙනී හිටින්න. ඉතින් කාවන්තිස්ස වැඩපිළිවෙලක් කියලා මේ ලිපිපෙළින් යෝජනා කරපු කටයුත්තට පණදෙන්නත් ඒ වගේ ම සංවිධාන ආකෘතියක් ඇතුළේ අපිට වැඩකරන්න පුළුවන්.

ඒත් අපේ රටේ තියෙන ප්‍රධාන ප්‍රශ්නයක් තමයි නිරන්තරයෙන් ම සිද්දවෙන වංචා, දූෂණ කටයුතු. මේ විදිහට මුදල් දුන්න පමණින් තමන් බලාපොරොත්තු වෙන දේ සිද්දවෙයි කියලා හිතන්නේ කොහොම ද? වංචා දූෂණ කරන්නේ දේශපාලනඥයෝ විතරක් නෙවෙයි. මුදල් වංචාකරන අය ඕන පදම් අපේ ගම්වල සමිති සමාගම්වලත් ඉන්නවා. ඉතින් අපි හදන රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධානවලටත් ඒ ලෙඩේ බෝ නො වී තියෙන්න ඉඩක් නෑ. කොළ මඩින්න ගන්න හරක් කොළෙන් ම කනවා කියනවානේ. ඒ හින්දා මේ වැඩේ සියයට සියයක් ම වළක්වන එක නම් කරන්න බෑ. අනිත් එක පූර්ණකාලීන ව මේ වැඩවලට යොමුවෙන අය නඩත්තු කරන්නත් වෙනවා. ඒක මේ වැඩේ ම පිරිවැයක් මිසක් නාස්තියක් නෙවෙයි.

ඒත් ඒ වගේ පිරිස් නඩත්තු කර කර ඉන්න එක ම අපේ අරමුණ කරගන්න බැහැනේ. ඉතින් ඒ හරහා කරවන වැඩවල විනිවිදභාවය රැකෙන විදිහට ඒවා කරන්න මාර්ග හොයාගන්න වෙනවා. මේකට යොදාගන්න පුළුවන් හොඳ ම උපක්‍රමය තමයි කරන වැඩවල සාර්ථකත්වය ගැන හොයලා බලන එක. එකෙන් එක හරි වැඩ සිද්දවෙනවා නම් ඒකෙන් කියැවෙන්නේ තමන් දායකවෙච්ච දේ ප්‍රතිඵලයක් තියෙනවා කියන එකනේ. ඉතින් අරමුදල් ලබාගන්න සංවිධාන බැඳිලා ඉන්න ඕන තමන් කරන වැඩ ගැන යම් ආකාරයකින් අරමුදල් ලබාදුන්න අය ව දැනුම්වත් කරන්න. අන්තර්ජාලය හරහා වුනත් ඒ වැඩේ කරන්න පුළුවන්.

ඊට අමතර ව, මේ වැඩවලට උරදෙන සංවිධානවලටත් පුළුවන් අන්තර්ජාලය හරහා අවශ්‍ය අරමුදල් එකතුකරලා දෙන්න. දැන් බොහෝ රටවල්වල ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙන සමූහ අරමුදල් (ක්‍රවුඩ් ෆන්ඩිං) ක්‍රමය මේ වැඩේට යොදාගන්න පුළුවන් ඉතාමත් හොඳ උපක්‍රමයක්. උදාහරණයක් විදිහට මීමුරේ ගම හදන වැඩේට ව්‍යාපෘතියක් සකස්කරලා ඒ වෙනුවෙන් ගමේ සමාගමකුත් පිහිටුවලා ඒකට ඔන කරන අරමුදල් ක්‍රවුඩ් ෆන්ඩිං හරහා හොයාගන්න පුළුවන්. අදාළ රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධානය වැඩ කරන්න ඕන මේ වැඩේ සම්බන්ධීකාරකයෙක් විදිහට. ඒ වගේ ම, අවශ්‍ය පහසුකම් සළසන්නෙක් විදිහට.

අපේ සමාජය ශක්තිමත් කරන්න අපි කළ යුතු අ‍නෙක් වැදගත් ම කාර්යය තමයි අපේ මේ වැඩවලට ඕන කරන හැකියාවෙන්ගෙන් පිරිපුන් මිනිස්සු ඇතිකරගන්න වැඩේ. පොත් පත් කියවලා විභාග පාස්කරපු මිනිස්සුන්ට විතරක් හැම වැඩේ ම කරන්න බෑ. විවිධ ශිල්පවල කෙළ පැමැණි අයත් අපිට ඉන්න ඕන. ඉතින් යම් යම් හැකියා තියෙන අය විදේශ රටවලට යවලා හරි පුහුණුකරලා ගෙන්නගන්න වැඩේත් මේ වගේ අරමුදල් හරහා කරන්න පුළුවන්. යම් යම් කර්මාන්ත කරන්න ඕන කාර්මික දැනුම ලබාගන්න කියලා අනගාරික ධර්මපාලතුමා තරුණයන් කණ්ඩායමක් චීනයට යවලා තියෙනවා. අපිට ඒ අත්දැකීම්වලිනුත් පාඩම් ඉගෙන ගන්න පුළුවන්.

ඉතින් අකර්මණ්‍ය කම්මැලි මිනිස්සුන්ට සල්ලි විසිකරන්නේ නැතිව පිංපොත හරහා අපේ සමාජය නැගිට්ටවන වැඩේ අපිට පටන්ගන්න පුළුවන් කියන අදහස පාඨක ඔබේ අවධානයට යොමුකරලා මේ ලිපිපෙළ මෙතැනින් අවසන්කරනවා.

වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති ෴

Commemorating LTTE dead is tantamount to celebrating every person killed by the LTTE

November 26th, 2017

Mahinda Gunasekera

Your Excellency, Maithripala Sirisena, Hon. Prime Minister, Hon. Cabinet Ministers and Hon. Members of Parliament ,

Please see the annexed article published By Ms. Shenali D. Waduge highlighting the absurd lengths to which the present government has been directly and knowingly acceded to the extremist demands made by the Tamil National Alliance (Proxy Party representing the banned LTTE) and the TNA controlled Provincial Council of the Northern Province, which goes against the principles of good governance or yahapalanaya.

Tax payers’ monies paid into the Central Government allocated to the Northern Province under the decentralized budget in the amount of Rupees 4 Million is to be utilized by the NPC for setting up a Museum to commemorate those who died in the ranks of the internationally designated terrorist group known as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) which carried on armed warfare against the duly elected Government of Sri Lanka for over three decades to break-up the unitary state and establish a separate state encompassing the northern and eastern provinces, extending to nearly 30 percent of the island’s land area and 66 percent of its coastal belt by force of arms, for approximately 8-10 percent of the island’s total population, in which region the resident population is  predominantly from the Tamil community. This move to break up the country and form a separate state was attempted knowing full well that the majority of the Tamils lived outside the northern and eastern provinces, and at a time they enjoyed equal rights throughout the country.

It is indeed shocking to have the Central Government overlook this serious departure from good governance and silently watch tax payer funds being misused by the NPC. Accepting nonsensical fiscal measures drawn up by the subordinate provincial body with regard to funds allocated to it by the centre is the prime act of irresponsibility, as it in NO WAY helps to bring about RECONCILIATION. Is this the irresponsible and wayward manner of a government also embroiled in a major loss to the nation as a result of the Central Bank Bond Scam and attempted cover up, to win the support of the TNA when it next faces the polls? The Minister of Finance must take steps to prevent the misuse of tax funds by the NPC and ensure that same is not misdirected towards the stated objective of establishing a Museum to honour fighters of a proscribed terrorist group which is currently banned.

Mahinda Gunasekera

Misguided Tamils:  A Threat to National Unity

November 26th, 2017

Dr. Daya Hewapathirane

 History of the Tamil Community of Sri Lanka   

The small communities of Tamils and Muslims living in Sri Lanka, amount to about 24% of the island’s total population with Tamils including Estate Tamils accounting for 15% and Muslims 09%. These communities are descendants of groups of individuals, exclusively males, who arrived in this island at different times in the past for various purposes, and later settled down among the indigenous Sinhala people. Tamils came from southern India and continue to observe the cultural traditions of their homeland which is Tamilnadu, where the Tamil culture including the Tamil language originated. Tamils in general, therefore are a settler community in the island with the rights and privileges enjoyed by the indigenous Sinhala people.  However, it is important to note that Tamils are indigenous to the Tamilnadu which is the birth-place of the Tamil culture and language. For all purposes, the national and cultural homeland of the Tamils is Tamilnadu.

Tamils arrived in the Jaffna peninsula in the 16th century

Initially the Tamils came to the island as invaders and mercenaries. Since the 3rd century BCE, there were seventeen Tamil-speaking Dravidian invasions of the Sinhala kingdom when Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa were the Sinhala royal capitals. These invasions were associated with extreme forms of violence and destruction. After defeat some Tamils fled to India while some remained in Sri Lanka with some settling down in the Jaffna peninsula. Historians H.W. Codrington, Fr. S.G. Perera, and Mudaliyar C. Rasanayagam mentions clearly that the Jaffna peninsula was peopled by the Sinhala Buddhist community before the sixteenth century. This is confirmed by archeological evidence of the remains of stupes and viharas in the peninsula, and by the large number of Tamilized Sinhala place names in the Jaffna peninsula and in the Northern Eastern region of the country where Tamils and Muslims predominate at present. In the 16the century and thereafter, for many years, the Sinhala Buddhist people in Jaffna lived together with Tamil immigrants from South India, in harmony. The famous Portuguese historian Fernao De Queyroz mentions in his book, that when the Portuguese arrived in the island in early 16th century, the Jaffna region was, like other 14 regions of the country at that time, managed by a sub-king, who paid tribute to the Sinhala King (or ‘Emperor’) in Kotte.  Some Tamils cite the Rama-Ravana story to claim that Tamils were in the island in ancient times. The eminent historian A.L. Basham has called this Ramayana story as bluff and has shown that the Ramayana is a work of fiction by Valmiki, who drew his plot and characters from the Dasaratha, Jataka and the Valahassa Jataka of the Buddhists.

It is a fact that the Sinhala people, starting with their kings and leaders of the past, have been quite accommodative of the Tamils and others who made Sri Lanka their home. Although they came as invaders, mercenaries, merchants, illegal immigrants and so on, they were permitted to settle wherever they pleased and live according to their cultural norms without any harassment. They were/are permitted to move anywhere in the country, and be involved in whatever gainful employment they wished anywhere in our country. They were/are allowed to build their Tamil schools, Hindu kovils and conduct their religious and cultural activities just the way they did in their motherland – Tamilnadu.

Privileges During the British Colonial Period in Sri Lanka

During the British colonial period which started in the 18th century, under the British colonial policy of divide and rule”, massive favoritism was accorded by the British to Tamils, in return for the support of Tamils as quislings to crush Sinhala resistance to British occupation of the island. To serve their self-interests, the British policy set one community against the other. The British gave special privileges to the Tamil minority and those of the Christian faith. They included better opportunities for education, employment, and government services in general.  Tamils soon became a privileged community. To cite one example, in terms of the density of schools per unit area, the Jaffna district had the highest density. In 1870 there were only two Buddhist schools left in the country – in Panadura and Dodanduwa as against 805 Christian Schools. As a result, even in 1956, eight years after Independence, the Tamils, then a mere   11% of the population, held 75% of the jobs in the army and 65% of the jobs in the public service.

All colonial powers of the island, acted on pure and absolute self-interest”. British occupation of Sri Lanka was one of sheer exploitation and devastation. Whatever benefits that were derived by local inhabitants were merely incidental to their exploitation of the country’s natural and human resources to reap enormous benefits for the British government. The vast changes that they brought about in almost all areas of life in the country, led to the disruption of the long-held culture, values, and way of life of local Sinhala Buddhists. Under the infamous Waste Lands Ordinance” of the British, commercial plantations of coffee, tea and rubber were established on lands expropriated from the rural Sinhala people, without compensation. The dispossessed Sinhala people were unwilling to work on the plantations and in the 19th century and thereafter, the British imported Tamil laborers from South India to work as labourers in plantations. These Tamils later became a new element in the demographic composition of the country. Most of these Tamil labourer community in the highlands of the island, stayed behind and most of them were accorded citizenship in later years after the country attained political independence.

Post- Independence Privileges

It is important to note, that even during the post-independence era, the Tamils have been permitted to move anywhere in the country, and be involved in whatever gainful employment they wished anywhere in our country. They were/are allowed to build their Tamil schools, Hindu kovils and conduct their religious and cultural activities just the way they did in their motherland – Tamilnadu. Tamils have been accorded official recognition by their representation in our national flag by means of the orange colour band; Tamil culture is recognized by the State and their major cultural days are public holidays; The Tamil language is officially recognized as a national language of the country; Hinduism the main religion of Tamils is recognized by the State and its religious days have been declared as national holidays.

Emergence of Tamil Racism, Extremism, and Separatism

 In the 1950s and 60s, there were many South Indian Tamil films produced, directed and acted by extremist South Indian Tamils that were directly propagating Tamil racism and extremism. These films were imported to Sri Lanka and were popularly watched by Sri Lankan Tamils. The directors, script writers and movie stars of these crude films were well known Tamil extremists with political overtures. They soon became leading political figures in the Tamilnadu political scene, promoting the so-called Tamil cause and Tamil separatism. Among them were Karunaneedi, M.G. Ramachandran, Shivaji Ganeshan and the infamous Jayalalitha. The whole purpose of these low-budget films was to generate Tamil racism and a sense of Tamil superiority. These films were shown widely in Sri Lanka and were quite popular among the Tamils in Sri Lanka. The extreme racist attitudes that these films and the Tamil media helped to generate at that time, made  Tamils feel elevated and politically motivated to seek special privileges including separatism. The extremist Tamil attitude made them want to take control and began talking about Tamil nationalism, Tamil national struggle and Tamil homeland and so on. Some Tamil extremists resorted to dishonesty, falsehood, fabrications and deliberate misinterpretation and distortion of historic facts pertaining to Sri Lanka. Eventually they resorted to terrorism to establish themselves as a force to reckon with among the majority Sinhala people.

Undue Privileges as a Minority

Tamils – as a small minority community enjoy undue privileges that are not enjoyed by the majority Sinhala community in the country.  In fact, no other minority community in any major country in the world enjoys the privileges that the Sri Lankan Tamils enjoy. Today, and for many years in the past, more than half of the Tamil population of Sri Lanka lives among the Sinhala people in predominantly Sinhala areas in the Western, Southern, Central, and Eastern parts of the island. Here, they have their kovils and festivals, thoosa kades, their Tamil newspapers, magazines, videos, music audios, films and free to intermingle with others in their neighborhood without being harassed.

Tamils have the opportunity of living and owning property including real estate anywhere in the country. About 31% of all privately-owned land in Sri Lanka belongs to the 12% Tamil population, compared to the Sinhala who own 51% of land although they are more than about 75% of the population. About 70% of the land, and 85% of the businesses, in the administrative and residential capital, Colombo, are owned by Tamils. The per capita income of Tamils is far greater than the indigenous Sinhala people (estimated to be twice that of the Sinhala) and the rate of unemployment of Tamils is half that of the Sinhala. More than 30% of professional and managerial jobs are held by this less than 12% minority.

Most Tamils are either businessmen or professionals and are dependent on the Sinhala people for their business and professional success. They earn their living using the Sinhala market, Sinhala clients or Sinhala people. Sinhala employers hire Tamils as employees. However, it is well evident that Tamil employers rarely if at all, employ Sinhala people in their establishments. Some of the largest wholesale and retail businesses in Colombo are owned and run by Tamils. Most jewelry establishments, travel agencies, telecommunications outlets are owned and operated by them. The rich Tamils in Colombo and other urban areas in Sinhala areas are owners of the high-priced property including land and houses and expensive vehicles. In fact, the children of these well-to-do urban Tamils attend leading schools in the country, including expensive international schools.

No comparable minorities (including Indians, Pakistanis, Sinhalas, and Tamils etc. in the UK) in any major country have been given such preposterous benefits and opportunities, which are not rights but ridiculously high privileges. Since the privileges of one person can only be had at the expense of the rights of another, this shows that, in fact, it is the indigenous Sinhala’s 75% of the population, who are discriminated against.

 Tamil Terrorism and its Subjugation   

 Terror in its worst forms never known in our land was experienced during the invasion and rule of the Dravidian Kalinga Magha (and in more recent years under the Tamil terrorist Prabakaran). The crime-prone rule of Kalinga Magha prevailed for 21 years. The Tamil Pandyan and Tamil Nayakka intrusion into Sinhala royal families led to the Sinhala royalty going into disarray after the 13th century, and the eventual decline of the stability and magnanimity of the Sinhala Buddhist nation.

During a good part of the past four decades, Tamil terrorists of the LTTE, took away from the indigenous Sinhala majority, what they valued and cherished most as a nation – their freedom and peaceful life. During this time, most Tamils living within and outside Sri Lanka were openly or discreetly supportive of terrorism and separatism propagated by the racist LTTE terrorists under Prabakaran, their ruthless leader. The overwhelming majority of Sri Lankan Tamils living overseas, were helping, both directly and indirectly, often using deceitful means to the Tamil terror movement in Sri Lanka thereby promoting gruesome, hideous, and horrifying terrorist activities against the nation, its Sinhala leaders, Bhikkhus, military and police personnel. They helped bomb and destroy reputed historically significant Buddhist monuments and sites in our country, and other public property of value and took action to disrepute and undermine the legitimately elected government of our country.

The Sinhala nation is eternally grateful to the Ranaviru Sinhala sons and daughters for eliminating from our nation, this treacherous racist terrorist menace in the year 2009. Sinhala leaders at the time understood that for the emancipation of our nation, there can be no compromise with terrorists and their cohorts both local and foreign. The territorial integrity and sovereignty of our motherland is of fundamental importance to us, and the nation is ever grateful to those who led our military forces to eradicate Tamil terrorism and for restoring our nation for the present and future generations. Thousands of true sons of the soil sacrificed their precious lives while serving in the military forces. The nation is grateful forever for the sacrifices they made to bring peace to our people

Our heroic military personnel who were making untold sacrifices to protect our people and the territorial integrity of our country were subject to extreme forms of indignity, insult, and disgrace by these Tamils, especially during the period of conflict, using most deceitful and dishonest accusations. Our illustrious national culture and our Buddhist Sangha community responsible for nurturing, promoting, and uplifting our outstanding national culture for some two thousand three hundred years, were subject to debase and disrespect by these treacherous Tamil racists and extremists. Buying over and using the international media and other means, these overseas Tamil extremists were involved openly in a widespread campaign, using the basest forms of falsehoods and blatant lies of unimaginable proportions, to demean, discredit and destroy the good image of our country

Many remnants of these ruthless LTTE terrorists, especially those living overseas, continue to subscribe to the vicious extremist attitudes of the defunct Tamil LTTE. They continue to propagate extreme forms of deceitful and divisive propaganda against Sri Lanka. They resort to dishonesty, deliberate misinterpretation and distortion of historic facts pertaining to our country. These are people who were, at one stage, actively involved in criminal activities and atrocities of the murderous LTTE. By such actions they display their treachery, deceit, and gruesome anti-national attitudes towards a nation that did much for their benefit.

 The Best of Both Worlds  

It is noteworthy, that throughout the period of conflict and thereafter, more than half the Tamil population of Sri Lanka were living in predominantly Sinhala areas, among the Sinhala people without any harassment.  Since the end of the conflict in 2009, the number living in Sinhala areas of the south have shown a striking increase. Most of them are either businessmen or professionals, some working for the government and others lucratively self-employed. The Sinhala people of the south have been their growing clientele and patrons. Most Tamil businesses are primarily dependent on the Sinhala market for their survival. In other words, they earn their living using Sinhala hospitality and Sinhala clients. However, despite this accommodative spirit of the Sinhala people, what is clear is the fact that the Tamil employers rarely employ Sinhala employees in their establishments.

Some of the largest wholesale and retail businesses in Colombo are owned and operated by Tamils. Most jewelry establishments, travel agencies, telecommunications outlets are owned and operated by them. The rich Tamils in Colombo and other urban areas in Sinhala areas are owners of high-valued property including land, houses, vehicles, and other luxuries. They are constantly involved international travel.  They have their religious and cultural organizations, their ‘kovils’ and related activities with no restrictions placed on them by the Sinhala community. The Sinhala community heavily patronizes the Tamil food outlets such as the ‘thoosa kade’. In addition, they have their Tamil newspapers, magazines, videos, music audios, films and are free to intermingle with others in Sinhala neighborhoods without being harassed.  

Threat to the National Unity and Territorial Integrity                                        

Some of the Tamil extremists either fail to understand or wish to overlook the true reasons for or circumstances surrounding the racist Tamil terrorist menace in our motherland.  It appears that Tamil extremists do not want to accept the fact that, all along, he biggest impediment to overall progress of our country and the well-deserved well-being of our people at large has been this savage Tamil extremism and terrorism.  It is well-known that it was this racist Tamil terrorism that has brutalized and stunted our nation during the past few decades.

From their attitude and actions, it is well evident that the Tamil community in the country has posed a threat to national unity and territorial integrity of the country. They have resorted to actions that undermine the way of life of other communities, and in a covert manner to democratic principles and rule of law of the country. They rarely if at all participate in national events. They do not participate in the singing of the National Anthem in public events. Recently a Tamil Minister who was the Chief Guest in a public function, refused to hoist the National flag. The polarization tendency and divisive spirit of the Tamil community is self-imposed and not because they are marginalized. The long-term implications of these separatist -extremist trends are highly undesirable for the unity and the maintenance of peace and stability in the country. One should not overlook the fact and take for granted the long-standing opportunity for peaceful cohabitation of different communities, provided by the traditional cultural foundation established by the Sinhala people of this nation.

The National Culture

 All salient aspects of our national culture – tangible and intangible, either grew or evolved within the borders of our country. Sinhala language and literature originated in Sri Lanka. Sinhala language in fact is the most important defining element of our nation’s culture and heritage, from historic times. The Sinhala language grew out of Indo-Aryan dialects and exists only in Sri Lanka and has its own distinguished literary tradition. Sinhala is one of the world’s oldest living languages.  There have been a wide range of languages in the world, particularly in Asia which lived and died without leaving evidence of their existence, because they were never written down. This is not the case with the Sinhala language. All other languages used in Sri Lanka originated in other countries.  It is significant to note that the overwhelming majority of people of Sri Lanka are distinguished by their language – Sinhala, which even today has a strong unifying effect in our motherland helping to reinforce the solidarity of our people as a unique cultural entity in the world. Almost all place names of the country from historic times, are in the Sinhala language – in the North, South, East, West and Central regions.

Indigenous national sovereignty of a country is an inalienable right based on profound justice. Sovereign national rights of Sri Lanka rests with the Sinhala people who are indigenous to this country, forming its dominant majority community for over 2500 years. Sri Lanka is the only national sovereign motherland of the Sinhala people. Their culture, way of life and their Sinhala language originated and developed in Sri Lanka.

 Conforming to National Cultural Norms and Values

The non-indigenous settler communities such as the Tamils and Muslims are expected to conform to the norms and values of the Sinhala Nation to which they belong today. They may have brought various ethnic, cultural, and religious customs, traditions, traits and values from their original nation and homelands where their cultures evolved and consolidated. They are free to maintain these cultural norms if they do not conflict with the norms and practices of the Sinhala Nation of which they are now a part. Once the non-indigenous persons become a part of the Sinhala Nation it not only becomes their national obligation, but more importantly, it is to their advantage to become a part of the nation by learning and understanding the norms of the Sinhala nation where they now belong, and where they have been accepted as non-indigenous nationals by the indigenous Sinhala people. When a foreigner or a person not indigenous to a country migrates into the country, and decides to make it his home, it is incumbent on that person to learn about the history, norms and traits of the new country and its people. The new immigrant is expected to acknowledge, subscribe to, and integrate into the new nation of which he now is a part. The same applies to all descendants of non-indigenous immigrants, who may have been born and raised in the new nation 

National Rights and Individual Rights

Indigenous Sinhala nationals or the Sinhala people are the founders of the Sinhala or Hela Nation, and are entitled to special national rights. Important in this regard is the promotion, protection and preservation of their culture, language, social system, and values that characterize their Sinhala Nation.  Sinhala should be restored as the sole national and official language of the country.  Promotion and preservation of the Sinhala Buddhist culture as the national culture, should receive priority attention. It should be made a mandatory subject in the school curriculum.  The national anthem of the country is sung in the Sinhala language. The minority communities are not entitled to such special privileges, because the Sinhala nation was founded by the Sinhala people and is the legitimate home of the Sinhala people. Sinhale is not the home of other cultures and languages. These cultures and languages did not originate or evolve in this land unlike the case with the Sinhala culture and Sinhala language. Therefore, the cultures and languages of minority communities cannot and are not entitled legitimately to be accorded national or official recognition at par with the Sinhala culture and language. However, these communities are free to observe and preserve their cultural activities and their languages within their communities. As far as ordinary human rights are concerned, members of minority settler communities are entitled to the same human rights as those enjoyed by members of the mainstream Sinhala community.

As a nation with a historic cultural tradition that extends to over 2200 years, where the founding principles have been freedom, compassion, tolerance, and accommodation of people of all faiths and ethnicities, it is necessary that the true patriots of Sinhale, the Sinhala nation, get to the forefront, mobilize themselves and take legitimate actions to protect and uphold these wholesome cultural traditions, and thereby reinforce the Sinhala nation – Sinhale.  All citizens of the country who subscribe to the Sinhale Nation and respect the cultural norms and values that characterize this nation, will find acceptance as members of the Sinhale nation, irrespective of their ethnic and religious affiliations and differences. The Sinhale Nation incorporates the tremendous cultural wealth of the Sinhala people recognized the world over for its richness and uniqueness. This should be preserved and promoted for posterity. Those who undermine the nation’s cultural heritage, sovereignty and territorial integrity are enemies of the nation and should be confronted and subdued forthwith, for the welfare of the nation.

Strengthen and Revitalize the Sinhala Nation

For the patriotic and caring nationals of this island, especially those of the Sinhala community, irrespective of their religious affiliations, there is one moral law that stands above everything else, and that is to do everything possible to strengthen their Sinhala Nation and to curb the efforts of anti-national elements both local and foreign, engaged in violating and undermining Sinhala Buddhist national interests. It was with such an attitude and approach that enabled our valiant Sinhala soldiers to wipe out anti-national, separatist Tamil terrorists who were hell-bent on destroying the integrity of this nation.

The present generation of Sinhala nationals has a moral obligation to protect, preserve and promote the greatest of their inheritance, their unique nation, for the survival of their Buddhist cultural heritage and for the benefit of future generations. Concerned Sinhala nationals will under no circumstances allow the sovereignty, the distinct territorial integrity and the all-pervasive Sinhala Buddhist cultural character of the island be subject to any form of disarray or disintegration. They will not permit any force, internal or external, ethnic, or religious, to subjugate or undermine the integrity of the Sinhala Buddhist culture of this island nation.

Sinhala history is replete with valor and courage in battles against overly superior forces. The struggle against extremism and the looming division of this Sinhala island nation of ours demands our full national strength. Let all Sinhala nationalists rise to the occasion, forgetting for a moment their ‘other’ differences, and swear allegiance to the unity of this country by giving unswerving support to those commendable organizations that have emerged in recent times to save the nation from undesirable elements. The renewed loyalty that is fast emerging among the Sinhala nationals, particularly among the contemporary youth, is most encouraging.

Violation of Sovereignty and National Integrity 

In recent times, movements and organizations have sprung up under the initiative of some concerned Bhikkhus and members of the Sinhala community across the country, with an increasingly large following of the nation’s youth, to highlight and draw attention to the vital and pressing need for necessary action to restore, protect and uphold the legitimate national rights and privileges of the Sinhala people and the traditionally and constitutionally accorded foremost place to Buddhism, which in recent times appear to be subject to threats and challenges from both local and foreign sources. There is evidence of attempts both direct and indirect, overt, and covert, to undermine these legitimate rights and privileges by extremist elements, especially of the minority communities evidently with the involvement of extremist, racist, uncaring, and unpatriotic politicians with their own vested interests and ulterior motives.   

Sinhala nationals should not tolerate any individual or community who, whilst living in the Sinhala Nation and considering it their home, deliberately misusing such a privilege by scheming and adopting extreme means or contributing to such actions, in violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of this only nation of ours. This includes both direct and indirect efforts on the part of these extremist elements to carve out ethnic and religious enclaves within our country, merely because some of them had lived in specific places for extended periods of time. These extremist elements with self-serving attitudes and objectives should be considered as traitors or enemies of the nation and should be dealt with accordingly.

 National Rights are not individuals rights, they are the collective rights of a Nation. Each Nation can exercise their National Rights only in their motherland where that nation’s indigenous culture originates. Non-indigenous ethnic minorities such as the Tamils living in the island are free to claim National Rights of the Tamil Nation only in Tamil Nadu – the motherland of the Tamil Nation, but NOT in Sri Lanka. To do so in this country or elsewhere, is to grossly violate the National Rights of other Nations. It is time the Tamils, Muslims, Moors and other members of minority communities understand this clearly, so that all can live peacefully and collectively enrich our lives in this glorious island nation of ours. The average Sinhala person has nothing against anyone who wishes to shed extremist feelings and joining them to build a nation that is peaceful and prosperous, a nation which shuns extremism and terrorism. The Sinhala people want all other communities to join them, just the way how minority communities are expected to do in other countries of the world, especially Canada, Australia, Norway, USA, and UK.  The Sinhala people want others who live among them to help build the country as one nation, a nation founded on the noble principles of non-violence, tolerance, compassion, where peaceful co-habitation has been the cornerstone from historic times. Forgiving and forgetting” has been the attitude of the Sinhala people, even to those who have harmed them repeatedly from historic times, because they know that eventually justice and truth will prevail.

Dr. Daya Hewapathirane

daya.hewapathirane@gmail.com

November 26, 2017

Most prominent theft in SL history took place under this government – Rohitha (English)

November 26th, 2017

Most prominent theft in SL history took place under this government – Rohitha (English)

Several MPs trying to defend Bond Scam thieves in parliament – Handunnetti (English)

November 26th, 2017

Published on Nov 25

Did PM’s evidence clear your doubts or trigger more questions? – Face the Nation Part 1 and Part 2 Nov. 17, 2017

November 26th, 2017

Did PM’s evidence clear your doubts or trigger more questions? (20.11.17) Part 1

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JCTUouJabA4

Face the Nation: Can the funds lost in the bond scam be recovered? (20.11.17) Part 2

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_tOL85wNXxA

බල්ලාගේ වැඩේ බූරුවාට බාරදීම

November 26th, 2017

උපුටාගැණීම  මව්බිම

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට සුද්දන්ගෙන් නිදහස ලැබුණේ 1948දීය. එදා සිට මේ වන විට වසර 69ක් ගතවී ඇත. අපට පසු නිදහස ලැබූ බොහෝ ආසියාතික රටවල් අද ලෝකයේ දියුණුතම රටවල් අතරට එක්වී සිටියදී ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තවමත් දියුණු වෙමින් පවතින රටකි. මේ යන විදියට නම් තවත් අවුරුදු 50කටවත් මේ රට දියුණු රටක් වේ යැයි සිතිය නොහැක්කේ දියුණුව යනු සාපේක්‍ෂ මිම්මක් නිසාත් ලෝකයේ අනෙක් රටවල් බොහෝමයක් ලංකාවට සාපේක්‍ෂව වේගයෙන් සංවර්ධනය වෙමින් පවතින නිසාත්ය. ඒ අතර අප්‍රිකානු රටවල් රැසක්ද වේ.

නිදහසින් පසු 1954 හා 1955 වසර හැරුණු විට අන් සෑම වසරකම අපේ රටේ අය-වැය පරතරය ඍණ අගයක් විය. පරතරය පියවා ගත්තේ රජය විසින් දේශීය හා විදේශීය ණය ලබා ගැනීමෙනි.

2005දී පසුගිය ආණ්ඩුව බලයට එන විට රටේ සමස්ත ණය බර රුපියල් බිලියන 2,222ක් විය. (කෝටි 222,200)
2014 අවසාන වන විට රාජ්‍ය ණය බර රුපියල් බිලියන 7391 දක්වා ඉහළ ගොස් තිබිණි.

වසර නවයක කාලය තුළ රුපියල් බිලියන 5160කින් රාජ්‍ය ණය බර වැඩිවී තිබිණි. මේ වසරකට දළ වශයෙන් රුපියල් බිලියන 575ක පමණ වැඩිවීමකි. මේ මුදල්වලට සිදුවූයේ කුමක්දැයි වටහා ගැනීමට එම වසර 9ක කාලය තුළ සිදුවූ දේවල් මතක් කර බලමු. වසර 30ක් තිස්සේ රටට විශාල බරක්ව පැවැති ත්‍රස්තවාදය මුලින් උපුටා දමන ලදී.
රටේ ආර්ථික සංවර්ධනය ඇමෙරිකානු ඩොලර් බිලියන 20 සිට ඇමෙරිකානු ඩොලර් බිලියන 80 දක්වා සිවු ගුණයකින් වැඩිවිය. ආර්ථිකය ඇමෙරිකානු ඩොලර් බිලියන 20 දක්වා වර්ධනය වීමට වසර 57ක් ගතවී තිබුණ අතර එය සිවු ගුණයකින් වර්ධනය කිරීමට අවශ්‍ය වූයේ වසර 9ක් පමණි.

උද්ධමනය 8.3% සිට 3.3%ට අඩුවිය. රැකියා වියුක්තිය 8.3% සිට 4.3%ට අඩුවිය. දුගී බව 15% සිට 8%ට අඩුවිය.
විදුලිය ඇති නිවාස ප්‍රමාණය 73% සිට 98% දක්වා වැඩි විය. පිරිසුදු ජලය ලැබෙන නිවාස ප්‍රමාණය 72% සිට 90% දක්වා වැඩි විය. දුරකතන භාවිතය 37% සිට 120% දක්වා වැඩිවිය. පරිගණක සාක්‍ෂරතාව 0.5% සිට 26% දක්වා වැඩි විය. අය-වැය පරතරය 7.5% සිට 5.7% දක්වා අඩු විය. රාජ්‍ය ණය බර දළ ජාතික නිෂ්පාදනයේ ප්‍රතිශතයක් ලෙස 102.5% සිට 70.3%ට අඩු විය.

කොටස් වෙළෙඳපොළ සමස්ත මිල දර්ශකය ඒකක 1506 සිට 7299 දක්වා වැඩි විය. 2014 වන විට කොළඹ කොටස් වෙළෙඳපොළ ආසියාවේ තිරසරම කොටස් වෙළෙඳපොළ ලෙස සම්මාන ලැබීය. කොළඹ නගරය ආසියාවේ වේගයෙන්ම දියුණු වන නගරය ලෙස 2014 සම්මාන ලැබුවේ චීනය පවා පරදවමිනි.
පසුගිය ආණ්ඩුවේ අවසාන වසර කිහිපයේ ලංකාවේ ආර්ථිකය වසරකට 7%කට ඉහළ වේගයකින් වර්ධනය වෙමින් පැවැතිණි. බැලූ බැලූ අත සංවර්ධනය දක්නට ලැබිණි. අපි උදාහරණ කිහිපයක් ගෙන බලමු.

මාගම්පුර වරාය ඉදිකිරීම, ඔළුවිල් වරාය ඉදිකිරීම, දකුණු කොළඹ වරාය සංවර්ධන ව්‍යාපෘතිය, කොළඹ වරාය පුළුල් කිරීම, කන්කසන්තුරේ වරාය ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණය වැනි වරාය නිර්මාණයන් හා සංවර්ධනය කිරීම්, මත්තල ගුවන්තොටුපොළ ඉදිකිරීම, ඉරණමඩු ගුවන්තොටුපොළ සංවර්ධනය වැනි ගුවන්තොටුපොළ නිර්මාණය හා සංවර්ධනය කිරීම්, කොළඹ – කටුනායක අධිවේගී මාර්ගය, කොළඹ – මාතර අධිවේගී මාර්ගය, පිටත වට රවුම් අධිවේගී මාර්ගය මෙන්ම රට පුරා ඉදිවූ හා අලුත්වැඩියා වූ මහා මාර්ග පද්ධතිය, යාන්ඔය ජලාශය, වෙහෙරගල ජලාශය, දැදුරු ඔය සංවර්ධනය, මන්නාරම යෝධ වැව සංවර්ධනය, ඉරණමඩු හා මුතියංගණ කට්ටුවැව සංවර්ධනය, මොරගහකන්ද ජලාශ ව්‍යාපෘතිය වැනි ජලාශ හා වාරිමාර්ග සංවර්ධනය, නොරොච්චෝලේ බලාගාරය, ලක්විජය බලාගාරය, උතුරු ජනනී බලාගාරය හා විදුලි පද්ධතිය, කෙරවළපිටිය බලාගාරය, මොරොගොල්ල ජල විදුලි ව්‍යාපෘතිය වැනි විදුලි බලාගාර ව්‍යාපෘති, උතුරු දුම්රිය මාර්ගය, මන්නාරම දුම්රිය මාර්ගය වැනි දුම්රිය මාර්ග, ලංකාවේ දිගම පාලම වන කින්නියා පාලම, සේරුනුවර හා සෝමාවතිය පාලම, දෙහිවල, ගම්පහ, පෑලියගොඩ, වේයන්ගොඩ, නුගේගොඩ ගුවන් පාලම්, අංගුපිටිය, මනම්පිටිය, ආරුගම්බේ, ඉරක්කන්ඩි පාලම් වැනි පාලම් නිර්මාණය,

උතුරු නැඟෙනහිර පාසල් යළි ගොඩනැඟීම, පරිගණක තාක්‍ෂණ විද්‍යාල 1000ක් ඇති කිරීම, උෟව වෙල්ලස්ස විශ්වවිද්‍යාලය පිහිටුවීම, සාගර විශ්වවිද්‍යාලය පිහිටුවීම වැනි අධ්‍යාපන පහසුකම් සංවර්ධනය, කොළඹ පැල්පත්වාසීන් වෙනුවෙන් ඉදිකළ තට්ටු නිවාස යෝජනා ක්‍රම, අභිමංසල රණවිරු නිවාස යෝජනා ක්‍රමය වැනි නිවාස යෝජනා ක්‍රම, කොළඹ නගරය නවීකරණය, හම්බන්තොට නගර සංවර්ධනය, තුරඟපිටිය ගොඩනැඟිලි සංකීර්ණය නවීකරණය, ලන්දේසි රෝහල නවීකරණය, ආර්කේඩ් ගොඩනැඟිලි සංකීර්ණය නවීකරණය, නෙලුම් කුලුණ, නෙළුම් පොකුණ කලාගාරය, මාගම්පුර සම්මන්ත්‍රණ ශාලාව, ශ්‍රී ජයවර්ධනපුර නවීකරණය හා ජල පාලනය, බෙල්ලන්විල සංවර්ධන ව්‍යාපෘතිය, ගාල්ල ලන්දේසි බලකොටුව නවීකරණය වැනි නාගරික සංවර්ධන කටයුතු. ලිපිය දික්වන නිසා මෙහි සඳහන් කළේ එදා අප සියැසින් දුටු සංවර්ධනයෙන් කොටසක් පමණි.
එහෙත් ලංකාවේ ඡන්ද දායකයෝ බහුතරයක් මින් සෑහීමට පත් නොවූහ. ඔවුන්ට වෙනසක් අවශ්‍ය විය. ඒ අනුව 2015 ජනවාරි මස රටේ පාලනය වෙනත් කණ්ඩායමකට භාර දෙන ලදී. ඒ වඩා සාර්ථක පාලන තන්ත්‍රයක් අපේක්‍ෂාවෙනි. එම නව පාලනයේ තේමාව යහපාලනය යන නමින් ජනගත කෙරුණි.

වෙනස සිදුකොට දැන් වසර 3කට ආසන්නය.

නව ආණ්ඩුව බලයට ආවේ කිසිදු සූදානමක් හෝ සැලැස්මක් නැතුවය. මාස දෙක තුනට වරක් රජය අලුත් ආර්ථික ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමෙන් එය තහවුරු වේ. ප්‍රමුඛතා හඳුනා ගැනීමට නොහැකි වීම නිසා කාලය මෙන්ම සම්පත්ද නාස්ති විය. පරිපාලනයට නව රජයේ ප්‍රධානීන්ට ඇති නොහැකියාවද ඉතා සුළු කලකින් ජනතාවට දකින්නට ලැබිණි.
අප පසුගිය වසර 3කට ආසන්න කාලය තුළ අත්පත් කරගෙන ඇත්තේ මොනවාදැයි මඳක් සිතා බලමු. හදවතින් නොව බුද්ධියෙන් විමසා බලමු. ඒ සඳහා ඕනෑම අයකුට රජයේම දත්ත භාවිත කළ හැකිය. මහ බැංකු වෙබ් අඩවියට පිවිසීමෙන් මෙම ලිපියේ සඳහන් ඕනෑම දත්තයක් පරීක්‍ෂා කළ හැකිය.
රටේ ආර්ථික වර්ධන වේගය අඩාල වී ඇත. එය මේ වන විට 4%ට අඩුය.
උද්ධමනය 3.3% සිට 8.6%ට වැඩිවී ඇත.
රැකියා වියුක්තිය 4.3% සිට 4.6%ට වැඩිවී ඇත.
එහෙත් 2017 වසරේ රජයේ එදිනෙදා වියදම 2014ට වඩා 49%කින් ඉහළ ගොස් ඇත. 2018 වසරේ ඇස්තමේන්තුව අනුව 63%කින් වියදම ඉහළ යෑමට නියමිතය.
ජනතාව මත පැටවූ බදු 2014ට වඩා 49%කින් දැනටමත් ඉහළ ගොස් ඇති අතර මෙවර අය-වැය යෝජනා අනුව 2018 වසරේ ජනතාවගේ බදු බර 2014ට සාපේක්‍ෂව 94%කින් ඉහළ යනු ඇත.

2018 වසරේදී ජනතාව 2014ට වඩා රුපියල් බිලියන 984ක් (කෝටි 98,400ක්) වැඩිපුර බදු ගෙවීමට නියමිතය. රුපියලේ අගය 17%කින් පමණ බාල්දු වීම නිසා පමණක් රාජ්‍ය ණයවලට ඇති බලපෑම රුපියල් බිලියන 550කින් පමණ ඉහළ ගොස් ඇත.
ලෝක බැංකුවේ ‘ව්‍යාපාර කිරීමේ පහසුකමේ දර්ශකය’ තුළ 2014දී ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ලෝකයේ 85 වැනි ස්ථානයේ සිටි නමුත් 2017 අවසන් වන විට අප 110 වැනි ස්ථානයට පහත වැටී ඇත.

ලෝ ප්‍රකට බ්ලූම්බර්ග් ආයතනය ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ආයෝජනයට අනතුරුදායක රටක් ලෙස නම් කොට ඇත. පසුගිය වසර 3 තුළ විදේශ ආයෝජන ඇමෙරිකානු ඩොලර් බිලියන 1.6කට වඩා ලංකාවෙන් ඉවත් කරගෙන ඇත.
මේ අතර රජය දිගින් දිගටම අලුතින් ණය ගනිමින් සිටී.

2014දී රුපියල් බිලියන 7391ක් වූ රාජ්‍ය ණය බර 2017 ජුනි වන විට රුපියල් බිලියන 10,163 දක්වා ඉහළ ගොස් තිබිණි. 2018 අය-වැය යෝජනා අධ්‍යයනයෙන් පෙනෙන්නේ 2018 අවසන් වන විට රාජ්‍ය ණය බර රුපියල් බිලියන 12,000 ඉක්මවීමට නියමිත බවයි. ඒ 2014ට සාපේක්‍ෂව 64%ක පමණ වැඩිවීමකි.
මේ අනුව පසුගිය රජය වසර 9ක් තුළ අලුතින් ලබාගත් රුපියල් බිලියන 5,169ක ණය මෙන් 90%ක් හෙවත් රුපියල් බිලියන 4,700ක පමණ අලුත් ණය වත්මන් රජය ඔවුන්ගේ මුල් වසර 4 තුළ ලබා ගැනීමට නියමිතය. පසුගිය රජය ආරම්භ කර තිබූ ව්‍යාපෘතීන් වැඩ අවසන් වූ පසු තමුන්ගේ මෙන් පෙන්වා විවෘත කරනවා විනා එදා මෙන් ඔබට ඇහැට පෙනෙන්නට සංවර්ධනයක් අලුතින් සිදු වෙමින් පවතීද?

අනාගත පරපුර වෙනුවෙන් අප ඉතුරු කළ යුතු සම්පත් විදේශිකයන්ට කුණු කොල්ලයට පවරා දී පිටරැටියන් විත් අප රට දියුණු කරනු ඇතැයි යන අන්ධ විශ්වාසයෙන් බලා සිටීම හැර වෙනත් ආර්ථික ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් ජනතාවට නම් පෙනෙන්නට නැත. දේශපාලන කණ්ණාඩි ගලවා මඳක් සිතුවොත් අප මේ යන්නේ කොයිබටද යන ගැටලුව ඕනෑම පුරවැසියකුට මතුවනු ඇත.

ජනතාව ආණ්ඩුවක් පත්කරගන්නේ රට පාලනය කිරීමට මිස වසර 3ක් තිස්සේ පසුගිය ආණ්ඩුවට ‍ෙදාස් පවරමින් කාලය නාස්ති කරන්නට නොවේ. නමුත් වත්මන් ආණ්ඩුව ඒ හැර වෙන යමක් කරනවා අපට පෙනෙන්නට නැත. වසර කිහිපයකට පෙර අපි අපේ දරුවන්ට පැහැදිලි අනාගතයක් ගොඩනඟමින් සිටියෙමු. ඉගෙන ගෙන පිටරැටියන්ට වැඩ කරන්නට යනවා වෙනුවට තමන්ගේම රටේ අභිමානවත්ව ජීවත් වන්නට අවශ්‍ය පරිසරය ඔවුන් වෙනුවෙන් නිර්මාණය වෙමින් තිබිණි.

කතිරයකින් ඒ ගමන නතර කර දැමුවේ අප අතරම සිටි පිරිසක් විසිනි. තීන්දුව වැරැදුණු බව මේ වන විට ඔවුන්ගෙන් බොහෝ දෙනකු පිළිගනිති. වැරැදීම නිවැරැදි කිරීමට අවස්ථාවක් එනතුරු ඔවුහු බලා සිටිති. නමුත් මෙදා වැටුණු වළෙන් ගොඩ ගැනීම නම් කතිරයකට පමණක් කළ හැකි වේදැයි සැක සහිතය.

Drop resolution on Lanka, Govt told Death toll inaccurate says JO

November 26th, 2017

By Ravi Ladduwahetty Courtesy Ceylon Today

The Joint Opposition (JO) will press the Government this week to withdraw or annul the Resolution that it jointly signed and co-sponsored with the United States on Sri Lanka.

“We will press the Government to withdraw the Resolution as it is based on the war crime charges where the numbers of those killed have been found to be grossly inaccurate, JO Leader and Colombo District MP Dinesh Gunawardena told Ceylon Today last night.

He also said, it was based on these false figures that the United Nations Human Rights Commission (UNHRC) also acted……against Sri Lanka, adding that the Government should move in rapidly to correct the situation.

The TNA also went to world capitals and alleged that there were over 40,000 dead when British Conservative politician Lord Naseby, who has done a detailed study, has found that the correct number was well less than 7,000.

So, the numbers are totally wrong as touted by the international NGO lobby, the Diaspora and the TNA and there is not even a whimper about the inaccuracy of these figures, Gunawardena said.

Lord Naseby has also said that Sri Lankan Army was fighting a war against the most ruthless guerilla group in the world, which was not even a conventional war and the numbers killed on both sides were soldiers and members of the LTTE where no civilians were targeted and that it is all the more reason why the Government should withdraw the Resolution, he said.

He also alleged that the Foreign Ministry has not done anything to even collect the reports that Lord Naseby has done on Sri Lanka.

How Torrington who burdened the people with taxes was sent home

November 26th, 2017

By Bandula Gunaratne Courtesy Ceylon Today

Even today certain roads in Colombo are known by the names of some Governors who ruled this country during the British colonial era. Maitland Crescent, Maitland Place, Horton Place, Barnes Place, Ward Place, and Rosmead Place are some of these roads. Today, media institutions such as the Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation and the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation are also located at a place named after a Governor.

That is the Torrington Square in Colombo 7. It has been named after Lord Torrington who was the Governor of this country from 1847 to 1859.

Lord Torrington arrived in this country subsequent to Governor Colin Campbell who ruled this country from 1841 to 1847 and his period of administration in this country did not prove to be good for the citizens. It was during the era of Torrington that the people of this country launched a rebellion against colonial rule and it was cruelly suppressed. Another reason was that the burden of taxes on the people also increased during this time.

Edward Barnes who ruled Ceylon prior to Torrington built roads in this country according to the system of Rajakariya. That is the Government paid a certain fee to employees for building roads. This system which Governor Barnes implemented was followed by Governor Robert Horton as well.

However, subsequent to Lord Torrington arriving here, what he did in 1848 was to impose a Road Tax. Every male between the ages of 18 and 55 had to work six days each year on roads. If not people had to pay a fine of three shillings.
People who were used to going on roads that fell through jungles did not benefit from these roads. People had been made to understand that they were wanted by planters. Silent unrest was created in the people of the hill country due to the construction of roads. They disliked it because they thought that as a result of roads, persons engaged in various jobs including traders who came from Colombo would create an upheaval in the lives of village folk in the upcountry and the economy as well, due to their behaviour. As even Bhikkhus had to pay this tax, it was a tax that caused pain of mind to Buddhists as well.

The Governor who had no strategy later imposed taxes on shops, boats and rafts, horse-driven carriages, bullock carts and even dogs.
A tax was also imposed on guns used to protect agricultural crops from wild animals. Therefore, people who depended on agriculture had to pay 2 shillings and 6 pence and use either a gun or other weapon for shooting at wild animals.
As a result, the people went to meet the Government Agent of Kandy in July of 1848. They did not stop there and a large group went to Colombo to express their opposition to the Governor.

In 1848 protests against the government began both in the upcountry and the low country. As a result what Torrington did was to impose martial law in places where revolts were taking place. Persons such as Puran Appu and Gongalegoda Banda were shot and killed.

Editor of the Observer Christopher Elliot, A. M. Ferguson, Lawyer Richard Morgan, Chief Justice’s son and Private Secretary Lawrence Oliphant informed of this rebellious situation to England.
A group including Joseph Hume and Henry Baillie who were members of the House of Commons debated this there.
Henry Baillie said that Torrington’s government was arbitrary and harmful. The only qualification that Torrington possessed to become the Governor of Ceylon was that he was “a director of a railway company,” Member of Parliament Benjamin Disraeli mocked.
Another member of the House of Commons said that during his apprenticeship period in the post of Governor he had spent controlling farming at Kent Place.

As Lord Torrington was the brother-in-law of Prime Minister of England Lord Russell, there was a strong effort to free him of these accusations but due to the equally strong displeasure of the House of Commons, the Cabinet of Lord Russell was defeated. During the next few days a missive from London was prepared for Governor Torrington.

In it was stated that Torrington should be released from the task of ruling Ceylon and instead Sir George Anderson of Mauritius should be appointed as the Governor and that it was being announced with the Queen’s approval.

What Lord Torrington who burdened the people of Ceylon with taxes and carried out an arbitrary rule had to do, it is said, was to flee the Queen’s House in Colombo secretly without informing anyone. At the same time, Emerson Tennant and District Judge of Kandy Edmund Woodhouse, who had supported Torrington, were informed that their services were not required by Ceylon.

Final phase of SL’s war against LTTE Lord Naseby’s statement handy Will be utilized in appropriate forum

November 26th, 2017

By Methmalie Dissanayake Courtesy Ceylon Today

Minister of Foreign Affairs and Development Assignments Tilak Marapana yesterday (25) said that the Government would use Lord Naseby’s statement, regarding the final phase of Sri Lanka’s war against the LTTE, in an appropriate forum.

Marapana made this remark prior to the debate on Heads of Expenditure of Foreign Affairs Ministry.

Responding to a question raised by the Joint Opposition (JO) MPs Dinesh Gunawardena and Bandula Gunawardena, the Minister said, “We are not saying that we would not use Lord Naseby’s statement. We will certainly use it at the proper time and appropriate forums. There may be a time, when the UNHRC asks us to conduct investigations into the war crime allegations. We will use this statement when a time as such is raised. Otherwise, our opponents will find counter arguments for this valuable statement. We must use it as an Ace.”

Gunawardena charged at the Government saying that the Foreign Ministry does not use the statement of Lord Naseby, which categorically proved that Sri Lankan troops did not kill 40,000 civilians in the Northern Province during the final phase of the war. “Although Lord Naseby proved that reports used by the UNHRC are erroneous, the Government’s representatives like Dr. Harsha de Silva had made a different statement at Geneva recently,” Gunawardena alleged.

Replying to this, Marapana said he did not agree with Gunawardena’s allegations.

He said, “Dr. Harsha de Silva did not do such thing. We are mindful of Lord Naseby’s statement and we really appreciate his efforts. He has put in lots of research work for it. The forum in Geneva, which Dr. Harsha de Silva attended, was not an appropriate stage to take it up.”

Moreover, Marapana said that the government has invited Lord Naseby to visit Sri Lanka at any time.

The deadly ignorance of the Sinhala Alt-Right – I

November 26th, 2017


SIGNING OF THE INDO-LANKA ACCORD: Wasn’t the 13th Amendment forced upon us by India and therefore shouldn’t it be undone or at least ignored and not implemented

“Ignorance never helped anyone yet!”
— Karl Marx

The crisis is escalating and proliferating daily. It is a crisis of the Yahapalana model and strategy. It is a crisis created by UNP’s unacceptable cosmopolitan neoliberalism with its program of foreignization of the economy, combined with the provocative proto-secessionist behavior of the Northern Provincial Council that has generated a reactive social groundswell, which in turn has impacted upon the base of the SLFP and caused a crisis of the ‘unity’ government, all of which has deadlocked the state machinery and the economy. In the vortex of the crisis, toxic extreme nationalism, Sinhala and Tamil, is incubating, metastasizing. To turn Yeats’ famous poem into political prose, with the center unable to hold, things are falling apart, the falcon cannot hear the falconer and a pair of rough beasts are slouching to Bethlehem, or in this case, Colombo and Jaffna, to be born.

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The UNP had to fall in 1956 and 1970. It would have fallen right into the fire in 1988 had it not been for Premadasa. In 1956, the UNP’s fall yielded Sinhala Only. In 1970, it yielded Standardization and a new Constitutional architecture in which safeguards for minorities were removed. Today’s UNP is even more out of touch with reality than it was in 1956 and 1970– the reactive defection of JR Jayewardene’s grandson Pradeep to the SLFP-MS is proof and symptom. What will the inevitable fall of the UNP in 2020, bring into being? An administration which is more influenced by Sinhala Buddhist fundamentalism and the vision of a quasi-theocratic state, a Buddhist state in all but name?

Never in my politically conscious lifetime (which senior politicians know goes back over 50 of my 60+ years), I have never known an Opposition movement to be more influenced by and responsive to the Sinhala Buddhist clergy than it is now. Nor have I known Sinhala ultranationalist Far Right discourse to be quite so acceptable in the social mainstream, including among the middle classes. This does not portend well for the fate of Sri Lanka, because the country will be heading back to 1956 or 1970 or pre-1987, while the world’s consciousness, and global and regional power relations have moved on in the opposite direction. Sri Lanka will be doomed; torn apart in our lifetime, between Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim militias—with the Sinhala militia enjoying state power, or actually being the state– and spheres of influence, and soon enough, external intervention will carve up this little island in our lifetime.

The current crisis must be resolved and it can be done only by shifting the axis of this Yahapalana government and creating an interim administration of a moderate-centrist nature, capable of bringing political stability and sustainable economic development. This equation must incorporate Mahinda Rajapaksa and the forces he represents, bearing in mind that those forces are in the ascendancy while the Yahapalana Establishment is on the decline. Today, Mahinda Rajapaksa is a far more important moderate than R. Sampanthan.

Two things must not happen. The status quo must not remain and it must not be replaced by the radical Right. The status quo must be replaced by a national-democratic and social democratic center-left, not by a Trumpian Alt-Right. The country must escape this confusion and disintegration and go forward, not back. The neoliberal UNP wants to take the country back to pre-1956 if not pre-1953. The Sinhala Alt-Right wants to take it back to pre-1987; preferably to 1970 or 1956—if not an earlier millennium. The new Establishment must not be replaced by the old, still less the archaic and ancient.

Ex-President Musharraf is back in politics at the head of a broad multiparty coalition. These days, when everybody is pontificating about Sri Lanka’s ethnic question and what should and should not be done, I constantly recall a point that Musharraf made in his autobiography. He said that it was bitterly ironic that parents spent so much of their hard earned money, finding the best qualified tutors for their school-going children, while going by the opinions of mullahs who are abysmally untrained in political subjects, giving opinions on complex matters of national politics and foreign policy! As in Pakistan so also Sri Lanka, and as with mullahs, so also civil society figures and those retirees from different professions which provide little training and experience in politics, Constitution-making, ethnic relations, foreign policy etc.

While making the obvious allowances for the difference between the exact or ‘hard’ sciences and the Social Sciences and Humanities (which UNESCO calls the Social and Human Sciences–SHS), it is truly awful when the body politic has been suffering from an affliction for decades but those who respond to it and are if a position to do something about it, simply cannot make the right diagnosis. I refer to the problem of nation-building and within it, the national/nationalities, ethnic, and center-periphery or majority-minority question.

Imagine how frustrating it can be for a trained specialist in a branch of medicine, when he/she hears that the patient’s family has preferred to go to a witch doctor to find a cure? That’s the way that I feel as a trained student (with post-graduate degrees), a former teacher and an internationally published author of books in the field of Political Science, when I listen to and/or read about discussions regarding the Tamil Question. My sense of exasperation is all the more when I have to revisit and reiterate points that I made on matters I published about at length when I was 22 years old, in 1979!

The ideology, worldview and mental universe of the Sinhala Alt-right remind me of those who continued to insist that the earth was flat, the sun revolved round the earth, or stranger still, that the earth rested on the back of a giant turtle who rested on the back of another one and it was “turtles all the way down”!

For the Sinhala ultranationalists, ‘the nation’ (‘jaathiya’) is the Sinhala nation, and the state is a Sinhala Buddhist state. The nation is seen as the State and the State as essentially the monks and the military. By contrast, for any politically literate, rational-minded democrat and Realist (I) the nation–any nation–is built upon a viable, non-hierarchical relationship between the constituent, component communities, while being above and larger than any community or combination of them and (II) the State protects the country and fights against armed enemies, internal and external, while being the impartial mediator, umpire and judge, between the constituent communities.

Five major points are made by the Sinhala Alt-Right with relation to the ethnic issue. Firstly, what and where’s the problem that needs addressing, and isn’t that problem imaginary? Secondly, how can there be a solution of devolution of power to a territorial unit when most Tamils live outside the North and East? Thirdly, isn’t the very notion devolution of power as a solution a dangerous non-solution, forced upon us by Tamil separatists, federalists and the West? Fourthly, wasn’t the 13th Amendment forced upon us by India and therefore shouldn’t it be undone or at least ignored and not implemented? Fifthly, why can’t we be like Israel in the face of international pressure—after all, wasn’t the Goldstone report on Gaza overturned?

All this not only reveals an abysmal level of ignorance due to a lack of formal education in the subject—since no First year undergraduate in Political Science could pass an exam while holding on to such unscientific views. Secondly this reveals a dangerous mindset; a collective mindset which in power, would inadvertently and inevitably take us beyond the traumatic events of the coercive external intervention of July 1987, to one of partition a la Cyprus, Pakistan-Bangladesh, and former Yugoslavia, through external intervention and a permanent external presence on our soil.

Perhaps the most grotesque absurdity is the Sinhala Alt-Right line “what’s the problem? It is an invention or a conspiracy; there was no ethnic problem, only a terrorist problem and now it’s over”. One of the greatest, most original political thinkers and leaders of the 20th century, Antonio Gramsci, wrote that:

“A crisis occurs, sometimes lasting for decades. This exceptional duration means that incurable structural contradictions have revealed themselves (reached maturity)…” (Selections from the Prison Notebooks, 178)

When one has had a problem of “exceptional duration”, that led to a Thirty Years War, but existed long before it and continues after it, then surely it is a symptom of a deeper structural malaise, the roots and the cause-effect nexus of which have to be uncovered and addressed; managed if they cannot be solved.

The Sinhala Alt-Right spokespersons and ideologues are obviously quite unaware that a whole football field at the least could be covered with scholarly books written over the last hundred years, in all international languages and taught at universities as well as higher military and Police academies the world over, on the related and variously defined cluster of issues embracing the national/nationalities question, the ethnic problem, self-determination, minority rights etc.

These Sinhala Alt-Right ideologues are also ignorant of the fact that the concept of national self-determination they are scoffing at were first put forward around the same time, by two of the finest minds of the 20th century from quite opposite sides of the ideological spectrum: President Woodrow Wilson of the USA (former President of Harvard University) and V.I. Lenin of Russia. Now it is one thing to argue that this concept does not apply in the manner the founders intended, to countries such as Sri Lanka, or that it does so only to a limited extent, or that it does not apply except in a limited manner to minorities —as I do, among so many others—but it is quite another to be blissfully ignorant of the paternity of the concept, its seriousness and its universal recognition.

The argument that the Sinhala Alt-Right waves about with a flourish, namely that the majority of Tamils live outside the North and East and therefore the devolution of power would be no solution at all, is an argument that no undergraduate towards the end of his or her year as a ‘fresher’ would deploy. That is because he/she would have read enough books from the library to know that ethnic self-determination, devolution etc. pertained precisely to territory. It is not a question of how many or what percentage of a community live outside a given territory it identifies with, but a question of the political status of the territory in which that community, speaking that language and sharing that identity and culture, constitute a majority, and have resided in for a long historical period.

(To be concluded tomorrow)

Prez and kite-flying

November 26th, 2017

Editorial Courtesy The Island

President Maithripala Sirisena, speaking at a gathering of North Western Province entrepreneurs in Kurunegala on Saturday, highlighted the all-pervasive ill-effects of unbridled economic liberalisation. Citing an example, he lamented that children no longer engaged in the pleasurable pursuit of making kites; instead, he said, they flew imported kites the local market was flooded with.

Time was when children not only made colourful kites, Vesak lanterns etc but also fashioned toys out of virtually anything they got hold of. But, no longer are they interested in any such leisurely pursuits thanks to cheap imports and screen-based entertainment. Their mindset represents, in microcosm, the world view of Sri Lankans in general and their rulers in particular. President Sirisena went on to stress the need for protecting local industries and being cautious in handling foreign investment. Some foreign investments were even fraught with the danger of undermining the country’s sovereignty, he said.

One cannot but agree with President Sirisena on this score. But, the question is why the yahapalana government’s policies are out of sync with his. Take the leasing of the Hambantota Port to China for example. The government has had to lease the Trincomalee oil tank farm to the Indian Oil Company (IOC) to placate India. What it will have to offer to the US and other world powers which want to have a finger in the Sri Lankan pie is anyone’s guess. Warships of powerful nations which don’t reciprocate Sri Lanka’s friendship now call at the Colombo Port the way feudal lords used to pay unwelcome visits to their vassals’ wives and daughters!

Unequal contest is disastrous for local industries which need state protection for survival, as is common knowledge. The government has put the Sri Lankan footwear industry in jeopardy by allowing an India leather giant to set up shop here as a Board of Investment project. This will cause many local footwear companies to shut up shop. It is not being argued that the door must be slammed in the face of foreign investors in the name of protecting local industries. There has to be healthy competition. The IOC’s entry into the local petroleum market jolted the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) into transforming its ‘cowsheds’ into modern filling stations and improving its service. But, it will be a colossal blunder to allow the IOC to gobble up the CPC and monopolise the petroleum sector. Blatantly lopsided economic pacts with other countries will be the kiss of death for the local industries. The ETCA (Economic and Technological Cooperation Agreement) is a case in point.

It is also imperative that big-time Sri Lankan companies, driven by corporate greed, be restrained from endangering the survival of small businesses. The ever expanding supermarket chains with some of their suburban outlets the size of village kades are driving small-time retailers out of business. This presages trouble for the consumer who will eventually be at the mercy of ruthlessly profit-seeking supermarket giants.

Dirigisme is, no doubt, an anachronism in the modern world, but the onus is on the state to make interventions wherever necessary to prevent the exploitation of the public. Nowhere in the world is found perfect competition which is said to make the consumer the king. Markets are always manipulated by cartels which are the order of the day as evident from the increasing prices of rice in the local market. There has been no shortfall in the paddy supply, we are told, but the rice prices continue to rise. The same goes for coconuts whose farm-gate prices remain relatively low; the middleman is obviously making unconscionable profits at the expense of producers and consumers.

Now that President Sirisena has convincingly argued his case for protecting local industrialists and treading cautiously in accepting foreign investment, he ought to prevail on his coalition partners to operate within the ideological parameters he has set. He should ask his Finance Minister why there has been a budget proposal for a para tariff reduction which will suddenly expose local industries to stiff external competition without sufficient time to adapt and shift their production into new areas. This ill-conceived measure could create short-term unemployment, take its toll on economic growth and, therefore, warrants a rethink. Let the President be urged to tell anyone who refuses to toe his line to go fly a kite.

Sri Lanka re-commits to accountability mechanism with special counsel

November 26th, 2017

By SANJA DE SILVA JAYATILLEKA Courtesy The Island

Following Sri Lanka’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR) held at the Human Rights Councils in Geneva on the 15th of November 2017, and the adoption of its Report on the 24th, a draft outcome document called “Draft report of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review”, which includes recommendations was circulated in the Council on Friday, the 24th November 2017.

Recommendations are made by UN member states on measures that can be taken to improve the human rights situation in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka has the three options of accepting, rejecting or taking note of those recommendations.

While it was stated during the debate in Parliament on the Foreign Ministry budget that officials of the Foreign Ministry are of the view that Lord Naseby’s recent revelations on the casualty figures had not been used thus far because they feel that the evidence he unearthed should be used optimally in the most appropriate forums, it is unclear how the UN Human Rights Council did not qualify during a universal review by all UN member states of Sri Lanka’s Human Rights Situation, especially since there were several references to Resolution 30/1 during the review.

At the same debate, answering a question from Bandula Gunawardene MP, as to when exactly the Minister thought they would be using Lord Naseby’s statements, the Minister of Foreign Affairs said with unfathomable logic, that if they announce this “everywhere”, we’d be giving our opponents plenty of time to come up with counter arguments, therefore we should bring it up only when the subject of war crimes allegations come up. But they had already come up at the UPR!

With all due respect to the Minister, since the false allegations of genocidal numbers of civilian causalities in Sri Lanka are repeated “everywhere”, shouldn’t the Ministry disseminate Lord Naseby’s evidence-based challenge to those numbers as widely as possible, everywhere, and anywhere they can, especially because those falsehoods are being used “everywhere” to denigrate and endanger Sri Lanka’s standing in the world and those who fought the war?

Withholding this information for fear of counter arguments hardly inspires confidence in the Ministry’s ability or competence to carry out its expected tasks.

Listed below are some of the recommendations that the Govt. delegation has accepted on behalf of Sri Lanka:

(The figures on the left refers to the number allocated to each recommendation)

116.70. Guarantee completion of ongoing investigations into abuse committed against civilian population during the civil war. (France)

16.73. Hold security forces and government officials accountable for human rights violations and abuses. (United States of America)

116.74. Deepen investigation of cases of human rights violations committed during the conflict, punish the perpetrators and provide adequate reparation to the victims. (Argentina)

116.76. Fulfil all the commitments made on transitional justice, including through the creation of an accountability mechanism which is credible, victim-centric and supported by international practitioners and through full operationalization of independent and impartial work of the recently established Office of missing persons. (Slovenia)

116.77. Establish comprehensive transitional justice mechanism, including operation alizing of an Office of Missing Persons, a truth-seeking commission, an Office of Reparations and a judicial mechanism with a special counsel as committed to. (South Africa)

116.90. Fully implement the commitments agreed to in Human Rights Council resolution 30/1. (United States of America)

116.91. Fully implement its commitments under Human Rights Council resolution 30/1. (Australia)

116.130. Strengthen the democratic control of the defence sector, in particular suspend the involvement of members of the armed forces in economic activities, in order to ensure guarantee of property of citizens, as well as their livelihoods. (Switzerland)

116.131. Accelerate the restitution of lands confiscated by the army and set up a satisfactory compensation system. (France)

Given below are some of the recommendations that the Sri Lankan delegation have exercised the option of ‘noting’ rather than ‘rejecting’:

117.36. Take comprehensive measures to ensure that the alleged war crimes and other human rights violations committed during the internal conflict are investigated and prosecuted with the aim to end impunity. (Estonia)

117.37. Expedite the ongoing process and establish a clear timeline to establish a truth-seeking commission and an Office on Reparations as well as a special court to investigate allegations of serious human rights violations. (Republic of Korea)

117.39. Develop a clear timeline and benchmarks for the full implementation of Sri Lanka’s commitments under Human Rights Council Resolution 30/1. (Germany)

117.40. Develop a clear timeline and benchmarks for the full implementation of its commitments in Human Rights Council resolution 30/1. (Norway)

117.41. Develop an unambiguous timeline accompanied with a monitoring framework for the full implementation of its commitments under Human Rights Council resolution 30/1. (The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia)

117.42. Act on its commitments in Human Rights Council Resolution 30/1 including to establish transitional justice mechanisms, and to establish a clear timeline to this end. (Austria)

117.43. Develop a clear timeline and benchmarks for the full implementation of Human Rights Council resolution 30/1. (Denmark)

117.44. Foster reconciliation through accelerated implementation of Human Rights Council resolution 30/1, including by launching the Office of Missing Persons, ending military involvement in civilian functions, returning lands to civilian owners, and establishing a judicial mechanism with the participation of foreign investigators, prosecutors and judges. (Canada)

117.45. Fully implement the recommendations of the Consultative Task Force on Reconciliation, including to repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act and replace it with international best practice legislation. (Australia)

There were several Voluntary pledges and commitments made by Sri Lanka including to “Fulfill commitments contained in United Nations Human Rights Council Resolution 30/1 towards the operationalization of the Office on Missing Persons, and the establishment of a truth seeking commission, an office for reparations, and a judicial mechanism with a special counsel.”

At its next UPR and other sessions of the Human Rights Council, Sri Lanka will be reviewed on its progress on the recommendations that it has accepted.

While ‘noting’ does not commit Sri Lanka to implementing the recommendations so noted, it is surprising that given the stand that President Sirisena has publicly taken on the issues, the recommendations for ‘timelines’ and ‘the participation of foreign investigators and prosecutors and judges’ have not been rejected by Sri Lanka.

The delegation to the UPR was headed by (Dr.) Harsha de Silva, MP Deputy Minister of National Policies and Economic Affairs and included the following members: Prasad Kariyawasam, Secretary to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; Ravinatha Aryasinha, Ambassador and Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka to the United Nations in Geneva; Nerin Pulle, Deputy Solicitor General, Attorney General’s Department;Mrs. Samantha Jayasuriya, Deputy Permanent Representative, Permanent Mission of Sri Lanka in Geneva;Ms. Mahishini Colonne, Director General/ UN, US, Canada, Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

හැබෑය. බිය ඇත්තේ අගමැති ලඟ නොව රටවැසියා ලඟය !

November 25th, 2017

තේජා ගොඩකන්දෙආරච්චි

බැඳුම්කර කොමිසමට සාක්ෂි ලබා දීමට අගමැතිවරයා කැඳවීම පිලිබඳ පුවත මේ දිනවල රටේ දේශපාලන කතාබහ අතර ප්‍රධාන තැනක් ගනී. නව ව්‍යවස්ථාව සම්බන්ධ කතිකාවන්ගෙන්ද අඩුවක් නැත. ඒ පිලිබඳව ජනතාව අතර විවිධ මත ගැටුම් ඇතිවෙත්දී, උතුරු පලාත් මහ ඇමතිවරයා විසින් පාසලක පැවති උත්සවයකදී ජාතික කොඩිය එසවීම ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කිරීම, එම මත ගැටුම් තීව්‍ර කිරීමට හේතුවක් විය. නමුත් මේ කතාබහ, අගමැතිගේ බැඳුම්කර කොමිසමට කැඳවූ කතන්දරයත්, ඒ හා සමගාමීව රට පුරා තාප්පවල ඇලවුනු ‘බය නැති අගමැති’ පෝස්ටරයත් හමුවේ යට ගැසෙන ස්වභාවයක් පෙන්නුම් කරයි. නමුත් අගමැතිවරයාගේ බය නැති කමට වඩා ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ අනාගතයට බලපෑ හැකි ජාතික කොඩි කතන්දරය වැදගත් වේ.

බැඳුම්කර වංචාව පිලිබඳව අගමැති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ විසින් සාක්ෂි ලබා දුන්නේ ජනාධිපති කොමිසමක් ඉදිරියේය. ‘අගමැති’ පදය ඉවත ලා බලන කල ජනාධිපති කොමිසමක් ඉදිරියේ සාක්ෂි දීම රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ නම් පුද්ගලයාට අලුත් දෙයක් නොවේ. 1996 දී ඔහුගේ වත්මන් සුහද මිතුරිය වූ, එවකට හිටපු ජනාධිපතිනිය විසින් පත්කරන ලද බටලන්ද කොමිසම හමුවේ සාක්ෂි දෙන්නට එදා රනිල්ට සිදුවිය. එදා ඔහු ‘හිටපු අගමැති’ ය. ඒ වනවිට 17 වසරක එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ පාලනය අසීරුවෙන් අවසන් කරගෙන වැඩි කාලයක් ගතවී නොතිබිනි. ඒ 17 වසරේ පාලනය ඇරඹෙද්දී පරාජයට පත්වුනේ චන්ද්‍රිකා බණ්ඩාරනායකගේ මෑණියන්ය. 1975 දී නිම වන්නට තිබුනු සමගි පෙරමුණු රජයේ කාලය තවත් වසර දෙකකින් දීර්ඝ කිරීමේ වරද නිසා සිරිමාවෝ බණ්ඩාරනායක මැතිනියගේ ප්‍රජා අයිතියද එජාප රජය විසින් අහිමි කරන ලදී. ඒ අනුව ඈ විසින් දැරූ ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ නායකත්වය මෙන්ම පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී ධූරයද අහෝසි වූ අතර, 1982 දී පැවති ජනාධිපතිවරණයට ඉදිරිපත් වීමේ අවස්ථාවද ඇයට අහිමි විය.

1977 ජුලි මස පැවති මහ මැතිවරණය අති විශාල බලයක් සහිතව දිනාගත් පසුව අගමැති බවට පත්වූ ජේ. ආර්. ජයවර්ධන ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොලිසියට සතියක නිවාඩුවක් ලබාදුන් නිසා, ඒ දිනවල ඇති වූ පශ්චාත් මැතිවරණ ප්‍රචන්ඩ ක්‍රියා තුල ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පාක්ෂිකයන්ද දැඩි පීඩනයකට ගොදුරු වූහ. එමෙන්ම හිටපු අගමැතිනියගේ ප්‍රජා අයිතිය අහෝසි කිරීමට මුල්වූ මැතිවරණ කල් දැමීමේ වරදම ඊට වඩා මඳක් වෙනස්වූ අයුරකින් එජාප රජය විසින් සිදුකලේ 1982 දී පැවැත්වූ ජනමත විචාරනයක් මගිනි. ඒ වන විටද මැතිනියගේ ප්‍රජා අයිතිය ලැබී තිබුනේ නැත. ඒ ජනමත විචාරනය, පැවති රජය දිනාගත් අයුරු එදා සිදුවූ සිද්ධීන් මතකයෙන් නොමැකුන ජනතාව හොඳින් දනිති. මෙතෙක් කලක් ශ්‍රී ලාංකික දේශපාලනයේ ගතයුතු හරයක් ඉතිරිව තිබුනා නම්, මෙවන් දරදඬු, අසාධාරණ තීන්දු තීරණ හරහා ඒවා වාෂ්ප වී ගියේය.

1983 ජුලි මස 23 දා ඇතිවූ වර්ගවාදී කලබල සම්බන්ධ චෝදනාව ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ පිට පටවමින් එම පක්ෂය තහනම් කිරීම තුල එදා එජාපය විසින් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ තට්ටු මාරු දේශපාලනයට විකල්පයක් ලෙස ගොඩ නැගීගෙන ආ බලවේගය අහෝසිකර දැමීය. ඒ සමගම ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ජනවර්ග අතර යලි පිරවිය නොහැකි හිදැසක් නිර්මාණය විනි. ජවිපෙ තහනම් කරමින් තරුණ පරපුර වෙත ක්‍රියාත්මක කල මර්ධන හස්තයේ කුරිරු හා දරදඬු බව විසින් 87-90 සමයේ ඇතිවූ තරුණ නැගිටීමට මග පෑදීය. මේ සියලු ක්‍රියාවලීන් තුල එවකට ප්‍රබල කැබිනට් ඇමතිවරයෙකු වූ වත්මන් අගමැතිද ප්‍රබල භූමිකාවක් ඉටු කරන ලදී. 1977 දී ප්‍රථම වරට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට පත්ව ආ රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ නම් අංකුර දේශපාලකයා ලාබාලම කැබිනට් ඇමතිවරයා ලෙස බෞතීස්ම කරන ලද්දේ ඔහුගේ අගමැති මාමා විසිනි. ඒ තුල ඔහු මාමාගේ ලෝකයේ ඔටුණ්න හිමි කුමාරයා වූයේය. එම වගකීම ඉටු කරනු පිනිස එජාප රජයේ දා හත් වසරක පැවැත්ම උදෙසා රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ වෙතින් ඉටුවූ කාර්යභාරයේ එක් සුවිශේෂ සළකුණක් සංකේතවත් වූයේ මේ බටලන්ද කොමිසම මගිනි. ප්‍රථම වරට ඔහුට ජනාධිපති කොමිසමක් ඉදිරියේ සාක්ෂි දීමට සිදුවනුයේ ඒ අනුවය.

සාමාන්‍යයෙන් ශ්‍රී ලාංකික දේශපාලනය තුල කෙනෙකු දැරූ තනතුරට ‘හිටපු’ යන විශේෂණ පදය එක්වූ කල ඇතිවන බලපෑම අමුතුවෙන් විස්තර කලයුතු නැත. එදා 1977 දී හිටපු අගමැතිනියට අත්වූ ඉරණම ඊට හොඳ උදාහරණයකි. ඒ නිසා අද බැඳුම්කර කොමිසම හමුවේ සාක්ෂි ලබා දී ‘බය නැති  අගමැති’ බවට පත්වුවද, හරිනම් රනිල් තම නිර්භීත භාවය ප්‍රදර්ශනය කර ඇත්තේ හිටපු අගමැති ලෙස බටලන්ද කොමිසමේ සාක්ෂි කූඩුවට නැගීම හරහාය. ඔහුට එසේ බිය නොවන්නට හේතු තිබිනි. ඒ, තම මාමණ්ඩිය විසින් ඇතිකල තුප්පහි දේශපාලන සංස්කෘතිය තුල මෙවන් වැරදි තමන්ට බලපාන අන්දම ගැන ඔහු තුල පැහැදිලි තක්සේරුවක් තිබීම නිසා විය හැක.

අද, බැඳුම්කර කොමිසමේ තොරතුරු කතා කරන අගමැති සහ මැති ඇමති ගනයාගේ කතාබහ තුලද පසුගිය රජය සමයේ සිදුවූ දේ ගැන නිතර කියැවෙනු ඇසේ. ඒ ‘හිටපු’ හෝ ‘පසුගිය’ යන දේශපාලන යුගයන්ට අප රටේ අත්වන ඉරණමයි. ඊට අනුව රනිල් සමග පෙරහර සැදී බැඳුම්කර කොමිසම් ගොඩනැගිල්ල වෙත ගිය ඇමතිවරු, 2008 දී පර්පෙචුවල් ට්‍රෙෂරීස් සමාගම සමග එවක පැවති රජයේ ගණුදෙනු, කතාබහ ගැන පවසති.  රජයේ මූල්‍යමය ක්‍රියා පටිපාටීන් හා සම්බන්ධ වන සමාගම් සහ රජයේ වගකිව යුතතන් අතර පුද්ගලික මට්ටමේ සංවාද තිබිය යුතු නොවන බව සැබෑවකි. එමෙන්ම මෙවැනි සංවාද පලමු වතාවට ඇති වන්නට ඇත්තේ 2008 දී නොවේ. දේශපාලනය යනු බොහෝ දෙනෙකුට සල්ලි උනන උල්පතක් බවට පත්වූ පසු අපට සුපිරිසිදු ගණුදෙනු අපේක්ෂාකල නොහැකිව ගියේය. නමුත් මෙතැන ඇති ප්‍රශ්නය 2014 දී මිලියන 250-300 ත් අතර වූ පර්පෙචුවල් ට්‍රෙෂරීස් සමාගමේ බැඳුම්කර කොටස් සඳහා වූ ලංසුව 2015 වන විට, පර්පෙචුවල් ට්‍රෙෂරීස් සමාගමේ හිමිකරුගේ මාමණ්ඩිය මහ බැංකු අධිපති පදවියට පත්ව මාසයක් ඇතුලත, මිලියන 3000 දක්වා ඉහල ගියේ කෙසේද යන්නයි.

මේ හිමිකරුගේ මාමණ්ඩිය මේ තැනට ගෙන ආවේද, මේ කිලිටි ගණුදෙනුව හෙලිදරව් වී තිබියදීද ඔහුගේ සේවය දීර්ඝ කරන්නට දැඟලුවේද, බැරිවූ තැන අලුත් තනතුරක් නිර්මාණය කර, අදාල සේවා ගිවිසුමත් රැගෙන තමන්ම සිංගප්පූරුවට ගොස් අත්සන් කරවාගෙන ආවේද වත්මන් අගමැතිවරයා බැවින් ලැජ්ජාවක් ඇතිනම් ඔහුට මේ ප්‍රශ්නයේදී ලෙහෙසියෙන් අත පිසදා ගන්නට නොහැකිය. පසුගිය රජය කල කී දේ මේ ප්‍රශ්නයේදී සමාවට කරුණක් නොවේ. දැන් සිදුවී ඇත්තේ හොරකම් කරනවා මදිවාට ඒවා පිලිබඳව උදම් අනන්නටත් ඉදිරිපත් වීමය. මෙය බයට වඩා ලැජ්ජාව පිලිබඳ කාරණයකි. බුදු බණේ තිබෙන්නේද පුද්ගලයෙකු තුල පාපය කෙරෙහි ලැජ්ජාව සහ බය තිබිය යුතුයි කියාය.

එදා බටලන්ද කොමිසමේ කරුණු විභාගයේදී රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ විසින් තම බලය අයුතු ලෙස භාවිතාකර ශ්‍රී ලාංකික පුරවැසියන් දහස් ගණනක් වද බන්ධනයටද, මරණයටද පත්කරන්නට පාර කැපූ කරුණ ඔප්පුවන බව එම වාර්තාවේ සඳහන්ව තිබිනි. නමුත් එසේ ඔප්පු වූවා කියා ඉන් එහාට සිදුවූ දෙයක් නැත. එම කොමිසම් වාර්තාව මැතිවරණයක් පවත්වන කාල සීමාවේදී පමනක් රනිල්ට පහර ගැසීමටත්, ඒ හරහා 87-90 සමයේ තම සමීපතම ඥාතීන් අහිමිව සිටි මිනිසුන්ගේ හැඟීම් රිදවා ඡන්ද ගරා ගැනීමටත් යොදාගනු ලැබිනි. ඒ ප්‍රහාර තුල අද සිටින බය නැති අගමැති, බටලන්දේ වෘකයා විය. එපමනකි. එදා තමන්ට දේශපාලන බලයක් නැති තැනදී කරුණු සිදුවූයේද එසේනම් අද අගමැතිවරයා ලෙස ඔහු කුමට බිය වන්නේද? මෙය ජනාධිපති කොමිසමක් බව සැබැවි. නමුත් මෙතැන ජනාධිපතිගේ ප්‍රශ්නයක් නැත. ඔහුට විශේෂයෙන් ඩිසයින්කල ටී ෂර්ට් එකක් හා කැප් තොප්පියක් අන්දවා බ්‍රෙසියරයක් හෝ මයිලෝ පැකට් එකක් අතට දුන්විට මොන මොනවා හෝ කියවා සමාජය විහිලුවෙන් කුල්මත් කරනු ඇත. එදා රනිල් ප්‍රමුඛ එජාපය පලවා හරිනුවස් මිනී වලවල් හෑරූ, බටලන්ද ජනාධිපති කොමිසමේ නිර්මාතෘවරිය අද ඔහුගේ පාර්ශ්වයේ සිටිමින් ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය නන්නත්තාර කිරීමේ අරමුණින් කටයුතු කිරීම තුල තම ප්‍රබලතම දේශපාලන ප්‍රතිවාදියා වූ ශ්‍රීලනිප ය සම්බන්ධව බිය වන්නට කාරණයක් නැත. අනික යහපාලන රජයේ බහුතරය එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයෙනි.

2015 දී මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන නම් එවකට හිටපු ශ්‍රීලනිප මහ ලේකම්වරයා පොදු අපේක්ෂකයා ලෙස එජාප ය සමග දීගයට පොලඹවන විට ඊට උඩගෙඩි දුන් සියල්ලෝ, එහි ප්‍රතිඵලයක් ලෙස රනිල් අගමැති බවට පත්වන බව දැන සිටියහ. එමෙන්ම මේ සියලු දෙනාම රනිල්ට අත්වැල ඇල්ලූ ප්‍රධානතම හවුල්කාරිය වන චන්ද්‍රිකාගේ පැටිකිරියද දැන නොසිටියාය කියා කිව හැකිද? මෙවර රනිල් අගමැති වූයේ ව්‍යවස්ථාවට පටහැනි අන්දමිනි. එතැනදී භාවිතා වූයේ විධායක ජනාධිපති බලතලයි. රනිල්ගේ දේශපාලන ඉතිහාසය ජනාධිපති සිරිසේන නොදන්නවා නොවේ. ඉතින් මේ තමන් හොඳහැටි දන්නා අගමැතිවරයා, දේශපාලන කෙමිසමක් හරහා දේශපාලනිකව අගතියට යවන්නට ජනාධිපතිවරයාට වුවමනාවක් ඇතැයි සිතිය නොහැකිය. තම තමන් ලද තනතුරු අනුව ජනාධිපති හා අගමැති එකිනෙකාට කලගුණ සලකා ගන්නා තත්වයක් තිබියදී රනිල් කුමට බය වන්නද? සමාන්‍ය පරිදි එක පක්ෂයක් රාජ්‍ය බලය දරන කාලයක නම් තමන්ට සිහිනයක් විය හැකිව තිබූ ඇමති සැප විඳින සන්ධාන ඇමති කැල ගැන රනිල් බයක් ඇතිකර නොගනු ඇත. නමුත් මේ ඇමතිවරුන් තුල, පවත්නා දේශපාලන වාතාවරණය මත ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පාක්ෂිකයින් තමන් වෙතින් දුරස් වේද යන බියක් තිබිය හැක. මෙත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන ජනාධිපතිවරයා සිංහ වෙස් ගෙන කෑ ගසනුයේ මේ බිය තුරන් කරන්නට මිස රනිල් ගැන අහිතකින් විය නොහැකිය.

මෙතැනදී සිතාගත හැකි එකම දේ නම් ලඟ එන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය යනු තම සුලු ජාතික ඡන්ද පදනම රැක ගැනීමට බලපාන ප්‍රධානතම සාධකයක් බැවින් ඊට බාධාවන ජනතාවගේ අවධානය වෙනතකට යොමු කිරීමට මේ සිදුවීම් යොදාගත හැකි බවයි.

මෑතකදී ජාතික කොඩිය එසවීම ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කලේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා ජනරජයේ ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුව දිවුරුම් දී, ශ්‍රී ලංකා රජයේ වැටුප් හා වරප්‍රසාද ලබන උතුරු පලාත් සභාවේ ඇමතිවරයෙකි. මේ සියලු වරප්‍රසාදවලට ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සෑම අසු මුල්ලකම සිටින ජනතාව විසින් ගෙවනු ලබන බදු මුදල් දායක වේ. තමාටද ජාතික කොඩිය ගැන ප්‍රශ්න ඇති බව උතුරු පලාත් මහ ඇමති විග්නේශ්වරන් කියයි. ඒ සිංහයා සහ සිංහලයා පටලවා ගත් නිසා විය හැකිය.

ජාතික කොඩියේ ඇති සිංහ රූපය සංකල්පය රැගෙන ආවේ ක්‍රි. පූ. 486 දී දිවයිනට පැමින, පැලපදියම් වූ විජය රජු විසින් බව කියැවේ. ඒ අනුව මේ සිංහයාද ඉන්දියාවෙන් ආනයනය කරන ලද්දකි. ක්‍රි. පූ. 162 දී එළාර රජු පරදවා ශ්‍රී ලංකාව (එකල ත්‍රිසිංහලය නම් විය) එක්සේසත්කල දුටුගැමුණු රජ මේ සිංහයා සහිත බැනරයට ඉරත්, සඳත් එක්කර නිර්මාණය කල ධජය 1815 දී රට ඉංග්‍රීසීන් යටතට පත්වන තුරුම රජවරුන් විසින් භාවිතා කර ඇත. 1815 දී ඉංග්‍රීසීන් විසින් තම අධිරාජ්‍ය සංගමයේ ධජය, යම් සංශෝධනයක් සහිතව ‘සිලෝන්’ වෙනුවෙන් යොදාගෙන, එතෙක් භාවිතාකල සිංහ ධජය එංගලන්තයේ චෙල්සී රාජකීය රෝහලේ තැම්පත් කරන ලදී. 20 වන ශතවර්ෂය්දී බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයන් වෙතින් නිදහස ලබාගනු පිනිස සටන්කල ඊ. ඩබ්. පෙරේරා සහ ඩී. ආර්. විජේවර්ධන යන මහත්වරු එම ධජය එංගලන්තයේ ඇති බව සොයාගෙන, එය පිලිබඳව දිණමින පුවත්පතේ විශේෂ මුද්‍රණයක් හරහා ශ්‍රී ලංකා වාසීන් වෙත ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට කටයුතු කලහ. 1948 දී ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයන් වෙතින් නිදහස ලැබුන විට ත්‍රිසිංහලේ අන්තිම රජුගේ කාලය තෙක් භාවිතාකල එම කොඩිය යොදාගත් අතර එම වසරේදීම අගමැති ඩී. එස්. සේනානායක මහතා විසින් ජාතික කොඩිය ප්‍රතිනිර්මාණය කරනු පිනිස කමිටුවක් පත්කරනු ලැබීය. එහි නිර්දේශ මත ඉර හඳ ඉවත්කර, සුලු ජාතීන් සංකේතවත් කරනු පිනිස තැඹිලි සහ කොළ වර්ණ සහිත තීරු දෙකකුත් බහුතර ජාතිය වූ සිංහල නිරූපනය කරන මෙරූන් පැහැ කොටුවේ සතර කොණට දාගැබක කොත් කැරැල්ලේ රූපද යොදන ලදී. 1972 දී ශ්‍රී ලංකාව පූර්ණ ජනරජයක් බවට පැමිනි පසුව එකම ශ්‍රී ලාංකික ජාතියක් සංකේතවත් කරමින් වටේ රන් පැහැයෙන් යතු බෝඩරයක් එක්කල අතර 1978 දී සතර කොණ ඇති කොත් කැරලි 4 බෝ පත් 4 ක් බවට වෙනසක් ඇති කලේ ජේ. ආර්. ජයවර්ධන රජය ප්‍රකාශයට පත්කල ධර්මිශ්ඨ රාජ්‍යය සංකේතවත් කරනු පිනිසය.

මෙහි සිංහයාගෙන් සංකේතවත් වනුයේ සිංහලයා නොව නිදහස හා අපේක්ෂාවයි. මෙය සියලු ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයනට පොදුය. එබැවින් ජාතික කොඩියේ කතන්දරය උතුරු පලාත් සභාවට අකැප වන්නේ කෙසේද යන්න අපැහැදිලිය. එහි ජාතීන් සියල්ල නියෝජනය වේ. කවුරුන් කැමති වුනත්, අකමැති වුනත් 74.5% ක් වූ සිංහල ජාතිය බහුතරයයි. මෙහි වෙනසක් කල නෙහැකිය. කෙසේ හෝ මේ විරෝධය තුල කියැවෙන්නේ ඔවුන් වෙනම ධජයක් අපේක්ෂා කරන බවයි. මෙවන් සිදුවීම් තුල ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය දෙස උපේක්ෂාවෙන් බලන අයට පවා බියක් දැනීම සාධාරණය. මෙවන් කරුණු පිලිබඳව රජය මුනිවත රැකීම එතරම් යෝග්‍ය නැත. තම සීයා විසින් සොයාගෙන ආ සිංහ කොඩිය ගැන මුණුපුරා වන රනිල්ට විශේෂ හැඟීමක් තිබිය යුත්තේ එම සීයලා විසින් අපේක්ෂා කල නිදහස ගැන අවබෝධයක් ඔහු තුල තිබිය යුතු බැවිනි. සංහිඳියාව යන්නනිර්වචනය විය යුත්තේ මේ ආකාරයෙන් නොවේ. බැඳුම්කර කොමිසම හමුවේ සාක්ෂි දී, ඇඟ බේරාගෙන තම නිර්භීත බව රටවැසියාට ඔප්පු කරනවාට වඩා එය වැදගත්ය. 

එසේ නොවුවහොත් ජනතාව සිතාගත යුත්තේ මෙම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයද ශ්‍රී ලාංකික ජනතාවගේ යහපැවැත්ම උදෙසා නොව දේශපාලකයන් කොටසකගේම යහපැවැත්ම උදෙසා සිදුවන්නක් බවයි. 

ජාතියේ සතුරන් හඳුනා ගනිමු

November 25th, 2017

එස්. අකුරුගොඩ

ඉතිහාසය පුරාම ආක්‍රමකයින් බලය ලබාගැනීම සහ පවත්වා ගැනීම සදහා අවිආයුධ වලට අමතරව ජනමතය විවිධාකාරයෙන් යොදවාගත් ආකාරය අපි අසා දැන ඇත්තෙමු.  ජාතිද්‍රෝහීන්ගේ ක්‍රියාකලාපයන් හේතුකොටගෙන අපි ශතවර්ෂ ගණනාවක් විදේශීන්ට යටත්ව සිටියෙමු.

 1815 -1818 කාලය තුල බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය  ආක්‍රමකයින් රට තුලින්ම සොයාගත් බලලෝභී පුද්ගලයින් මගින් ජනමතය හසුරවමින් බලය ලබාගත් ආකාරයත් බලය තහවරු කරගැනීමට යොදන විවිද උපක්‍රම මේ දිනවල ‘දෙරණ’ නාලිකාව තුලින් රඟදැක්වෙන ‘මුතුකුඩ’ ටෙලිනාට්‍යයෙන් දැකබලා ගතහැක.

දෙවන ලෝක යුද්ධය නොවන්නට අදත් අප රට යටත් විජිතයක්ය. නිදහස ලැබීමෙන් පසුවද විවිද පාලනයන්තුල හුදු ආත්මාර්ථකාමය තකා කටයුතුකල පුද්ගලයින්ගේ පාවාදීම් නිසා එම පාලනයන් කඩාහැලුනු අපගේ ජීවිත කාලය තුලදීම දැකගත හැකිවිය.

1964දී සිරිමා බණ්ඩාරනායක මැතිණියගේ රජයේ සභානායක  සහ ඇමතිවරයෙකුවූද, ශ්‍රී ලoකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ උපසභාපතිවූද සී.පී.ද සිල්වා ඇතුලු මoත්‍රි පිරිසක් මගින් එම රජය පෙරලා දැමීමත්, 2015 දී මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ රජයේ ඇමතිවරයෙකුවූද, ශ්‍රී ලoකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ ලේකම්වූද මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන ඇතුලු පිරිසක් මගින් එම රජය පෙරලා දැමීමත් කදිම නිදසුන්වේ. 1964දී සිදුකල පෙරලිය පිටු පසින් සිට පිහියෙන් ඇනීමක් බැව් බණ්ඩාරනායක මැතිණිය පැවසීමෙන් පසු එම ක්‍රියාව ‘සී-පිහි’ නමින් කලක් සමාජගතව පැවති  ආකාරය මතකයට නැඟේ. 2015 දී ද සැබැවින්ම සිදුකලේ පිටුපසින් සිට පිහියෙන් ඇනීමකි.

මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ රජය යටතේ තිස්වසරක කුරිරු ත්‍රස්තවාදය නිමකිරීම, බටහිර හා ආරම්භයේ සිට පුහුණුකරලීම් මගින් ත්‍රස්තවාදය පෝෂනය කළ රටවලට ඉමහත් ප්‍රශ්නයක් වූවාට සැකනැත. ත්‍රස්තවාදය නිමකරලීම, එල්ටීටීයේ දේශපාලන හස්තයවූ දෙමළ සන්ධානයට, ගෝලීය ද්‍රවිඩ සoසඳයට, ඊනියා දේශපාලන විසඳුම් ගැන කටමැත දොඩමින් ඩොලර් මත යැපෙන රාජ්‍ය නොවන සoවිධාන, ත්‍රස්තවාදීන් සමග සාම ගිවිසුම් ගැසූ දේශපාලකයින්ටද තම ඉදිරි පැවැත්ම ප්‍රශ්නයක් විය. කෙසේ හෝ රාජපක්ෂ පාලනය පෙරලා තම අරමුණු ඉටුකරගත හැකි රූකඩ පාලනයක් පත්කර ගැනීම එහි ප්‍රතිඵලය විය.

අද අප රට කම්භ හොරුන්ගේ පරාදීසියක් බවට පත්ව ඇති බැව් නොරහසකි. භාණ්ඩාගාර බිල්පත් වoචාව හමුවේ රාජ්‍ය බැoකු වලට සහ සේවක අර්ථ සාධක අරමුදලට සිදුකර ඇති මහපරිමාණ අලාභයන්ට වගකිවයුතු වoචනිකයින් මූල්‍ය  නීති උල්ලoඝනයකිරීම හා දූෂණ චෝදනා යටතේ අධිකරණය ඉදිරියට පමුණුවා අත්අඩoගුවට පත්කිරීමට  අපමණ  සාක්ෂි තිබියදීත්, එසේ නොකොට කල්මරමින්,  විමසීම් කමිටු සහ කොමිෂන් සභා පත්කරමින් වoචනිකයින් ට නිදැල්ලේ හැසිරීමට අවශ්‍ය පසුබිම සකසා තිබේ.

නොයෙකුත් කූට උපක්‍රම මගින් ජනතාව මුලාකරමින් මැතිවරණ සිතියම හකුලා දමා ඇත. රාජපක්ෂ පාලනය අවසන් කිරීමට අතහිත දුන් බෙදුම්වාදීන්ගේ මනදොල පිරවීමට අවශ්‍ය,  ව්‍යවස්ථා , යුද අපරාධ අධිකරණ  ආදී සියලු කටයුතු සම්පාදනය වෙමින් පවතී.

දශක 6කට ආසන්න කාලයක් එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ විරෝධී නායකත්වයක් සැපයූ ශ්‍රී ලoකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයත්, එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ රජයක් යටතේ තම නායකයා ඇතුලු 60,000  ක ක්‍රියාකාරීන් පිරිසක් මැරුම් කෑ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණත්,  බෙදුම්වාදී ත්‍රස්ථවාදයට, දෙමළ සන්ධානයට, ප්‍රභා-රනිල් ගිවිසුම  ආදියට සිය ආරම්භයේ සිටම විශාල හඬක් නැගූ  හෙල උරුමයත් අද සිරිකොතේ මාර්ගෝපදේශකත්වයට පත්ව ඇති ආකාරය වත්මන් පාලනය මෙහෙයවන බලවේගයන්ගේ සැලසුම්වල තරම මැනවින් පෙන්වා දෙයි.

එවන් සැලසුම් සහගත ක්‍රියාකලාපයන් හමුවේ ඉදිරි මාස කිහිපය අප රටට ඉතාමත් තීරනාත්මක කාලයක් වනු ඇත.

එස්. අකුරුගොඩ

ජනාධිපති තුමාට සාමාන්‍ය වැසියෙකු ගෙන් පිලිතුරු

November 25th, 2017

සෝමපාල සෙනරත්

ජනාධිපති තුමා

දූෂණයට, වංචාවට එරෙහිව තීන්දු තීරණ ගන්නාවිට එයට විරුද්ධව තමාට චෝදනා එල්ල කරන්නේනම් තමන් සියලූ තනතුරු අතහැර ජනතාව සමග එක්ව එම සටන ඉදිරියටම ගෙන යාමට සූදානම් බව ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතා අවධාරණය කරයි.

සාමාන්‍ය වැසියා

මේක පොඩිඑකාගේ ලිවුම වැනි බොලඳ කියමනකි.අපි ඔබතුමා පත්කලේ පාරට බැසීමට නොවේ. දූෂණයට, වංචාවට එරෙහිව  ඔබට ගතහැකි හොඳම තීන්දුව සහ තීරණය ඔබතුමාට පහසුවෙන්ම කළ හැකි දෙයක් වන අගමැති තුමාත් ඔබට චෝදනා කරන ඔය ඇමති වරුනුත් තනතුරුවලින් පහ කිරීමයි. ඔබතුමාට අපි චන් දය දුන්නේ ශ්‍රී ල නි ප පක්‍ෂයෙන්  පැමිණි අපේක්‍ෂකයා ලෙස නිසා නොවේ.  දූෂණයට, වංචාවට විරුද්ධ වූ නිසයි. එසේ නම් ඔබතුමා පක්‍ෂ බේධ වලින් තොරව මේ කාරණයට කැපවේ යයි අපි සිතුවෙමු. එහෙත් රැවුලයි කැඳයි දෙකම බැරිවා සේ  හොරුන් පිරිවරා ගෙන මේ නිර්මල ක්‍රියාව කල නොහැකිය.

අනික් අතට ජනපති බලතල ඇති ඔබ, ඒවා හැරදමා අපිට එකතුවී මොකක් කරන්නද ? අපිට ඇති බලයක් නැත. අපේ දරුවන් අපේ සහෝදර සහෝදරියන් දෙමවුපියන් දස දහස් ගණනින් දෙමළ වර්ගවාදීන් විනාශ් කිරීමට ජීවිත පූජා කොට අවසන් ය. ඔබට ඇත්තේ එතුරුටික වන 13 වැනි ව්‍යවස්ථාව ඉවත් කොට, පළාත් සභා සුදු අලියා නැති කොට, රට දියුනු කිරීම සඳහා ඔබේ බල තල යොදා ගැනීමයි. ඔබ කරන්න යන්නේ ඒ ජීවිත පූජාව පාවාදී වැර්දි ආකාරයේ මිනීමරු සටනක් ගැන ගිය ජනවර්ගයාගේ දුකට පමණක් සවන් දී ඔවුන්ට බලතල බෙදන කඬායමකට නායකත්වය දීම යි. අපේ දරුවන් මේ බව දන්නේ නම් සටනට නොයනු ඇත. එසේනම් ඔබ දැනටමත් කොටි ත්‍රස්තයින් ට ගොදුරුවී අවසානය.

ජනාධිපති තුමා

ශී‍්‍ර ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂ ආණ්ඩුව වැරදි කළ නිසා ශී‍්‍ර ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂ අපේක්ෂකයා 2015 වසරේදී පරාජයට පත්වූ බවත් එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ පිරිස් ද ආණ්ඩුව තුළ සිටිමින් එම වැරදි සහ අඩු පාඩු එලෙසම සිදු කරන්නේනම් ජනතාව එය අනුමත නොකරන බවත්  ජනාධිපතිවරයා මෙහිදී කියා සිටියේය.

සාමාන්‍ය වැසියා

ඔව්. අපිද එයම අවධාරණය කරමු. ඔබේ බලතල යොදා ඔය ඔබට චෝදනා කරණ ඇමති තුමා අස් කරන්න. මේ ආණ් ඩුවේ  හොරුන් ට දඬුවම් කරන්න. එසේම ගිය ආණ්ඩුවේ (ඔබ හොඳින්ම දන්නා)හොරුන්ටද  දඬුවම් කරන්න. කිසිම හොරෙක් හෝ මිනීමරුවෙක් හෝ ආරක්‍ෂා කරන්න එපා, එසේ කිරීමට ඉඩ දෙන්නත් එපා. එසේ වුවත් ඔබේ දේසනා පමණකි. කොමිසම පත්කිරීම හැරුනු විට, වැඩ නම් අපි තවමත් දැක්කේ නැත. අපට මේවා කියා වැඩක් නැත. ජනාධිපති බලතල අතට ගන්න. දැඩි ලෝභය , පක්‍ෂග්‍රාහීත්වය අත් හරින්න. ඔබේ එඩිතරකම් ක්‍රියාවෙන් පෙන්වන්න.

ජනාධිපති තුමා

වෙන්වීම පහසු බවත් එක්වීම අපහසු බවත් පැවසු සිරිසේන මහතා දේශපාලන ළදරුවන් නොවී පරිණත සහ බුද්ධිමත් දේශපාලනඥයින් ලෙස බෙදීම්වලින් තොරව රට වෙනුවෙන් ඉදිරියට යාම සියලූදෙනාගේ වගකීම බව ද කීය.

සාමාන්‍ය වැසියා

හොරුන් සමග එක්වී රටට වැඩ කල නොහැක.  මහජනයා වශයෙන් අපි එක් වුනෙමු. අපි අපේ  දරුවන් ගෙන්,  අපේ සහෝදර සහෝදරියන් ගෙන්, දෙමවුපියන් ගෙන් සදහටම වෙන් වුනෙමු. ඒ දෙමළ වර්ගවාදීන් විනාශ කිරීමට යි.  දැන් ඔබ ඔබේ සගයින් ගෙන් වෙන් වෙන්න. රට වෙනුවෙන් දූෂණයට, වංචාවට එරෙහිව සටන් කරන්න.

ජනාධිපති තුමා

දේශපාලන බලය හා පුද්ගලික න්‍යාය පත‍්‍රවලට අනුව කටයුතු නොකර රටට හා ජනතාවට ආදරය කරන දේශපාලනඥයින් බවට සියලූදෙනා පත්විය යුතු බව ජනපතිවරයා පැවසීය.

සාමාන්‍ය වැසියා

ඔව්. අපි එක හඬින් එක හදින් මෙය අනුමත කරමු. එහෙත් සත් පුරුෂයින් සහ කල්‍යාණ මිත්‍රයින් කියා දෙකොටසක් සිටින බව බුදුරජුන් දෙසා ඇත​. ඔබ් එය අසා නැති බවක් ක්‍රියාවෙන් අපට පෙනේ.

ජනාධිපති තුමා

කවුරුන් කෙසේ කීවද තම වසර 50 ක දේශපාලන ජීවිතය තුළ සැමදා කැපවූයේ පිරිසිදු සහ  යහපත් දේශපාලන සංස්කෘතියක් සඳහා බවත් තමන් පුරුදුවීමට දේශපාලනයට පැමිණි අයකු නොවන බවත් ජනපතිවරයා ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.

සාමාන්‍ය වැසියා

කරුණාකර මෙය ක්‍රියාවෙන් ඔප්පුකරන්න.බොරු කීම පිරිසිදු  සහ  යහපත් දේශපාලන සංස්කෘතිය  නොවේ.  එය මහා පාපයකි. රත්තරන් අශ්වයින් කෝ ? සුවිශේෂ ගුවන් යනා කෝ ? පවුල් පාලනයට දොස් කියමින් බලයට පත් විගස තම සහෝදරයා ලොකු වැටුපකට ලොකු තනතුරකට පත් කිරීම පිරිසිදු  සහ  යහපත් දේශපාලන සංස්කෘතිය ද ? අපි මේවායින් කලකිරී සිටිමු. බොරු පුරාසාරම් නවතා රට දැන්වත් වැඩක් කොට කල පව් සෝදා ගන්න. සතුටින් මැරෙන්න හැකිවන්නේ එවිටයි.

ජනාධිපති තුමා

පළාත් පාලන මැතිවරණය කල් දැමීම පිළිබඳ චෝදනා එල්ල කළ ද ශී‍්‍ර ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයට ද අවශ්‍යව ඇත්තේ ඉතා ඉක්මණින් මැතිවරණයකට යාමට බව පැවසූ ජනපතිවරයා ඊට අවශ්‍ය සියලූ කැපවීම් මේවන විට සිදුකර තිබෙන බව  ද කියා සිටියේය.

සාමාන්‍ය වැසියා

ඔබේ ඔය කැපවීමෙන් අවසාන ප්‍රතිඵලය කුමක් ද ? මුස්ලිම් ඇමති වරයෙක් පත් කොට ඔහුට වුවමනා හැටියට විල්පත්තුව අසල මෙන්ම ශ්‍රීපාද ප්‍රදේශයේද  චන්ද කොට්ටාශ තීරණය කිරීම ඔහුට බලය දී , එසේම  නීතියට ද විරුද්ධව වැඩ කොට නැති ප්‍රශ්න ඇති කොට තිබියදී ඔබ නිදි බවයි අපට පෙනෙන් නේ. වහාම අවදිවන්න.

ජනාධිපති තුමා

19 වැනි ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සම්මතකර ගනු ලැබුවේ එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ආසන 47ක් පමණක් පවතින අවස්ථාවේදී වන බවත් ශී‍්‍ර ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය ප‍්‍රමුඛ එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සන්ධානයේ 142 ක් ඒ සඳහා ඡන්දය ලබාදුන් බවත් ඒ මහතා පැවසීය.

සාමාන්‍ය වැසියා

කරුණාකර අවසාන ප්‍රථිපලය දෙස බලන්න​.  මෙසේ දෙපක්‍ෂයක් එකතු කිරීමෙන් සිදුවී ඇත්තේ හොරු තවදුරටත් ආරක්‍ෂා වීමත්, සුලු වර්ග වාදීන්ට තව තවත් අසාධාරණ , අනිසි වාසි වීමත් එමගෛන් රටේ සමෘද්ධිය​, සමගිය , භෞමික අඛණ් ඩතාවයට තර්ජන නැවතත් එල්ලවීම පමණි.

Impending arrest of Gotabhaya Rajapaksa

November 25th, 2017

by C. A. Chandraprema Courtesy The Island

* Prez. Sirisena desperately woos JO for his political survival
* UNP in frantic moves to expedite elections to hobble Sirisena
* JVP in bid to wash off its sins in voting for new elections laws

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Virtually everything said in this column about the local government elections and the possibility of the yahapalana government postponing them with a Puthukudiirippu-Maritime Pattu style operation by petitioning courts came true last week with the Appeal Court issuing a stay order on the local government delimitation gazette. Every political maneuver that this government makes can be accurately predicted months ahead. Frantic talks are now being held by the SLFP with their estranged colleagues in the Joint Opposition to form an alliance to contest the local government elections. However this can’t happen without some significant political changes. Virtually all SLFP parliamentarians in the Joint Opposition have been sacked from their SLFP electoral organizer positions and others have been appointed in their place. A tie up cannot take place unless President Sirisena re-appoints all the sacked SLFP parliamentarians to their former positions and sacks those whom he appointed to those positions not so long ago.

Furthermore, the speaker will have to recognize the Joint Opposition as a separate group in parliament so that the Opposition Leadership goes to the Joint Opposition. The most important change required will be that the SLFP will have to leave the government before the elections because it will be impossible for members of the Joint Opposition and the SLFP to stand together on the same platform if the latter remains a part of the government. If the SLFP ministers in the government try to participate in a JO rally while still remaining in the government, they will all be hooted off the stage and not one will be allowed to speak. Those that have gathered around the JO is an uncompromisingly anti-government crowd. So even though the SLFP central committee passed a resolution last Thursday to the effect that they will contest together with the JO, many changes will have to be made before that can even be contemplated.

Even though this tie up is still at the discussion stage, yahapalana circles are highly agitated at the mere prospect of such a thing taking place. The banned Lanka e News website reported that several yahapalana officials involved in investigating the corrupt deals of the Rajapaksas had rung them up and said that they are making plans to flee the country and seek political asylum overseas as their lives are now in danger. This columnist has been saying all along that President Sirisena’s objective was to destroy the hierarchy of the UNP and to ensure that when the next Presidential election comes around, that the UNP voters have no option but to support him for another term. A part of that has been achieved because the image of the UNP has been seriously damaged by the bond commission and they are in no position to face a presidential election.

However, if the expectation was that the UNP would begin to disintegrate when the Prime Minister was called before the Bond Commission that did not take place. When Ranil Wickremesinghe went to the Commission, he was accompanied by dozens of UNP ministers to make a public show of standing by him and the UNP backbenchers expressed their solidarity with their leader by lashing out at President Sirisena and the SLFP. The Sirisena camp’s grand strategy had misfired, the UNP was still in once piece and no one in the UNP seems prepared to abandon Wickremesinghe and the UNP and to join Sirisena’s SLFP. This columnist has been saying all along that the way the UNP can finish Sirisena off before he finishes the UNP off was by having the local government or PC elections. The UNP seems to have realized this. Last week, UNP backbencher Mujibur Rahaman was suggesting that if there are complications in the gazette notification relating to the new system of elections, they can with a simple majority in parliament reintroduce the provisions of the former system of proportional representation and go ahead with the election – a suggestion which certainly has merit and can be resorted to if all attempts to expedite the elections under the new system fail.

In the meantime, the UNP has joined the Joint Opposition and the JVP in doing everything possible to expedite the holding of elections. At the party leaders meeting held on Friday, the Attorney General had agreed to file a motion in the Court of Appeal calling for the early hearing of the petition filed before the Court of Appeal against the gazette related to local government polls. So there is the possibility that the CA may take up the matter as early as Thursday next week. The Chairman of the Elections Commission Mahinda Deshapriya had also attended the meeting and had said that elections could be held to 133 local government bodies which had not been affected by the gazette. Thus the noose is tightening around President Sirisena. It is in this context that rumors began flying around Colombo that Gota was to be arrested. One story said that it was the UNP faction in the government that was trying to get Gota arrested in order to make a tie up between the SLFP and the JO an impossibility and that therefore President Sirisena had blocked it.

Corruption involving a burial ground

In the meantime UNP sources have been saying that it is not they but Sirisena himself who is trying to have Gota arrested and prosecuted so that he will be eliminated as a possible contender at the next presidential elections. The only thing that everyone seems to agree on is that he is to be arrested over the allegation that government money was misappropriated in building the D.A.Rajapaksa memorial in Medamulana. However, arresting Gota over the Medamulana memorial is going to be a bad mistake. The facts of that case are not known to the wider public at the moment. Only the readers of The Island and the Divaina would have some understanding of that case because this writer wrote about it to both newspapers. However those articles were written at a time when there was no national focus on this particular case.

Now however if Gota is arrested over the Medamulana memorial, every newspaper, TV Station and Website in the country will start looking for details of this case and what they will find will not confer any advantage on the government. In fact the government is going to end up with egg on their faces on this matter. When this government first came into power, they spoke of massive corruption running into billions of US dollars in kickbacks. But now when the Rajapaksas are being arrested, it will be over insignificant matters that hardly merits mention and which government in its right senses would ever have tried to characterize as corruption. If the government is expecting to discredit Gota by arresting him over the Medamulana memorial, the final result will most probably be the opposite of what they expect.

If as has been reported in news websites such as Colombo Telegraph the AG is showing diffidence in arresting Gota over the Medamulana memorial matter, that is because this will be a political witch hunt and not a genuine case of misappropriation of state funds. The issue in a nutshell is as follows. In early 2014, the D.A. Rajapaksa Foundation, a public body created by statute wanted to build a proper memorial at the spot where D.A. Rajapaksa was interred. It was by the Board of Directors of a body that was under Gota, the Sri Lanka Land Reclamation and Development Corporation (SLLRDC) which undertook the construction of the memorial in the basis that the cost would be reimbursed to them by the Foundation. The SLLRDC board minutes specifically states that funds for this project will be received from various sources, and that the collection of the same would be done by a committee.

It is not clear whether this committee referred to was to be a body of the SLLRDC or of the D.A.Rajapaksa Foundation or of both. Be that it may, it was the responsibility of the D.A.Rajapaksa Foundation to reimburse the money to the SLLRDC. The construction was to be done by the Navy and it was the latter who had given an estimate of Rs. 33.9 million for the entire memorial. The memorial had in due course been completed, and on 21 August 2015, the General Manager of the SLLRDC had informed the Rajapaksa Foundation that they were in the process of preparing the final bill which will be sent to them shortly, and asking for an advance payment of Rs. 25 million. This money was duly paid by the Rajapaksa Foundation. However when the final bill arrived, the Rajapaksa Foundation was in for a shock. The SLLRDC had sent a final bill for Rs. 81 million. There had been no revision of the original estimate and no change to the design of the memorial had been made and the Rajapaksa Foundation had said that this could not have cost that much.

Then the SLLRDC sent a letter of demand through a law firm to the D. A. Rajapaksa Foundation asking for the remaining Rs. 56 million. A valuation of the memorial was carried out by the Chief Government Valuer in January 2017 and it has been valued at the originally estimated cost  – Rs. 33.9 million. The Rajapaksa Foundation had since paid a further Rs.9 million thus meeting the full cost of the project as originally estimated.

We learn that the final bill had ballooned to an estimate of Rs. 81 million is because the construction of the D. A. Rajapaksa memorial had been lumped together with some other minor projects being carried out by the SLLRDC in that area including the building of a police station and referred to collectively the ‘Weeraketiya Project’. The costs of the other projects too had been included under the D. A. Rajapaksa memorial project and charged to the Foundation. So there is no reason why the D.A.Rajapaksa Foundation should pay the extra charge. There is no way that the original estimate could have ballooned to over twice the original cost within the short time it took to build the memorial. This is the issue over which Gota is to be arrested. If the SLLRDC feels they have not been paid their dues and they have sent a letter of demand, that should be pursued as a civil suit. But then again, if the original cost was estimated at Rs. 33.9 million and the government valuer has estimated it to cost that much and nothing more, is there even a case for a civil suit, if that money has already been reimbursed?

The reason why this government is failing on all fronts is because they spend so much of their time and effort pursuing such inanities. Prof. G.L.Peiris the Chairman of the SLPP and himself a former Professor of law told the Sunday Island that this government since it came into power has arrested over a dozen MPs as well as several other senior officials on flimsy grounds for no other reason than to keep them in jail and to convey the impression to the public that they may have done something wrong. Most ordinary people are unaware that the courts are bound to remand a person charged under certain laws. It is the police that files charges and it is possible for the political authorities using the police, to get their political opponents remanded by misleading the courts. A recent example of this was the remanding of Mahinda Rajapaksa’s former chief of staff Gamini Senarath. After having spent two weeks in jail, the Magistrate’s court granted him bail on the grounds that the offence he is supposed to have committed did not involve state funds.

Prof. Peiris said that the Joint Opposition will in due course initiate action against the individual police officers responsible for filing charges against the political opponents of the government. He stated that the police will be subject to a delictual liability for their actions. A delict, is defined as a violation of public or private duty which includes wrongful acts which, while directly affecting some individual, also have public consequences. He points out that The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights confers on any person who has been the victim of unlawful arrest or detention, an enforceable right to compensation and that the common law remedy of a delictual action for damages for false impri­sonment and malicious arrest is available to a victim of unlawful arrest or detention.

When Basil was arrested in 2015

One of the cases that will clearly qualify as an instance of wrongful arrest and detention was that of Basil Rajapaksa when was arrested and kept in remand for three months in 2015. That was on the charge that in October 2014, Rs. 2,500 had been released to each Divineguma recipient to make improvements to their houses under the Isurumath Niwahanak programme and that the money had been advanced to the Divineguma Department from the Divineguma Prajamula Bank until it was reimbursed by the Treasury. The FCID had submitted to courts that according to article 44 (b) of the Divineguma Act, the money in the Divineguma Prajamula Banks was state property and therefore came under Article 5(1) of the Offences Against Public Property Act No: 12 of 1982.

However, Article 44 of the Divineguma Act did not declare that the Divineguma Prajamula Banks was state property. What Article 44 of the Divineguma Act sought to do was to repeal the The Samurdhi Development Authority Act  No.30 of 1995, the Southern Development Authority Act No.18 of 1996 and the Udarata Development Authority Act No.26 of 2005. Upon the repeal of these Acts, “all property movable and immovable, belonging to the Samurdhi Development Authority, Southern Development Authority and Udarata Development Authority were deemed to be the property of the Government.” Article 44(b) of the Divineguma Act refers only to the ‘movable and immovable property’ of the Samurdhi Authority and other bodies that had been abolished and not to the deposits of members in the Samurdhi Banks which had been seamlessly converted into Divineguma Prajamula Banks with the passage of the Divineguma Act.

The provision that applies to the Divineguma Prajamula Banks is not article 44(b) as stated by the FCID to courts but Articles 44(g) and 45. By Article 44(g) of the Divineguma Act, all Samurdhi Banking Societies and Samurdhi Banking Federations that were in operation were deemed to have become Divineguma Prajamula Banks and Divineguma Prajamula Banking Societies respectively. Article 45 of the Divineguma Act stipulated that the trusts and funds established by the Samurdhi Development Authority shall be managed by the Divineguma Department without any change in the beneficiaries and the objectives and the purposes for which such funds were established. Hence the funds in the Divineguma Prajamula Banks do not belong to the State but to the Divineguma beneficiaries and the money disbursed to the Divineguma recipients to make improvements to their houses was their own money and not money belonging to the state.

Furthermore, according to Article 28(d) of the Divineguma Act, one of the functions of the Divineguma Prajamula Banks was to ensure ‘the welfare of the depositors and members of their families’ and providing a grant to make improvements to the houses of Divineguma beneficiaries was well within the scope of the Prajamula Banks. Furthermore the Rs. 2,500 advance had been paid only to 1.1 million Divineguma beneficiaries and not to the general public. Basil Rajapaksa was arrested at a time when the yahapalana government was still new and the JO was not organized in its present form. So the details of his case were not made public the way they should have been. Now however the situation is different. If any of the Rajapaksas are arrested, the details of the case will be released to the media along with the relevant documentation. In fact On Friday last week, The Maubima Surekeeme Jathika Sanvidhanaya led by Ven. Muruttetuuwe Ananda held a press conference and explained at least in part what the Medamulana issue was all about. If Gota is indeed arrested there will be many more people explaining in greater detail what this was all about.

Politically speaking, arresting a Rajapaksa on the eve of the local government elections will be what the Joint Opposition needs to add that extra element of energy or elemental energy (whichever way one likes to put it) to the election. If the expectation of the government is that such an arrest will discourage the JO, the effect it will actually have will be exactly the opposite. The bid to have elections held has gathered strength from the fact that the JVP has also joined in the campaign. They will in fact be very eager to prove their bona fides before the public by shouting louder than the others, because they too are responsible for the postponement of elections by going along with the government to change the electoral system for reasons of their own survival. Now because of the ignominy of having collaborated with the government, they are at risk of losing what they tried to preserve through that very collaboration and they will have to take a leadership role in the campaign to win elections if they are to retain at least their existing vote base.

Despite JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake roaring in Parliament that they are willing to join with anybody to win elections and invited the JO to join them in the struggle, JO leader Dinesh Gunawardena was quick to point out that it was the JVP for their own selfish reasons who provided this government with the two thirds majority needed to pass the law that effectively postponed the PC elections. If not for what the JVP did, we would by now have been in the middle of the elections to the Sabaragamuwa, North Central and Eastern elections. As we go to press the news is just in that the Elections Commission has decided to call for nominations to 93 LG institutions which are not affected by the disputed gazette. Thus the fat is now in the fire.

එක් දින පළාත් පාලන මැතිවරණ ‘මිත්‍යාවකි‘.  නෛතික බාධාවක් නොමැති පළාත් පාලන ආයතන 93 හි ඡන්ද විමසීම පැවැත්විය යුතුය.

November 25th, 2017

පුවත්පත් නිවේදනය විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ/කැෆේ සංවිධානය

 

ඡන්දය කල් දමා ගැනීමේ දේශපාලන අරමුණ ඇති පෙත්සම්කරුවන් හරහා අධිකරණය මගින් ඡන්දය කල් දමා ගැනීමේ ගිලටීනයට හසුව නැති පළාත් පාලන ආයතන 93 ක ඡන්දය විමසීම සදහා මැතිවරණ කොමිසම කටයුතු කළ යුතු බව කැෆේ සංවිධානය නිවේදනයක් නිකුත් කරමින් පවසයි.

ජනාධිපතිවරයා විසින් නිකුත් කළ ගැසට් නිවේදනය පාදක කොට ගෙන පළාත් පාලන ආයතන 93 ක ඡන්ද විමසීම පැවැත්විය හැකිය.  ඒ සදහා ඡන්ද විමසීම නිවේදනය කිරීමේ ගැසට් පත්‍ර‍ය ප්‍ර‍කාශයට පත් කිරීමට මැතිවරණ කොමිෂන් සභාවට බාධාවක් නැත.   ඡන්ද සිතියම අකුලා දැමීමේ කුමන්ත්‍ර‍ණය පරාජය කළ හැක්කේ මෙම ආයතනයන් සදහා නාම යෝජනා කැදවීම මගිනි.

එකම දිනකට ඡන්ද පැවැත්වීමේ මිත්‍යාව

සමානුපාතික ක්‍ර‍මය යටතේ ලංකාවේ පළාත් පාලන ඡන්ද  විමසීම් කිසිදු අවස්ථාවක ඉතිහාසයේ එකම දිනක පවත්වා නැත.  1991 මැයි 11 ඡන්දය පැවතියේ පළාත් පාලන ආයතන 237 කට පමණී.  මඩකලපුව,අම්පාර, ත්‍රිකුණාමලය දිස්ත්‍රික්ක හා වව්නියා නගර සභා මැතිවරණය පැවතියේ 1994 ජනවාරි 13 දිනයි.

1997 චන්ද්‍රිකා කුමාරතුංග රජය යටතේ ද ලංකාවේ එකම අවස්ථාවක  ඡන්දය පැවැත්වූයේ නැත.  යාපනය හා පච්චිලපලෛයි ඡන්දය පැවතියේ 1998 දී ය.  2002 පෙබරවාරි හා මැයි වට දෙකකින් එදා තුන්වන පළාත් පාලන මැතිවරණ වටය පැවැත්විණි.   2006 පළාත් පාලන ඡන්දය 2006 මාර්තු හා මැයි වට දෙකකින් පැවුත්වුණි.  2011 මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ රජය විසින් පෙබරවාරි, ජූලි සහ ඔක්තෝබර් ලෙස වට තුනකින් ඡන්ද විමසීම පවත්වා ඇත.

ශ්‍රීලනිපයේ ආධාරකරුවන් විසින් ඉදිරිපත් කළ අමාත්‍ය ෆයිසර් මුස්තාෆා මහතා ගේ අනුදැනුම සහිතව සිදු කළ බවට විශ්වාස කරන පෙත්සම මගින් පලාත් පාලන ආයතන 203 ක ඡන්දය පැවැත්වීම අභියාචනාධිකරණය මගින් මේ වන විට තහනමට ලක් කොට ඇත.  නමුත්, නඩු නිමිත්ත බවට පත් වූ බහු ආසන ඇත්තේ එයින් 64 ක පමණී.

දෙහිවල ගල්කිස්ස, කැස්බෑව, කෝට්ටේ, මහරගම, හෝමාගම, පෑලියගොඩ, වත්තල මාබෝල, මිනුවන්ගොඩ, ජා ඇල හා බියගම ඇතුළු පලාත් පාලන ආයතන 93 ක ට මැතිවරණ කොමිෂන් සභාව විසින් ඡන්ද විමසීම සදහා නියෝග නිකුත් කිරීමේ නෛතික බාධාවක් මේ වන විට නොමැත.

කීර්ති තෙන්කෝන්

විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ/කැෆේ සංවිධානය

2017 නොවැම්බර් 25

SRI LANKA’S SINHALA BUDDHIST CULTURAL IDENTITY

November 25th, 2017

Dr. Daya Hewapathirane

My motherland – whatever label you may wish to ascribe to it – Heladiva, Helabima, Sinhalay or Sri Lanka, has existed from ancient times, as a single political entity or an island nation, within the same natural oceanic borders. The boundaries of all ancient countries have undergone changes at different times in the past. In this respect, Sri Lanka may be considered as the oldest country in the world within the same national or political boundaries. Sri Lanka has existed within the same distinct island borders as an independent sovereign nation from as far back as the 6th century BCE or more than 2500 years. Ours is among very few countries in the world with an unbroken written history that goes back to more than 2500 years. This written history matches perfectly with foreign records and archaeological findings.

The Sinhala Buddhist culture is the national culture of Sri Lanka. It is one of the World’s oldest, continuous, unchanged cultures in existence and a culture that is unique to Sri Lanka. The island’s Buddhist culture has achieved an individuality and identity that distinguishes it from its neighbors. It is important to note that whatever cultural traits brought from India have undergone significant changes and independent growth, largely influenced by Buddhism which was formally introduced to the country in the 3rd century BCE. Then and now, what our motherland clearly projects are its Sinhala Buddhist imprint.

The strength of this cultural foundation was tested several times in the past, during periods of foreign invasion, devastation, and exploitation. But the nation stayed intact, withstanding threats, perils, and calamities, largely owing to the power and potency of its Sinhala Buddhist cultural foundation. It is the inspiration of this strong Buddhist foundation that is reflected in the lives of the people.

NATIONAL CULTURAL HERITAGE

The unique Sinhala Buddhist identity of our country began to take shape starting in the 3rd century BCE. This was reinforced with the development and widespread use of the proto-Sinhala language based on the Prakritic language used popularly in the numerous ancient lithic inscriptions found across our country. Starting in the 3rd century BCE, for as many as 15 centuries or for over 1500 years, Sinhala Buddhists almost exclusively inhabited our island. This period witnessed the development of a vast civilization based on a hydraulic agrarian system and a rich culture and a system of administration and governance, based on Buddhist norms and principles. This period saw the rise to power of many outstanding Sinhala Buddhist kings who ruled the country from the Capitol City Anuradhapura for some 1200 years and subsequently from the capitol Polonnaruwa for some 300 years until about the 13th century.  This 1500-year period in the country’s history can be considered, indisputably, as its golden age. During this period, there were violent invasions of our country by South Indian Tamil-speaking Dravidian mercenaries. Although some of these South Indians were able to dislodge the seat of Sinhala power for limited periods of time, they were eventually ousted, and the country was unified under the rule of Sinhala Buddhist monarchy. During their invasions and rule, the country was plundered of its wealth and much destruction was caused to priceless monuments of the country. The 700-year-old Sinhala Royal palace in the citadel of Anuradhapura was burnt down. Relic chambers of stupas were broke open and valuables including gold images enshrines in them were taken away. Often after plundering the treasures, they destroyed these historic structures for good. Perhaps the saddest of all was the destruction of Thuparamaya, the oldest monument in South Asia. This exquisite Buddhist monument housed the Buddha’s right-collar bone and the Alms-bowl. The Relic chamber of Thuparamaya was broke open to pay South Indian Tamil mercenaries. The crowning ornament on Thuparama was robbed and the great canopy over Thuparama, that protected it from bad weather, was smashed to get the priceless gems and golden decorations fixed on it.

In mid 10the century the Chola invaders looted Anuradhapura extensively. The huge domes- roofs decorated in gold and silver, and embedded with gems, built to cover the large Dagaba’s and to protect them from bad weather, were destroyed again. That Included the golden umbrellas over Mirisavetiya Dagaba, and Thuparamaya. The main library in the citadel, housing the sacred books, was maliciously burnt. Jethavanaramaya, the gigantic monument recorded in history as the third tallest structure of the world, was destroyed. Temple of the Tooth Relic in the citadel was destroyed. Golden doors were ripped off from buildings. The pride of the nation, skyscraper LovaMahapaya was maliciously destroyed completely. This was the 6th time it was destroyed by the Dravidian plunderers. This was the end of the city of Anuradhapura.

BUDDHISM

The Buddhist tradition in Sri Lanka is one of the oldest there is. The Sinhala people have been practicing Buddhism continuously, far longer than anyone else in the world. Buddhism has been and continues to be the basis or foundation of the country’s culture. for over 2300 years. All deeper aspects of the country’s culture are reflective of Buddhist ideology, principles, ethics, virtues, values, morality, traditions, customs, thoughts, temperament, attitudes, and way of life. Whatever new elements that have been absorbed into the culture at different times, were subject to appropriate modifications, adjustments, and adaptations to make them compatible with Buddhist principles and values. Buddhist principles were intertwined in these new additions although there may be exceptions which often are those elements which are in the process of being adapted to fit into the cultural norms of the country.

Buddhism is not a religion with a dogmatic canon. Buddhism functions not through crusades, but through tolerance, openness, and the persuasive power of its philosophical foundation. Tolerance and the enormous adaptability of Buddhism are qualities that have remained unchanged throughout its remarkable history.  Buddhism upholds everything worthy and meaningful. It promotes peace, peaceful coexistence, and democratic principles in governance. It promotes human rights, development of individual and community virtues and discipline in accordance with the pancha seela”. Non-violence and compassion towards all living beings has been the cornerstone of the national culture of Sri Lanka from early times. Peaceful cohabitation was promoted by Sinhala Buddhist kings from early times. Respect for the natural environment and sustainable and participatory development of resources and upheld in Buddhism. In addition, Buddhism strongly promotes tolerance of other faiths, religious and social harmony, and cordial relations with other nations

OLDEST BUDDHIST COUNTRY

Ours is the oldest Buddhist country in the world with Buddhism arriving in the island and establishing itself far and wide since 237 BCE, or about 2247 years ago. Buddhists across the world respect Sri Lanka as the country where pure Buddhism or Buddhist teachings in its original form prevails – the Theravada tradition. The significance of this should be seen in the light of the following background. Sri Lanka accounts for about a mere 1% of the estimated 1472 million total Buddhists population in the world. There are about 25 countries in the world with Buddhist populations. Of them, 17 accounts for a substantial number of Buddhists which qualifies them to be referred to as Buddhist countries. The 150 million Theravada Buddhists of the world are found
basically in six countries and Sri Lankan Buddhists account for about 10% of the total Theravada Buddhist population across the world. It is also noteworthy that the traditional Sri Lanka Buddhist flag has become the global Buddhist flag.

Despite invasions, threats, challenges, Buddhist culture did not disappear from our island, unlike in the case with several other countries. Today, over 70% of the total population of Sri Lanka is Buddhists. The simple and uncomplicated lifestyle promoted by our culture, is based on the five precepts of Buddhism. Their mind-set, temperament and attitude towards life are clearly reflective of Buddhist norms and values such as compassion, non-violence, tolerance, morality, and peaceful coexistence with other living beings and with nature.

BUDDHIST SITES, MONUMENTS, AND INSTITUTIONS

The outstanding imaginative and creative powers of the Sinhala people, their talents, skills, and foresight are well evident in what remains as marvels architecture, sculpture, art, literature, and other forms of visual culture, in irrigation technology displayed magnificently across the country as living evidence of an outstanding cultural heritage. The world recognition of the greatness of this unique Sinhala Buddhist culture is reflected by the UNESCO designating our ancient royal sites as World Heritage Sites – Anuradhapura, Polonnaruwa, Mahanuwara (Kandy), Sigiriya and Dambulla, all built upon and strongly reflecting inspiration drawn from Buddhism. It is a fact that, if there is anything unequivocally worthwhile that our country can offer to the world today, it is the Buddha three visits of the Buddha at three different times in the past. During these times the Buddha set foot on 16 different places within our country which are still venerated as sacred sites. Dhamma and its outstanding culture and attitude towards life and its natural habitat.

Ours is the only country in the world that had the privilege of having some of the most venerated relics of the Buddha are found in Sri Lanka, including the Tooth relic, the right collar-bone and the Alms Bowl. Sri Lanka and Thailand are the countries with the largest collection of relics of the Buddha.

Oldest Institution in the world is Sri Lanka’s Sangha Sasana, which is still active and operational in our country.

The oldest recorded tree in the world – the Sri Maha Bodhi, is found in Sri Lanka.

Oldest Buddhist monuments, dagabos, architecture, sculpture, paintings, literature, poetry are found in our country

There is ample evidence that our ancient builders and planners were quite familiar with the principles of building construction or structural engineering. Some of their structures have lasted for over 1600 years

The Lovamahapaya is the world’s oldest skyscraper which is 145 feet high with 9 stories and 1000 rooms. The largest brick structures of the world are the ancient Buddhist dagabos of Sri Lanka such as the Jetavanaramaya, Abayagiriya, Ruvanweliseya, and Tissamaharamaya.  The Jetavanarama Stupa is about 400 feet high and is the largest brick structure in the world.

The oldest religious building/structure in Sri Lanka is the Thuparamaya stupa built by King Devanampiyatissa (307-267 BCE).

CULTURAL HERITAGE

Cultural heritage encompasses material culture, in the form of objects, structures, sites, as well as living (or expressive) culture as evidenced in forms such as music, crafts, performing arts, literature, oral tradition and language. Sculpture, architecture, paintings, and other forms of fine arts were used profusely in Sri Lanka from very early times to express Buddhist ideas and sentiment. The exceptionally rich heritage of visual arts of the Sinhala people of Sri Lanka extends to a period that exceeds 2300 years, from the 3rd century BCE to the 21st CE.  A spectacular collection of ancient sculpture, architecture and paintings adorns the island’s culture. They are conspicuous elements of the island’s Buddhist culture even today.

Culture is organic and evolving. There is however, cultural continuity from the past, through the present and into the future. Some cultural elements are preserved in an original or earlier state, whereas other cultural materials, elements and forms may have observed dynamic change, adaptation, and development with time and with exposure to other cultures, circumstances, and environments. The outcome of this dynamic change is often something unique but not necessarily completely new. However, it is peculiar to the culture concerned. It is an outcome which reflects a combination of elements of several cultures blended together but in keeping and compatible with the fundamentals of the long preserved cultural and social values of the culture. This outcome reflects a unique identity that is special to the culture. The evolution of the Buddha statue, the stupas of Sri Lanka, Buddhist paintings and the Sinhala language, are good examples.

SINHALA LANGUAGE

All salient aspects of our national culture – tangible and intangible, either grew or evolved within the borders of our country. Sinhala language and literature originated in Sri Lanka. Sinhala language in fact is the most important defining element of our nation’s culture and heritage, from historic times. The Sinhala language grew out of Indo-Aryan dialects and exists only in Sri Lanka and has its own distinguished literary tradition. Sinhala is one of the world’s oldest living languages.  There have been a wide range of languages in the world, particularly in Asia which lived and died without leaving evidence of their existence, because they were never written down. This is not the case with the Sinhala language. All other languages used in Sri Lanka originated in other countries.  It is significant to note that the overwhelming majority of people of Sri Lanka are distinguished by their language – Sinhala, which even today has a strong unifying effect in our motherland helping to reinforce the solidarity of our people as a unique cultural entity in the world. Almost all place names of the country from historic times, are in the Sinhala language – in the North, South, East, West and Central regions.

Indigenous national sovereignty of a country is an inalienable right based on profound justice. Sovereign national rights of Sri Lanka rests with the Sinhala people who are indigenous to this country, forming its dominant majority community for over 2500 years. Sri Lanka is the only national sovereign motherland of the Sinhala people. Their culture, way of life and their Sinhala language originated and developed in Sri Lanka.

Tamils, Muslims, and Malays are non-indigenous minority communities of Sri Lanka who settled in the island at different times in the past, coming from their own motherlands. The Tamils came from their motherland, the Tamilnadu where their culture and language originated. The Tamil nation of Tamilnadu is seven times bigger than Sri Lanka, where one must be a pure Tamil to hold any high official position. Wherever they live, the Tamils have their national heritage and aspirations protected within their nation – the Tamilnadu.  Any initiative that would dilute or threaten the national sovereignty of the Sinhala people is not only unjust but also illegal, and will not be acceptable to the Sinhala community.

Within any sovereign national country many non-indigenous minorities have settled down, but they do merge with the host nation into a single file. It is only by upholding the right of national sovereignty throughout the land that it will function without being violated. The granting of excessive rights to minorities in the form of alien-national rights of language, cultures and religions and exclusive ethnic areas will threaten a country’s sovereignty.

Hence, strict controls of immigration to a country are paramount in protecting its national sovereignty and territorial integrity – a basic human right of a nation of people ONLY in their indigenous national motherland.  Finally, high political positions in Sri Lanka including national leadership must be kept within the genuine Sri Lankan Hela nationals. It is noteworthy that for a high position in the Tamil Federal State of Tamil Nadu, first qualification is one must be a full-blooded Tamil.

Those settling down or have already settled down in host countries have a bounden duty to merge with the host nation into a single coherent nation of members.  It is basically, a state of mindset, not necessarily physical interaction. Within these host countries, human rights and civic rights of the host nation are what the settler minorities are entitled to and not the alien-national rights of the countries of their national origins they left behind for pastures anew. Their alien-national rights will shift to the private domain when in host countries and not to threaten the national sovereignty of the host countries either.

Sri Lanka wants all non-indigenous minorities of our nation such as the Tamils, Muslims, Moors and others of whatever label, to be a part of our Nation, to join the country’s mainstream, just the way how minority communities are expected to do in all countries of the world, especially in places like Canada, Australia, USA, UK, Norway and help to strengthen our nation founded on the noble principles of non-violence, tolerance, compassion, where peaceful co-habitation has been the cornerstone from historic times. Forgiving and forgetting” has been the attitude of our people, even to those who have harmed us repeatedly from historic times, because our people know that eventually justice and truth will prevail.

.Dr. Daya Hewapathirane

PM at the Commission: Questions that may or may never be answered

November 25th, 2017

Rajan Philips

The reactions to the Prime Ministers testimony and answers last week at the Commission of Inquiry have been as mixed as the varying opinions about the man himself and his politics. “Ranil resolute before Bond Commission” exulted one admiring headline in a financial daily. Being resolute means: admirably purposeful; determined; unwavering. The senior Ministers of his Party were all at the Commission to show solidarity. The Commission put the PM in his place as a witness but with all due dignity to the person and his position. His detractors outside were not impressed, though. They thought the PM got favoured treatment. The full serial fans missed out on the drama of the cross-examination of a prime witness. His inveterate critics took seemingly gender turns to throw left and right punches. From the left, they said they saw the PM’s Yankee hoofs when he fawningly talked about a US Treasury expert flying in to help Sri Lanka book keep its debts and bandy its bonds. From the right, they audited what they claimed were the PM’s half-answers and inconsistencies. In this never ending battle, the UNP seems to be having the last word – for now – through posters insisting about the fearlessness of their Prime Minister.

The bond scam is not so much about fearlessness as it is about foolishness. As for crimes that may or may not have been committed, it is for the courts to determine once the findings of the Commission of Inquiry are released. But there are questions arising from the answers the Prime Minister gave before the Commission, which may not rise to the threshold of criminality but which are not conducive to the goals and objectives of good governance. The questions start with the very process of hiring Arjuna Mahendran as the new Governor in January 2015, almost as soon as the new cabinet was sworn in by the newly elected President Maithripala Sirisena.

The nationality, rather the citizenship, of Mr. Mahendran has become a convenient distraction to what should be the obvious question: why was not a competitive selection process undertaken if the cabinet of ministers wanted an outsider to head the Central Bank. It would have been a different matter if an insider was selected in keeping with tradition and based on seniority. The name of Mark Carney, the Canadian Governor of the Bank of England, is often mentioned as an example of a foreign national heading a national central bank. What is conveniently left out is the fact that Mr. Carney was selected through an international competition, and he was easily the best candidate in the world to head perhaps the world’s oldest central bank. He had to be simply that good to pass muster in a highly skeptical British Parliament. As it turned out, he has proved himself to be even better by his professional excellence and independence both before and after Brexit.

No comparison

There is no comparison between the selection of Mark Carney in England and that of Arjuna Mahendran in Colombo. Nor is there any comparison between the way Mark Carney handled himself both before and after a momentous event like Brexit, and the way Arjuna Mahendran handled a rather routine matter like issuing bonds. Mr. Carney expressed his professional opinion fearlessly before and after Brexit. He did not become a mouthpiece or his master’s servant to his Finance Minister or the Prime Minister. In contrast, Mr. Mahendran’s first line of defence – when questioned about changing course from the private placement of bonds to public auctioning, was that he was acting on the instructions of the Prime Minister. This was getting it backwards.

It is the duty of professionals to make technical recommendations to elected officials, not the other way around. Soon after the bond fiasco, there were dozens of articles written by technical experts on the pros and cons of the two methods of bond issuance and the circumstances when one method could be more appropriate than the other. An experienced banker should be able to make that judgement call and does not have to wait for internal studies to know what decision to make. Equally, the same banker should be able defend that decision and explain it persuasively. Unfortunately, no such explanation was forthcoming at the inquiry.

It was somewhat puzzling to note the application of the term ‘due process’ to institutional decision making. At one point during the inquiry, Mr. Mahendran said he had never heard it before and rightly so. Due process is a rule of law term – indicating the requisite balance in applying the law and protecting the rights of individual citizens. As human rights activists in the late 1970s, in the good company of Paul Caspersz, Suriya Wickremasinghe, UpaliCooray and others, we used to complain about ‘due process violation’ in instances of arbitrary arrest and detention of people. Institutional procedures for decision making are a different matter. Whether these decisions are right or wrong, they are not by themselves criminal. And is what is right and what is wrong depends on the benefits and costs as outcomes. A very costly wrong decision might necessarily lead to being fired from the job, but not necessarily to a jail term. In the matter of issuing bonds in February 2015 and March 2016, plenty of other factors were at play in addition to or even overriding technical considerations. That is something for the Commission to determine. Be that as it may.

It would seem that Mr. Mahendran’s difficulties partly arose from the manner of his appointment, as well as his divided reporting structure to the Minister of Finance who was responsible for the Monetary Board, on the hand, and the Prime Minister, who had brought the Central Bank under his wing, on the other. We do not know if the appointment of Mr. Mahendran as Governor and the relocation of the Central Bank under the Prime Minister were connected or not. It would be interesting to see if these matters would be addressed by the Commissioners in their report. But as I wrote last week, the government doesn’t have to wait for the Commission’s report to start undoing some of its unnecessary misdoings. First on the list should be to send the Central Bank back to Finance.

Hidden accounts, hidden understandings

One matter that the Prime Minister alluded to before the Commission and was conveniently overlooked by his detractors was his reference to the practice that apparently started under the previous government – the practice of having two accounts for project expenditures. One was included in the government’s budgetary allocations and the other was not. The apparent reason was to circumvent the agreement with the IMF to keep project investments under a certain limit. Most of the projects under the hidden account were highway projects. The present government’s claim has been that a large scale bond auction was necessary to make good on payments due to contractors carrying out projects under the hidden account. But what is inexplicable is that why the government has not been able to make a clear statement on the state of the finances it inherited from its predecessor – including both the budgeted and the hidden accounts and outlining the path that the government has been taking for the last two years.

All that the public is being told comes in dribs and drabs and the absence of a comprehensive statement can only lead to all manner of speculations. Is it because both finance and highways portfolios were under the former President, Mahinda Rajapaksa, and the UNP leadership is sparing Mr. Rajapaksa from the embarrassment of public disclosure of financial mismanagement, if not potential corruption? Is it because the government does not want to make too much noise about past projects as that would scupper its own plans to keep undertaking questionable new mega projects, like the Central Expressway? Or, is it simply because the government is not overly keen about putting government business in any reasonable order?

The Prime Minister’s sweeping assurance that parliament is going to wrest control over the Central Bank and public finances is neither here nor there. Parliament is already in control of everything that it needs to be in control of under the constitution. What has gone out of control is the ability of parliamentarians, government and the cabinet of ministers to exercise that control diligently and systematically. Restoration of that control was what was promised in the elections of 2015. What we have got instead is a full blown bond scandal right in the Central Bank and a Commission of Inquiry to decipher the wrongdoings.

More speculations

The Commission has now retired from public view to write its report. But there is no retiring of political speculations in the public domain. And the speculations are as divided as the opinions about the Prime Minister. At one extreme, the question is whether the Prime Minister can politically survive the bond scam. That leads to a range of scenarios involving the survival of the government. Political infighting is all over the place. A government minister has lashed out at the President for launching the inquiry into the bond scam, and has suggested that the President is out to destroy not only the UNP leadership but also the Rajapaksas to enable a presidential rerun in 2020. The official SLFP lost no time in rushing to defend their President.

And the President is not pulling punches either. Addressing a meeting in Nikaweratiya on Friday, President Sirisena warned that if MPs were to criticise him for exposing corruption, he is prepared to reach out to the people and involve them directly in the fight against corruption. He has reminded the UNP that the passage of the 19th Amendment, the government’s only achievement in two years, would not have been possible if he had not corralled 142 SLFP MPs into supporting 19A. The UNP had only 47 MPs at that time. Good for the President to show signs of some latent maverick flair.

The JO groupings are palpably divided in their likes and dislikes of the President and the Prime Minister. The non-SLFP elements are hard on the PM and soft on the President. Vasudeva Nanayakara has his own line – fixated on neither man but the woman who is now a former President. He will not give up picking on old motes even as he sits among crossbeams of corruption. On the other hand, President Sirisena is anathema to the Rajapaksas and their fledgling SLPP. Personal feelings are mutually and implacably hostile as neither Maithripala Sirisena nor Mahinda Rajapakasa would countenance the futile efforts of SLFP kapuwas to rejoin the two. Feelings continue to be mutually cordial, however, between bond-smacked UNPers and the down-but-not-out Rajapaksas.

The TNA and the JVP are the only two parties that have their identities and integrities intact, and their boundaries unviolated. The JVP is selective in its alliances while the TNA is hoping for at least a one-off grand alliance of all the parties in parliament to give the new constitutional proposals a lot more consensus than the minimum requirement of a two-thirds majority. The 19th Amendment had only one vote cast against it. But that was ages ago on the political timescale.

The latest and the looming battleground is over Local Government elections. And the courts are again dragged into the maelstrom of Sri Lankan politics, to recall one of AJ Wilson’s many criticisms of the 1978 Constitution. Political circles are reportedly confused over the interim order of the Court of Appeal against a gazette notification, issued in February 2017, even though the courts could justifiably think and perhaps come out and say that it is the parliament and the political leaders who are confusing everybody including the Courts.

If the gift for freeing country is prison, so be it – Gotabaya -රට නිදහස් කලාට දෙන තෑග්ග හිරේ දාන එක නම් ඒක ප්‍රශ්නයක් නෑ

November 25th, 2017

Ada Derana

Go Faizer Go – Take your Aappayaa and Go

November 24th, 2017

by : A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA

Faizer Mustapha is a blend of arrogance, bluffing, misleading, deception and cheating.  There has never been a parliamentarian possessing all these negative characteristics in Sri Lanka or may be anywhere in the world and I presume that this man, the son of a popular legal luminary of this country and a successful former Ambassador was compelled to display these negative qualities on the behest of Sirisena as a result of Sirisena’s extensive election phobia. It was obvious that he was playing the game of Sirisena’s election phobia as he has been severely slated by parliamentarians and politicians of every hue except Sirisena’s lap dogs and the Tamil politicians of the tamed opposition..

The island editorial writing on this subject on 22nd November said that at the rate elections are being postponed on some pretext or the other people might forget how to vote and the much treasured ballot box might be a museum piece. It said that there is the danger of people’s franchise suffering from disuse atrophy, as it were, with democracy wasting rapidly. It asked who would have thought, when the Rajapaksa regime was ousted nearly three years ago, people would be deprived of their franchise in this manner. It said that the Court of Appeal order suspending the local government polls gazette till Dec. 04 came close on the heels of the resignation of Robert Mugabe as the President of Zimbabwe after sticking to power like a limpet for nearly four decades. It said that politicians the world over, especially the greedy ones in this country, should draw lessons from Mugabe’s fall and nobody can wield power forever. It further stated that it needs to be added that even in Mugabe’s land elections were held however rigged they may have been but our blessed land has been without elections for more than two years and, worse, there are no signs of an electoral contest in the foreseeable future.

(I will do anything for you Boss)

In this background, the Joint Opposition has urged the government to sack Faizer from his ministerial portfolio as he had failed to perform his duties. Addressing a media briefing at Dr, N.M.Perera Centre in Borella JO members have said that Minister Mustapha should take the full responsibility for postponing the LG polls for two and a half years and violating people’s franchise. JO MPs alleged that the country had been without elections for the last two and half years and Mustapha had to be blamed for the situation. Meanwhile, the JO MPs also tabled a no-confidence motion against Minister Mustapha in Parliament on Thursday (23rd Nov,).

The motion was signed by 12 JO members and accuses the Minister of deliberately delaying the LG elections.The motion was signed by MPs Dinesh Gunawardena,  Ranjith Zoysa, Dilum Amunugama, Udaya Gammanpila, Piyal Nishantha, Janaka Wakkumbura, Sisira Jayakody, Bandula Gunawardena, Weerakumara Dissanayaka, Vijitha Berugoda,Wimalaweera Dissanayaka  and Padma Udayashantha Gunasekera.

JO Parliament leader Mr. Dinesh Gunawardene said that the allegations presented in the motion against Mustapha includes failure to take responsible action relating to hold elections as per the gazette notification issued on holding local government election, creating a situatiin conducive to make conflicts on delimitation matters, and failure to compy with the pledge given to parliament that LG elections will be held in January.

Earlier, Matara district JO MP Mr. Kanchana Wijesekera (son of former Minister Mr. Mahinda Wijesekera) disclosed in the Parliament that it was Sirisena loyalists who filed an appeal to postpone the elections.  He said that out of the 6 six petitioners one was from the Matara district who is the Coordinating Secretary of the Southern PC Member Pasanda Yapa, the son of State Minister Lakshman Yapa Abeywardene.  It was also revealed that the Lawyer appearing for these 6 petitioners was a junior lawyer working in the office of Minister Faizer’s father’s legal firm. It clearly showed that the despicable Minister too was behind the petition.

Faizer has also drawn flak from the UNP. UNP back bench parliamentarians have challenged Minister Faizer Musthapha to resign from his portfolio before the gazette on delimitation was proved incorrect. UNP’s Gampaha District MP Kavinda Jayawardhane has told a news conference held at the parliament complex that the minister should resign and sit at the back row as an ordinary MP. Several other UNP Parliamentarians also have expressed similar sentiments. The Leader of the House Lakshman Kiriella has predicted that it will not be ale to hold election until at least April next year and he has cited as the Courts vacation from December 4th reason for this.

The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake well known as deal Dissanayake of the deal opposition” has told the Parliament that the JVP as a party would take every possible legal action to expedite the elections. He has said certain things could not be achieved through the Judiciary and has stressed that they would take to the street to get the elections soon, and will join any force or movement despite their political differences in the struggle to win the elections. He has invited the Joint Opposition members and civil society groups to join in the struggle. He has also stated that the case filed in court to postpone the election was not done with good objectives but it was the use of court to fulfil petty political objectives.

He has pointed out that Provincial Councils Minister Faizer Mustapha was aware of the mistake in the Gazette and charged that Minister Mustapha purposely ignored it. He said that Minister Mustapha should resign from his portfolio as he has gone abroad when the case was taken up in court against him. He should have been in court and it was a planned conspiracy,

The JVP Leader has said that their members did not place their signatures on the No Confidence Motion submitted by JO as its content had not been drafted properly and they have submitted a separate motion against Minister Mustapha to the Speaker on Friday,  There is suspicion whether this separate motion by the JVP on this matter to the docile Speaker is the result of another episode of a clandestine deal to scuttle the JO NCM as they are well known for making moves only to protect and safeguard this foreign slavish government they laboured much to bring in to power with all sorts of lies and malicious slanders. There is valid reason for this suspicion as if they are genuinely interested in getting Mustapha, Sirisena’s lap dog, ousted they could have made all their criticisms in the debate of the JO NCM and also vote in support of the JO NCM.

It is pertinent to remind here that the former UNP Minister Dr. Wijedasa Rajapaksa has gone on record saying that the UNP gave Rs. 25 Lakhs to the leadership of the JVP during last elections and the JVP cannot be trusted. There were also many reports in the grapevine that the government sources gave Rs. 30 Million to Deal Kumara Dissanayake to make JVP MPs (6 MPs) vote for the Provincial Council Amendment Bill presented by Faizer Mustapha to override the Supreme Court objection to the 20th Amendment.

The Speaker was to hold a Party Leaders’ meeting yesterday (Friday 24th) to decide about holding the election and news about this meeting was not available at the time of writing this article.

Meanwhile the convenor of the Joint Opposition Parliamentarian Prasanna Ranatunga flaying the government has demanded to hold elections soon.  He has said that this government came to power by uttering all possible lies and promising to strengthen democracy in the country but people have been deprived of getting their representatives elected to local government institutions through which they can get their needs attended to.  He has pointed that there is no anti democratic act than snatching away the people’s right to franchise.

After the Court of Appeal issued an interim stay order, widespread speculation, contradictions and confusion along with questions as to who is trying to do what have arisen. The Court of Appeal interim order was granted on the gazette notification issued on February 17 this year. The notification related to the Delimitation Committee Report on the boundaries of local authorities, the number of members and the constituent parts of wards. The notification was issued by Minister Faizer Musthapha, an acolyte of Sirisena.

Among the political questions being raised is why the petitioners waited nine months to file this petition. Joint opposition leaders including former president Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa have alleged that President Maithripala Sirisena’s SLFP faction was responsible for the petition filed by electors from the Colombo city, Kandy, Panduwasnuwara, Hali-Ela, Matara  and Embilipitiya. The JO alleges the pro-Sirisena SLFP fears it might be defeated into the third or fourth place if Local Government elections are held in January next year, with JO front-liner Basil Rajapaksa claims that the new Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) would win as many as 200 of the 340 councils. But the pro-Sirisena SLFP has denied these allegations and claimed it was confident of victory. Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa is reported to be taking a strong stand as regards the Sirisena-faction and most political analysts believe a reconciliation is not possible. Sirisena has said he would not compromise on his principles for any reconciliation with the Rajapaksa faction but some SLFP ministers are reported to be keen on reconciliation mainly because they do not agree with the UNP’s socialist market economic policies. These include the handing over of the Hambantota Port area to a Chinese company, the Trincomalee oil farms to India, or Japan or both and the proposed free trade agreements with India, China and Singapore.

Election Commission Chairman Mahinda Deshapriya was not named as a respondent in this petition. Critics point out that though there were contradictory reports, the stay order is not connected to the November 2 gazette notification issued by the Minister enabling the Elections Commission to hold local council polls sometime between January 25 and 31 next year. Therefore there are contradictory reports and confusion as to whether the local council election will be held in January or not. Reports indicated that the UNP, the SLFP, SLPP, the JVP and some election monitoring groups want to come in as intervenient petitioners asking that the stay order be suspended by the three-judge bench of the Court of Appeal. If that does not happen, the courts go on vacation on December 4th and there are doubts whether the local council elections could be held in January.

This is the first time for the last nearly 3 years many members of th government and the Joint Opposition, except exclusively Tamil issues concerned tamed opposition have come to a consensus on a No Confidence Motion and the opportunity should not be missed to make this NCM a success.  People in the country too are dead against this haughty headed tyrant Minister for deliberately preventing them and denying them the opportunity to get their own representatives elected to look after the day to day affairs of their areas and to fulfil their needs.  Under these circumstances it is prudent for this despotic Minister to gracefully resign and go home before the people take up broomsticks against him wherever he goes.  This could definitely happen even if he overcomes the Parliament challenge through various political and pecuniary manipulations.

Response to Kate Cronin-Furman’s article in the Washington Post

November 24th, 2017

Asoka Weerasinghe Kings Grove Crescent . Gloucester . Ontario . K1J 6G1 . CANADA.

23 November 2017

(KINDLY PASS THIS LETTER ON TO THE EDITOR)

The Editor
The Washington Post
1301 K.Street NW
Washington DC 20071
US

Dear Editor:

The article that you published by Kate Cronin-Furman, Are Sri Lankan officers ordering soldiers to sexually assault Tamil detainees?’ nudged me to come out of retirement temporarily on the Sri Lanka-Tamil ‘Eelam’ refugees file.  I have been active on this file from August 1983 until August 2013.  Active mainly to breakdown the vile attacks on the Sri Lankan soldiers by Tamils who are still smarting at them for annihilating their Tamil Tiger terrorists on 19 May 2009,  after a 27-year blooding war. The Tamil Tiger terrorists fought to give the 12.6% Tamils their much desired mono-ethnic separatist racist state, Eelam, carved out of 33% of that beautiful island’s territory bordered by 66% of the coastline.  Dream on, I say!  And still expect the 54% of the Tamil community presently living in the South happily to continue to live in harmony among the majority Sinhalese population.   These Tamil-Eelamists don’t ask much, do they?

I thought that this story that I encountered in the summer of 1987 should be recorded and  told to clip the present Tsunami of tarring the Sri Lankan soldiers whom I consider ‘human rights angels’ for giving back the 22 million Sri Lankans which includes the Tamil community, their right-to-life, which was hijacked by the Tamil Tiger terrorists for 27 years.  These soldiers also saved the lives of 295,873 Tamil civilians  by the end of the Tamil separatist war, who were herded for 30 months from the west coast to the east coast like starving unwashed cattle under the scorching Jaffna-Kiliniochchi sun as a human shield by the Tamil Tigers.  The Tamil expatriates seem to forget this angelic-act by the Sri Lankan soldiers. And into the mix, the unarmed majority Sinhalese and minority Muslim peoples were ethnically cleansed from the North and East of the island,  having terrorized and killed with bombs, bullets, claymore mines, machetes and suicide bombs by the Tamil Tiger terrorists for 27 warring years, aided and abetted by foreign countries like India, UK, US, Canada, Norway and many others.

The second para of the article Kate Cronin-Furman says But it’s not just the brutality of the assaults that stands out; it’s their routine nature.  Because unsettling, these allegations are not anomalous.  In 2016, the British organization Freedom from Torture reported that 71 percent of the predominantly male Tamil clients said they had been raped or endured other sexual torture. Given the stigma that conservative Tamil culture attaches rape, male victims have a strong incentive to remain silent about such crimes.  The actual incidence is likely to be even higher than the reported rate.” I say, that’s a plane load of poppycock!

You know what Editor, such news as reported by Kate Cronin-Furman always break at an inconvenient time for Sri Lanka, when it is up for its Universal Periodic Review at the U.N., Human Rights Council Sessions.  This has happened always, always, always.   Don’t you ever be surprised if the Tamils come with their next explosive report at an inconvenient time for Sri Lanka, when they will say that the Sri Lankan soldiers tied  elderly Tamil mothers and gang raped them behind barbed wired fences under indigo starless night skies. Would you want to place a  wager on it  I know these lying scammers like the life-lines on my palms.  And that is how the cookie crumbles.

And now here’s my story which always has had a Tamilian pattern of cunning, exaggerated and distorted lies.  In 1986  the Sri Lankan Government appointed the retired Army Commander, General Tissa ‘Bull’ Weeratunga as the High Commissioner to Canada.  Earlier he was the Commander of Security Forces in Jaffna from July 13, 1979 to December 31, 1979, which was the den of Kalashnikov carrying Tamil Tigers with festoons of live bullets around their necks.

The expatriate Tamils in Canada,  mainly Convention  refugees who have the habit of holidaying back home during the winter months, led by a Tamil Roman Catholic priest were ready to pounce on him when he arrived accusing him as a Tamil  detainee torturer.   This Tamil Roman Catholic priest hid his separatist views well under a black pious religious cloak and a white collar starched towards heaven, and every gullible journalist and Canadian politician believed this pious looking foxy man of God.  It so happened that I was introduced to him at a dinner party and within 45 minutes I told this priest, Philip, you are a fraud cloaked in black and I don’t believe you even for a finger snapping moment.”  The party filled with Roman Catholics looked stunned by this Sinhalese Buddhist’s slander.  I didn’t regret it as I knew I was right. I debated this priest on a morning television Talk Show on his Tamil separatist movement, sullying the Sri Lankan Government.  The viewers got to know the other side of the coin on this Sri Lankan Tamil refugee scam.  I relished this opportunity to explain my side of the story. Canadians who viewed it loved it.  Keep going, let us hear more,” they said.  We want the facts!”

The print and audio-visual media hounded the new High Commissioner for days and months and one Sunday in 1987 I was tipped off that a senior journalist  and a News anchor at CBC was flying in a Tamil refugee from Paris, who was known as ‘Baby Para’ whose name very likely was Pararajasekaram to be interviewed who apparently was a victim of torture by the Sri Lankan Army.  He was brought  to prove that the High Commissioner, as an Army General had supervised  him being tortured during his days as Army Commander of Jaffna.  Baby Para showed a mark of a perfect ring on his ankle, which he said was from being hanged from his foot  when being tortured

One would have expected a downward torque of the rope around his ankle due to Baby Para’s  body weight and that is Grade 5 common sense.  But this mark was a  wedding-ring perfect circle around his ankle.

Hmmmm! So, the mark of this perfect ring on Baby Para’s ankle was suspect.  Was it a Hindu penance mark on his way to Kataragama Religious Festival in the South of Sri Lanka to pay a vow for a God to get rid of bad karma, to reach a higher state in life, as they would pierce the tongue and cheeks with needles and piercing the skin of their backs with silver hooks to pull  the chariot  carrying Murti of Murugan.  The westerners wouldn’t know this.   Hmmmm…or was it a permanent bracelet tattooed on the ankle  rather than having a leather or a silver ankle bracelet. These are Oooooo……Ahhhhhh… O…No… gruesome events and naive journalists and politicians swallow these packaged ‘O My God did the military really do it to you’  stories begging for western  bleeding-heart sympathy.  Come on let’s not be so naive,  let’s be real.

These High Commissioner Tissa ‘Bull’ Weeratunga hating Canadian-Tamils were having a Press Conference  with Baby Para in attendance, at 10 on a Monday morning in a room at the Holiday Inn on Kent Street.  I was the only Sinhalese at the Press Conference and the room was packed with television cameras, journalists with boom-mics and members of the Tamil community.  No sooner I entered the room, Fr. Philip, the Roman Catholic priest who was dressed in a black suit and a white collar starched towards heaven and chairing the Press Conference objected to my presence and wanted to throw me out of the room.  The camera’s started to roll as there was a confrontation.  Then a senior Tamil Public Servant, a sympathizer of  Eelam entered the room and seeing the commotion told  the Chairman, that I could stay.  He stood me against the wall and two burly Tamils stood on either side sandwiching me, and told me in  stern voices that I shouldn’t interrupt the Press Conference.

After about 40 minutes I walked out of the room in disgust for the very reason that, when a journalist asked Baby Para a two line question in English which was translated for Baby Para in three Tamil sentences, and Baby Para responds to it in about six Tamil sentences,  These six Tamil sentences of Baby Para were translated in about 20 English sentences.  They were  a well rehearsed concocted torturing story that these Tamils wanted the media to hear. I was able to thread these translated sentences together and was able to decipher what these Tamils were up to. I couldn’t stomach this vicious Tamil blarney which was trying to tarnish the good name of Sri Lanka and her  heroic soldiers and I left the room.  I was in no mood to accept these smelly garamma-sala varnished-crap.

After Baby Para’s Press Conference in Ottawa, the Tamil Tiger Blarney Gong Show travelled 450 miles to Toronto for their second Press Conference to prove that Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner, the retired Army Commander, General Tissa ‘Bull’ Weeratunga was a Tamil detainee military torturer.

That afternoon I got a call at work from a senior Journalist from the Canadian Press Bureau asking  me whether he could meet me for lunch the following day at the Japanese Village on Kent Street which was close to my workplace at 200 Kent Street.  He told me that the Deputy Bureau Chief of the Canadian Press had asked him to meet  with me to get some facts on High Commissioner Weeratunga who has been hounded as a torturer of  Tamil detainees, as I was honest and very reliable”.

So we met for lunch at noon the following day at the Japanese Village.  He had  attended the Baby Para Press Conference and had noted my presence and the commotion too.  During our discussion I asked him, Did you not see it strange that when Baby Para responded to one of your journalists two sentence question in English, his response in Tamil was in six sentences, and that the English translation of those six Tamil sentences took 20 to 25 sentences.  It happened all the time.  What was  your take on it as I was disgusted?”

His response was, Funny that you brought it up Asoka, we sent our most senior journalist  to Toronto to cover the Baby Para’s Press Conference.  He phoned us from Toronto to say to forget this story as he had come to know that the Tamil translator did not speak a word of Tamil.”

After all the Baby Para’s accusatory story about High Commissioner General Tissa ‘Bull’ Weeratunga, if my memory is not betraying me, the Press Conference  did not pick up ink in  the following morning’s newspapers nor did CBC carry a news clip about the High Commissioner as a torturer.   The Canadian Tamil Eelamists expected fireworks with their well orchestrated storyline with rehearsed English translations of Baby Para’s simple Tamil responses.

So the Tamil separatist frauds  who orchestrated this Baby Para’s  Sri Lankan Military Torture Travelling Show were exposed as a bunch of liars as this was supposed to be a hot-hot firecracker in their foolproof fireworks to pin the High Commissioner Tissa ‘Bullk Weeratunga, was a Dud that went off with a pooff!”, and so did the Roman Catholic priest who chaired these Press Conferences.  No doubt his starched white collar pointing towards heaven might have turned limp tarnished cursed by an unGodly sinners-shame.  I called him a fraud at that dinner party and I was right.  He just couldn’t  fool me.

The exercise of these Baby Para Press Conferences was to target High Commissioner General Tissa ‘Bull’ Weeratunga who had worn Khaki fatigues once upon a time as  the Army Commander in Jaffna to get him declared as a persona-non-grata by the Canadian Government.  It never happened and the late General Tissa Bull’ Weeratunga who left us in  November, 2003, must have been turning in his grave  howling with laughter.

Editor, if you are so  inclined to verify the veracity of the players in my story – The Hot Dud Firecracker that went ‘Pooff’ in the Tamil Tiger Blarney Fireworks Gong Show, I will be ever so glad to provide you the names of the Senior Journalist of  CBC, the Deputy Bureau Chief of the Canadian Press, who I think is somewhere in British Columbia and the Senior Reporter of Canadian Press who interviewed me is, I believe, somewhere in Nova Scotia.

Well, Editor,  Kate Cronin-Furman should be judicious in future as she is dealing with Tamilian frauds who would do anything to get accepted by a western country as Convention refugees.  I suggest that she ought to go on a trip to Kataragama in south of Sri Lanka during the Hindu religious festivals.   She will see and be amazed how the Tamils undergo gruesome self-torture doing penance. They are maestros at it and it is no big deal for them. to undergo self-torture to accomplish what they want. So let us not be bleeding-hearts and be suckers to their fraudulent ploys and say, ‘The military tortured Tamils who want to land on soils of western countries, bypassing their Motherland, India’s Tamil Nadu which is just 18 saltwater miles away, let us have them. Enough is enough of this varnished-crap which has no value for you to let these stories pick up ink in your worthy newspaper.  The final choice is yours, Sir.

Sincerely,

Asoka Weerasinghe (Mr)

Tel.613-747-2272

Culture shock

November 24th, 2017

By Rohana R. Wasala

In my opinion, two visiting British women were made to experience different forms of culture shock in Sri Lanka recently.  Both were subjected to discrimination and harassment, though in the later or the second case described here, these elements were almost totally concealed by melodrama. The reference here is to tourist Naomi Coleman, a mental health nurse from Coventry in England, who was arrested on arrival and deported from Sri Lanka in 2014 for wearing a Buddha tattoo on her upper arm, and to Sheree Atcheson, an influential IT business consultant in the UK, who visited Colombo in search of her birth mother. From their stories it appears that their visits were highly emotionally charged events for both of them in their differing individual circumstances, and that therefore they particularly deserved much more humane treatment than they actually got on reaching their dream destination.

Naomi Coleman seems to have got a real taste of culture shock when her dream turned into a nightmare on arriving at the Katunayake International airport on April 5, 2014. The then 37 year old mental health worker  was arrested at the airport and was later ordered by  the court to be deported for the alleged offence aforementioned. She had told the police that she practiced Buddhism, had participated in meditation retreats and workshops in Thailand, India, Cambodia and Nepal. It could be that she was visiting Sri Lanka, known as the centre of Theravada Buddhism, in fulfillment of a special dream she had. After her deportation order was made, she had to spend three nights/four days in detention. She claimed that she was verbally abused by the officers, and that they even demanded bribes. Probably she exaggerated her case. But it appears that her apparent ill-treatment was due to a miscarriage of justice that resulted from the overzealousness of the police officers who decided to arrest her. It could also have been due to the authorities’ fear that the woman’s Buddha tattoo could be offensive to local Buddhist sensitivities. There were then as there still are occasional instances of the Buddha image being deliberately desecrated by religious mischief makers to provoke Buddhists. Although the constitution gives Buddhism, the religion of 70% of the population, the foremost place”, there are no special restrictive laws privileging Buddhism over other religions. There is no ban on Buddha tattoos, either.

On her return to England, Naomi instituted action through her lawyers against the Lankan authorities in a Sri Lankan court for her alleged ill-treatment. A week or so ago, the case was decided in her favour, the woman’s lawyer arguing that her arrest was contrary to the immigration and emigration laws of the country. She was awarded a compensation by the government. The policemen responsible for her unlawful arrest were ordered to pay her compensation, too.  That is justice restored.  So it seems that the buck ultimately stopped  with the government (more correctly, with the state).

I mean to dwell longer on the newer case of culture shock that we witnessed in recent times. Sheree Atcheson is a Sri Lankan-born young British woman who was legally adopted as a baby of three weeks by an Irish couple.  She attended school in Belfast and later studied Computer Science at Queen’s University Belfast. Having qualified as a software engineer at 23 (in 2014), Sheree joined Kainos Software.  While working in that company, she founded the first UK branches of the global non-profit organization known as ‘Women Who Code’ in Belfast  and London. This organization aims to eradicate gender bias in the IT industry. For this purpose she pioneered local centres for empowering  tech women through free hack nights, tech talks and career trainings.

At present she is working at Deloitte UK as a Tech Business Consultant. She also works as the UK Expansion Director of Women Who Code UK and Belfast, of which she is founder. She played an important role in designing the online voter registration system in the UK. She has addressed many global events such as the World Economic Forum as an expert in the IT industry. She writes a blog for the Huffington Post UK, which she has been associated with in that capacity since September 2015. In addition to all these and more, she works as a professional fashion and commercial model.

Sheree says that she founded what she named the I Am Lanka (@IAmLankaOrg) organization last month (October 2017) in order to highlight Sri Lanka’s local and global role models who have accomplished great things in their lives and careers” by empowering and inspiring our people through showcasing the current Sri Lankan change makers, in order to foster innovation and change in our and the next generation”. She appeals to young Sri Lankans of her generation to Be what you can see – because you are us & we are Sri Lanka.” At 26 years of age, already a celebrity in her chosen professional domain, the versatile young Sheree has been listed as one of UK’s top 35 Most Influential  Women in Tech ’17 (by Computer Weekly) among a number of other similar listings. (The source for most of this sketchy account of Sheree’s education and work background is her impressive full professional profile in the linkedin.com website, which is free for view.)

It seems that a few weeks back Sheree initiated a plan to find and meet her biological mother in Sri Lanka. She contacted a private TV channel in Colombo and requested them to help her in this connection. They responded with great enthusiasm, devoting a lot of airtime for broadcasting available clues and bits of information about Sheree’s infancy and her present that would help divulge the whereabouts of the woman if alive who gave birth to her. For a few weeks, the topic dominated the newscasts of the channel concerned. Their dedicated efforts produced the expected result. The woman was found, her motherhood of Sheree was scientifically established without a trace of doubt, and Sheree arrived in Sri Lanka with her British husband to a warm reception at the airport, and at the news office of the TV channel. She had already been warmly greeted aboard the Colombo bound Sri Lankan Airlines plane by the other Lankan passengers who were already familiar with her story. We as Sri Lankans should be grateful to the TV news  team involved in this delicate operation which is personally so sensitive and consequential  for both women (i.e., mother and daughter).  The success of the TV channel’s prompt response to Sheree’s urgent call for help in her attempt to find her birth mother was, no doubt, greatly facilitated by our people’s natural inclination to be actively concerned when a person is in distress as well as by the tireless exertions of the search team.

However, the altruism of a business concern like a private TV company is not unlimited. Sooner or later business interests take charge of even an altruistic operation. It appeared that the particular TV channel indulged in a coldly mercenary type of journalism in this instance. (I sincerely believe  that my criticism will not, in any way, detract from  the general public approval that their dedication to the project has justly met with.) The broadcaster’s constant focus appeared to be on the inherent newsworthiness of the story, rather than on the need to help the two women rediscover their vital connection, without unnecessarily encroaching on their personal space, their privacy, which is their inalienable right. Of course, to the discerning viewer it was obvious that the news team took care not to highlight certain little pieces of information for suitably protecting them from unwelcome public attention. But they were not concerned about the privacy factor overmuch.

Yet, in that context privacy was particularly important for the mother, who was probably a much abused woman, at least in the past, considering the clearly bereft conditions of her past and present life. It is strange that apparently none of the news team members felt that it amounted to a cruel violation of the privacy of the two women fraught with anxiety to have them confront each other for that intensely emotional meeting in their particular personal circumstances in an unfamiliar cluttered office-room, that too, live before the cameras. Wouldn’t it have been better if the meeting had taken place in the privacy of a hotel room or a special room of the news agency itself or elsewhere with one or two members from the news team , a responsible relative of Sheree’s mother, and Sheree’s husband in attendance? A scene subsequent to such a prearranged private rendezvous, featuring  a happier, more relaxed mother and daughter pair could have been casually videoed for broadcast. But that didn’t happen. Instead, they were made to set their eyes on each other for the first time in their life in those unfamiliar surroundings. When that meeting was about to take place the TV anchorwoman revealed that although Sheree knew that she would be interviewed on that occasion, she had not been told that she was going to see her mother at that very moment. I for one failed to understand why she had to be treated to such a surprise  in that context. I suspect it was for the sake of increasing the entertainment value of the ‘reality show’ element of the whole exercise.

Having said that, I must immediately qualify it with the following: I do not have a shred of doubt about the sincerity of the TV news team. I have nothing but praise for them for projecting to the world, through their professionalism enhanced by their dedication to a humanitarian cause, a positive image of Sri Lanka. They didn’t confine themselves to just ‘doing their thing’. They went out of their way to make it a truly compassionate operation. They did that out of a genuine  sense of humanity, which is characteristic of our culture. It was quite clear that the TV news team were required, as in any normal situation, to act according to the wishes of their narrowly profit-focused employers. For this, they had to turn the mother daughter reunion into the kind of reality show suggested above, designed to attract as big a proportion of primetime TV audiences as possible across the country.

Whether or not Sheree experienced any angry disappointment or serious disorientation when she realized that she was misled to appear for a reality show instead of the interview they had requested is not clear. If she did, she successfully concealed it. She looked unfazed by the ‘surprise’ part of that very significant moment in her young life. Sheree’s response to the anchorwoman’s question whether her search for her birth mother was about finding her real identity was a confident but polite dismissal. No, she replied, she already had her own identity. Well said! I thought to myself when I heard that.

The culture she comes from supports the idea that nothing external to you can define you: your birth circumstances, social background, caste, race, economic status, etc. are all insignificant distractions, when it comes to defining your identity. What matters for young women (and young men) is realizing your inborn potential through education and hard work. Sheree is very unassuming, but is appropriately aware of her own abilities and importance. She offers herself as a role model for young Sri Lankans. She is eminently eligible for that. Even in that society there is this problem of gender bias. A lesson that Sheree demonstrates for her young Sri Lankan counterparts to imbibe is that in situations where gender bias manifests itself, women should not passively accept the victim position. Her answer to discrimination based on gender is fighting for equality by empowering women through education.

When her birth mother asked her for forgiveness  for ‘the great crime’ she said she did (by giving her up for adoption when she was an infant), Sheree consoled her saying that there was no need for her to ask to be forgiven. For she had given her the life she has now. It is the sort of life that the ‘wealth of opportunities’ that life in Ireland gave her (as she said in a different context). Sheree seems to have a special warmth towards her country of birth, although she lived there only the first three weeks of her total 26 years. It must be something in her genes, I wonder. What Sheree’s story reminds us is that, given the necessary opportunities, young Sri Lankans can make great achievements. Be what you can see – because you are us & we are Sri Lanka.” Is her message, after all.

Sheree says that already she has got hundreds of messages from young Sri Lankans expressing goodwill, and telling her that they have been inspired by her. The many negative comments made  by her young fans on the TV channel’s perceived culturally revealing lapses in the covering of their own ‘help find birth mother’ operation suggest that she won’t be disappointed in her voluntary role model mission that she has launched on their behalf.

Clinical Meditation

November 24th, 2017

Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge 

Clinical Meditation is a new form of therapy that can be used to treat a large number of physical / psychological / psychiatric ailments. For centuries meditation was considered as a type of religious practice forgetting its clinical aspect. A large body of research highlights the clinical value of meditation. Meditation enhances neuron connectivity in the brain positively changing the brain chemistry. Meditation experience changes the brain structures predominantly increasing the cortical thickness and cerebral blood flow.

Meditation has many health benefits. Meditation balances the body’s homeostatic system.  Meditation can be used to treat anxiety disorders and depression.  Meditation is a great stress breaker . The meditation practice helps to decrease stress hormones in the body. Meditative techniques are indicated in chronic pain. Meditation strengthens the immune system. It facilitates positive emotions enhancing memory and attention. Meditation brings beneficial changes to physical and mental health and it can be used for overall wellness. However meditation remains an under-utilized therapeutic mode in the medical profession.

Meditation Overview

The word meditation” is derived from the Latin meditari, which means to engage in contemplation or reflection (Hussain & Bhushan, 2010). Meditation has been extensively practiced in many civilizations for thousands of years as a means of cultivating a state of well-being and for religious purposes (Braboszcz et al., 2010). Meditation has a number of definitions.

The U.S. National Center for Complementary and Alternative Medicine (NCCAM) defined meditation as a conscious mental process that induces a set of integrated physiological changes termed the relaxation response”. According to Manocha (2000) meditation is a discrete and well-defined experience of a state of thoughtless awareness” or mental silence, in which the activity of the mind is minimized without reducing the level of alertness.

According to  Walsh and Shapiro (2006) meditation is a tool” for spiritual development, where the aim is to reach an inner peace, concentration, positive emotions, while at the same time reducing stress, agitation and negative emotions.

Clinical meditation is a secular psychotherapeutic application that is geared to achieve optimal mental wellbeing.  Clinical meditation helps to combat various psychological / psychiatric ailments such as irresistible stress, severe anxiety, depression, chronic pain and addictions. Meditation is one of the effective psycho- behavioral therapies. It is becoming widely popular as an adjunct to conventional medical therapies (Bonadonna, 2003).

The Clinical Effects of Meditation

Meditation practices are connected with the psychotherapeutic approaches creating a holistic impact. Clinical meditation may mitigate the effects of stress and disease. Clinical application of meditation is indicated in a number of ailments. Meditation is a safe and cost-effective treatment mode which brings effective results. It is a scientifically proven intervention. Numerous researchers have found the    therapeutic benefits of meditation.  Today meditation has become an efficient psychotherapeutic technique in the Western world.

Clinical effects of meditation impact a broad spectrum of physical and psychological   symptoms and syndromes, including reduced anxiety, pain, and depression, enhanced mood and self-esteem, and decreased stress. Meditation has been studied in populations with fibromyalgia, cancer, hypertension, and psoriasis (Bonadonna, 2003). Meditation has become a dominant method for self-regulation. Jindal   Gupta and Das (2013) state that meditation causes improvement in various cardiovascular, neurological, autoimmune, and renal pathologies.

Reibel and colleagues (2001) indicate that mindfulness meditation training program can enhance functional status and well-being and reduce physical symptoms and psychological distress.  Meditation practice can positively influence the experience of chronic illness and can serve as a primary, secondary, and/or tertiary prevention strategy (Bonadonna, 2003). Meditation helps to cultivate positive mental health. Therefore meditation has an immense public health importance.

The Western Theories of Meditation

Although mindfulness meditation has been practiced in the East for more than two millennia, Western scientific research and healthcare programs have only recently drawn their attention to it (Manuello et al., 2016). The Eastern spiritual practice of meditation was brought to the West by various spiritual masters. Among these spiritual practitioners Maharishi Mahesh Yogi was a key figure. He developed the Transcendental Meditation technique and popularized meditation in the Western world. Even Beatles became the followers of Maharishi Mahesh Yogi.

Western theories of meditation include Jungian, Benson’s relaxation response, and transpersonal psychology (Bonadonna, 2003). In the early 1970s  Dr Herbert Benson, -founder of the Mind/Body Medical Institute at Massachusetts General Hospital in Boston did a number of studies on meditation. Dr Herbert Benson considered meditation is an antidote to stress. Benson and colleagues (1974) surmised that meditation givesrelaxation response by decreasing sympathetic nervous system activity, and increasing parasympathetic activity.

The American Psychologist Robert Evan Ornstein who profoundly wrote about brain’s role in health. According to Ornstein (1972) meditation exercises are designed to produce an alteration in consciousness, which means a shift away from an active, outward-oriented, linear mode towards receptive and quiescent mode with a shift from external focus of attention to an internal one. 

The Australian Professor of Psychiatry Roger N. Walsh states that more than an alternative state of consciousness meditation is associated with calmness, equanimity, concentration, compassion, wisdom, generosity, and perceptual and introspective sensitivity.  

Professor Jon Kabat-Zinn of the University of Massachusetts Medical School performed a number of research in mediation and found its clinical value.  Jon Kabat-Zinn studied the interaction of mind and body towards health. According to Kabat-Zinn meditation has impact on the entire organism–from chromosomes to cells and to brain.

The Buddhist meditation techniques profoundly influenced Jon Kabat-Zinn. However Kabat-Zinn introduced mediation to the clinical community as a secular model. His studies were mainly based on mindfulness meditation. For Kabat-Zinn mindfulness is being awake. He did clinical applications of mindfulness on people with chronic pain and stress-related disorders and found fruitful results.

In 1979 Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction (MBSR) Program was introduced by the University of Massachusetts Medical Center. This program incorporated mindfulness and assisted people with pain and a range of conditions and life issues that were initially difficult to treat in a hospital setting.  Over the years (MBSR) Program gained immense popularity due to its success rate.  MBSR has been described as “a group program that focuses upon the progressive acquisition of mindful awareness, of mindfulness (Grossman et al., 2010).

  1. Alan Wallace founder of the Santa Barbara Institute for Consciousness Studies describes meditation as cultivating mental balance. Wallace and Shapiro (2006) assume that mental suffering is in large part due to imbalances of the mind and that these imbalances can be overcome by cultivating four kinds of mental balance: conative, attentional, cognitive, and affective (Sedlmeier, 2012).

The Western science views meditation in a neuropsychological lens. Neuroimaging and neuropsychology of meditation states have been studied. According to these research meditation has a positive impact on cerebral cortex, prefrontal area, cingulate gyrus, neurotransmitters, white matter, autonomic nervous system, limbic system, cytokines, endorphins, hormones.

Researchers measured brain activation with functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) in meditators and found   meditation activates the prefrontal cortex of the brain.  Prefrontal cortex is in charge of abstract thinking, thought analysis and responsible for regulating behavior. In addition prefrontal cortex involved in emotional responses. Prefrontal cortex is responsible for controlling neurotransmitters such as dopamine, norepinephrine, and serotonin that are important in mood regulation. Hölzel and the group found greater activation of rostral anterior cingulate cortex (ACC) and dorsal medial prefrontal cortex (MPFC) in mindfulness meditators.

Jensen and colleagues (2014) found increase of grey matter in the hippocampus (hippocampus- involved in memory formation, memory organization, and memory storing) and parietal lobe (   parietal lobe -processes sensory information) among the mindfulness meditators. Grey matter is a major component of the central nervous system, consisting of neuronal cell bodies, neuropil, glial cells, synapses, and capillaries. There is a strong connection between gray matter and intelligence, self-control and decision making.

Meditation produces positive alterations of neurotransmitters, brain activity, and cognitive abilities (Luders, 2014). Practice of meditation triggers neurotransmitters (Krishnakumar et al., 2015). According to Kang and colleagues (2013) long-term meditators have structural differences in both gray and white matter. Furthermore meditation diminishes age-related brain degeneration. Pagnoni and Cekic (2007) state that meditation may have neuroprotective effects and reduce the cognitive decline associated with normal aging.


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