Budget panders to IMF whims and fancies: Joint Opposition

November 10th, 2017

Ajith Siriwardana and Yohan Perera Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Joint Opposition (JO) MP Bandula Gunawardene said the budget was sure to fail as in it the government was trying to increase foreign investments by relaxing laws for foreigners and imposing excessive taxes on the people.

This is a more liberal budget which would not offer any benefits to the people,” he said.

He said the finance minister could not present a budget beyond the conditions laid down by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for a loan negotiated by former finance minister Ravi Karunanayake.

According to the agreement it is the IMF which decides the expenditure of the country for the next three years. The finance minister cannot present a budget beyond the policy framework given by the IMF,” he said.

Guilty by suspicion

November 10th, 2017

Editorial Courtesy The Island


The United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) is apparently wasting its time and money on its campaign to have a hybrid war crimes tribunal set up in this country. For, UN expert and South African human rights lawyer, Yasmin Sooka, has already found the Sri Lankan troops guilty of war crimes!

A member of the UN panel of experts on Sri Lanka, Sooka has faulted multinational fizz drink giant, Coca Cola, for sponsoring a motoring event organised by the Sri Lanka Army in August. She has gone so far as to condemn, as war criminals, Maj. Gen. Shavendra Silva, other officers and men of the Gajaba Regiment, which played a key role in defeating the LTTE.

There have been allegations of war crimes against the Sri Lankan troops. War-winning Army Commander, Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka, himself, has accused his successor General Jagath Jayasuriya of having committed war crimes while the latter was serving under him in the Vanni. So, one may argue that foreigners cannot be faulted for levelling war crimes allegations against those who fought under Fonseka’s command. But, as a UN expert and former member of the Truth and Reconcilation Commission of South Africa, it behoves Sooka to act responsibly without letting her prejudices get the better of her.

Ironically, a Tiger who carried out a claymore mine attack on a crowded bus, killing 30 people and injuring many others in 2008 at Piliyandala, was sentenced to life imprisonment, close on the heels of Sooka’s letter to Coca Cola condemning Maj. Gen. Silva et al as war criminals. LTTE suspects currently in custody are lucky that Sri Lanka has not adopted the Sooka method in dealing with them. Else, all of them would have been sentenced before being tried!

President Maithripala Sirisena has declared once again that never will he allow any member of the military to be hauled up before a hybrid war crimes tribunal. One is intrigued. By co-sponsoring the US-crafted UNHRC resolution, his government has, to all intents and purposes, undertaken to conduct a war crimes probe with foreign participation.

So, the question is how President Sirisena can give a cast-iron guarantee that war crimes charges won’t be preferred against any member of the armed forces.

There is no way President Sirisena can say so confidently that he is in a position to prevent a war crimes probe unless he has got an assurance from the US and other western powers behind the UNHRC resolution at issue that they won’t pursue the matter. If so, why have they softened their stand on Sri Lanka, where, they insisted, war crimes had been committed? Is it because of the 2015 regime change, which paved the way for the advent of a pro-western dispensation? Have they subjugated their much-flaunted human rights concerns to their geo-political interests? Is it that they used war crimes allegations as a bludgeon against the pro-Chinese Rajapaksa regime?

Curiously, UN Special Rapporteur Pablo de Greiff, who was here recently, called upon the government to honour its Geneva commitments. Addressing the media, he told the government in no uncertain terms that it had to commence a war crimes probe. As we pointed out in a previous comment, he also warned that the case filed in Brazil against former Sri Lankan Ambassador to that country General (retd.) Jagath Jayasuriya was only the tip of the iceberg. The government’s failure to launch a war crimes probe would lead to more such efforts being made internationally, he warned. Overstepping his diplomatic limits, he went to the extent of taking exception to President Maithripala Sirisena’s much-publicised assurance that he will not allow ‘war heroes’ to be prosecuted for alleged war crimes. The government chose to take Greiff’s diplomatic excesses, as it were, lying down. Why? Is it running with the hare and hunting with the hounds?

The Ranil-Mangala budget and why SLFP must reject it

November 10th, 2017

By Dr. DAYAN JAYATILLEKA

Mangala Samaraweera clearly reveals that the guiding philosophy of his Budget and indeed of the government’s economic policy is manifestly not that of President Sirisena but rather that of Prime Minister Wickremesinghe when he says “Mr. Speaker…In line with Vision 2025…”

Mr. Samaraweera’s budget is filled with lies, half-truths, dangerous ideas and outrageously treacherous policy suggestions. Its guiding philosophy, just as that of the Government’s Constitutional proto-draft contained in the Interim Report, is that of nihilism. The two are part of the same project of a de-nationalizing Counter-Reformation.

It is a strategic policy intended to cause a tectonic shift in Sri Lanka’s economy and Sri Lanka’s very being and destiny. Its very philosophy intends and denotes a shift from autonomy to irretrievable dependency. It is intended to shift ownership, power, preferences and resources from national to foreign, from medium and small capital to big capital mainly foreign, from the working people including the middle classes to big capital, and from the peasantry to the comprador capitalists.

In other words, it is nothing less than an agenda to roll back all reforms and policies that built up a national capitalism and a national capitalist class (I mean Sri Lankan, not ‘nationalist’) from the early decades of the 20th century and accelerated through the post-independence decades. The Ranil-Mangala economic policy intends to destroy the very basis of such a national capitalism and a national capitalist class.

There is no coming back for this country from Mangala’s Budget if it goes through and is implemented– and fast track implementation is something Mangala is good at. The Ranil-Mangala policy has two main prongs. It targets the national economy and the Sri Lankan peasantry. For decades, dating from Independence but even before, in the days of the Ceylon National Congress in the expanding colonial legislature, under universal suffrage since 1931, the main thrust of Ceylonese economic policy has been the building of a strong Sri Lankan capitalist economy and protect the Sri Lankan peasantry. The Ranil-Mangala policy attempts to roll all that back.

Samaraweera opens his speech with a section entitled “Fast Tracking Liberalization”. He goes on to openly declare that “Mr. Speaker… Sri Lanka needs to liberalize and globalize.” While no sane economic voice today anywhere in the world is against globalization and for nativistic protectionism, no sane economic voice today anywhere in the world argues simplistically for a country to “liberalize and globalize”!”Fast-tracking”neoliberal globalization is precisely what Mangala Samaraweera is talking about.

Any literate politician knows that the problem is not about globalization as such, but about which model of globalization, and that another globalization which isn’t fast-tracked liberal globalization, is not merely possible but underway, with China and the East Asian (state-led) model in the vanguard.

The evidence is in on neoliberal globalization and its time has come and gone. While globalization remains valid and desirable, a certain model of globalization, i.e. neo-liberal globalization, is in crisis and has caused crisis. It is even blamed for the rise of extreme forms of nationalist, religious and cultural backlashes. However, it is precisely this outdated, widely discredited and dangerously de-stabilizing model that Ranil and Mangala seek to foist on us.

Quite apart from the paradigmatic and conceptual fallacy, Mangala plainly says: “Mr. Speaker, while we introduced an open economic policy regime in 1977, in the last decade we have lost momentum, with many of our laws remaining archaic and regressive.” Far from having lost momentum in the last decade, our economy was singled out in 2010 by the Singaporean Deputy Prime Minister (and Defense Minister) of that time as the fastest growing economy in Asia– the fastest growing economic zone in the world– with the solitary exception of China, which was growing faster.

Mangala lists the legislation which Ranil and he hope to gut, and it should be noted that almost all of them fall into the category of legislation passed by two SLFP-led, and more pointedly, Bandaranaike-led center-left coalition governments.

This is legislation that no UNP government chose or dared to touch, and in fact went on to build upon them because they had become part of Ceylon’s/Sri Lanka’s distinctive social democratic development model.

What Ranil and Mangala are trying to do is to scrap all the progressive legislation from 1956, and indeed post-Hartal 1953. This includes Philip Gunawardena’s Paddy Lands Act and Pieter Keuneman’s Rent Act.

“…For example; the Rent Act, No. 7 of 1972 which limits the ownership of houses and the rent to be charged requires amendments; Paddy Lands Act, No. 1 of 1958 and the Agricultural Lands Act, No. 42 of 1973 will be amended to allow the farming of alternate crops; the Shop and Office Employees Act, No. 15 of 1954 will be amended…”

Mangala hopes to tamper with prices and property rights. In his pre-Budget media briefing at which he announced a few modest price reductions he said that “in an open economy there is no place for price controls”.

That not only shows his economic philosophy it also shows how little he knows about economics in general and the Open Economy in particular. He should sit at the feet of Ronnie de Mel and learn why the JRJ-Ronnie model retained price controls. It did not affect the Open Economy at all—which clocked 8% growth in its first years. It was a very conscious choice made by JRJ and Ronnie not to do away with price controls, and to make any change gradualistically rather than as a Big Bang which subjects prices of basics to the vagaries of the market, including the global market. The reason was that JRJ had learned at his cost, just what could happen if food stuffs were not subject to price control—he was a political victim of the Hartal of August 1953. He was determined not to make that mistake again. Mangala plainly does not know the economic history and the history of economic policy-making in Sri Lanka.

This fallacy was echoed and extended in his budget:

“Mr. Speaker…In line with Vision 2025, we need to undertake bold reforms in factor markets in order to eliminate price distortions and restore property rights in accordance with market principles aiming at promoting faster and sustainable growth. Capital market reforms to capture its full potential are imperative for ensuring high growth over the medium-term and beyond. Without proper ownership of land and property, no country could achieve faster growth ensuring prosperity for all. In this context the country’s land and property ownership issues need a careful and urgent appraisal. Country’s labour demand against the constraints on labour supply requires a closer examination of all areas of the labour market including labour laws, to pave the way forward to harness the productive resources of the economy.”

There are four clear targets here. Firstly, prices, which we already discussed. Secondly, the various measures that made ownership more egalitarian, more national, and shifted it towards both the national middle classes and the poor. This is true of the peasantry/agriculture and lands and the urban poor and middle classes i.e. housing policies. Thirdly, labor laws, which Ranil and Mangala wish to alter, so that wages are no longer protected and the playing field is heavily tilted in favour of capital, especially big foreign capital. Though intrinsically desirable, his chatter about flexible hours for women workers is a disguise for commencing total deregulation of labour which in turn will drive down wages.

Fourthly, the capital market. The East Asian crisis of 1997 which Mahathir Mohamed’s unorthodox policies saved Malaysia from, clearly proved that opening up the capital markets means extreme vulnerability to market manipulation and “hot money flows”, which can suck out a country’s capital, de-capitalize a country, leaving it an empty shell. Ranil Wickremesinghe tried to introduce capital market liberalization in 2001-2003 but mercifully he was turfed out. Now Mangala and he are back at it!

The Ranil-Samaraweera model hopes to de-industrialize Sri Lanka and shift it to trading and commerce, rather than industrial and agricultural production as well as industrial production based upon agriculture (the Chinese lift-off strategy under Deng Hsiao Peng).

“Mr. Speaker …The dormant spirit of competitiveness must be reawakened to make Sri Lanka the trading and the commercial hub it deserves to be. The country needs to shift away from being more protectionist and inward-oriented. Sri Lanka’s border measures need to see a complete revamp through well-targeted and time-bound trade reforms promoting growth. Our over dependence on non-tradable drivers challenges growth in the coming decade.”

“We have tried many strategies including protecting local industries through tariffs. We have legislations that do not allow foreign investments in certain sectors. Perhaps, most of all, our complex labour laws and bureaucracy have unwittingly obstructed foreign enterprises from entering into the country, thereby, preventing the much needed competition for the local industries. Trade reforms are integral to national competitiveness. Let me say this, competition breeds success. It tests our limits and forces innovation. As such, let me assure our local private sector, our Government’s policy of entering into Free Trade Agreements (FTA) and the removals of para tariffs should not be viewed as a threat to our local industries. The para-tariffs applicable on the tariff lines which do not at present carry any Customs duties will be abolished within the next 3 years in keeping with our policy of liberalizing and globalizing.”

Even the Blue-Green economy is the equivalent of the central bank bond scam. An island must build up its shipping and push outward into the sea-lanes. Instead the Ranil-Mangala vision is merely to convert it into a port of call, and a place where ship building is not local (we built our own fast attack craft) but foreign owned. Note also that there is no mention that the “independent port regulator” will be totally national/local—it could very well have foreign involvement with grave national security and strategic consequences.

“The Sri Lanka Ports Authority Act, No. 51 of 1979 and the Merchants Shipping Act, No. 52 of 1971 will be amended to cater to the demands of the modern day logistics and marine industry. This will also ensure healthy competition, an independent Ports regulator will be introduced. Restrictions on the foreign ownership on the shipping and the freight forwarding agencies will be lifted. This will enable major international shipping lines and logistics operators to base their operations in Sri Lanka.”

“As I already mentioned, we will remove restrictions that limit the land ownership rights of listed companies with foreign ownership together with the restrictions on foreigners’ ability to purchase condominiums below the 4th floor.”

The Ranil-Mangala Budget is one of a completely, totally Open Economy; a wide-open economy, unregulated and unprotected. It is not the Open Economy strategy (JRJ-Ronnie-Premadasa) that is at fault but this crazy cowboy version of it; this is an Open Economy on crack or worse, Fentanyl. What this will achieve is the wrecking of a Sri Lankan industrial capitalist class and the development of a manufacturing base, which are the twin factors at the heart of the Malaysian, South Korean and East Asian miracle as a whole.

The Mangala Budget and the underlying Ranil-Mangala strategy completely change the goal and aim, the very project and path, of Sri Lanka’s bipartisan economic policy since Independence, from one of (national) development to (mere) growth. Overall what is intended is a shift to foreign ownership which will crowd out all the national social classes. It must be resisted tooth and nail. The SLFP must rebel against it.

කියුබාවට අත නොතබනු

November 10th, 2017

වෛද් රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග 

සෝවියට් සමාජවාදී ක්‍රමය යටතේ  1986  සිට ජීවත් වෙමින්  පෙරෙස්ත්‍රොයිකාවද ඉන් පසු සෝවියට් දේශයේ අසමෝධානයද මම සියැසින් දුටුවෙමි. සමාජවාදී ක්‍රමයේ ධනාත්මක මෙන්ම ඍණාත්මක පාර්ශවයන් ද අප පසක් කලෙමු.  

එකල වර්සෝ ගිවිසුමට සම්බන්ධ වූ සමාජවාදී රටවල්වූ පෝලන්තය , බල්ගේරියාව , රුමේනියාව , නැගෙනහිර ජර්මනිය යන රටවල් ගනනාවකද  මම සංචාරය කලෙමි. එසේම  සෝවියට් සමාජවාදී සමූහාණ්ඩු වූ රුසියාව , බිලොරෂියාව , යූක්‍රයීනය සහ මෝල්දෝවියාව  යන ජනරජ වලද සංචාරය කොට සමාජවාදී ජීවන රටාව අධ්‍යයනය කලෙමි. එහෙත් සමාජවාදී කියුබාවට යාමට මට නොහැකි වූ අතර අවසානයේදී එම භාග්‍ය උදා වන්නේ 2017 නොවැම්බර් මාසයේදීය​. 

අශ්වයන් ද ප්‍රවාහන සේවයේ එක් අංගයකි

1986 දී මම යූක්‍රයීනයේ හිමෙල්නීස්කි නගරයට ගිය අතර එම නගරයේදී මට බොහෝ කියුබානුවන් මුණ ගැසුනි. මේ හැර කියෙව් නගරයේදීද කියුබානු සිසුන් සමග අදහස් හුවමාරු කර ගැනීමේ අවකාශය මට ලැබුනේය​. තවද  ලොස් ඇන්ජලීස් සහ ටොරොන්ටෝ යන නගර වලදීද මට කියුබානුවන් හමුවී තිබේ. කෙසේ නමුත් කියුබාවට ගොස් කියුබානුවන් හමුවීමට ලැබීම විශේෂත්වයක් විය​. 

කියුබාව යනු ලෝකයේ සුවිශේෂ රටකි. 1492 වසරේ කොළම්බස් විසින් කියුබා දූපත සොයා ගන්නා ලදි.  කොළම්බස් පැමිනීමට පෙර ස්වදේශික ඉන්දියානුවන් (සිබෝනි ගෝත්‍රිකයන් ) කියුබාවේ සිටියද ඔවුන්ව ජන ඝාතනයට ලක් විය​. මේ නිසා කියුබාවේ ආදි වාසීන් සිටින්නේ ස්වල්ප ප්‍රමාණයකි.  ටයිනෝ භාෂාවෙන් කියුබාව යනු සාර භූමිය නම් වෙයි.  කියුබාවේ උක්ගස් , දුම්කොළ , කෝපි වගා කෙරේ.

කැරිබියන් දූපත් වලින් වැඩිම ජන ඝනත්වයක් ඇත්තේ කියුබාවේය​. කියුබාව ලෝකයේ විශාලත්වයෙන් 17 අගය දරණ දූපත වෙයි.  ජනගහනයෙන් 51% සුදු සහ කළු ජාතිකයන් ගෙන් සමිශ්‍රණව තිබෙන අතර 11% කළු අප්‍රිකානු සම්භවයකින් යුත් ජනයන් ද 37 % සුදු ස්පාඤ්ඤ සම්භවයකින් යුක්තය​.  අප්‍රිකානු ජනතාව පැවතගෙන එන්නේ හිටපු වහලුන් ගෙනි. නීත්‍යාණුකූලව කියුබාවේ වර්ගවාදයක් නැත​. එහෙත් අභ්‍යන්තරව දිවෙන කළු සුදු භේධ තිබෙන බව මා සමග කථා කල කියුබානුවෝ කීහ​. කියුබාවේ සාක්‍ෂරතාව 99.8% කි. ප්‍රාථමිකයේ සිට විශ්ව විද්‍යාලය දක්වා අධ්‍යාපනය රජය විසින් නොමිලේ දෙනු ලබයි.  

කියුබාවේ සමාජවාදී විප්ලවය සිදු වන්නේ 1959 දීය​. මුල් කාලයේදී තමා කොමියුනිස්ට්වාදියෙකු නොවන බව ප්‍රසිද්ධියේ කියූ ෆිදෙල් කැස්ත්‍රෝ පසුව ඇමරිකානු සම්බාධක නිසා සෝවියට් කඳවුරට හේත්තු විය​. ඇමරිකානු සහාය ලත් කියුබානු ප්‍රති විප්ලවවාදී කොටස් බේ ඔෆ් පිග්ස් හි පරාජය කිරීමත් සෝවියට් මිසයිල කියුබාවේ ස්ථානගත කිරීමත් නිසා ෆිදෙල් කැස්ත්‍රෝ ඇමරිකාවේ උදහසට ලක් විය​. එහෙත් කැස්ත්‍රෝ තම මරණය දක්වා ඇමරිකානු අධිරාජ්‍යවාදයට නොබියව මුහුණ දුන්නේය​. 

කියුබානු ආර්ථිකය ශක්තිය ලැබුවේ සෝවියට් දේශයෙනි. සෝවියට් දේශය කියුබාවට බොහෝ සහනාධාර දුන් අතර බොර තෙල් බැරල් එකක් විකිනුවේ කොපෙක් සුළු ගනනකටය​. එහෙත් පෙරෙස්ත්‍රොයිකාවත් සමග සෝවියට් දේශය වාෂ්ප වී යාමත් සමගම කියුබාවට තම දකුණු අත අහිමි වූවාක් මෙන් වූයේය​. මේ නිසා කියුබාවේ බොහෝ සමාජ ආර්ථික ප්‍රශ්න පැන නැග්ග අතර මේ දක්වා එකී සමාජ ආර්ථික ප්‍රශ්න කියුබානු සමාජය වෙලා ගෙන තිබේ. 

ස්ටාලින් සෝවියට් දේශයේ ඇති කරන ලද සමූහ ගොවිපළවල් ක්‍රමය විප්ලවයෙන් පසුව කියුබාවේද ක්‍රියාත්මක විය​. එහෙත් අකාර්‍යක්‍ෂම පරිපාලනය , ඥාති සංග්‍රහය , පොලිට් බියොරෝව තෘප්තියට පමුණුවන්නට ව්‍යාජ දත්ත සැපයීම​, පොදු අලස බව , වගකීම් විරහිත බව යනාදී කරුණු නිසා බොහෝ සමූහ ගොවිපළවල් බංකොලොත්වී තිබේ. සමහර සමූහ ගොවිපළවල් වල් බිහිවී ඇත​. සමහර ඉඩම් කැනේඩියානු , චීන සහ නෙදර්ලන්ත සමාගම් වලට බදු දී තිබේ. 

මා සංචාරය කල සමාජවාදී රටවල් අතුරින් දිළිඳුම රට කියුබාව කියා මට සිතේ. කියුබාවට බට මොහොතේ සිට දරිද්‍රතාව දැක ගත හැකි විය​. එසේම මුළු රටේ උග්‍ර පේන්ට් හිඟයක් තිබේදෝ කියා මට සිතුනි. ඒ මෙන්ද යත් බොහෝ රජයේ ගොඩනැගිලි මෙන්ම නිවාස තීන්ත බුරුසු වල පහස නොලබා ජරාවාසව​ දිස් විය​. එහෙත් සමහර ගොඩනැගිලි සහ හෝටල් අලංකාර ලෙස පින්තාරු කොට තිබූ බව කිව යුතුය​. 

මෙවැනි දිලින්දන්ද හවානාවේ හිඟ නැත 

මේ වන විට කියුබාවේ ආර්ථිකය යන්නේ රිම් එකෙනි. බොහෝ අත්‍යාවශ්‍ය භාණ්ඩ ජනතාවට බෙදා දෙන්නේ සලාක ක්‍රමයටය​. හාල් , බෝංචි ඇට , මස් , උයන තෙල් , සීනි , බිත්තර , හිඟයක් වෙළඳ පොලේ පවතින අතර මේ භාණ්ඩ බෙදා හරිනු ලබන්නේ කූපන් මගිනි. එහෙත් සලාකයට බෙදන මෙම ආහාර ද්‍රව්‍ය පවුලක යැපීමට ප්‍රමානවත් නොවන බව බොහෝ කියුබානුවෝ පවසති. අතිරේක ආහාර ඔවුන් වැඩි මිලට කළු කඩයෙන් මිලදී ගනිති. මේ සඳහා මුදල් අවශ්‍ය කෙරේ. ඒ නිසා ඔවුන් අතිරේක රැකියා වල යෙදෙති. උදාහරණයක් ලෙස භූගෝල විද්‍යා ගුරුවරියක වූ මේබල් සති අන්තයේ සංචාරකයන් සඳහා ගයිඩ් කෙනෙකු ලෙස සේවය කරන්නීය​. සමහර විශ්ව විද්‍යාල කථිකාචාර්‍යවරු රාජකාරී වේලාවෙන් පසු ටැක්සි එලවති. පාරේ හිඟාකෑ හිඟන්නන් කීප දෙනෙකුද මම දුටිමි. එසේම සංචාරකයන්ට පමණක් අතපෑ  දිලින්දන්ද හවානාවේ වූහ​. 

සාමාන්‍ය කියුබානුවෙකුගේ නිවසක් (හවානා) 

සංචාරකයන්ට හෝටල් වල ආහාර හිඟයක් නැත​. එහෙත් අප හෝටල් වලදී   සොසේජස් , කුකුල් මස් , හරක් මස් , රිබ්ස් , චීස් , යන ආහාර යහමින් කන විට කියුබානු වේටර් වරුන් සහ වේටර්වරියන් ගේ වේදනාකාරී දෙනෙත් මා දුටුවෙමි. තවද ආහාර බොහෝ සෙයින්  බෙදා ගෙන  නොකා ඉවත දමන සංචාරකයන් පොදුවේ කරන්නේ අපරාධයක් බව මා පසක් කලෙමි. මේ සංචාරකයන් ඉවත දමන බිත්තර , මස් හෝ සොසේජස් පවුලක සතියක සලාකය බව ඔවුන් නොදනිති.  මා සමග කතා කල එක් වේටර්වරියක් පැවසුවේ ඇය ජීවත් වන්නේ පස් හැවිරිදි පුතා සහ වියපත් වූ මව සමග බවයි. මවට විශ්‍රාම වැටුපක් ලැබේ. එහෙත් සලාකයට ලැබෙන ආහාර පවුලේ යැපීමට ප්‍රමාණවත් නැත​. මේ නිසා ඇය අසීරුවෙන් හෝ මුදල් සොයාගෙන කළු කඩයෙන් හාල් සහ මස් මිලදී ගෙන ළමයාගේ කුසගිනි නිවන්නීය​. 

හවානා වලදී මම සමුපකාර කීපයක් දුටුවෙමි. භාණ්ඩ හිඟ එම සමුපකාර මට සිහිපත් කලේ 1970 යුගයේ සමගි පෙරමුණ ආණ්ඩුව කාලයේ තිබූ සමුපකාරය​. ඒ කාලයේ  තිබූ එක් විහිළුවක් නම් බොහෝ සමූපකාර වල දොරවල් ගෙවී තිබුනේ මිනිසුන් සමූපකාරයේ දොර ලෙවකා කහට බීම නිසාය​. කියුබාවේ සමුපකාර වල දොරවල් නොගෙවී තිබුනද  මැළවී ගිය එළවලු සහ තම සළාකය ගැනීමට නොසන්සුන්ව පෝලිමේ සිටි මිනිසුන් දැකිය හැකි විය​. 

කියුබාවේ ආර්ථිකය පණ නල ගැට ගසාගෙන තිබෙන්නේ සංචාරක කර්මාන්තයෙනි. කියුබානු විප්ලවය තිබූ කාලයේ බොහෝ ග්‍රාම්‍ය විප්ලවවාදීන් එකල ඉතා හොඳ තත්වයේ තිබූ සංචාරක හෝටල් විනාශ කලහ​. ඒ ඇමරිකානු සංචාරකයන්ට විරෝධය පෑම සඳහාය​. සමහර පිරිස් පවුල් පිටින් පැමින හිල්ටන් බඳු හෝටල් වල කාමර අත්පත් කර ගත්හ​. විප්ලවයේ උණුසුම නිසා මේවා සමාජවාදී ක්‍රියා ලෙස අර්ථ දක්වන ලදි. එහෙත් සෝවියට් ආධාර ක්‍ෂයවී යාමත් සමගම සිදු කල මෝඩකම් අවබෝධ කර ගත් කියුබා රජය යලි සංචාරක හෝටල් අළුත්වැඩියා කොට ඒවා බටහිර සංචාරකයන්ට විවෘත කළහ​. සමාජවාදයේ නාමයෙන් හෝටල් වල ලැග සිටි පවුල් ඉවත් කොට යලි ඒවා ප්‍රකෘතිමත් කළහ​. දැන් මේ හෝටල් වල බටහිර සංචාරකයන් බොහෝ සෙයින් දැකිය හැකිය​.  වර්තමානයේ  සංචාරක කර්මාන්තය නිසා කෙලින් සහ වක්‍රව කියුබානුවන් මිලියන ගනනක් යැපෙති.  

පරණ කාර් අතර BMW එකක් 

කියුබාවේ සංචාරකයන් සඳහා විශේෂ මුදල් වර්ගයක් තිබේ. එය බිහි වන්නට ඇත්තේ එකල සමාජවාදී ලෝකයේ තිබූ අඩුපාඩු අධ්‍යනය කිරීමෙන් පසු විය හැකිය​.  සෝවියට් දේශය , පෝලන්තය ,නැගෙනහිර ජර්මනිය යන රට වල ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් සහ බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය පවුම් ඉතා අගය කොට සලකන ලදි. මේ නිසා බටහිර සංචාරකයන් ගෙන එන ඩොලර් සහ පවුම් බැංකු වල නීති ගත අගයට වඩා දහ ගුණයක් පමණ ගෙවා මිලදී ගැනීමට ටැක්සි කරුවන් සහ ජාවාරම්කරුවන් පුරුදුව සිටියහ​. උදාහරණයක් ලෙස  එකල (1989) බටහිර ජර්මනියේ ඩොයිෂ් මාක්ස් පහක් නැගෙනහිර ජර්මානියේ කළු කඩයෙන් මාරු කල විට නැගෙනහිර ජර්මානු මුදල් බොහෝ ප්‍රමාණයක් ලැබුනි. මේ මුදලින් දෙතුන් දෙනෙකුට නැගෙනහිර ජර්මනියේ ඉතා හොඳ හෝටලයකින් දිවා ආහාරයක් ලබා ගත හැක​. එහෙත් එකල ඩොයිෂ් මාක්ස් පහකින් බටහිර ජර්මනියේ ලබා ගත හැකි වූයේ හොට් ඩෝග් එකක් සහ මිනරල් වතුර බෝතලයක් පමණි. මෙයාකාරයෙන් ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් 50 සෝවියට් දේශයේ කළු කඩයෙන් මාරු කල සංචාරකයාට සෝවියට් දේශයේ ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ වෛද්‍යවරයෙකුගේ මාසික වැටුපට ආසන්න මුදලක් ලැබුණි.  මෙම ක්‍රමය කියුබාවේ බලධාරීන් අවබෝධ කර ගත් අතර එය වැලැක්වීම සඳහා සංචාරකයන් සඳහා පරිවර්ත්‍ය පෙසෝ නෝට්ටු හඳුන්වා දෙන ලදි. මෙම පරිවර්ත්‍ය පෙසෝ එකක් කැනේඩියානු ඩොලර් එකකට වඩා මිලෙන් අධිකය​. එනම් කැනේඩියානු ඩොලර් 100 සඳහා ගෙවන්නේ පරිවර්ත්‍ය පෙසෝ 78.66 පමණි. 

බොහෝ සංචාරකයන් පවසන පරිදි ඔවුන්ට කියුබාවේ විශාල මුදලක් වැය කිරීමට සිදු වෙයි.  එක් දිනක් සඳහා වාහනයක් කුලියට ගැනීමට ගිය ජර්මානු සංචාරකයෙකුට ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් 105 ගෙවීමට සිදු විය​. එහෙත් ඇමරිකාවේ හෝ කැනඩාවේදී ආසන්න වශයෙන් ඩොලර් 25 – 30  ගෙවා වාහනයක් එක් දිනක් සඳහා කුලියට ගැනීමට හැකිය​. කියුබාවේදී කුරුම්බා ගෙඩියක් මිලදී ගැනීමට සංචාරකයෙකු කැනේඩියානු ඩොලර් දෙකක් ගෙවිය යුතුය​. මේ අනුව කියුබානු සංචාරක ව්‍යාපාරය විසින් බටහිර සංචාරකයන් ගේ දත් වහල්ලම ගලවා ගනියි. එහෙත් බටහිර සංචාරකයෝ කියුබාවට ඒම ප්‍රිය කරති. කියුබාව පියකරු රටකි. රට වටා වූ මුහුද කියුබාවට ආභරණයකි. 

සාමාන්‍යයෙන් කියුබානුවන් ඉතා සුහදශීලීය​. ඔවුන් එකිනෙකා සමගත් ඉතා සහයෝගයෙන් සාමුහික චින්තනයෙන් යුතුව වැඩ කරති. ඔවුන් නිතරම සිනහසෙමින් සිටිති. ස්පාඤ්ඤ සහ අප්‍රිකානු සංස්කෘති වලින් පෝෂණය වූ කියුබානුවන් සංගීතයට සහ නැටීමට ප්‍රිය කරති.  ශ්‍රී ලාංකික සමාජයේ දැඩි ලිංගික අසහනය සහ පර පීඩක මානසිකත්වය උඩුදුවා ඇත්තේ කියුබානුවන් මෙන්  සංගීතය  සහ නර්තනය  ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයන් තුල හොඳින් අවශෝෂණය නොතිබීම නිසා බව ඇතැම් විට මට සිතේ. 

කියුබාවේ පාරවල් ඉතා පිරිසිදුය​. කුණු ඉවත් කිරීම ක්‍රමවත්ව කෙරේ. ඒ නිසා මැසි මදුරුවන් අවමය​. ඩෙංගු නිවාරණයේ ඔවුන් ලද සාර්ථකත්වය මේ පරිසරය පිරිසිදුව තබා ගැනීම මත ලද ජයග්‍රහණයකි. එහෙත් හවානා වලදී අපිරිසිදු මෙන්ම උතුරා ගිය කාණු තිබූ පාරවල් කීපයක් මම දුටුවෙමි. 

පාරේ වාහන එලවීම ඉතා විනීතය​. ලංකාවේ මෙන් ගාල කඩාගත් අවිනීත වාහන එලවීමක් කියුබාවේ නැත​. ලංකාවට සාපේක්‍ෂව වාහන පාරවල් වල ඉතා අඩුය​. බොහෝ වාහන 1940 ගනන් වල ඇමරිකානු පැරණි කාර් වන අතර මේවා තවමත් පාරවල් වල දිවීම කියුබානු මිකැනික්වරුන් ගේ දස්කම පෙන්වයි. ඇමරිකානු පැරණි කාර් වලට අමතරව සෝවියට් දේශයෙන් ගෙන්වන ලද ලාඩා , මොස්කවිච් , තවුරියා යන කාර් වර්ගද කමාස් වර්ගයේ සෝවියට් ට්‍රක්ද මම දුටුවෙමි. එසේම අතරින් පතර මර්සෙඩේස් බෙන්ස් සී ක්ලාස් වාහන කීපයක් සහ බී එම් ඩබ්ලිව් කීපයක් දුටුවෙමි. මේ වාහන ධනවත් කියුබානුවන් ගේ හෝ පක්‍ෂයේ බලවතුන් ගේ විය හැකිය​. සාමාන්‍ය ජනයා සඳහා බස් සේවයක් පවතියි. එහෙත් බස් ප්‍රමාණය අඩුය​. අශ්ව කරත්ත සහ බූරුවන් ගැට ගැසූ ප්‍රවාහන කරත්තද මම දුටුවෙමි. මේ ආදිකාලේ ප්‍රවාහන ක්‍රමද යොද ගෙන තිබෙන්නේ ඉන්ධන අර්බුධය නිසාය​. නමුත් සංචාරකයන් සඳහා ලක්‍ෂරි බස් තිබෙන අතර මේ බස් දෙස හෝල්ටිං ප්ලේස් වල සිටින කියුබානුවෝ ඉතා කෑදර දෙනෙතින් බලා සිටිති. 

කියුබාව වටා අගනා වෙරළ තීරයක් තිබේ. මේ වෙරළ ලංකාවේ මෙන් නොව ඉතා පිරිසිදුය​. එසේම සංචාරකයන් සඳහා ආරක්‍ෂිත රිසෝට් නමින් හඳුන්වන හෝටල් පද්ධති සහ වෙරළ තිබේ. මේ නිසා තංගල්ලේ ප්‍රාදේශීය  සභාවේ සභාපති කලාක් මෙන් සංචාරක හෝටලයකට කඩා වැද සංචාරකයෙකු ඝාතනය කොට ඔහුගේ පෙම්වතිය දූෂණය කිරීම වැනි සිද්ධීන් කියුබාවේ නොමැත​. මෙම ආරක්‍ෂිත රිසෝට් වලට සාමාන්‍ය මිනිසුන්ට යා නොහැක​. එසේම සංචාරකයන් ආරක්‍ෂිත රිසෝට් වලින් බැහැරට යාමද අධෙර්‍යමත් කොට තිබේ.  සංචාරකයන් ආරක්‍ෂිත රිසෝට් වලින් බැහැර නොයෑමේ එක් හේතුවක් නම් බටහිර රට වල පාස්පෝට් උදුරාගෙන දුවන  හෝ හොරකම් කරන කල්ලි කියුබාවේ සිටීමයි. මේ නිසා හවානා වල කරක් ගසන විට මම මගේ කැනේඩියානු පාස්පෝට් එක නිරන්තරයෙන්ම ඉදිරි කලිසම් සාක්කුවේ තබා ගත්තෙමි.  මේ හැර මා කුමන රටෙන් ද කියා ඇසූ විට කිව්වේ ඉන්දියාවෙන් කියාය​. ඉන්දියානු පාස්පෝට්  එතරම් ඩිමාන්ඩ් නොවූ නිසාදෝ මාව ජාවරම්කරුවන් ගේ දෙනෙත් වලට ලක් වූයේ නැත​. 

කියුබාවේද ජාවාරම්කරුවන් සිටිති. ඔවුන් පිට කොටුවේ අයියලා බඳුය​. සංචාරකයන් පසු පස ගොස් කුඩු , බඩු හෝ කොල්ලන් ඕනෑද කියා ඔවුන් අසති. සමහරු අසන්නේ කියුබානු සිගාර් හෙවත් සුරුට්ටු අවශ්‍යද කියාය​. සාමාන්‍යයෙන් ඉහල ප්‍රමිතියේ කොහීබා නම් වන කියුබානු සුරුට්ටුවක් මිලෙන් අධිකය​. එහෙත් මේ අයියලා නියමිත මිලෙන් 50 % අඩුවට කියුබානු සුරුට්ටු විකුනති. මේ සුරුට්ටු මැදට දමා තිබෙන්නේ වේලන ලද කෙසෙල් කොලය​. මේ බව නොදත් සංචාරකයන් කෙසෙල් කොල මැදට දමා ඔතන ලද කියුබානු සුරුට්ටු පෙට්ටි ගනන් ජාවාරම්කරුවන් ගෙන් මිලදී ගනිති. 

හවානා වලදී  මම කැනේඩියානු ඩොලර්  50 ගෙවා රියැදුරෙකු සමග පැරණි ඇමරිකානු Chevrolet වාහනයක් කුලියට ගෙන හවානා නගරයේ සුප්‍රකට ස්ථාන බැලීමට ගියෙමි. මේ ස්ථාන අතර රෙවලූෂන් ස්ක්වයා , ජෝන් ලෙනන් උද්‍යානය , හවානාවේ සුප්‍රකට සුසාන භූමිය​, පැරණි ස්පාඤ්ඤ බල කොටුව​, ක්‍රිස්තුස් ප්‍රතිමාව​, එර්නස්ට් හෙමිංවේ නිතර පැමිනි බාර් එක , ඇල් කැපොන් හවානා වලට පැමිනි විට රැඳී සිටි හෝටලය , බැටිස්ටාගේ හවානාහි මන්දිරය , හොසේ මාටි ස්මාරකය වැනි ස්ථාන වූහ​. සමහර ස්ථාන වල චේ ගුවේරාගේ විශාල ප්‍රමාණයේ චිත්‍ර දැකිය හැකි විය​. චේ ගුවේරාද කියුබාවට මුදල් සපයන එක් මාධ්‍යකි. චේ ගුවේරා ගේ ටී ෂර්ට් , කැප් සංචාරකයෝ මිලදී ගනිති. චේ ගුවේරා ගේ ටී ෂර්ට් එකක් සාමාන්‍යයෙන් කැනේඩියානු ඩොලර් 12 පමණ වෙයි. 

දේශීයව චේ ගුවේරා යනු තව දුරටත් තොරොම්බල් කල නොහැකි ප්‍රපංචයක් බව කියුබානු බලධාරීන් අවබෝධ කර ගෙන තිබේ. වර්තමාන කියුබානු තරුණ පරම්පරාවට චේ ගුවේරා හෝ කැස්ත්‍රෝගේ වීර ක්‍රියා අසනවාට වඩා අවශ්‍ය කුස පුරවා ගැනීම සහ අලංකාර ලෙස ඇඳුම් පැළඳුම් කිරීමය​. මා සමග විශ්ව විද්‍යාල සිසුන් දෙදෙනෙකු කතා කල අතර විශ්ව විද්‍යාල අධ්‍යාපනයෙන් පසු රැකියාවක් ලැබුනද එය යැපීමට ප්‍රමාණවත් නොවන බව ඔවුන් කීහ​. බැටිස්ටාගේ කාලයේ කියුබාව අන්වර්ථව හඳුන්වන ලද්දේ ඇමරිකානුවන් ගේ ගණිකා මඩම කියාය​. එකල ඩොලර් විසි පහකට ඇමරිකානුවන් සමග යාමට කියුබානු ගණිකාවන් සිටියහ​. එහෙත් වර්තමානයේ දරුවන් ගේ කුස පිරවීමට බිත්තර දහයකට නිදි වදින ගැහැණුන් සමාජවාදී කියුබාවේ හිඟ නැති බව කියුබාවට නිතර එක ආජේන්ටීනා ජාතික සංචාරකයෙකු මා සමග කීවේය​. 

තරුණයන් ගේ මානසිකත්වය රාවුල් කැස්ත්‍රෝ අවබෝධ කර ගෙන තිබේ. තව දුරටත් ඇමරිකානු අධිරාජ්‍යවාදී බිල්ලා පෙන්වා ජනතාව සන්සුන්ව තබා ගත නොහැකිය​. එසේම පොතේ ගුරු මාක්ස්වාදී න්‍යායන් ඔස්සේ ගොස් ආර්ථිකය තවත් අනා ගැනීමට ඔහු සූදානම් නැත​. රාවුල් කැස්ත්‍රෝ ප්‍රායෝගිකවාදියෙකි. දැන් කියුබානුවන්ට කුඩා ප්‍රමාණයේ ව්‍යාපාර ඇරඹිය හැක​. එසේම තම නිවෙස විකිනීමට හෝ කුලියට දීමට හැකිය​​. දැන් තරුණයන් අත ජංගම දුරකථන දක්නට තිබේ. ඉන්ටනෙට් සේවාවන් ද ඉබි ගමනින් කියුබානු සමාජයට එකතු වෙමින් පවතියි. සන්නිවේදන පහසුකම් නම් 1970 යුගයේ ලංකාවේ තිබූ තත්වය කියා මට සිතේ. වරක් කැනඩාවට දුරකථන ඇමතුමක් ඉල්ලා පැය භාගයක් බලාගෙන සිටීමට මට සිදු විය​. වයිෆයි පහසුකම් නම් රිසෝට් වල තවමත් නොමැත​. ලංකාවේ ඊනියා සමාජවාදීන් ලංකාව කියුබාවක් කිරීමට වෙර දරන අතර රාවුල් කැස්ත්‍රෝ  කියුබාව ලංකාවේ ආර්ථික ප්‍රතිපත්ති වලට සම කිරීමට වෙර දරණු බව පෙනේ. රාවුල් කැස්ත්‍රෝ  විදේශීය ආයෝජකයන්ට අත වනයි. ඔහු විදේශීය ආයෝජකයන්ව  ඉඹලා පිළිගනියි. 

කියුබාව ගැන කතා කිරීමේදී ඔවුන් ගේ වෛද්‍ය සේවාවන් ගැනද කතා කල යුතුය​. තුන්වන ලෝකයේ රටවල් වලට සාපේක්‍ෂව කියුබාවේ හොඳ වෛද්‍ය සේවයක් තිබේ. මම ප්‍රධාන පෙලේ රෝහල් කීපයක්ද ෆාමසි කීපයක්ද දුටුවෙමි. කියුබානු වෛද්‍යවරු ජනතාවට සමීපය​. ඔවුන්ට ඩියුටි ෆ්‍රී වාහන නැත​. ග්‍රාමීය ප්‍රදේශ වල වෛද්‍යවරු අසු පිටින් නිවෙස් වලට ගොස් රෝගීන් බලති. සියළු වෛද්‍ය සේවා නොමිලේය​. එහෙත් පිටරැටියන් මුදල් ගෙවා වෛද්‍ය සේවා ලබා ගැනීමට එති. ඇමරිකාවේ සිදු කරන කොස්මෙටික් ශල්‍යකර්මයක් 80% පමණ අඩු මුදලක් ගෙවා කියුබාවෙන් කර ගැනීමට සංචාරකයන් එති. එසේම නුදුරු කාලයේ මුදල් ගෙවා කියුබානු වෛද්‍ය විද්‍යාල වලින් වෛද්‍ය විද්‍යාව ඉගෙන ගැනීමට අන්තර් ජාතික සිසුන්ට හැකි වනු ඇත​. 

මා සමග හවානා හිදී දිවා ආහාරය ගත් මහාචාර්‍ය Lourdes Zumalacárregui කියුබානු ඇකඩමි ඔෆ් සයන්ස් හි සාමාජිකාවකි. එසේම කියුබානු කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්‍ෂයේ සාමාජිකාවකි. ෆිදෙල් කැස්ත්‍රෝගේ මිතුරියකි. ඇය බෙල්ජියමේද ස්පාඤ්ඤයේද විශ්ව විද්‍යාල වල ආරාධිත කථිකාචාර්‍යවරියකි. ඇය පැවසූ පරිදි ෆිදෙල් කැස්ත්‍රෝ හොඳ කථිකයෙකි. එහෙත් රාවුල් කැස්ත්‍රෝ තුල  කථා කිරීමේ දක්‍ෂතාව එතරම් නොමැත එහෙත් ඔහු නිහඞ වැඩකාරයෙකි. මහාචාර්‍ය Lourdes Zumalacárregui පවසන පරිදි කියුබානු සමාජය පරිවර්ථනය වෙමින් පවතියි.  එහෙත් මෙම පරිවර්ථනය කුමන දිශාවටද කියා තවමත් කිව නොහැක.

වෛද්‍ය රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග 

Sri Lankan stocks drop; telcos, banks drag after budget measures

November 10th, 2017

COLOMBO, Nov 10 (Reuters) – Sri Lankan shares fell on Friday, weighed down by declines in telecom and banking stocks after the island nation targeted both cash-rich sectors in its 2018 budget to boost revenue.

Sri Lanka imposed new taxes on motor vehicles, telecoms, banks and liquor in a bid to boost revenues in its 2018 budget outlined on Thursday, as the budget deficit for the current year slipped to 5.2 percent of the gross domestic product.

How many Tamils PAID to be TORTURED to get asylum in the UK?

November 10th, 2017

Shenali D Waduge

We are talking about sterling pounds 5000-6000 being paid to be burnt with cigarette butt ends and face other tortures to enable British doctors to verify health records and endorse the torture as being ‘recent’ and to imply the tortures/rape were committed by the Sri Lankan forces. The monetary aspect fattens the purses of those making a business out of torture-asylum and enables foreign governments to use these examples to politically target countries like Sri Lanka to facilitate interventionist roles. Is the UK authorities silent because they are well aware of their role in this? Does the UK authorities not mind UK tax payers having to eventually finance these ‘economic cum terrorist-linked’ refugees/asylum seekers who end up not only manipulating the UK social welfare systems but playing out the British public via notorious international rackets the LTTE and Diaspora elements are linked to?

The international tarnishing campaigns against Sri Lanka takes the form of reports, documentaries, films, panel discussions which are all funded by Foreign Governments through NGOs established for interventionist purposes.

The best example is the released report by Yasmin Soosa who was selected by Ban Ki Moon to be a member of his (not UN) Panel of Experts.

Yasmin Sooka’s report ‘An unfinished war: Torture and Sexual violence in Sri Lanka 2009-2014’ was a politically motivated report. In her own words she says we released the report in time before the Geneva Resolution because we wanted to influence the Geneva resolution”.

Yasmin Sooka’s report is politically and denies her any status as ‘independent’ because the ‘Unfinished war: Torture and Sexual Violence in Sri Lanka 2009-2014’ report is funded by the British Foreign Office through the Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales while Sooka’s other project partner ‘International Trust and Justice Project Sri Lanka’ is impossible to locate!

www.interventionism.info

Sooka’s report takes a sample of 40 ‘selected’ asylum seekers majority of whom the report says were ‘involved in active combat’ a feeble way to admit they were associated with the LTTE. The mystery remains with the non-disclosure of the witnesses, how they contacted the lawyers, no one knows who the lawyers are, no one knows who the medical experts are or even who the translators are – there is much always lost in translation given that these ‘victims’ in view of them seeking to remain in the UK have all the motives to invent stories and they make an excellent couple for those wanting to politically and diplomatically influence Sri Lanka!

When Sooka herself is an EU employee how can her report have any credibility?

Therefore, the Sooka report and its 40 ‘selected’ asylum seekers involved in ‘active combat’ leaves much to the imagination.

So does the BBC documentary ‘Sri Lanka’s unfinished war’. Notice how these same coterie of people are united in their usage of nomenclatures.

The story of the asylum seeker the BBC documentary presented by Frances Harrison introduced as ‘Nandani’ won her asylum in the UK.

The story has helped to uncover a sinister racket taking place in the UK and possibly elsewhere in all of the western destinations that Sri Lanka’s Tamils are seeking economic migrant status riding on the asylum ticket.

In the case of the UK the system for asylum/refugee is lax.

To apply as a refugee/asylum seek a person needs to leave their country and be unable to go back because of fear. Even a student or visitor arriving in the UK can apply if they think they are at risk of persecution when returning to their country. Asylum seekers are screened, they go through an asylum interview and a decision is given within 6 months.

With this process clear the avenues to manipulate the system are many and UK Tamil Diaspora have found ways to penetrate the system thus creating a profit making establishment for themselves which has worked well for the Western Governments ready to use these systems for their

Just like the Sooka report was released to influence the Geneva Resolution, the BBC documentary was released in November 2013 ahead of the Sri Lanka’s Commonwealth Summit. Sooka presented 40 cases, Frances Harrison presented 12 cases. Both reports were funded to focus on ‘Torture and rape’ as a new subject for intervention. Both reports aimed to show systematic and widespread rape existing in Sri Lanka and Nandani’s case was highlighted as the 1st post-conflict rape to come into public.

www.eyesrilanka.com

The lies of Nandani became exposed through an interview with Nandani’s mother. BBC’s and Frances Harrison’s heroine was in fact married to Uhan Padmarasa a pro-LTTE activist who had been sent by LTTE to the UK in 1995 and had been living there since. Nandani and Uhan had married in India in mid 2000 and her desire was to join him in the UK.

Thus she joins so many other women unable to join their spouses because either the spouse has a dubious record or there are fears that the true nature of who they are would get exposed at the asylum interview.

The next recourse is to seek legal counsel and there are agents and solicitors to provide ever ready services at a fee.

The question is how many Tamils spent sterling pounds 5000-6000 with additional sterling pounds 1500 as processing fees to gain asylum in the UK?

How many Tamils have sought assistance from the below featured solicitors?

  • How many Tamils have enduring physical scarring /tortures for a fee in order to foolishly think they can get asylum in the UK?
  • How many Tamils have been foolish to get their bodies burnt with cigarette butts, beaten with hot metal rods or cut and scarred to show physical torture?
  • How many Tamils have visited a location at 53 South End Lane, Brombley, SE6 3AB supposedly belonging to a Pirakash Gobalasingham who has close ties to internationally banned Tamil Rehabilitation Organization an LTTE front?
  • How many Tamils have been medically checked by British medical doctors and what is the guarantee that they are not involved in this scam and how many Tamils are willing to come forward and expose these crimes and expose these people making profits by physically scarring people who would do anything to get asylum in a Western country?

* How many Tamils as a result of these tortures are suffering adversely as a result inspite of actually gaining asylum. As for those who inspite of paying for their wounds could not secure asylum, how are they suffering with these wounds which will never leave them physically or mentally with the realization that they actually paid to get the wounds inflicted.

Does this not look like a ‘patterened’ and paid wound? How many other such ‘wounds’ have been paid for and used by NGOs/INGOs for their reports and by Foreign Governments to embarrass Sri Lanka???

The BBC Documentary shows a Dr. Allison Callaway who says she has examined over 200 cases of alleged torture from Sri Lanka in the past 5 years (after 2009). What is interesting is that she has examined Nandani and Dr. Callaway says she has 30 cigarette butt burns on her body including genital areas. When we now know that Nandani has been telling lies, matched with the realization that there is a paid racket on charging to inflict wounds on asylum seekers we need to seriously place Dr. Allison’s claim with the all-important question of how many other Tamil asylum seekers have gone through this torture.

This is the first in a new case study of asylum seekers actually paying to get wounds inflicted on them so as to facilitate their application for asylum.

This is a very dangerous scenario. If asylum seekers from across the globe also pays to get themselves tortured and thus NGOs take up their ‘cause’ and demand asylum from foreign governments what will this result in especially when the BBC report says that some rape cases had been given asylum even without verifying authenticity?

These cases that Sooka, BBC and Frances Harrison gives as examples are certainly not fake because there are bruises but these bruises are as a result of paying to get bruised and have no association with the party they accuse of committing the crime.

Thus Sooka, BBC and Frances Harrison have no right to accuse the Sri Lanka Armed Forces when there are places in the UK where asylum seekers have paid to get their wounds and thereafter apply for asylum on the claim that these ‘wounds’ and ‘tortures’ were recent and committed by the armed forces.

This case has to be legally taken up in the UK by honest lawyers and citizen-interest lobbies to insist that the solicitors, agents and any official in the UK party to this racket are exposed and legal action is taken against them.

What needs to be highlighted is

  • There is an international new racket that is charging asylum seekers for physical woundsthat would secure them asylum. The likelihood of this racket extending and existing in other countries and by other nationalities cannot be ruled out.
  • Reports/Documentaries/Panel Discussions/Books are being released close to international events and UN country-assessment sessions in order to influence countries against targeted countries. These reports/documentaries/panel discussions, books etc are all funded by foreign governments who fund NGOs and people in their payroll to compile the reports using as sources the very parties that the targeted nations are in conflict with.

This is a violation of ethics and morals and totally against how Governments, NGOs and even the legal fraternity are meant to function.

The systems need to be cleaned up and the UN Panel investigating Sri Lanka needs to clearly put all these lies and distortions into its report.

Shenali D Waduge

The darkest hour is just before the dawn – Part I

November 10th, 2017

By Rohana R. Wasala Courtesy The Island

Fiat justitia – ruat caelum! (Let justice be done though the skies fall!)

In May 2009, we ordinary Sri Lankans suddenly had everything before us, whereas for the previous thirty years, we had nothing before us.  Most of us had been inured to believe that  the separatist militants were invincible, and  we were filled with incredulity when they were defeated. It was  the best of times for  peace-loving patriotic Sri Lankans living everywhere, but it was the worst of times for their opponents. It was the season of Light for the former, but it was the season of Darkness for the latter. It was the spring of hope for those who believed their problems were over, but it was the winter of despair for those who thought otherwise.  However, the pendulum of power  swung (or was forced to swing) in the opposite direction in January 2015. The bleak present is so unlike that roseate period that ‘some of its noisiest critics insist on its being received, for good or for evil, in the superlative degree of comparison only’.  Yet, there are hopeful signs that the masses are awakening to the reality and the country is being recalled to life!, with apologies to Dickens.

As the saying goes, The darkest hour is just before the dawn”: Things can only get better when they could get no worse. We are in a situation today that reminds us of this inspiring piece of proverbial wisdom. It is probably the worst predicament we have been landed in since independence, though it is 75% self-inflicted, so soon after the brightest moment in that six decade transitional period. If ever a single national cause united the majority of all the different ethnic communities as a single Sri Lankan people within the last half a millennium, that happy moment occurred when separatist terrorism was militarily defeated in May 2009. But the results of that historic national achievement have been grievously squashed already. Hardly five years had passed since the end of terrorism before we were unexpectedly condemned  to a state of progressive topsy-turvydom, which today  has reached its nadir: economic dreams have been turned into nightmares; reconciliation and goodwill between communities into mutual suspicion and alienation; democracy into kakocracy (rule by the worst); sovereign independence into voluntary subjection to a ‘free sovereign states management’  version of geopolitics (on the analogy of ‘supply management economics’ given expression in the deliberate destruction of surplus food crops in certain capitalist societies where poor sections of the population may be starving), war heroes into terrorists, and vice versa, and many other similar tragic reversals. While imbeciles considered usable by the powerful are lionized, intelligent honest persons are ostracized; criminals are tolerated and even rewarded, efficient as well as patriotic local experts and professionals are replaced by imported non-national crooks, but peaceful protestors against wrong economic policies are set upon by paid thugs unleashed by criminal politicos with underworld links, and the victims of those attacks and their suspected leaders are put in prison, in a bid to stifle just opposition. (These general observations are based on information gathered from reliable internet media.) Indefinitely postponed elections mean denying the franchise of the people, thereby stifling the very life breath of democracy.

Amidst all this, the undeniable fact is emerging that Sri Lanka is being unjustly targeted by the Western powers, the so-called Tamil Diaspora parasitizing the global influence of those powers, our giant neighbour Big Brother India, the cynical Tamil National Alliance (TNA) pushing its hardly concealed separatist/federalist goal with an air of unprecedented eclat, all ganged up in pursuit of their diverse and disparate ends, making common cause, however, with each other for dismantling the unitary structure of Sri Lanka and for deposing Buddhism from its foremost place in the current constitution. It is the Buddhist religion that has given the unitary state its cohesive cultural identity since its beginning more than 2300 years ago. The aforementioned countries and groups want to achieve this twofold purpose through a forcibly imposed federalist constitution. Those patriotic Sri Lankans belonging to all communities (the overwhelming majority) who are unequivocally opposed to these designs  are hopeful that the powers that be will at least put on hold, if not abandon altogether, their conspiratorial constitution making scheme for the time being in response to the rising public outcry against it, which now has reached a crescendo.

The case against the introduction of a new constitution by the Yahapalana government has by now been well established by eminent constitutional lawyers, academics, professionals, members of the clergy of the main religions, secular intellectuals, veteran journalists and others who are knowledgeable and vocal about the subject. Its illegality, fraudulence, and the utter loss of public confidence in the sincerity of intentions on the part of its architects and promoters were authoritatively explained in an article by previous Justice and Buddhasasana minister Dr Wijedasa Rajapaksa MP recently serialized in The Island newspaper (on November 2,3, and 4, 2017). Public disapproval of what has been appropriately described as a constitutional death-trap has received an imprimatur in the form of the unanimous voice of the Maha Sangha of all Nikayas raised against it. The leading clergy of other religions have shown that they too support the stand taken by the monks in this regard. The Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) expressed (as reported in The Island/October 24, 2017) its grave concern about proposed amendments to Articles 1 and 2 of the current constitution, and resolved to write to the government demanding precise and clear answers to a long list of questions including, for example, those about: the need/requirement for a new constitution, the fate of the unitary structure of the state, powers to be devolved, and the ability of the centre to later recall those powers if necessary, the future of the executive presidency, the status of the judiciary, and fundamental rights issues. Attorney at Law Lal Wijenayake , calling himself a proud member of the BASL (as reported in The Island/November 4, 2017), describes these questions of crucial importance as ‘a set of childish questions to the wrong party (the government)’. The few examples I have mentioned here prove that the questions that the BASL raised are not at all ‘childish’ questions. That inane statement alone is enough for us to guess the mindset of the minority of individuals who are behind this non-Sri Lankan-sponsored unconstitutional (illegal) constitution making program, though Wijenayake is speaking only in his capacity as an individual member of that professional body. His main grouse is that the meeting that produced the BASL statement of October 23rd was attended by only 46 out of the total Bar Council membership of 950. Is that important? The meeting on October 23rd was called in response to what was implicitly deemed by the BASL hierarchy a national emergency. The resolution was properly adopted at the Bar Council’s monthly meeting held on October 28th as Wijenayake himself admits in his ‘reply’ (as The Island calls it). (Note: Articles 1 and 2 of the existing constitution are:

  1. Sri Lanka (Ceylon) is a Free, Sovereign, Independent and Democratic Socialist Republic and shall be known as the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka.
  2. The Republic of Sri Lanka is a Unitary State.)

No party or individual contesting the January 8th and August 17th elections had included a pledge to replace the existing constitution if elected to power. Besides, no party or alliance won an absolute majority of seats to form a government alone on the latter occasion. Hence the Yahapalana government has no mandate to address the same. The most formidable challenge to the unmandated new constitution making enterprise  comes from the Maha Sangha. This is not to the liking of the powers that be and certain madly intrusive, mercenary NGO outfits (which are actually the prime movers behind the questionable project). They are doing their damnedest to mislead domestic  public opinion, and international perceptions regarding this crucial issue, especially among misinformed and prejudiced non-Sri Lankan/alien functionaries (such as the recent visitor  Special Rapporteur Pablo de Greiff or the one before him Ben Emmerson) in the interventionist UN bodies who have little knowledge about our country in terms of its diverse communities, geography, demography, culture, or history.

A common criticism leveled against the Sangha offering to air their opinions before government leaders about the constitution making issue is that they have neither the authority nor the competence required to do so. But the reality is that they have the authority granted by hallowed tradition in this country where Buddhism has enjoyed supremacy over everything else since the very dawn of Lanka’s recorded history, and where  it is given the ‘foremost place’ in the 1978 constitution (that operates today). Just as the majority of the Sinhalese are Buddhists, the majority of Tamils are Hindus. Hindu Tamils have absolutely no issue with the idea of Buddhism being recognized as already occupying the foremost place in the state. Though they provide guidance to the ruler, the Maha Sangha play an apolitical role. A state where Buddhism is given the foremost place is effectively secular (if secular means a complete separation between the church and the state in governance). The monks intervene when there is reason to believe that the Buddhasasana, the Sinhalese race, and the country (all three of which they consider to be above politics and non-negotiable) are in jeopardy. They consider this to be their inescapable historic responsibility. They don’t care which person or party rules, so long as these three treasures are duly safeguarded. Foremost among them is the Buddha Sasanaya, because it is what renders the unitary state whole, in both senses of the word (complete, sound/healthy).

The Malwatte Mahanayake Thera was out of the country when the Karaka Sangha Sabhawas of the two Chapters of the Siyam Nikaya met at the Dalada  Maligawa and issued a statement calling on the government to stop the ongoing attempt at making a new constitution in view of the likely harmful consequences of such an exercise in the current situation (explained to them by impartial, non-political intellectuals, legal experts, and specialist doctors), and instead to bring in only such absolutely essential reforms as changing the electoral process, and also to focus on developmental work in order to relieve the suffering of the people. The Mahanayake Theras had directed the Anunayake Theras and the Karaka Sangha Sabhawa of Malwatte to deal with the matter jointly with the Asgiriya sector as per custom. Now, the Ven. Mahanayake Thera of the Asgiriya Chapter, who was in the country at the time, refrained from attending the meeting of the monks at the Maligawa, because he thought it was improper to do so in the absence of his Malwatte counterpart. Each Karaka Sangha Sabhawa has twenty members. So forty monks contributed to the deliberations before arriving at their final unanimous decision. They met at the historic Ran Ayudha Mandapaya of the Maligawa as they traditionally do. The Diyawadana Nilame, the lay custodian of the Maligawa, had no part to play in the matter, except perhaps having physical arrangements made for the purpose in the Maligawa premises. The Maha Sangha of the whole country approved of the stand of the Siyam Nikaya hierarchy. The democratic, and no less dignified conduct of the monks who announced their perfectly sound counsel regarding this aggressive constitution making project was in stark contrast to the cynically dismissive, inappropriate, authoritarian response it evoked among those who appear to be committed to support it. Ven. Professor Bellanwila Wimalarathana Thera says that the henchmen of the government have started a besmirching campaign in order to discredit the Maha Sangha and Buddhist institutions over this. A powerful government bigwig with a three-lettered name (in Sinhala characters) had asked (an acolyte, presumably) to ‘Smash this fellow at this opportune moment’ ‘moota me welawe gahaladapan’ (‘මූට මේ වෙලාවෙ ගහල දාපං’). The monk revealed that he was told by a powerful person in the government that although they insisted that there was not even a preliminary draft of the proposed constitution, a constitution has already been drafted. The monk knew the names of the two persons who wrote that document, but thought it inappropriate to divulge them just yet (Ada Derana TV news/October 28, 2017).

To be continued

Tamil demand for unfair and unreasonable power – due to Sinhala stupidity, complacency, ignorance and infighting

November 9th, 2017

Chanaka Bandarage

The British ruled Sri Lanka (then Ceylon) for 150 years. During that period both the Sinhalese and the Tamils lived as British subjects. There are no records that the Tamils like now were then demanding more power for themselves.

When Sri Lanka received independence in 1948, the British acknowledged that the North and the East are parts of the Sri Lankan state and never contemplated an India/Pakistan type partition to give the North to the Tamils (this was their unequivocal acknowledgement that Sri Lanka has always been a One Nation). The Tamils never made such a demand – that the North be given exclusively to them. Though they now make a loud claim that they want more power, the Tamils knew it was a futile attempt to demand special powers or a separate state from the British (in a letter dated 30 April 1964 to his Tamil friend C Suntharalingam, Lord Saulbury (Sri Lankan  government minister between 1931 and 1941, architect of the Ceylonese Constitution in 1944 and the Governor-General of Ceylon between 1949 and 1954) stated …. I do not believe that other federal or autonomous Tamil State will work. Federation is cumbersome and difficult to operate – and an autonomous Tamil State would not be viable.”

Historically, the Sinhalese have shown that they are brilliant in defending their land, culture and religion from various enemy powers. That is why powerful foreign invaders have been chased away by the Sinhalese to where they originally came from.

Most recently we defeated the most powerful terrorist outfit of the recent world, the LTTE.

Since about 275 BC we have been subjected to Tamilnadu invasions, commencing from Elara. We suffered terribly under Soli (සොලී), Pallava and Kalinga-Magha invasions. They caused enormous destruction to the country.  The Sinhalese civilizations in the North, North Central, Wayamba and Eastern provinces were decimated by these invading forces.

The irony is that we Sinhalese tend to show lethargy in safeguarding our existing rights and privileges. We tend to act only after something adverse had happened to us.  Until then we would act as if no harm would come to us. Any impending dangers, we consider them as  trivial and/or unimportant. Seldom would we take precautions before an adverse outcome. This is a marked contrast to how the West acts, especially the English speaking West. They plan and act well in advance, so when conflicts, calamities arrive, they are well prepared.

We tend to accommodate unfair requests made to us by mischievous forces.  We tend to blindly believe in false promises made to us by different elements.  Due to this, we often make our own downfall.

Sadly, we have   shown an inferiority complex to western cultures; and we tend to belittle our own rich Sinhalese, Buddhist culture. The whole world is amazed by our rich Sinhalese civilization (our hydraulic engineering technology was such that we were able to pump water to top of the Sigiriya rock), but, we underestimate and care less about our own marvels/achievements. In the recent past we deliberately omitted our rich history from our school history books.  To please some, we purposely distorted versions of our own history; for example, to say that we are not descendants of Vijaya and the Ramayanaya mythology is a truth (this allowed the separatists to claim that King Ravana was a Tamil and that he existed before Vijaya in Sri Lanka). Some of our leaders have publicly despised the country and the people. Even today when two upper middle class Sinhalese meet for the first time, they tend to talk to each other in  English.  There seems to be shame attached to talk in Sinhalese.

We have developed these bad habits due to the ‘brain washing’ of us by the British imperialists.  The British were adamant that after they left  the island there will be a band of ‘Kalu Suddos’ who will continue with their way of thinking and living. It is the ‘Kalu Suddos’ who dwell on class distinctions to garner unfair upper hand for themselves over others. They work against treating people based on merit. Most of the time these people are less patriotic.

We are well aware that there were Sinhalese, sometimes Sinhalese leaders, who connived with the Tamil Tigers. As a result our brave armed forces suffered.

In regards to overseas enemy forces, when we realise that we have been tricked by them, it had often been too late.  By then, we had paid a huge price for our mistakes.

This rationale applies to the current proposals to amend the Constitution.  The Sinhalese have still not understood the danger of giving Land and Police powers to the racist Northern Provincial Government. There are several other dangerous elements in the current proposals, but giving away these two powers is the most dangerous.

It is important to bear in mind that giving such important powers to the racist Northern Provincial Council would amount to assisting them in creating the Tamil Eelam. They are patiently waiting for that opportunity to arise.

Why should we knowingly participate in such a ‘suicidal’ act? Once the country is divided, unlike in the past, it will be impossible to claim it back (our sovereignty and territorial integrity).

These dangers have been well articulated in the writer’s recent articles published in this website.

Some of the ‘foolish’ past exercises by the Sinhalese are:

  • Gave away our land to the Portuguese

The king of Kotte, Dharma Parakramabahu (6th Parakramabahu), wanted to be too nice to the sea warrior Lorenzo De Almeida; he was extremely anxious to enter into a treaty with the Portuguese. Upon the Portuguese’s first arrival in the country, he immediately allowed them  to establish settlements in Colombo including erecting a Catholic chapel inside the Colombo Port, and he agreed to gift a large quantity of cinnamon every year to Portugal (about 200,000 pounds). The King gifted two tusked  calf elephants  to the Portuguese King.  To consume during their return voyage to Portugal, the King gave them large numbers of live fowl and fresh fruit that included bananas, mangoes, pineapple and king coconuts. (the king’s cabinet comprised of four of his brothers).

It is reported that Lorenzo De Almeida could not believe what they achieved in their first trip.  To celebrate, he ordered the firing of several rounds of ships’ artillery into the air. The Colombo residents were so terrified about the gunfire; it was for the first time they had experienced anything like that.  They fled their dwellings in large numbers and hid in bushlands.

The upshot of the King’s good gesture was that the Portuguese soon established power in parts of the country and ruled us for nearly 150 years.

The Portuguese during their reign burnt down Buddhist temples, pirivenas, and libraries and Catholicism was basically forcibly imposed upon the coastal  Buddhists. Lots of inducements were given to people who converted themselves from Buddhism to Catholicism; and to those who took  up Portuguese names.

  • Handed over the Kandyan kingdom to the British on a platter

Despite vehement attempts, for over 300 years, the Portuguese and the Dutch failed to conquer the Kandyan kingdom.

For closer to 20 years, hundreds of British troops sacrificed their lives in several of their unsuccessful attempts to capture the Kandyan kingdom. Each of their attempts was unsuccessful. But, in 1815,  the aristocratic Sinhala, Buddhist leaders of the Upcountry conspired with the British and brought down their own rule in Kandy. The foolish Sinhalese leaders thought that after removing the Thelengu King, the British would hand power to them. The British always had other ideas.

The Sinhala-British pact that was signed (the Kandyan Convention), the British did not respect/honour the document; one could say they  regarded it useless than the paper it was written on. When the Sinhalese realised the mistake and their foolish act, all was too late. We had to wait for a further 133 years to regain the freedom.

The Kandyan aristocrats did not seem to have the intelligence/wisdom to fathom that the British rule would be more torturous than that of the King’s. When they realised the real brutality of the British immediately after the pact, all was too late. Many thousands of innocent Sinhala Buddhists, notably in Wellassa (current Uva province), were massacred by the British from 1815 to 1818.  They even killed some of the aristocrats who helped them to capture power, including Weera Keppetipola, who was a signatory to the Kandyan Convention.  Keppetipola, albeit too late, led a spectacular rebellion against the British in 1818. When he had initial victories, he handed the captured British weaponry back to the British (this is something a military leader would never do). The British accepted their weapons back and used them to suppress the Sinhalese rebellion. Even the main aristocratic leader, Ehelepola, was captured and imprisoned in Mauritius by the British.

The British ruthlessly repulsed a 2nd Sinhalese rebellion spearheaded by Weera Puran Appu, in 1848 (the then Governor Viscount Torrington in a letter to Earl Grey, the Secretary of State for War and the Colonies in London dated 9 October 9 1849 stated I remind you of the last words of Puranappu. He held up his hands and said if there had been half a dozen such men as me to lead, there would not be a white man living in the Kandyan Province. This is true. If there had been such leaders, without doubt for a time we should have lost the country.”

  • The manner and way which the ‘Sinhala Only’ policy was enacted in 1956

Until 1956 the Tamils did not make major demands from the Sinhalese demanding more power etc. They knew they had no standing to make a claim for more power.

Until SWRD Bandaranaike crossed over from the UNP and formed the SLFP in 1952, the Sinhalese had only one main political party – the UNP (true there were minor parties like LSSP and CP, but they were insignificant).

The creation of the SLFP marked the beginning of the infighting between the Sinhala people– the continuous fights/killings between them – ‘the Green shirts’ and ‘the Blue shirts’.

As a result, the Sinhala vote was divided into two, favouring the minorities who reaped the benefits at elections.

In 1952, Bandaranike was already 53 years old.  An extremely ambitious man from an extremely powerful family (his father, Sir Solomon Bandaranaike, was the ‘Maha Mudliyar’ under the British. After the British Governor, he held the highest and most powerful position in the country).  Bandaranaike realised that he had no chance of becoming the Prime Minister if he stayed in the UNP. At that time DS Senananayake was well liked by the people and his son, Dudley (41), was groomed as the next Prime Minister.

In the 1956 general election SWRD Bandaranike exclusively used the ‘race card’ to come to power. He knew by causing a division in the Sinhala electorate, he could win the election; and so he did win.

Bandaranike’s main election promise was that he will make Sinhala the official language if he won power.

But, after he won the election, he ‘forgot’ his promise. When staunch protests were initiated by Sinhala nationalists, especially by the Buddhist monks,  Bandaranaike had no other alternative but to introduce legislation to legalise his ‘Sinhala Only’ policy. The Act was passed by a majority in the parliament in 1956. But, Bandaranaike could not live with his nationalist policy for too long.  The pressure put on him by SJV Chelvanayakam (Leader of the Illankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi) was too much, he signed the Bandaranike – Chelvanayakam pact (Banda – Chelva pact) in 1957. This gave equal status to both Sinhala and Tamil languages and covered a broad range of areas.  Effectively, what the two leaders consented was to have a federal administrative system in Sri Lanka.

The Banda – Chelva pact infuriated the Sinhala Buddhists.  When there were mass protests in the country against the pact and hundreds of Buddhist monks camped outside of Bandaranike’s Rosmead Place residence,  he went out of his house and met the monks and promised them that he will abrogate the Banda-Chelva pact.  He tore a document before the monks.

However, the Banda – Chelva pact resurfaced in 1959  and there were rumors that he was going to implement it.  On 26 September 1959 Ven Thalduwe Somarama (47) shot dead Bandaranaike. Some believe Somarama killed Bandaranike due to the latter’s ‘treacherous act’ and there is justification to hold this belief. After shooting Bandaranaike, Somarama  is alleged to have uttered the words  ‘රට, ජාතිය, ආගම’ (‘country, race and religion’) several times.  These were the words of an extreme nationalist.

It may perhaps be that Bandaranaike implemented the ‘Sinhala Only’ policy in good faith, but, he did it in such a hasty, insensitive  manner  without giving regard to the concerns of the minority. He had no idea how the minorities will accept and react to his most controversial policy.

When he realised that he had erred, he backtracked and promised federalism to Tamils. This was moving from one extreme, to another, within a short period of time.

Basically, it was a policy that bungled from the very beginning. For this, the country has paid a huge price.

As can be understood, the new policy infuriated the minorities. The hardest hit community was the Burghers. They had good positions before, they knew that they will have no future under the new policy and sought ways to leave the country. Many migrated to various European countries,  especially to Australia. Today, we have a very few Burghurs living in the country. The Bhoras, Parsis, Sinds and the few Jews who tremendously contributed to the country’s economy also left the country.

The Tamils began to think that they were being treated as 2nd class citizens by the Sinhalese. There was justification to that belief. Tamil leaders like Chelvanayakam and GG Ponnambalam who were waiting for mistakes to be caused by the Sinhalese leaders used the opportunity to their maximum advantage – to fight for their new demand, federalism.

The first Sinhala Tamil riots happened in 1958, under Bandaranaike’s watch.

The Muslims were also affected by the new policy, but like the Tamils they did not react to it aggressively.

  • Vadukoddai Resolution

We are today giving too much deference to a ‘Vadukoddai Resolution’ which was a Chelvanayakam gimmick. Any adult who lived in 1976 would say that such a Resolution was unheard of at that time. In 1976 we had the Nonaligned summit conference, the then Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike  would not have allowed Chelvanayakam to run amok during that time.

Chelvanayakam who was only an MP (leader of the TULF) at that time had no power to pass  a Resolution.  Such a Resolution has no legal validity in Sri Lanka. It is true Chelvanayakam met few people under a tree in Vadukoddai and discussed things – it is us, the Sinhalese including some patriots, who try to give enormous significance to this minor event.

Prabhakaran who was setting up his organisation to create a separate state shot dead Alfred Durraiappah, the Mayor Jaffna, in 1975 – before the Chelvanayakam’ s Resolution in 1976.

Chelvanayakam, born in Malaysia, was a shrewd, manipulative campaigner. Cunning to the core, he used the mistakes that the  Sinhalese leaders did to his maximum advantage – to work towards federalism and since 1976 to achieve a separate state. He died in 1977.

Chelvanayakam’ s  teaching to his subordinates  was ‘little now, more later’. This has been  practised by all democratically elected Tamil leaders, including the present Tamil leaders.

After 1956, the  mild mannered Sinhalese leaders did not know how to handle Chelvanayakam and the most aggressive Tamil leaders who followed him, most of them made most unfair demands.

But, the Sinhalese leaders were always very capable in suppressing the Sinhalese dissent, sometimes most ruthlessly and brutally (eg in 1971 and 1988 – 91). This trend in the South continues to this day.

  • Prabhakaran

In mid 1970s  and in early 1980s the Sri Lankan armed forces arrested Prabhakaran few times (at least on two occasions). It was our own leaders who allowed him to slip away to India. No serious attempts were made to demand his extradition to Sri Lanka. The price that the country paid for these foolish mistakes is enormous.

  • 1978 Constitution

This Constitution effectively gave  dictatorial type powers to the country’s head of state. Since 1978, the Office of the Executive President has grown up to become a gigantic establishment. It is a white elephant in its own right. Billions of rupees are allocated every year to maintain the Office.

There is a wrong perception among the populace that to curb future terrorism we must have an executive president in the country and there is no other solution . Mrs Sirimavo Bandaranike crushed the 1971 insurgency without having Presidential powers.

What Sri Lanka needs is a strong central government. The Current executive Presidency should be abolished and the position of a non -executive President should be created. He/she should be elected by the vote of the Parliament. The power to dismiss a provincial government should be vested with the non-executive President (not the Prime Minister), upon considering a report submitted to him/her by the Governor of the province in question. Appointment of Governors to the provinces must be made concurrently by the Prime Minister and the non-executive President.

Ideally, all the provincial councils should be abolished (repeal the 13th Amendment).  This is difficult now given that the Northern Provincial Council is created and well established. But, for a brave, intelligent and a visionary leader, this task is still possible. It is a matter of convincing the citizens, India and the international community as to why this must happen.

  • Re Amending the Constitution, the following must also be followed

+ Scrap the current preferential voting system and re-introduce the ‘one person one vote’ system (scrap the ‘Manapa’ system and allow each voter to elect their own Member of the Parliament based on Constituency)

+ Abolish the anti-democratic Chit MP system (National List)

+ Scrap the proposal to introduce a new Constitutional Court; the current powers of the Supreme Court should not be curtailed

+ Must not meddle with the current Chapter II, Article 9 of the Constitution that gives prominence to Buddhism (‘The Republic of Sri Lanka shall give to Buddhism the foremost place and accordingly it shall be the duty of the State to protect and foster the Buddha Sasana, while assuring to all religions the rights granted by Articles 10 and 14(1)(e).’).

+ Scrap any intention to hold a Referendum on the Constitutional proposals as the separatists will use the result to form a new country based on customary international law (eg. East Timor, South Sudan examples and now Catalonia).

  • 1983 riots

In 1983 the then government paid a blind eye allowing race riots against our Tamil brethren to spread.

Separatist Tamils capitalised and created a massive worldwide wrongful perception against the Sinhalese  – that they are mongrels who brutalise the innocent Tamils in Sri Lanka. The governments failed to clear their names from these most serious allegations.

In July 1983, it is the Sinhalese who rescued and helped Tamils. There is hardly a Sinhala family that did not sympathize and/or assisted the Tamils. But, we failed to ‘market’ the noble deeds of the Sinhalese. We allowed a bad perception to be created and spread.

In fact, it is the Sinhalese who invented the terminology – Black July’, now universally accepted as the term to refer the ‘massacre of innocent Tamils by the Sinhalese in 1983’. The Sinhalese continuously use the terminology giving it more legitimacy – that they butchered innocent Tamils, when what they actually did was rescuing the innocent Tamils from trouble. Greedy mobs consisted of Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslims robbed and looted Tamil shops and houses in various parts of the country.

We have not been successful in articulating to the world that since 1983 there were so many terrorism related incidents in Sri Lanka, including the killing of the country’s head of state, the Sinhalese did not harm a single Tamil over those incidents.

  • Vadamarachchi operation

In 1986 during Vadamarachchi operation we almost defeated the LTTE with Prabhakaran being cornered in his native Valvetithurai. But, the then leadership panicked due to a foreign government threat and disbanded  the entire operation, allowing Prabhakaran and his cohorts to escape.

  • 1987 pact

In 1987 the country signed the Indo Lanka Accord, a stupid move by the then leadership. Therein, we foolishly  acknowledged  that the North and East are traditional Tamil areas, and agreed to the merger of the North and the Eastern provinces. The merger was removed by the bold judgement of Sarath N Silva (the Chief Justice in 2006).

  • 2002 Ceasefire Agreement

This was a foolish exercise. The Agreement executed between the government and the LTTE was extremely detrimental to the country.  It threatened the country’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

The fear is that some of the same architects are now involved in promoting the proposed amendments to the Constitution.

  • Failure to disband the 13th Amendment

When there were opportunities available to disband the provincial council system, especially in 2009 (soon after the war) and 2012, our leaderships failed to use those situations and disband them. The leaderships have failed to acknowledge that the useless provincial councils are huge white elephants that the country cannot afford to sustain.

It is clear that the country’s leaders want the provincial councils to stay and prosper. They can then nominate their family members and henchmen to run for the offices. The provincial councils are a good platform for corruptors who are eager to make money by hook or by crook.

Now, there is the attempt to  double the number of members of the Provincial Councils, Pradeshiya Sabhas and Municipal councils, without giving regard to the enormous costs that these changes would affect the country.

Sri Lanka has too many layers of governments; it is one the highest governed nations of the world.

  • Unfair criticism of Sri Lanka in regards to the last stages of the war

The then government failed to rebut the fabricated war crimes allegations that were made against Sri Lanka including the allegation that Sri Lanka killed 40,000 Tamil civilians during the last stages of the war. These allegations still stand and are alive. The government between 2007 – 2009 conducted the war so well and totally annihilated the Tamil Tiger terrorists, but it simply did not know how to handle/respond to the most unfair and adverse criticisms that were made against it by the West. One of the strangest things is as to why the then government failed to promptly respond to the serious, wrongful accusations made against it by the Darusman Report.

It is a fact that our armed forces did not indiscriminately kill innocent Tamil civilians.

What is difficult to fathom is why our governments are so scared to tell this truth to the whole world loudly and clearly.

According to the North’s grama sevaka reports, the 7,000 odd civilians who are recorded as dead during the last stages of the war period were those who died of natural reasons.

This writer’s organisation made initiatives to challenge the lies propagated by Channel 4 of the UK in foreign courts, they were not provided with the necessary evidential support that the government initially promised. We were basically left helpless after so much work was undertaken.

  • Release of the deadly LTTE cadres to the society, closing of military camps in the North and the East

After the war, governments in the name of reconciliation have released deadly ex terrorists to the society and have closed or reduced many military camps in the North and the East. Some of the tasks have been carried out recklessly. The fundamental responsibility of the governments is to provide protection to its innocent citizens and to ensure that a terrorist war that was just completed  would never emerge. The governments have not acted responsibly  in this matter.

We should not be surprised if majority of the military camps in the North are shut down in the foreseeable future.

What should have been done was to establish a Criminal Justice Commission to prosecute both ex tigers and errant military personnel (if any).  We are paying a huge price for this lapse.

  • TNA

Foolishly we continue to believe that the TNA is genuine when they say they want to live in One Sri Lanka. These leaders when overseas speak in a different language and tone. They talk against the country.  When overseas they espouse separation. They make fabricated claims that Tamils are being discriminated in Sri Lanka (this writer has confronted them in foreign western forums, the TNA leaders have then retracted). Even most recently, when Prince Al Hussein, head of OHCHR visited Sri Lanka, the TNA remonstrated to him that a separate entity should be created for them in the North and the East.

It seems we have forgotten that during the war years, it is the TNA that acted as the LTTE proxy in the parliament.

  • Sinhalese in the North

We have failed to allow the Sinhalese to live in the North and the East. The South has become extremely crowded with growing populations. In the City of Colombo the three major communities live almost in equal numbers now (it used to be about 70% Sinhala). Plenty of habitable land for all the people is located in the North and the East (1/3 of the country and 2/3  of the country’s sea coast).  But, the Sinhalese are denied of settling in those areas.  Even the traditional Sinhalese settlers (eg 2nd generation Tamil speaking Sinhalese of Jaffna) have not been allowed to resettle in the North and the East.

The Tamils live in all parts of the country. It is very discriminatory to disallow the Sinhalese from living in the North and the East.

The Sinhalese parliamentarians have kept silent on this most important issue.

Please refer to the writer’s recent articles about this, published in this website.

  • Sinhala Diaspora and the Sinhalese in the South

When Tamil diaspora in their thousands flock in western countries to promote their separatist cause, very few Sinhalese diaspora come to voice the Sinhala side of the story. Sinhalese living in the western world would flock in thousands to a Buddhist  temple for an event, but only a handful of them would attend a patriotic function. Most of the Sinhalese living in the West are not concerned about the importance of articulating the truth to the world.  For excuse they say they cannot sanction the actions of the Sri Lankan governments that are predominantly corrupt; this is not a good excuse to not come in support of one’s mother country. The Sinhalese living in the country seem disinterested about the proposals to amend the Constitution. There is very little discourse among them about the subject. It seems they are content that the war is now over and that they are safe from bombs. The fact that there is a real chance that a Tamil Eelam could be created as a result of the current proposals to amend the Constitution  has not yet invaded their psyche. This is a serious and a sad situation.

The writer is a Lawyer. srilankasupportgroup@bigpond.com

The current petrol crisis is only a precursor of far more disastrous things to come as the Indian grip gets tightened every second that passes.

November 9th, 2017

Dr. Sudath Gunasekara

9.11. 2017.

It may be noted that LIOC caters to only 16% of the Sri Lankan market, while the remaining 84% relies on CPC supplies. Thus, large shortages across the country can only be caused by disruption in supplies of CPC

We understand that a CPC petrol parcel, which was scheduled to reach Sri Lanka on 2 November 2017, has been delayed. While we are not aware of the reasons for this delay, such a disruption has led to shortages of petrol across the country, particularly given that CPC caters to 84% of the Sri Lankan market,” it said.

It you read carefully the above two paragraphs from the news release by IOC in the wake of the current crisis it becomes more than clear that IOC is putting the whole blame on the CPC for the present crisis whereas the rejection of the substandard Indian shipment was the main cause of this crisis. Who can say this is not a well calculated attempt firstly to go for ‘Spot Tenders’ to cash in against the crisis as it is the same Indian people who will supply the new load at a higher price and secondly, to make up a strong case for an increase in their quota with a long term plan of a complete taking over of the trade in to their hands, knowing very well that the present stupid Ranil government will readily agree in their submissive and naïve mentality of running to India for everything. The fact that the UNP government under Ranil had already agreed to lease out the Trinco oil Farm of 100 tanks on 850 acres to India when he was in power by accident for a short time in 2003 may have given the hope to Indian authorities.

Now look at the Trinco oil tanks complex. This is a manna left behind by the British (though it was bought for a tidy sum by the government) which all successive governments have miserably failed to make proper use of. Now this government is trying to sell them to India in spite of strong protests by the CPC and the people. If IOC with only 16 % of the trade can disrupt the distribution in this manner and arrogantly try to put the blame on the CPC, one can just imagine how they will cripple the whole economy and the day to day life of people in this country taking the whole nation as a bunch of helpless hostages. Only god will know what happen after that.

My question is why we don’t ask them to pack up immediately before they do more damage and gobble up the whole country. After all as they say it, they handle only 16% of petrol distribution just now and the rest is handled by the CPC it clearly shows the CPC has the capacity to handle this business in this country. The entire distribution network including the sheds, transport including the fleet of vehicles and train, the berth facilities at Colombo Port, Trinco Harbour and even Hambantota, the entire economic maritime zone are also Sri Lankan, the money paid for oil imported and the staff are Sri Lankans. If this is what they can do while they import and handle only 16 % of petrol, one can imagine how dangerous it would be if they are given a higher share, Trinco oil tanks and Harbour, berth facilities in Colombo harbour, Mattala Airport and Mannar –Trinco Super Highway as proposed by the Government. The last proposal will while provide connectivity between Trinco and Mannar and India  for strategic purposes will also permanently separate the North from the rest of this Island country and this road in future will serve as the Berlin wall  or Rather EELAM wall of Sri Lanka. If we allow Mattala Airport to be given to India next to the Harbour already given to China neither the Presdient, Ranil or any soul on earth will be able to stop the clashes between the two adversaries that could even lead to a war on our land between the two adversaries, the final outcome none of us can predict.

I am lost to understand the economics or any other justification as to why the Government of Sri Lanka decided to get India to participate in this trade at all if not its inefficiency and impotence. It is a pity that Ranil and President have forgotten that Mrs B even as a woman, had the guts and the vision to take over and nationalize the all-powerful American oil monopoly by Caltex and Mobil and set up the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation in 1962.   This means we have nearly sixty years of experience in running this industry and the service with our own refineries and distributary network and trained staff. Just to say that we don’t have the necessary expertise and resources to function the Trinco oil tanks and run the industry as Ranil has said is shear madness not worth to be uttered by a Prime Minister of a country. This alone clearly shows that he is utterly unfit to hold that position. What is more is these people have completely failed to understand the danger of handing over a subject like fuel storage and distribution to a foreign country that not only put the whole country in a very tricky position but it also be a potential threat to the security and independence of the country. One need to have only common sense that 100 oil tanks with a capacity of over 1.2 million gallons is an asset given by god. With oil, an expansionist enemy like India who handle it can set the whole country in fire in few minutes as the Indian Hanuma did it in the days of Ravana. It would be interesting to note that Hanuma also came from India. Without oil it can disrupt and cripple and destroy the whole economy and bring down the government in two or three days. It will stop all transport on road, rail and air and even industries, stop all government institutions functioning, keep the whole country in complete darkness and starving and stop the people breathing

The capacity of oil tanks in the Island is as follows

Trincommallee (1932) 1.2 million tons (each tank 12,000), Muturajawela (China built 50,000 tons) and Sapugaskanda original 1960, 35,000 bbl and 50,000 bbl present. The crucial issue is as to why the Government did not have a sufficient buffer stock at least for one moth, 90,000 m tons being the minimum requirements of 3000 MT per day to meet an emergency?.inister has said the available capacity is only 90,000. Why can’t the Government make use of the total capacity by commissioning all tanks at Trinco, Sapu and Muturajawela which is over 1.2 m. It is reported that the Trinco Oil Farm has the biggest storage capacity between Middle East and Singapore.  The authorities should surely know that we are not a petroleum producing country and furthermore we are an Island far away from petrol producing countries. They could have at least learnt from the wisdom of colonial British who built 101 huge Tanks in Trinco in 1932 who use it as the main fuel supplying centre for the whole of South Asia commanded by Mount Batten. This clearly shows the inefficiency and carelessness of the Government even in critical areas of governance and that directly and seriously affect the day to day life of its 20 million people. Isn’t this an unforgivable mega blunder that warrants the resignation of the whole Government or at least the Minister and Deputy Minister in charge of the subject? Shouldn’t the Chairman and the Head of procurement Division be sacked immediately at least now? This again is a glaring example of the Governments and the politicians not caring the needs of the people and their complete disregard to the problems of the masses. Deeply engrossed in power struggle they care only about themselves and their aggrandizement. What a shame for this parasitic bunch of Sri Lankan politicians? While they have bungled like this is it not funny for Nalin Bandara to openly say that Rajapaksas should be held for the present crisis. It reminds me of the famous story of Kekille Rajjuruvo’s verdict.

Therefore it is high time that at least now this government reassesses its foolish dealings with India and give up depending on India to save us and stop dangerous deals like ETCA, Mattala Airport and all other disasters like the mad ambulance service, large scale investment on roads housing, railways, air ports, harbours and industries especially provided to Tamil areas in the north and East and the Plantation area, lest we get completely gobbled up by the Indian whale after crippling the economy and the administration.

It is amazing how India has already invaded this Island nation with its political maneuverings (Eg training, funding and providing military know how and weapons etc to the LTTE, the 13th Amendment, the JR/Rajiv Accord, opening Consular Offices in Kandy, Hambantota and Jaffna  in addition to their Embassy in Colombo and interfering with our internal matters directly as well as through their Embassy and Consular Offices, trade, Industries, labour market, transport (Eg three wheelers, Lories, motorcars, busses, consumer market, textile, health sector through pharmaceutical and other innumerable tentacles like even TV advertisements to infiltrate and Indianize our social values  to name a  few. Why are they doing all these if they don’t have a hidden agenda behind? This is why I strongly oppose the unpatriotic and short sighted dealings of this Government with India

This scenario shows where this government is taking the country today. It is the bounden duty of the Buddhist Monks and all the patriotic citizens of this country to rise immediately against this disaster being committed by this mad Government under the mischievous manipulations of Ranil, the modern Do Juvan Dharmapala.

Oil Crisis – A display of Indian Hegemony over Sri Lanka. 

November 9th, 2017

By : A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA

For the last few days people were suffering untold hardships due to non availability of petrol.  Many petrol sheds remained temporarily closed due to non-availability of stocks and very long queues were seen at almost all sheds but they too distributed restricted quantities.  A large number of three wheels and trucks came to a stand still and the poor drivers of these vehicles who depended on hire charges of these vehicles were without any income and even were compelled to pawn their valuables to feed their spouses and children.  When the people who really suffered were critical of the government for its short sighted policies and mismanagement infuriated President Sirisena speaking at a function on the 8th evening severely blamed the people asking whether it is he who distributes petrol to the Sheds, whether it is he who gives medicines in hospitals to blame him for the shortage of medicines, and whether it is he who admits children to schools to blame him when it becomes difficult to get a child admitted to a school? What we have to ask him is then why he remains as the President of the country if he cannot govern the country properly? Is it his responsibility only to enjoy the luxuries and accompany his wife and children on foreign jaunts?

This is not the first time that Sri Lanka faced a fuel crisis.  When Prime Minister Madam Sirimavo Bandaranaike nationalized the western monopoly of fuel distribution in the country and established the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation in 1962, the western countries including the twin evil United States and Britain imposed sanctions for fuel supply to Sri Lanka placing the country in a severe crisis situation.

At that time, due to her friendly relations with non-aligned countries, the President of Egypt Gamal Abdul Nasser diverted some of the oil shipments destined for his country to come to Sri Lanka enabling the country to come over the crisis and thereby defeat the western conspiracy against Mrs. Bandaranaike’s government.  This government claims that they have won over the whole western world and if that is so why any of these so-called friendly countries failed to rush at least one oil tanker to Sri Lanka to come over the present crisis?

The Island Editorial of 9th November fulfilling its journalistic obligations has made a hard hitting comment on the current oil crisis.  A relevant passage from the editorial is quoted herewith Minister Duminda Dissanayake has seen a conspiracy behind the prevailing petrol shortage. He who can, does: he who can’t, blames others, one may say with apologies to Bernard Shaw. Politicians who get into trouble see more devils than vast hell can hold!Who are the conspirators Minister Dissanayake is talking about? Most of the yahapalana ministers are those who conspired against the Rajapaksa government while being members of its Cabinet and brought it down. Given their track record, the question is whether they are hatching a plot to destabilise the present government as well. Old habits are said to die hard! If there has been a conspiracy as Minister Dissanayake claims, then, logically, the main conspirator must be Minister Arjuna Ranatunga himself. For, if he had maintained adequate stocks of fuel there wouldn’t have been a petrol shortage, which has incensed the public beyond measure. Any government in its proper senses does everything in its power to ameliorate people’s suffering and assuage public resentment. But, the present dispensation does not care two hoots about the ever increasing prices of essential commodities. Instead, it is busy finding ways and means of bringing down beer prices!”

Similar to the myopic and bullshit Dissanayake, the government Ministers and MPs have a penchant for blaming the former President Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa and his government for all the ills and mismanagement of this government.   The UNP MP Nalin Bandara has stupidly said that the present oil crisis has resulted because of the mistakes of the Rajapakse government. The  twin jokers Rjitha and Dayasiri, addressing the weekly Cabinet media conference have blamed the Petroleum Ministry officials for creating an artificial shortage of petrol by releasing fuel stocks less than the normal requirement,  and have blamed the officials of sabotage and added  that it will be investigated by a Presidential Committee and those responsible will be punished.  The public servants have now become the scapegoats fo all the fallacy of the government Ministers, MPs and their cohorts.

The irate crowds in the petrol queues were intensively critical of the government and their criticisms included that Balaya bedanna kalin mey aanduwa petrol tika bedanna oney!”   
(Before this Government shares power, it must share the petrol!)”
, Indiyaawata ape depala wikunana eka wahaa navathwanu (stop sale of our properties to India), Veda beri Aanduwa wahaa gedera yanu (Inept government go home immediately), Munta chande deela api apema wala kapaa gaththaa (we dug our own graves by voting for these guys) and so on.

To register their protest over the inept government’s inability to redress the hardships being faced by the innocent people, mostly the daily wage earning three wheel and truck drivers due to non-availability of fuel, the former President Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa and several other JO MPs arrived at the Parliament yesterday by riding bicycles. Another group of JO MPs led by the JO leader Mr. Dinesh Gunawardene arrived in bullock carts but the Parliament Police stopped them at the Parliament roundabout and prevented them going up to the Parliament building in their bullock carts.

A team of JO MPs led b Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa riding to Parliament in bicycles in protest against non-availability of petrol.  

Meanwhile, the Indian puppet Ranil Wickremasinghe has absolved the LIOC from being responsible for the crisis.  Responding to accusations made by the Joint Opposition leader Mr. Dinesh Gunawardene that the petrol shortage would not have taken place if LIOC was not allowed to get involved in the fuel distribution of the country, Ranil has said that he could not agree with the criticism heaped on the Lanka Indian Oil Company (LIOC) for the crisis. He has said that the fuel supply was maintained to some extent during the recent strike action launched by petroleum workers, thanks to the LIOC. It must be remembered that the LIOC was created by Ranil during his previous regime breaking the oil sector monopoly held by the national oil company CEYPETCO by Madam Sirimavo Bandaranake’s government.

Countering the assertion made by Ranil Wickremaasinghe to protect the LIOC, the General Secretary of the Ceylon Petroleum Common Workers’ Union (CPCWU) D. G. Rajakaruna alleged that the IOC’s attempt to hold the CPC to ransom had failed with a fuel ship arriving from Dubai. He said that the IOC created an artificial fuel shortage by holding back a shipment of petrol in a bid to force the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation to accept its rejected substandard petrol consignment. He said that they believe the ship carrying IOC fuel had been waiting on the high seas in the hope that the CPC would be left with no alternative but to take delivery of its rejected petrol shipment. .Lashing out at the government for its plans to hand over the Trincomalee oil tank farm to India, Rajakaruna stressed that at present the IOC had only 20 percent of the local fuel market. He urged the government not to hand over the country’s fuel market to India or any other country.  At present LIOC is using 14 tanks of the 99 tank oil Farm.

Accordingly it seems that the whole crisis has been created because of this inept government’s poor planning and allowing the LIOC to hold CEYPETCO on ransom in respect of oil supplies.

Dr. Nalaka Godahewa, a commentator on current affairs said that the efficiency that the Government has so far demonstrated, in introducing various Bills to please the international community, is not seen in governing the country. He said that the vehicle ownership in the country has grown significantly.  Hence, the daily consumption of oil has increased resulting in the need for more storage to ensure uninterrupted supply. Planning these capacities is a basic expectation from those who are responsible for the supplies. In this case there are only two parties who have the authority to import oil into the country; the Petroleum Corporation and the Indian Oil Company. CEYPETCO lack sufficient storage facilities and the Trinco Oil Farm has been leased out to LIOC.  He said that steps should be taken to provide more storage facilities to CEYPETCO thwarting its dependence for supplies from LIOC.

This crisis is a clear demonstration of hegemonic India’s capability to hold this country under its iron boots and how dangerous it would be if Ranil Wickremasinghe’s vicious Indian slavish plans of  leasing the Mattala International Airport, signing the ETCA and allowing South Indian States to establish industrial zones in various parts of the country were implemented?

The current method of oil distribution dominated by LIOC is shown below:

Courtesy : Daily Mirror – 09.11.2017

(End)

 

Trans fat is considered by many doctors to be the worst type of fat you can eat

November 9th, 2017

Dr Hector Perera London

Unlike other dietary fats, trans fat also called trans-fatty acids both raises your LDL (“bad”) cholesterol and lowers your HDL (“good”) cholesterol. A diet laden with trans-fat increases your risk of heart disease, the leading killer of men and women. Here’s some information about trans-fat and how to avoid it. In a C=C double bond if there are two groups are on the same side of the C=C bond then they are on CIS arrangement. If the groups such as CHor even H atoms on the opposite side of the  C=C double bond then they are in TRANS position. They are the CIS and TRANS.

What is trans-fat?

Some meat and dairy products contain small amounts of naturally occurring trans fat. But most trans-fat is formed through an industrial process that adds hydrogen to vegetable oil, which causes the oil to become solid at room temperature.

Trans fats are artificially created by pumping hydrogen into liquid oil. Margarine is an example of a liquid oil that has hydrogenated oils added to it, making it a trans-fat. So do French fries. The potato, of course, does not contain trans fats. However, when they are fried in hydrogenated oils, they become soaked with them. That’s why you should only eat fries that are cooked in non-hydrogenated oils.

From the above, we can see that trans fats are not natural fats. They are manmade. When they get into your system they will alter your biochemistry. Ultimately this will change your metabolism. This can lead to diabetes resulting from obesity.

Trans fats will also lower your good (HDL) cholesterol and raise your bad (LDL) cholesterol. It also causes heart attacks and strokes. Trans fats even cause dementia and cancer. The first secret is to always read the label. The second is to be on the lookout for the word ‘hydrogenated’. You do not want that word on the label. Doing this one simple thing will upgrade your diet, improving the quality of the food you eat.

You will feel a whole lot better and you will be much healthier for removing trans fats from your diet.

Unsaturated fats are extremely good for us. Things like olive oil, vegetable oil, canola oil, avocado, and nuts are all good things to have in your diet. You can have 40-70 grams of unsaturated fats in your diet each day.

Coconut oil is one of the best oils for cooking

Coconut oil – bad for LDL cholesterol. But other long-chain saturated fatty acids, like the ones that make up most of the saturated fat in coconut, palm kernel, and palm oils (known as tropical oils), do in fact raise LDL cholesterol considerably. These saturated fats are called palmitic, myristic, and lauric acids.

Coconut oil is high in natural saturated fats

Saturated fats not only increase the healthy cholesterol (known as HDL cholesterol) in your body, but also help convert the LDL bad” cholesterol into good cholesterols. By increasing the HDL in the body, it helps promote heart health and lower the risk of heart disease.

It’s perfectly suitable for sautéing, baking, roasting, and even frying. Unrefined coconut oil has a strong coconutty” flavour and aroma, which is great to use in your recipes if you’re a fan of that profile. If not, go for the refined coconut oil, which is extremely neutral in both taste and aroma. Heat, along with light and oxygen, can destroy the beneficial fats in some oils. Polyunsaturated fats are the most fragile and are not recommended for cooking. Coconut oil, being mainly a saturated fat, is able to withstand higher temperatures than other oils, making it one of the best oils for cooking. No wonder all Sri Lankans use coconut oil for cooking and frying. Unlike any other saturated fats, coconut oil molecule is quite short compared to other fat molecules.

Saturated fat is not good for the heart. Examples are butter and cheese. You should consume saturated fat in moderation, with it making up around 7% of your diet. That’s about 14 grams for the average person, which equates to two tablespoons of butter or two slices of cheese. Most British TV chefs add plenty of butter in their cooking, perhaps they are unaware of the health point of views.

The first secret is to always read the label. The second is to be on the lookout for the word ‘hydrogenated’. You do not want that word on the label. Doing this one simple thing will upgrade your diet, improving the quality of the food you eat.

You will feel a whole lot better and you will be much healthier for removing trans fats from your diet.

Trans fats raise your bad (LDL) cholesterol levels and lower your good (HDL) cholesterol levels. Eating trans fats increases your risk of developing heart disease and stroke. It’s also associated with a higher risk of developing type 2 diabetes.

Trans fat in your food

Doughnuts, cookies, crackers, muffins, pies and cakes are examples of foods that may contain trans fat. Limit how frequently you eat them. The manufactured form of trans fat, known as partially hydrogenated oil, is found in a variety of food products, as mentioned above. Baked goods. Most cakes, cookies, pie crusts and crackers contain shortening, which is usually made from partially hydrogenated vegetable oil.

I wonder if the British TV chefs have any idea of these things. That is another point that British TV chefs are not applying any science in cooking. They just add lots of butter to hot cooking pans and virtually shower with the evaporating butter. I am sure you have seen the rest of their cooking. When the cooking pans are over heated, the thermal capacity transforms quickly transforms them into vapour.

Previous research has shown that trans fats, like saturated fats, also raise LDL (“bad”)-cholesterol levels. This suggests that trans fatty acids increase the risk of heart disease more than the intake of saturated fats. The major sources of trans fats in our diet are the ready-made baked goods and fried fast foods.

Hydrogenation, complete or partial, is a chemical process in which hydrogen is added to liquid oils to turn them into a solid form. Partially hydrogenated fat molecules have trans fats, and they may be the worst type of fat you can consume.

This partially hydrogenated oil is less likely to spoil, so foods made with it have a longer shelf life. Some restaurants use partially hydrogenated vegetable oil in their deep fryers, because it doesn’t have to be changed as often as do other oils.

Trans fat in your food

The manufactured form of trans fat, known as partially hydrogenated oil, is found in a variety of food products, including, baked goods. Most cakes, cookies, pie crusts and crackers contain shortening, which is usually made from partially hydrogenated vegetable oil. Ready-made frosting is another source of trans fat. Snacks such as potato, corn and tortilla chips often contain trans-fat. And while popcorn can be a healthy snack, many types of packaged or microwave popcorn use trans-fat to help cook or flavour the popcorn. Fried food. Foods that require deep frying — French fries, doughnuts and fried chicken can contain trans-fat from the oil used in the cooking process. Refrigerator dough. Products such as canned biscuits and cinnamon rolls often contain trans-fat, as do frozen pizza crusts.

However much we mentioned about the good and bad side of trans fats, most people ignore in their shopping and eating. They totally forget the health aspects once they enter a supermarket as the goods are laid out with attractive and discount prices. As mentioned above by eating certain foods in moderation would be better for your health. Your comments are welcomed perera6@hotmail.co.uk

Sobitha Thera’s just society; where are we? – EDITORIAL

November 9th, 2017

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

In this new millennium, the Buddhist prelate who made the most significant contribution towards the rebuilding of a just and fair society was Ven. Maduluwawe Sobitha Nayaka Thera whose second death anniversary was commemorated on Wednesday, at Ape Gama in Battaramulla, with President Maithripala Sirisena presiding. After the end of the war in 2009, when the Ven. Sobitha saw that politicians were abusing and misusing public funds on a large scale and good governance was deteriorating, the prelate began the National Movement for a Just Society. He stepped forward at that time with courage and conviction. His brave mission led to the dramatic events of November 2014 when the then Minister Maithripala Sirisena crossed over, formed an alliance with the UNP, other parties and 49 civic action groups to bring about the change of January 8, 2015. Speaking before the body of Ven. Sobitha Thera who was cremated at the Parliament grounds, President Sirisena pledged he would fulfil the principles proposed in the prelate’s manifesto for a just society. These include the abolition of the Executive Presidential system, the restoration of the rule of law and tough legal action against corrupt politicians, top officials and their lackeys along with effective measures for sustainable, eco-friendly and all inclusive economic development strategies. Similar proposals and principles were outlined in an agreement signed by the prelate and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe.

“The President vowed that even Yahapalanaya government ministers, MPs or others who allegedly indulged in bribery, corruption, frauds or other political crimes would be brought
to justice”

To what extent has progress been made towards achieving the objectives that the widely revered prelate lived and worked for? President Sirisena, speaking at the death anniversary commemoration on Wednesday reiterated his commitment to Ven. Sobitha’s principles for a just society though he honestly admitted that progress so far had been slow. The President pledged he would be taking tough action to bring to justice those who were corrupt. The President vowed that even Yahapalanaya government ministers, MPs or others who allegedly indulged in bribery, corruption, frauds or other political crimes would be brought to justice. He made special reference to the Central Bank bond issue where he has appointed a Presidential Commission to probe the allegations.The President hit out at some government members who were critical of his tough line on the Central Bank bond issue. Another important move was made on Wednesday. The new Justice Minister Thalatha Athukorala moved a bill in Parliament and got approval for the setting up of a special High Court to hear cases relating to bribery, corruption, fraud and crimes related to politics. The trials-at-bar by the three High Court judges are expected to expedite the legal process with cases being completed within months instead of years.

In Parliament yesterday Finance Minister Mangala Samaraweera presenting his Mangala budget proposals, outlined an economic policy that would focus on new technology, job oriented rural development mainly for the youth and other measures to bring about a just and fair society. But with corruption and double dealing taking place in most state sector institutions — the latest being the alleged manipulation or mismanagement that caused this week’s petrol crisis for millions of people — the vision 2025 goals would be difficult to reach if political leaders and all of us do not change our attitudes and ask what we could do for the country instead of what the country has done for us.

Former Justice Minister counters allegations, seeks joint Lanka-UK probe ‘Rape, torture of men’

November 9th, 2017

Former Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, MP, yesterday alleged that a fresh high profile attempt was being made to secure asylum for bogus refugees at the expense of Sri Lankan government.

President’s Counsel Rajapakse pointed out that the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government was being targeted by those who had been engaged in the lucrative project to secure political asylum status for economic refugees.

Rajapakse made the revelation in response to The Island query regarding an exclusive AP report that dealt with alleged mass scale rape and extreme torture of men taken into custody during early 2016 to July this year. Rape had never been an issue during the war though there were some isolated cases, the UNPer said, recalling one-time US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton falsely accusing the Army of systematic rape.

article_image

Wijeyadasa

An irate Rajapakse emphasized that as he had held the justice ministry portfolio during the period under discussion he could categorically reject the allegations. The MP said that Ben Emmerson, UN Special Rapporteur on human rights and counter-terrorism, at the conclusion of his official visit in mid July lambasted Sri Lanka over human rights.

Pointing out that the AP had placed the number of Sri Lankan Tamils now seeking political asylum in Europe, including UK at 52, MP Rajapakse urged the government to seek clarification from relevant diplomatic missions as to the circumstances under which they secured visas.

Foreign Ministry spokesperson Mahishini Colonne yesterday told The Island that the FM had written to the AP in addition to the editor of New York Times.

Foreign Secretary Prasad Kariyawasam, in a letter addressed to NYT sought the assistance and cooperation of all relevant parties, including those outside the country as evidence was crucial for investigations. Kariyawasam emphasized that all cases of allegations would be investigated and action taken.

Rajapakse emphasized that the claim they had been badly ill-treated for trying to resurrect the LTTE was nothing but a joke and the Colombo diplomatic community was aware of the ground situation. The LTTE had been crushed once and for all in May 2009 and was certainly not in a position to cause trouble, the MP said, emphasizing there weren’t terrorist attacks on police or armed forces since the conclusion of the conflict.

At the time this edition went into press The Island hadn’t received British High Commission response to its query as regards those interviewed by AP in the UK receiving British visa here or entering through illegal means.

MP Rajapakse said that he wouldn’t have lost ministerial portfolio in August if he remained quiet in the face of unfair criticism by Emmerson.

The AP quoted South African human rights investigator Piers Pigou, who had interviewed torture survivors for the past 40 years in the world’s most dire countries, as having said: “the sheer scale of brutality is nothing like what he has heard before. The levels of sexual abuse being perpetuated in Sri Lanka by authorities are the most egregious and perverted that I’ve ever seen.”

MP Rajapakse pointed out that on the basis of interviews that had been conducted in the UK, the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) and the military were accused of rape and torture in custody.

The AP quoted the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid as having said that while the U.N. couldn’t confirm latest accusations until they launched an investigation, clearly the reports were horrifying and merit a much closer inspection from their part, especially if they occurred in 2016 and 2017.

The MP alleged that fresh allegations directed against Sri Lanka should be examined against the backdrop of Lord Naseby convincingly disputing in the House of Lords UN allegations pertaining to the massacre of over 40,000 civilians.

The former Justice Minister pointed out that a statement attributed to a 22-year-old person identified as Witness 205 during AP interview in July this year had revealed the absurdity of the allegations. Rajapakse said the boy had been 13 years of age at the time the Army brought the LTTE to its knees on the Vanni front.

The AP quoted the boy as having said: “I want the world to know what is happening in Sri Lanka. The war against Tamils hasn’t stopped.”

MP Rajapakse said that had they been really harassed they would have sought refuge in India. UNP Colombo District MP said that records available with authorities here and abroad would reveal that hardly anyone claiming threat to life sought protection in India.

The former minister explained specific measures taken by the government of Sri Lanka to block Sri Lankans leaving for Australia. Rajapakse emphasized whatever the problems, there were certainly no push factors for people to flee the country.

Wijeyadasa cites UK Appeal Court ruling to prove case of self-infliction by proxy

November 9th, 2017

Courtesy The Island

Former Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, PC, yesterday said the possibility of those who had been seeking political asylum in Europe inflicting injuries on themselves couldn’t be ruled out.

MP Rajapakse pointed out that the British media in April this year reported how a Sri Lankan asylum seeker had got himself tortured with hot iron rods to deceive British authorities. The asylum seeker had claimed five scars on his back were evidence of torture, MP Rajapakse said, adding that the Court of Appeal had ruled that the Sri Lankan probably consented to the torture as part of a ruse called ‘self-infliction by proxy’ or SIBP (SF)

Wijeyadasa challenges Wijesooriya to TV debate

November 9th, 2017

Courtesy The Island

Former Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, MP, PC has accused Convenor of National Movement for Social Justice (NMSJ) Prof. Sarath Wijesooriya and his colleagues of shielding those who had perpetrated frauds and corruption following the change of government in January 2015.

In a hard hitting statement issued yesterday, MP Rajapakse has said that NMSJ under the leadership given by the chief incumbent of Kotte Naga Viharaya Ven Maduluwawe Sobitha had paved the way for the then SLFP General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena to be the common candidate at the presidential poll and the UNP to form government following 2015 Aug parliamentary polls.

Rajapakshe has alleged that though about 30 NGO activists led by Prof. Wijesooriya had followed Ven. Sobitha none of them could get 50 supporters each and they, too, knew the ground realities.

MP Rajapakse said that once the UNP had to send its members to Hyde Park after the NGO grouping couldn’t attract at least 3,00 persons for a much publicised gathering.

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Commenting on allegations levelled against him by Prof. Wijesooriya in respect of him (Rajapakse) protecting corrupt elements of the previous administration following the 2015 presidential polls, Rajapakshe has said he explained his duties and responsibilities as the Justice Minister at a meeting attended by the President, the PM, Ministers and senior officials. MP Rajapakse said that except Prof. Wijesooriya and his followers, the rest realised the actual situation.

Alleging that Prof. Wijesooriya and his associates had submitted a list of persons to be arrested at that meeting, MP Rajapakse claimed that they lacked courage to take on the minister in charge of the police and law enforcement authorities for not acting at their behest.

MP Rajapakse alleged that Prof. Wijesooriya hadn’t taken up his challenge for a live debate on television on issues raised by him. Instead of accepting the challenge, Prof. Wijesooriya had sent me messages through several persons, including UNP National List MP Prof Arsu Marasinghe requesting me not push for debate on television.

Referring to the second death anniversary commemorative event of Ven Sobitha this week, MP Rajapakse alleged that Prof. Wijesooriya, in his address made an attempt to portray him as anti-corruption leader.

MP Rajapakse pointed out the failure on the part of Prof. Wijesooriya and his associates to take a genuine stand against those responsible for the Central Bank of Sri Lanka -Perpetual Treasuries bond scams as well as their silence over privatization of national assets, including Hambantota harbour, Mattala air port and Trincomalee oil tanks and smuggling of massive stocks of narcotics.

MP Rajapakse regretted President Maithripala Sirisena had lost his remaining credibility by endorsing Prof. Wijesooriya’s speech severely critical of the President himself.

MP Rajapakse said that Prof. Wijesooriya and his associates couldn’t even attend the commemorative event held at Kotte Naga Viharaya where former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, Dinesh Gunawardena and Udaya Gammanpila were present. MP Rajapakse said that he was the only government representative at that event.

Prof. Wijesooriya and associates had to participate at an event organized at Ape Gama whereas the bona fide commemoration took place at Naga Viharaya with the participation of about 500 Buddhist monks, including Ven. Niyangoda Vijithasiri.

MP Rajapakse reiterated his challenge to Prof. Wijesooriya for a live television debate without further delay (SF)

UN’s Sooka attacks Shavendra, GR and 58 Div …seeks explanation how Coca Cola backed SLA event

November 9th, 2017

The military yesterday expressed shock and dismay at South African member of UNSG’s Panel of Experts (PoE) Yasmin Sooka calling the wartime General Officer Commanding (GoC) of the celebrated 58 Division Maj. Gen Shavendra Silva a notorious war criminal.

The PoE comprised former Attorney General of Indonesia Marzuki Darusman, Steven Ratner of the US and Sooka.

The military pointed out that such statement by a member of high profile UN team was part of their overall project meant to force implementation of Geneva Resolution 30/1 co-sponsored by Sri Lanka in Oct 2015.

The 58 Division marched from northwestern Mannar to the final battlegrounds across the Vanni and was credited with causing maximum losses on the enemy.

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Shavendra

In a letter to Coca Cola Company, Sooka, in her present capacity as the Executive Director, International Truth and Justice Project (ITJP) criticized the US multinational for sponsoring Gajaba Supercoss 2017 held at Saliyapura, Anuradhapura in August.

Maj Gen. Silva, the current Adjutant General is the Colonel Commandant of the Gajaba Regiment.

Sooka faulted Coca Cola for supporting the event organised by the Gajaba Regiment, accusing it of being responsible for war crimes and human rights violations over the past several decades. Citing the OHCHR Investigation on Sri Lanka, Sooka sought an explanation from Coca Cola as to how the company financed an event organised by former GoC of the 58 Division blamed for war crimes.

The military pointed out those who had spearheaded the war against the LTTE and front line fighting formations were being relentlessly pursued on the basis of unsubstantiated UN allegations not proved in a court of law. Sources pointed out that POE report had been recently challenged in House of Lords and Geneva urged to revise the much touted Vanni death toll from 40,000 to 8,000.

Sources said so far the UN hadn’t disputed the claim made by Lord Naseby that of the 8,000 one fourth were LTTE cadres.

Sources pointed out that Sooka in an obvious bid to appease her sponsors had demanded Coca Cola to cease involvement with those SLA formations and officers allegedly implicated in war crimes, take disciplinary action against those responsible for the sponsorship and apologize to people affected by SLA actions during the conflict.

Earlier Australia denied Maj. Gen. Chagi Gallage also of the Gajaba Regiment a visa over UN allegations.

Sri Lankan stocks slip ahead of tax raising budget

November 9th, 2017

COLOMBO, Nov 9 (Reuters) – Sri Lankan shares closed lower on Thursday before the presentation of the national budget, where the South Asian island nation imposed new taxes on motor vehicles, telecoms, banks and liquor in a bid to boost revenues.

The budget deficit for the current year slipped to 5.2 percent of gross domestic product.

The Colombo stock index closed 0.47 percent weaker at 6,567.07, its lowest close since Sept. 15.

Turnover was 1.56 billion rupees ($10.16 million), more than this year’s average of around 952.4 million rupees.

Investors waited for the budget. Some expected measures negative to stocks. But we have not seen any such measures,” said Prashan Fernando, CEO at Acuity Stockbrokers.

Finance Minister Mangala Samaraweera on Wednesday announced tax concessions worth a monthly 1.5 billion rupees ($9.8 million) to reduce the cost of living and boost consumption.

Shares in Hatton National Bank lost 1.9 percent, while large cap Nestle Lanka Plc closed 1.2 percent weaker.

Foreign investors sold shares worth net 32.8 billion rupees in the session, but they have been net buyers of shares worth 18.1 billion rupees so far this year.

Dissident website ‘blocked’ in Sri Lanka

November 9th, 2017
 Sri Lanka’s President Maithripala Sirisena was elected in 2015 promising an end to draconian government restrictions

Access to a dissident website that often publishes articles critical of Sri Lanka’s government has been blocked in the country, the portal’s administrators said Thursday, as activists expressed alarm over deteriorating press freedom on the island.

The popular London-based Lanka E News became inaccessible in the country on Thursday, a day after publishing an expose alleging graft within the office of President Maithripala Sirisena in the procurement of state vehicles.

A source at a private service provider told AFP that Telecommunications Regulatory Commission (TRC) has ordered internet service providers “to block Lanka E News” across the island, but requested anonymity for fear of repercussions.

Sri Lanka's President Maithripala Sirisena was elected in 2015 promising an end to draconian government restrictions

The website’s administrators posted on their home page that readers in Sri Lanka had been blocked from accessing their content.

“The TRC which is under the ‘good governance President’ has ordered ISPs to block people in Sri Lanka accessing our website,” the statement read on the Lanka E News website.

There was no immediate comment from the commission.

The blackout would be the first act of internet censorship by Sirisena, who was elected in 2015 promising an end to draconian government restrictions.

A union representing Sri Lankan journalists demanded that access to Lanka E News, respected for decades of dogged investigation into government corruption, be restored, expressing concern about an apparent backward step on press freedoms.

“We do not expect this type of behaviour from a government which came to power in January 2015 promising media freedom,” the Working Journalists Association of Sri Lanka said in a statement.

The dissident website could still be accessed through proxies and their Facebook page, and by internet users abroad.

Sirisena ended the censorship and media oppression used widely by his predecessor, strongman president Mahinda Rajapakse, who for a decade in power ordered local internet providers to block anti-government sentiment online.

During Rajapakse’s tenure, which included the end of the 37-year civil war in 2009, over a dozen Sri Lankan journalists and press staff were killed, and radio and television stations were bombed.

Sirisena, who came to power in 2015 with the broad backing of dissidents and progressives, ordered investigations into the disappearance of a Lanka E News cartoonist who disappeared in January 2010 and was thought to have been killed by military intelligence.

However, that support has wavered in recent months as Sirisena has accused several news outlets of unfairly targeting him over his failure to deliver on promised reforms and alleged corruption under his administration.

Who is the Boss the President or the Prime Minister ?

November 8th, 2017

By Charles.S.Perera

The people of Sri Lanka and the world are made to believe that the decision taking  leader of the government of Sri Lanka is  its President Maithripala Sirisena. But it is utterly false, even though the President may  believe that he is the President and as such he is the one on the driving seat.”

But in reality it is Ranil Wickramasinghe  the Prime Minister who really takes decisions and runs he Country. That is exactly what Ranil Wickramasinghe  did as the Prime Minister of President Chandrika Kumaratunga’s Government of 2001. It was then that Ranil Wickramasinghe  signed the CFA with Prabhakaran without consulting either the President nor the Parliament, aiding  and abetting in the terrorism in  Sri Lanka and thus also took the responsibility for the deaths of thousands of Soldiers  and Officers of the Armed Forces and the Civilians.

One would have been really amnesic of the past to have made Ranil Wickramasinghe a Prime Minister once again onb the 9th January,2015 when Sri Lanka had been released from thirty years of  suffering by the former President Mahinda Rajapakse, and the paths were being gradually cleared and prepared  to rectify any errors of the past and take Sri Lanka towards  peace , progress and a future of hope for more success.

The Prime Minister immediately after being sworn in planned the future from then onwards  of Sri Lanka in terms of the Agenda Prompted by the USA and UN, and the West and EU. Prime Minister had his men  Ravi Karunanayake despite a still pending case against him for money laundering  to be the Minister of Finance , Mangala Samaraweera  a sworn enemy of the  President Mahinda Rajapakse as Foreign Secretary,  which office was denied to him previously by his enemy, Karu Jayasuriya who was likely to have usurped Ranil as the Leader of the UNP,  as the speaker, and Chandrika a lost sole utterly jealous of the successes of former President Mahinda Rajapâkse as a chief Consultant,  and turn coats like Champika, who was hoping to be a Presidential candidate in the future, Rajitha who can make truth look false and falsehood look the truth, as the Government Spokesman.

Ranil the PM  knew that having made Maithripala Sirisena a President, his devotion to the Prime Minster was assured  to bypass  the presidential leadership to take Sri Lanka the way  he had promised his USA and Western friends.  In order to assure the confidence of the USA and the West, he suspended China’s Colombo Port City project laying off large numbers of workers, antagonising China by suspending a project which had been declared open by none other than   the President of China Xi Jinping himself.

This matter taken up without any foresight has caused not only financial difficulties to the country but also serious diplomatic issues . Antagonising China is not in the interest of Sri Lanka.  In order to rectify this monstrous error, and win back the lost confidence of China  the Yahapalanaya is now faced with the necessity to give  the Hambantota Harbour and  large extents of Land on long lease to China.   Had the President Maithripala Sirisena been consulted on these issues or are they the decisions taken independently by the Prime Minister and his UNP followers ?

It was again an unwise move for the Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera and the Prime Minister to have decided to sponsor the US resolution against Sri Lanka putting Sri Lank’s sovereignty at jeopardy. This was again done with a view to win the friendship of  the USA and the Western countries to boast to the people that country has regained the friendshipof the West which the country lost under President Mahinda Rajapakse.

Then the  Prime Minister took over the administration of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka under his Ministry, and appointed a citizen of Singapore as its Governor, orchestrating the  Bond Scam which took place as planned on the 27 of February,2017.

When the term of office of the Governor of the Central Bank came up, the President refused to extend the appointment, requesting the Prime Minister to remove him from office.  The Prime Minister instead of removing him, appointed him as an adviser to himself, making the President Maithripala Sirisena understand that the Prime Minister has the power to challenge the decisions of the President.

Prime Minister did his best to avoid involving Arjuna Mahendran in the Bond Scam, appointing his own team of Lawyers to an Investigating Committee, and  getting his UNP loyalists to put  footnotes to the COPE report  making the report ineffective.

The President remained  silent on the issue  until  the public agitation against the Bond Scam became difficult to be ignored . It was then that he woke up to appoint a Commission. There too the Prime Minister had his say.

When two senior UNP Ministers were summoned before the Commission, a mysterious hand had moved to stop the Commission from cross examining the two Ministers. The PM has still not gone before the Commission , but will Dappula Livera and Yasantha Kodagoda SASGs be allowed to cross examine the Prime Minister ? One of the members of the panel of the Commission had criticised  SASG Dappula Livera. Will the report of the Commission see the light of the day and if so when?

Who wanted the Local Government elections postponed, the President or the Prime Minister ? How was that the Parliament was used by this Yahapalanaya Government to  ignore a verdict of the SC, and nevertheless postpone  Local Government elections ?  Wasn’t it an insult to democracy to which the Yahaplanaya Government is paying mere lip service.

Who made the President Maithripala Sirisena lay a foundation stone to a building which was only to dupe the people that the building is to set up the factory of the VolksWagen Company  ? Wasn’t the President led by the nose ?

Who was delaying taking a decision on the SATM issue ? Why did it take such a long time for the President Maithripala Sirisena to wake up  to appoint a Commission to look into it ? Who is chairing the Commission ? Is it an independent  person who has no interest on the issue or a political yes man of the PM?

President Maithripala Sirisena wakes up late to appoint Commissions when the political issues have  become serious concerns of the people and public agitation becomes impossible to be ignored.  Doesn’t it make the people wonder that the President is not consulted when important decisions are made by the Prime Minister,  and the President becomes aware of them only when public agitation becomes too serious to be ignored ?

Even about the new Constitution and the preparation of an interim report to be passed in the Parliament, the President is a late comer to an issue which has become a great concern of the people who demand the rejection of the Yahapalanaya Government’s effort to write a new Constitution. Why didn’t the President raise objection to the appointment of Lal Wijenayake and Sumanthiram to prepare the Interim Report ? Is the President ever consulted in these important political issues ?

Is the President aware of the problems caused on the question of  tenders for the construction of the Colombo Kandy Expressway ?  Here also it appears that the President had been left out or he had not been given all information with regard to the Construction of the Expressway ? Should Maithripala Sirisena remain a lamentably ineffective President getting aware of the political  messing of the Yahapalanaya Government only when the media raises the issue ?

It appears from many political issues becoming serious concerns of the people only when they are brought before the Parliament , that there is a lack  of  sufficient exchange of information on important issues discussed at Cabinet Meetings. Some information may be hidden at Cabinet meetings and included  only when the issues come as bills before the Parliament. Otherwise how can the President be unaware of them ?

It was reported that, speaking at the death anniversary of Venerable late Maduluwawe Sobitha thero, the President Maithripala Sirisena says, … even though, few people in the government leveled allegations and criticisms against him for appointing the Bond Commission, he appointed the Commission to fulfill the pledge given by him to the people to eradicate fraud and corruption from the country, while ensuring the fair justice in the society as a government of good governance.”

It would be interesting to know who these few people in the government  who levelled  allegations and criticism against him for appointing the Bond Scam…”

There are many other issues that may have been decision made  by the Prime Minister without consulting the President or without giving him all relevant information. The setting up of a missing persons office, setting up a special High Court to expedite hearing of special crimes, misuse of state resources etc.,  FCID are issues where perhaps the President had not been consulted or he had not been given sufficient information.-

It was reported in the Island of Nov.8th  that Venerable Prof. Medagoda Abeytissa thera had :

….urged President Maithripala Sirisena to quit what he called separatist agenda pursued by the UNP administration and align with nationalist elements.

Had President felt obliged to back the UNP’s despicable project in return for fielding him at the 2015 polls, the SLFP leader should now discontinue association with the ruling party, the Ven. Thera said further said ,  the President Sirisena regardless of his affiliations with the UNP couldn’t under any circumstances shirk his responsibilities. Asserting that there was no point in blaming Premier Wickremesinghe for the current situation, Ven. thera emphasized that President Sirisena should be held responsible……”.

Recently Lord Neseby, had made a statement in the House of Lords, UK highly critical of the stance taken by the Government of UK and other European countries against Sri Lanka’s military operations against terrorism, accusing the Sri Lanka’s Armed Forces for war crimes. He had contested the war deaths estimated  at 40 000 as highly imaginative.

This Statement by Lord Neseby which is favourable to Sri Lanka has been completely ignored by the former Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera and the Prime Minister. Why has not the President Maithripala Sirisena urged the Prim Minister to take action on this issue and get his Foreign Minister  Ravi Karunanayake to take it up with the UNHuman Rights Council.

Considering all this it is questionable whether the President Maithripala Sirisena  is kept informed of all political matters  before the Prime Minister presents any of them  to the Parliament, or is the President being taken for a ride by his own Prime Minister.

කතානායකගේ පටි රෝල්.. තෙල් සංස්ථාව IOCට විකුණා ඇත්තේ කරු ජයසුරියයි..

November 8th, 2017

 lanka C news

2001 දි පත්වු එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ ආණ්ඩුවේ විදුලිබල හා බලශක්ති ඇමති කරු ජයසුරිය මහතායි.

එවකට සිටි අගමැති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ ප්‍රමුඛව ආණ්ඩුව ලංකා ඛනිජ තෙල් සංස්ථාවේ 20% කොටසක් 2002 දි ඉංදිය ඔයිල් සමාගමට වසර 35 සඳහා බදු දුන්නේ ය,

අද එම ගිවිසුමේ ඇති අවාසි සහගත තත්ත්වය හමුවේ මෙරටේ ජනතාව විශාල ඉන්දන අර්බුදයකට මුහුණ දි ඇති බැව් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ දි කථානායක කරු ජයසුරිය මහතා ඉදිරියේදී සාකච්ඡා විය.

මෙහිදී හිටපු විදුලිබල හා බලශක්ති ඇමති කරු ජයසුරිය මහතාගේ කාලය තුල සිදු වු ප්‍රශ්නයක් සම්බන්ධයෙන් වාසුදේව නානයක්කාර සහ විමල් වීරවංශ යන මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් චෝදනා කරන ලදී.

කතානායකගේ පටි රෝල්.. තෙල් සංස්ථාව IOCට විකුණා ඇත්තේ කරු ජයසුරියයි..

අගමැතිවරයා හිටපු අමාත්‍යවරයා බේරාගැනීමට උත්සහ ගත් අතර කථානායක කරු ජයසුරිය මහතා පැවසුවේ එදා එම තීරණය හිටපු විදුලිබල හා බලශක්ති ඇමති කරු ජයසුරියගේ තනි තීරණයක් නොව එය අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩල තීරණයක් බවයි.

වීඩියෝව මෙතනින්

https://youtu.be/iTcsIgn5d8E

Alleged ‘noise’ pollution from Buddhist temples

November 8th, 2017

By Rohana R. Wasala

The opinion piece under the title Temples and noise pollution” (The Island/November 6, 2017) by a virtually anonymous writer who signs ‘HMNW’ makes some censorious remarks about Buddhist temples conducting traditional religious observances like pirith chanting and bana preaching, using amplifiers. He or she charges that pirith chanting and (by implication) bana preaching at temples on Poya days cause ‘noise’ pollution, using public address systems. According to him or her, on Poya days all temples start this sound polluting activity as early as 4 o’clock in the morning, disturbing the sleep of people, young and old, living in houses in the neighbourhood. The writer laments that the same form of sound pollution occurs now even in Sunday daham paselas, which also use loudspeakers. A few temples broadcast seth pirith using the same method everyday. He or she suggests that if they want to use a public address system they could do so maintaining a lower sound level that is loud enough to be heard only by the devotees assembled in the temple premises; they could follow the practice of Christian churches, which also use public address systems at all services without disturbing those living around.

Though there could be an element of truth in HMNW’s critical remarks, it is neutralized by his or her evident bias against Buddhists. While claiming to be a Buddhist himself or herself, the writer seems to be devoid of the kindness, humility, and equanimity that is typical of the average educated Buddhist. The last bit of unsolicited advice betrays HMNW’s disrespectful attitude towards Buddhist monks who have unintentionally annoyed him or her.

A general criticism of easily avoidable sound pollution that is caused by amplified sounds of music, chanting of hymns, pirith, etc., reciting of prayers, and delivering of sermons, that emanate from places of worship at unwelcome times would have been accepted as reasonable by everyone irrespective of their religious backgrounds. But such a discussion would not isolate the practice of a particular religious establishment for special censure. What about the daily five times repeated call for prayer (azan/adhan) of Muslims, often blared out from the minarets of mosques, once early morning, once late evening and three times in between? That ritual is not confined to areas where exclusive Muslim neighbourhoods are found. What about sounds emanating from Christian churches and Hindu Kovils on their respective festival days. On all such occasions, the Buddhist commonalty do not complain against sound pollution from those places of worship; they won’t disparagingly call it ‘noise’. They are decent enough to recognize that devotional sounds from a particular place of worship are soothing to the ears of the faithful. It is not that the average Christians, Hindus, and Muslims behave differently from Buddhists either, in similar situations, except perhaps a handful of fanatics who see no further than the end of their nose. In fact, it is a matter of common decency and common sense to make no issue of such temporary inconveniences incidentally caused by people during religious observances. On the other hand, those causing inconvenience to others who have nothing to do with their devotions or observances, ought to minimize them as much as possible. My freedom ends where your freedom starts as Martin Luther King Jr said. In our proudly multi-religious society, we have to tolerate possible minor trespasses on our individual freedom in order to allow our neighbours of different religious persuasions to manifest their beliefs in the way they like.

About a year ago, in December 2016 to be more specific, well known preacher monk Ven. Uduwe Dhammaloka Thera of Alan Mathiniyaramaya, Polhengoda was charged in court by a group of six parties including Milinda Moragoda, a former government minister, and the Centre for Environmental Justice for allegedly inconveniencing his neighbours by using loudspeakers between 5 am and 6 am. It was no doubt a sensitive case. Later, the complainants offered to withdraw the case; they later arrived at a settlement with the monk out of court. People like HMNW who feel they are inconvenienced by noisy devotional activities in Buddhist temples in their neighbourhood, should approach the responsible monks in person and find a suitable settlement through friendly dialogue.

Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of the UN (Illustrated edition, 2015) is about Freedom of Religion:

Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.”

If HMNW is sufficiently well informed about the attitude of different religions towards other religions and towards the followers of those other religions, he or she will appreciate the fact that no religion accommodates the right of persons of other religious persuasions to freedom of religion as defined here more readily than Buddhism.

Among religions, Buddhism is the least regimented. No sane Buddhist would ‘haunt temples day in and day out’ (as the writer says he or she doesn’t). Actually, mandatory temple attendance (pansal yaema) is unheard of. Buddhist precepts are not commandments, but rules of conduct that need to be followed voluntarily with wisdom, not with uncomprehending faith, and not out of fear of punishment or love of reward. Buddhists need not be invited to take part in religious activities at viharas, contrary to what the writer suggests. Buddhists do not invite, nor do they expect, professors of other religions to participate in Buddhist rituals. ‘Dane’ or alms giving is a voluntary activity. No Buddhist is compelled to give ‘dane’ to monks in the temples. The writer’s apparent ignorance of such basic things about Buddhism suggests that he or she is a non-Buddhist critic taking cover behind anonymity.

Country heading towards anarchy: Joint Opposition

November 8th, 2017

Lahiru Pothmulla Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The Joint Opposition today said the country was heading towards anarchy because of the inefficient management skills of the Government.

Addressing the weekly news briefing of the JO, Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) Chairman G.L. Peiris said a Petti Kade (Kiosk) had a better management than the Government.

Sri Lanka has become a country with no Government today. No one is taking responsibility for issues and everyone keeps passing the ball,” he said.

Health Minister blames doctors, Higher Education Minister blames students, Petroleum Minister blames the IOC and the IOC blames CPC in return. Meanwhile, the Government blames Fonterra for increased milk powder prices. This is how the Government functions,” he said.

Meanwhile, he said the Government’s famous slogan that it inherited a colossal amount of debt from the Rajapaksa Government had been proven wrong as public debt had increased by Rs. 2.8 trillion within the last two and a half years.

The public debt was Rs. 7.4 trillion as of December 31, 2014 and it had been increased to Rs. 10.2 trillion by June 30 this year. This is due to large-scale corruption taking place in the country including the Central Bank bond controversy,” he said.

He questioned as to why the UNP or its leadership had not launched an investigation against MP Ravi Karunanayake over the charges revealed at the Bond Commission inquiry when the party had assured action against Western Provincial Councillor Randeer Rodrigo.

He said that they would contest the forthcoming election under a broad political alliance.

බෙදුම්වාදී ව්‍යවස්ථාව එපා – ජාතික සමුළුවේ සියළු දේශන [Video]

November 8th, 2017

යුතුකම සංවාද කවය

බෙදුම්වාදී ව්‍යවස්ථාවට එරෙහිව යුතුකම සංවාද කවය මගින් පසුගියදා පැවැත්වූ ජාතික සමුළුවේදී පැවැත්වූ සම්පූර්ණ කතා එකතුව…

අස්ගිරි පාර්ශවයේ ලේඛකාධිකාරී මැදගම ධම්මානන්ද නාහිමි

රුහුණු රට භික්ෂු පෙරමුණේ ලේකම්  ඕමාරේ කස්සප නාහිමි

නීතීඥ කණිෂ්ක විතාරණ

මහාචාර්‍ය සුසරිත් මෙන්ඩිස්

රියර් අද්මිරාල් සරත් වීරසේකර

යුතුකම සංවාද කවයේ සභාපති ගෙවිඳු කුමාරතුංග

වෛද්‍ය අනුරුද්ධ පාදෙණිය

ජ්‍යේෂ්ඨ කතිකාචාර්‍ය මාධවී හේරත්

ඛනිජ තෙල් වෘත්තීය සමිති නායක බන්දුල සමන් කුමාර

යුතුකම සංවාද කවය
www.yuthukama.com

The Mangala-Sumanthiran bluff on secularism

November 8th, 2017

BY MALINDA SENEVIRATNE

Mangala Samaraweera, in supporting the report submitted by the Steering Committee on constitutional reform, called for a constitution that ‘will help our nation put its past behind for good and move forward with renewed hope.’  On the face of it, this is a positive statement.  
Mangala’s speech also alluded to the Sathara Brahma Viharana or the four divine abodes, metta, mudita, karuna and upekkha (oving-kindness, compassion, sympathetic joy and equanimity).  
There’s been a lot of allusions to the Buddha’s docrtine of late.  M.A. Sumanthiran (TNA) has argued for the repealing of Article 9 of the constitution which states The Republic of Sri Lanka shall give to Buddhism the foremost place and accordingly it shall be the duty of the State to protect and foster the Buddha Sasana, while assuring to all religions the rights granted by Articles 10 and 14(1)(e).” 
He has rightfully stated that he, not being a Buddhist, ‘cannot be told that I [he] am [is] second class in this country.  He argues further that support for Article 9 is ‘an indefensible position for the Buddhists to take.’  
It is telling that Sumanthiran is silent about Articles 10 and 14 (1)(e) while make Article 9 nonsensical. That said, if Article 9 is ineffective, it should go or else Articles 10 and 14 (1)(e) should go.  A third alternative would be to reformulate these articles to make Article 9 effective.  
The inconsistency with Buddhist philosophy would remain, however.   The politics of this whole story ties up with Mangala’s dump-history call.  It is not innocent and neither is it progressive. 
First of all, history, whether we like it or not, bears upon the present and future.  Constitutions have not, do not and will not fall from the sky.  Societies and cultures are wrought over time.  They are not cast in stone of course and are necessarily altered over time, for better or worse.  
Dumping history is mischievous because the past has seen violent and bloody persecution which cannot and should not be forgotten.   One notes that neither Samaraweera or his political friends have clean histories and neither are they ready to do the forgive-and-forget of past wrongs perpetrated by political opponents.  They are right in the middle of a revenge game, as were their predecessors.  
More seriously, Sumanthiran is a Christian, and his religious community has had it good for centuries at the expense of Buddhists and Hindus.  Asking Buddhists to act as though they have achieved one of the four levels of enlightenment is a a bit much, especially when it is a call made by someone who cannot claim to be adhering to the Christian doctrine to the letter.  
Sumanthiran, for example, could read Matthew 5:39: You have heard that it was said, ‘Eye for eye and tooth for tooth.’ But I tell you not to resist an evil person. If someone slaps you on your right cheek, turn to him the other also; if someone wants to sue you and take your tunic, let him have your cloak as well.”  
If, then, the Sinhalese and Buddhists have done him or his community (Tamils and Christian) wrong, he should grin and bear.  He could also read further and encounter Matthew 10.34 (or read back and find the many examples where violence is advocated in the Old Testament): Do not assume that I have come to bring peace to the earth; I have not come to bring peace, but a sword.” He could use this to call for armed insurrection or justify it, as his party and its constituent political groups did for many years.  
If you think Sumanthiran is a babe in the woods, consider the following section of the speech he made at the 14th ITAK Convention
 
We remember the Tamil youth who sacrificed their lives in armed struggle, which they resorted to on the failure of their peaceful struggle for the political rights and freedoms of their people.” 
So if you want to dump the past, it either means that you find history uncomfortable due to the complicity of your faither or its adherents in genocide and ethnic cleansing or you really don’t have much of a past to talk about.  
There are other pernicious subtexts to this dump-history theory.  The advocates don’t want history dumped, but want only certain parts of it dumped, in this instance the ‘Buddhist’ part of it. 
If you want to put the past behind, you have to acknowledge that this past included Tamil chauvinism in the form of the Vadukkoddai (Batakotte) Resolution, the twisting of myth into history, fiction into fact, the use of lines arbitrarily drawn by the British as borders of so-called ‘Historical Homelands’ and the attendent attempt of land-theft.  
Is Sumanthiran or Mangala talking about this past?  Are they demanding that fiction was a key element of this past, that it should be called as such, that it should therefore be dumped and along with it the whole devolution-thesis (for reconciliation, equality, respect etc) should be scrapped?  No, they are not saying all this. They are not advocating accordingly either.  
If Sumanthiran and Mangala want ‘change’ and want to dump the past and ‘move forward’ then all legislation at odds with notions of ‘equality’ or which supersede general laws pertaining to freedoms should go.  
Why is it that Sumanthiran and Mangala are silent on the Muslim Marriage Laws, the Thesavalamai Law and the Kandyan Marriage Laws?  Why don’t they visit Article 12 of the Constitution (which speaks of the Right to Equality)?  How is it that these individuals, who argue for a secular state, do not see that the state IS religious and not on account of Article 9 [which, as we said, is negated by Articles 10 and 14 (1) (e)]? Why do they not speak a word about religious holidays?  Why don’t they note that ‘Buddhist holidays’ were reduced from 49 to 13, while there are 54 Christian holidays, 3  Hindu holidays (sadly, one might add, given all that’s being said about equality), and 3 Muslim holidays supplemented by the equivalent of 13 work days (for Friday prayers) as well as lenghty leave options (four months and ten days for Muslim women in the event of the husband dying and three months in the event of a divorce)?  
These come under ‘customary law’.  However, custom, by definition is about history.  It is about the past. It affirms culture and religion.  If you want to dump the past, you can’t keep these things intact.  But Sumanthiran and Mangala are quiet about such things. Why?
Why?  Because they are not innocent.  Because their intentions are not pure.  Because they are playing selective-politics with the past, present and future.  
For those who love to bash Buddhists, often quoting the Buddha, let me recommend that they try a bit of self-reflection, you know, ‘be a bit Buddhist yourself’ kind of exercise.  Check the material your walls are made of.  The chances are they are made of glass.
So, to conclude, let’s go secular.  Let’s go the whole hog.  No more religious holidays.  No more Poya days. No special hours off work for prayers.  No Christmas.  Let the ‘weekend’ be shifted to any two consecutive days barring Sunday and Friday.  And let there be no state subsidies for any religious schools includingpirivenas.  
And while they thus reflect, let them also note that in officially non-secular states and even in many ‘secular’ states, particularly those that have Christian or Muslim majorities, there are no holidays for other faiths.  Let them note, also, that perhaps it is the Buddhist character of this society that has permitted the religious freedoms even to the point of privileging other religious communities. 

 

Sumanthiran states, a Constitution that gives a particular religion the foremost place cannot be a Constitution that treats all of its citizens as equals.”  He is correct.  Let him apply this logic to every letter of the 1978 Constitution and it’s 19 Amendments.  He could do the relevant perusing with his ardent fellow-traveler in the matter of constitutional reform, Mangala Samaraweera.

Origin of Sri Lanka’s constitutional perfidy

November 7th, 2017

By : A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA

Although the constitution hawkers consisting Ranil Wickremasinghe, a gang of treacherous UNP Ministers and Parliamentarians, the JVP hooligans and the dollar voracious NGO vultures attempt to fool the masses projecting that the new constitution proposals are something new and apposite, the origin of these proposals date back to 1997 and I am thankful to Ms. Shenali Waduge for giving some clues to the origin of these proposals in her Lankaweb Article dated 6th November entitled ‘Main elements of New Constitution drafted by British Solicitors in 1994.’ In mere coincidence with this article there were two more articles published on 5th November, one relating to an email interview given to Ceylon Today by the so-called self appointed Prime Minister of the self-proclaimed Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam Visuvanathan Rudrakumaran published under the title ‘Tamils must decide their political destiny through a Referendum – TGTE will accept their verdict – Rudrakumaran’ and the other article was by the ace anti-Sri Lankan and the Doyen of dollar voracious NGO vultures  Pakyasothy Saravanamuttu under the title ‘An argument for a new Constitution’ also published in Ceylon today on 5th November.

Rudrakumaran says that the TGTE’s position, since its inception, is that the Tamil nation, living inside the island of Sri Lanka and outside, should decide on their political destiny, through peaceful and democratic means to express their wishes, through a referendum. The referendum that they envisage, he says, is not just for a yes or no vote for an independent State, but a referendum containing options such as a unitary State, a federal State, a confederation and an independent State.

He says that there is a consensus among all the Diaspora groups that the Tamil national question should be resolved through a referendum and this referendum should be for the particular nation and not for the whole country. He points out that in respect of the Quebec referendum the Canadian Supreme Court did not say that the referendum should be held throughout Canada but only in Quebec.

Rudrakumaran points out that in the 1977 General Election, they voted overwhelmingly to support the creation of a free Tamil Eelam and refutes the assertions that that there will always be tension between Sri Lanka and Tamil Eelam pointing out that there is no tension between Norway and Sweden or between Singapore and Malaysia and adds that even if there were to be some tension, there are international legal principles and an international mechanism to manage it rather than for containing intrastate violence.

He points out that the North Eastern parts of the island constitute the traditional homeland of the Tamils, and the Tamils should be allowed to realize their inherent right to self-determination. He admits that some of the Tamil Diaspora groups believe that the Tamils’ right to self-determination can be realized within the existing borders.

Rudrakumar says that the 6th Amendment place legal restraints on the domestic leadership to fully articulate the Tamil political aspirations and emphasizes the urgent need to repeal the 6th Amendment. He calls upon the Tamil domestic political leadership to bring this to the attention of the international community, rather than giving a wrong picture that Tamils no longer claim for an independent State. He says if anyone claims, especially after Mullivaikkal, that the Tamils have given up the call for an independent State, it is a fake claim and calls upon the domestic leadership to take some creative action similar to the referendums organized by the Venezuelan opposition parties and the referendums held in Iraqi Kurdistan and the Spanish Catalonia. He points out that these referendums were not organized by the UN or by any foreign countries but were organized by the local leadership.

With respect to the merger of the North and East which constitutes the Tamil homeland he says that the demerger occurred on technical grounds and it can simply remerge with a simple majority and a two-thirds majority is not necessary for the merger.

The ace anti-Sri Lankan and the Doyen of dollar voracious NGO vultures  Pakyasothy Saravanamuttu articulates in his article An argument for a new constitution” that there is a democratic deficit in our governance, including a political and constitutional settlement of the national question, the unfinished business following the military defeat of the LTTE in May 2009, and the need to move beyond the post-war situation which should be addressed by the Constitution as the supreme law of the land.

This hypocrite who personally went to Geneva with his acolytes such as Jehan Perera, Rohan Edirisinghe, and Sunanda Deshapriya to make presentation against Sri Lanka and our war heroes awkwardly argues that the unitary state provision did not prevent a bloody civil war of almost three decades, and neither did the Executive Presidency. He says that they both presided over that civil war and another bloody insurgency in the south of the country – both of which have delayed peace and prosperity in this country for decades. He also states that the primacy of Buddhism is surely at odds with the equality accorded to all citizens, and it is surely a key objective in the movement from the post-war to the post-conflict and in the light of recent attacks on minority religions.

It is this hypocrite’s outfit the Centre for Policy Alternatives (Sri Lanka’s worst foreign slavish NGO) under its umbrella organization ‘Sri Lanka Peace Support Group’ which has requested in 1997 the British Firm Bates, Wells & Braithwaite, at 138 Cheapside, London to draw up a new constitution for Sri Lanka.

The letter sent by the so-called Peace Support Group says that the unitary constitutional arrangement which was left in place by the withdrawing colonial power has frustrated and distorted the natural and legitimate wishes of both parties, Sinhalese people as well as the Tamil people, to express and promote their distinct identity and nationhood, and has been the primary cause of the large scale and sustained civil war in the Island. It says that their proposals, ‘the framework document’, enclosed for a resolution of the conflict as stated therein will truly give both parties their just rights and enable them to live without fear and hatred in their traditional homelands.

The letter dated 10th January 1997 says that the framework document is drafted with the conviction that fundamental and far reaching changes to the constitutional arrangement are essential for conflict resolution and cessation of military activities in Sri Lanka and to pave the way for a peaceful co-existence in the Island.

This despicable NGO outfit, the so-called Peace Support Group published a lengthy appeal to the Sri Lankan voters in the Island newspaper on 4th November 2001 signed by Sunilla Abeysekera, Sunil Bastian, Radhika Coomaraswamy, Sunanda Deshapriya, Rohan Edrisinha, Ketheshwaran Loganathan, Jehan Perera, Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, Jeevan Thiagarajah, Joe William and Javid Yusuf under the caption An Agenda for Peace (General Election 2001) – An open letter to all Political Parties”. An abridged version of the appeal is given below:

This appeal under the subheading No Military Solution” stated that there is no military solution to the present conflict. This is based on the empirical reality that countless military campaigns by both sides have ravaged the country and not resulted in any side achieving decisive victory.

Under the subheading Cessation of hostilities and an effective  monitoring mechanism” it stated that what the country needs most is a cessation of hostilities so that peace talks may commence in a congenial atmosphere. An international monitoring team including military personnel who are aware of ground realities, is a solution that should be explored. It is time to move from the battlefield to the negotiating table. Only a cessation of hostilities with an effective monitoring mechanism can create an atmosphere that will sustain peace talks.

Sub heading Lift the embargo on essential items with an effective monitoring mechanism” It says the embargo that has severely restricted the flow of food, drugs and other essential items to the Vanni, chronic malnutrition is on the rise, health facilities are barely available, restrictions placed on the transport of essential items and on the free movement of persons affects civilians in other areas of the North and East as well, the fear of abuse should not result in untold misery for the civilian population and the dignity of the people of the North and East must be restored and their quality of life be improved.

Sub heading – Stop human rights violations and forcible recruitment of children” It says that the war has resulted in widespread human rights abuses. Under the guise of the PTA and emergency regulations, scores of individuals are detained every day by the Sri Lankan security forces. Cases of torture and disappearances by the security forces are very common and perpetrators are rarely punished. In addition, the LTTE and members of para military groups are also responsible for violations of human rights including assassinations. It states that the war creates a climate of impunity and gives legitimacy to many acts one will never tolerate in peace time. Rape, custodial rape and the sexual abuse of women are a serious concern. Militarization of society, in particular, the growing number of armed deserters and the easy availability of firearms have resulted in an escalation in crime and violence. Only peace will allow bring justice to the victims and an end to this cycle of crime and violence. Maximum pressure should be brought on the LTTE at the local, national, and international level to ensure that the forcible recruitment of children ceases.

Sub-heading Negotiate a political solution to the ethnic conflict with third party international involvement” The appeal says the present stalemate makes it clear that any solution to the ethnic conflict will have to be based on negotiations between the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE. It says that since the Sri Lankan polity has failed to solve the ethnic conflict internally it welcomes the good offices and facilitation process offered by the Norwegian government and such a process is the only way forward and the international community should also be called upon to give encouragement and support to the Norwegian effort.

Sub-heading An agreement based on power sharing in the North and East” it says that the devolution of power is not a privilege but a right of a territorially placed people and the Tamil political leadership considers the Tamils living in the North and the East as a people having the right to self-determination. The appeal adds that all Tamil political parties from the TULF to the LTTE are united in the belief that the Thimpu principles that recognise Tamil nationality and a traditional Tamil homeland should form the basis of a final settlement to the ethnic conflict, the Thimpu Principles may pose problems for some sections of the political mainstream in the south of Sri Lanka, the recognition of the Tamil community, as a people with a distinct language, culture, tradition and identity who have for centuries lived in historically identifiable areas must underpin the negotiating process and a final political settlement.

Sub-heading The Primacy of Fundamental Rights and Democracy”. The appeal stresses that any political solution to the ethnic conflict must include necessary safeguards in the North and East for a democratic process, free and fair elections and the right to dissent. In addition, special measures should be taken to guarantee the fundamental rights of local minorities living all over Sri Lanka, in particular to protect them from discrimination and displacement.

Sub-heading Equality and non-discrimination” It says the initial grievances of the Tamil people were related to the denial of equality at the national level. The disenfranchisement of the Hill Country Tamils, the Sinhala Only Act, standardisation of university marks, and other acts of discrimination culminated in the Tamil national movement for autonomy and secession. It adds that since the 1980s, Sri Lankan Tamil recruitment into the public services has barely been above 1%, it is totally unacceptable and it compounds the feeling of discrimination and alienation experienced by Tamil speaking people, and says that the time to include quotas and action programmes to ensure that there are sufficient Tamil public servants. It also adds that any settlement must reflect the pluralistic nature of Sri Lankan society and give a multi-ethnic character to the Sri Lankan state.

Sub-heading Comprehensive programmes for reconstruction and rehabilitation” The appeal states that the devastation and destruction caused by the war calls for large scale programmes for relief rehabilitation and reconstruction and it is a matter of urgent necessity to devise a comprehensive and participatory strategy for reconstruction and rehabilitation in the North and East. It also points out that reconstruction of the country does not only involve material reconstruction, there must be a process of reconciliation and healing as well and the terrible crimes committed during this war must be acknowledged and justice must be done. It also proposes that the South African model or the model in El Salvador may be considered to help relieve the cruelty and inhumanity that has characterised the war.

Sub Heading Remembering the dead”. The appeal says that Tens of thousands of people have died during this war and it is also important to remember the dead and this remembrance should be part of the search for healing and reconciliation. It proposes to acknowledge and support artists organizations and civil society groups who engage in acts of commemoration in order to create and sustain a climate for peace.

All these initiatives and acts shows that these NGO culprits were continuously engaged in since 1990s to impose a federal constitution on Sri Lanka, make the country a secular state, enforce Thimpu principles and make North and East a self governing autonomous territory.  The shameless foreign slavish puppet Ranil Wickremasinghe who signed the infamous ceasefire agreement with Prabhakaran and now seems to have afflicted with lunacy the accidentally born Sinhala old hag Chandrika who unconditionally offered North and East to Prabhakaran have collaborated together to fulfil the objectives of these NGO hoodlums.

Now they are attempting to thrust upon us the Bates, Wells & Braithwaite constitution prepared in the 1990s under the guise of a new constitution drawn up locally.  The time has come for all the patriotic masses together with the Maha Sangha and other religious leaders to come out to the streets, hold anti-constitution demonstrations and rallies, to hold even death-fast, self-immolation and force abandon the proposed dreadful constitution and topple this Tamil slavish treacherous and inept government and compel Ranil, Sirina, Chandrika and their cabal to flee the country as Dudley fled in 1953..

For further enlightenment please find appended below the following documents :

  1. Peace Support Group letter to London Solicitors Bates, Wells & Braithwaite
  2.  Framework for the Constitution of the Union of Ceylon” drafted by the Peace Support Group
  3. Letter sent to Chandrika by London Solicitors Bates, Wells & Braithwaite
  4. Letter sent to Prabhakaran by London Solicitors Bates, Wells & Braithwaite

No. 1 – Peace Support Group letter to London Solicitors Bates, Wells & Braithwa

Bates, Wells & Braithwaite
Solicitors
Cheapside House
138 Cheapside
London EC2V 6BB.

10 January 1997

A PROPOSAL FOR THE RESOLUTION OF THE
NATIONAL CONFLICT IN SRI LANKA

The framework document enclosed has been prepared by a team of constitutional lawyers at the initiative of a group of concerned academics, professionals and the clergy from the international community, with the purpose of providing a basis for the parties in the current conflict in Sri Lanka to negotiate a political settlement.

Copies of the document were sent to the President of Sri Lanka and to the Leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. [TEXT OF LETTERS]

Throughout their long history, the destinies of the two peoples of Sri Lanka have been closely entwined. Though distinct in culture, language, nationhood and in the possession of their own established homelands, and though there has been much rivalry and conflict in both ancient and recent times, there is also much in common in their heritage by virtue of the shared encounter with European colonialism and the long shared experience in the many institutions which evolved under the colonial aegis.

The unitary constitutional arrangement which was left in place by the withdrawing colonial power has frustrated and distorted the natural and legitimate wishes of both parties, Sinhalese people as well as the Tamil people, to express and promote their distinct identity and nationhood, and has been the primary cause of the large scale and sustained civil war in the Island. Our proposals for a resolution of the conflict as stated herein will truly give both parties their just rights and enable them to live without fear and hatred in their traditional homelands.

This document is therefore drafted with the conviction that fundamental and far reaching changes to the constitutional arrangement are essential for conflict resolution and cessation of military activities in Sri Lanka and to pave the way for a peaceful co-existence in the Island.

The co-operation and support of all concerned is welcome.

Sri Lanka Peace Support Group

10th January, 1997

No. 2 –  A PROPOSAL FROM THE SRI LANKA PEACE SUPPORT GROUP

 

A FRAMEWORK FOR THE CONSTITUTION
OF THE UNION OF CEYLON.

In August 1995, the President of Sri Lanka announced proposals for the devolution of power to the country’s regions with a view to resolving the present ethnic conflict, and to ending discrimination on the basis of race, religion, caste or region. As a response to those proposals, the framework, which follows is one, which it is considered will meet the present needs of the country.

It incorporates (in paragraph 1.2) certain important statements of principle contained in the Preamble to the President’s proposals and adds to them principles which have been frequently declared on behalf of the Tamil people.

1. Preamble

1.1 This framework document provides the basis for a new constitution for the Union of Ceylon, which shall consist of two internally autonomous States — one for the primarily Tamil area and the other for the area which is mainly Sinhalese. This reflects the fact there have been identifiable homelands (historical and existing) on the island for the Tamils (in the North and East provinces) and the Sinhalese (in the rest of the provinces) for over two millennia. Relations between the States will be governed in accordance with generally applicable principles of international law and justice.

1.2 This framework document is based on the following principles:

(a) promoting a vision of the Union of Ceylon where all communities can live in safety and security and their human dignity is valued and equality of treatment is an accepted norm of public life;

(b) ensuring that all communities be given the space to express their distinct identity and promote that identity including the right to enjoy their own culture, profess and practise their own religion, and conserve and nurture their own language;

(c) ensuring that all persons may fully and effectively exercise all their human rights and fundamental freedoms without any distinction and in full equality before the law.

1.3 This document further provides for recognition of the Sinhala and Tamil as official languages of the Union of Ceylon and English as a link language.

2. Basic structure of the Union of Ceylon

2.1 The Union will have a confederal structure, consisting of two States, each being internally autonomous and committed to the furtherance and maintenance of the principles and values declared in the Preamble, including in particular the protection of the fundamental human rights declared in the Constitution and the maintenance of democratic principles.

2.2 Subject to these principles, the internal autonomy of each State will extend to the adoption by each State of its own internal constitution (e.g. size and structure of the legislature, frequency of elections).

3. The Central Council of the Union:

(a) Composition

3.1 The Central Council will provide the channel of communication and coordination between the two States and it will consist of an equal number of representatives from each State.

3.2 If the number of representatives from each State is not to be equal, there will need to be a weighted voting system.

3.3 Each State will determine the manner in which its representatives on the Central Council are selected and appointed.

3.4 Each State will be entitled to appoint substitute representatives to act when the appointed representatives are unable to do so.

3.5 The Council will appoint a President and Deputy President of the Union front amongst its own members for a period of (say) four years at a time in an agreed alternation between representatives of each State.

(b) Powers and Functions

3.6 Powers will be reserved to the Council of the Union to deal with:

(a) foreign affairs;

(b) the external defence and security of the Union;

(c) monetary policies, the maintenance of a common currency and a Central Bank;

(d) the maintenance of relations between the States and the broad coordination of their policies;

(e) the maintenance and execution of such other matters as may from time-to-time be vested in the Council by agreement of the States.

3.7 Consideration should be given to including additional matters amongst the powers reserved to the Council (for example, international fisheries and telecommunications).

3.8 All matters not expressly reserved to the Council will be within the separate and exclusive jurisdiction of each State (for example, the Council will have no overriding powers in relation to the maintenance of law and order within a State).

3.9 The Council will be entitled to undertake expenditures on the matters reserved to it within an agreed budget, the revenue to pay for such expenditure being provided by each State in such proportion as may be agreed. A Central Finance Commission comprising representatives from each state will oversee the Union budget. The number of representatives will be equal or there will be a weighted voting system.

4. Constitutional Court

4.1 A Constitutional Court will be created to interpret the Constitution of the Union and to ensure compliance by a State with the principles of the Preamble and the entrenched human rights provisions of the Union Constitution.

4.2 Any person seeking recourse to the Constitutional Court would have to exhaust local judicial procedures in his or her State before applying for leave to appeal to the Constitutional Court.

4.3 The Prime Minister of each State will have the right to seek an advisory opinion from the Constitutional Court.

4.4 Each State will have the right to appoint an equal number of Judges to the Constitutional Court. If the number is not equal, the possibility of weighted voting would have to be considered.

4.5 It would be for consideration whether appointment of Judges should be until a stated retiring age (or for life) unless removed for inability or misconduct by resolution of the Council.

4.6 The Judges of the Constitutional Court will elect a head but he/she would not have a casting vote. The Head of the Constitutional Court could (like the President of the Union) be elected by the Judges, for a fixed period and on a basis of alternation between the States.

4.7 It would be for consideration whether in addition to the Judges appointed by each State there should be one or more Judges of international reputation appointed by the Council from outside the Union.

5. Constitutions of the States

5.1 Each State will adopt its own constitution, but each constitution would be required to endorse the principles stated in the Preamble to the Union Constitution and the common entrenched clauses protecting human rights. These clauses would exclude the possibility of discriminatory treatment of minorities and individuals wherever in the Union they are present or resident. Amendments of the Constitution of each State shall be by a two-thirds majority of the membership of the national assembly of each State including those not present.

5.2 The citizens of the Union (regardless of the State in which they resided or from which they originated) would share a common nationality for the purposes of international law. The freedom of movement between the States, the freedom to reside and take up employment in either State, and related freedoms would be guaranteed to all citizens of the Union.

6. Referendum and Guarantees

6.1 At the end of four years from the commencement of the Union, each State would be entitled to modify the powers of the Union affecting that State, provided that the residents of that State, in a referendum had by a majority voted in favour of that course of action.

6.2 The implementation and operation of the Constitution and the maintenance of peace between the States would be guaranteed by the United Nations, which would have appropriate powers of enforcement.

  • – Letter sent to Chandrika by London Solicitors Bates, Wells & Braithwaite

LETTER SENT TO CHANDRIKA KUMARATUNGE, PRESIDENT OF SRI LANKA

20th December, 1995.

Mrs. Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga
HE The President
The Republic of Sri Lanka
Colombo 1
Sri Lanka

Dear excellency,

A Proposal for Peace with a Framework for the
Constitution of the Union of Ceylon

We enclose the Proposal referred to above which we have been requested to submit to you on behalf of an international group of concerned persons.

The document provides a framework for the peaceful reconciliation of the interests of the parties to the current conflict. In view of the seriousness of the situation prevailing in the Republic and the need to avoid further loss of life and human suffering we should be grateful if you would consider and respond to these proposals as a matter of urgency.

A copy of this document has been forwarded to Mr. V. Prabakaran, Leader – Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam.

Yours faithfully,

Bates, Wells & Braithwaite

  • – LETTER TO Mr. V. PIRABAKARAN, LEADER OF LTTE

20th December, 1995.

Mr. V. Prabakaran
Leader – Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam
Jaffna
SriLanka

Dear Sir,

A Proposal for Peace with a Framework for the
Constitution of the Union of Ceylon

We enclose the Proposal referred to above which we have been requested to submit to you on behalf of an international group of concerned persons.

The document provides a framework for the. peaceful reconciliation of the interests of the parties to the current conflict. In view of the seriousness of the situation prevailing in the Republic and the need to avoid further loss of life and human suffering we should be grateful if you would consider and respond to these proposals as a matter of urgency.

A copy of this document has been forwarded to Mrs. Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaranatunga, HE The President of Sri Lanka.

Yours faithfully,

Bates, Wells & Braithwaite

(End)

 

Medical Faculty Students’ Parents launch fast unto death-පියවරුන් පහක් මරණය තෝරාගනිති.. සයිටම් අහෝසි කරන්නැයි මාරාන්තික උපවාසයක් අරඹති

November 7th, 2017

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

The Medical Faculty Students’ Parents Association (MFSPA) launched the fast unto death a short while ago in front of the University Grant Commission (UGC) premises at Ward place, Colombo 7.

During our younger days our parents ( headed often by the father ) never encouraged the children to evade classes or resort to any activity which can be detrimental to their education .I was surprised when the President of the Medical Students’- Parents’ association ( himself is a medical doctor ?) announced that they will be fasting unto death until government abolishes SAITM.

Is this the example a father wants to show to the children?

If he fasts unto death ,millions of rupees spent  by the state with tax payers’ money to make him a doctor will be wasted?

I was told by a friend of mine who studied in Russia during communist regime that ,when he was travelling by bus in Sri Lanka ,few medical students walked into the bus and asked money for their movement against SAITM and to stop propagating UPHADI KADA” ( shops for Degree Awarding )

My friend was bold enough to ask them Did all of you go tuition  before you were selected to medcial school ?” They Said yes .He asked whether they had to pay the tuition master .They confirmed that it was not free .

Then he posed the question ,”Then tuition master was also running a shop” selling education ? Then they were dumbfounded and quickly retreated.

He told me that many local medical students do fear that their places may be taken over by more English Speaking,  Effluent SAITM students and they will not be able to become consultants or start Private Medical Clinics >That may be the reason why they want  to be abolished as they are jealous ?

These parents should somehow push the children to get education rather ruining the future .They need to more kind  and compassionate .

Fathers who are fasting until death may be waiting  for a President or Ex-president to bring a glass , of king coconut like the drama unfolded in front of UN office in Colombo  some time back ?

God bless who want to give life for a just cause, but not these idiotic parents

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Arrest of Britisher over Buddha tattoo -FR reserved for judgment

November 7th, 2017

Dr Sarath Obeysekera  

Arrest of Britisher over Buddha tattoo -FR reserved for judgment

Lakmal Sooriyagoda

After procedural delays, the Supreme Court has reserved its judgment on a Fundamental Rights Petition filed by a British tourist who challenged the infringement of her fundamental rights.She was arrested and detained for allegedly displaying a Buddha tattoo on her upper limb at Katunayake in 2014.In her petition, the British tourist Naomi Coleman had sought a compensation of Rs.10 million from the respondents and further sought a declaration that her detention was null and void and contrary to Articles 13(2) and 12 of the Constitution.The petitioner Naomi Coleman, (37) a nurse by profession at the Hawkesbury Lodge, Rehabilitation Mental Health Services, had filed the petition through President’s Counsel J.C. Weliamuna and Pulasthi Hewamanne on the instructions of counsel Vishwa De Livera Tennakoon on Pro Bono”. In her petition, she had cited the Attorney General, Police Sergeant and OIC of Katunayake police station, Controller General of Immigration and Emigration, Inspector General of Police and OIC of Negombo Prison as respondents.The petitioner stated that she is a devout practising Buddhist, who has attended meditation retreats in Nepal, Thailand, Cambodia and India.”

We have a three wheeler stand near Jayawardane Gama . Three wheeler driver have installed loudspeaker powered by the small hut underneath. run by their duty Officers” of three wheel drivers   where early morning pirith is  chanted .This hut runs  Horse racing/gambling  hut and most probably sells Kassippu” .I called that this act is against Buddh’as preaching’s and police should charge them. We see that three wheelers carrying stickers with words like Budu Saranai” or fly Budda;s flag . I have seen Sri Lankan men and women having Tattoos with Buddha and preaching .At every junction they place Buddhist statues and install loudspeakers ,Crows land on Buddha;s head and spread their excreta. I call this is a chargeable insult .Rogue private bus drivers  carry buddha’s picture and words like Buddham Saranam” .It may be for himself but not the passengers .People who are involved in various nefarious activities go to Kataragama to preach growth of their business ,Before attending devalaya” they visit kiriWehera and preach ,This is insult to Buddha .

All temples by main roads try to build highest Buddhist Statue to attract customers” Some priests hardly practice Buddha;s preaching ,Yestrday I saw a unshaven ,long haired young Buddhist monk walking along Galle Face carrying a fashionable odel” shoulder bag looking around ,I consider that this is insult to Buddhism .I watch pirith chanted in every TV channel where young monks with grown hair and beard ( groomed by Ramani’s and pretending that they chant pirith ,Recently a Salone was openned in my area and I saw a Buddhist monk getting down from a Tuk Tuk and walking into the Salone .He was going for a pedicure before attending a Dana” where devotees who wash their feet prior to Dana” want to see clean feet ?

This is insult to Buddhism .

All these things have become more and more after Hela Urumaya brought and enticed monks to come to dirty game of politics. I remember a Buddhist monk who used by a highly regarded as a skilled sculptor visiting Russia ,going around with a Mongolian yound lass as his Abbittaya” .He used to sit with friends and gulp whole bottle of Armenian Koniack ( Brandy He once wanted icons which are the ancient pictures of Christ  To be taken to Rome to present to the Pope !! When Russia was considering Religion as a Abin” ( narcotic ) Communist Russians would have been laughing. .

You see people wearing underwear’s and swimming trunks with Buddha’s pictures. You see liquor bars with name Buddha;s Bar”

To become a real Buddhist ,people should stick 5 or 8 sil” and behave with compassion ,We Sri Lankans try to show that we are real Buddhist and try to arrest a British who may have wanted a statue on her body ,presumable arrested by a Cop who violates and norms on Buddhist Preaching’s.  like taking bribes and behave like animals .

Let us be more sensible please

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

UN rewards Darusman with Myanmar mission amidst new controversy over his report on Lanka

November 7th, 2017

April 5, 2012: Lord Naseby, PC, Baron of Sandy and Chairman of the All Party Parliamentary Group in UK meets wartime Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa at the Temple Trees

Lord Naseby has challenged the UN Panel of Experts (PoE) findings pertaining to Sri Lanka’s war against terrorism soon after the head of that panel, former Indonesian Attorney General Marzuki Darusman, received another key appointment. In late July, 2017, Darusman received appointment as head of a fact-finding mission on Myanmar where violence caused thousands to flee. Darusman’s team includes Radhika Coomaraswamy and Australian Christopher Dominic Sidoti.

Their mission has received a mandate set out by the Human Rights Council in its resolution 34/22, adopted on 24 March 2017, to “establish facts and circumstances of the alleged recent human rights violations by the military and security forces, and abuses, in Myanmar, in particular in the Rakhine State”.

The outcome of their investigation is not too difficult to comprehend.

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A brief but powerful WION exclusive with Lord Naseby (Michael Wolfgang Laurence Morris) couldn’t have been telecast at a better time for Sri Lanka.

The WION report dealt with Lord Naseby’s significant statement in the House of Lords, on Oct 12, 2017, made in respect of the Geneva Resolution 30/1, co-sponsored by Sri Lanka. Lord Naseby challenged the Report of the Secretary General’s Panel of Experts (PoE) on Accountability in Sri Lanka, the foundation for the Geneva Resolution.

The PoE comprised former Indonesian Attorney General Marzuki Darusman, South African civil society activist Yasmin Sooka and US attorney-at-law Stevan Ratner.

Responding to Mandy Clark, of Uttar Pradesh headquartered WION, Lord Naseby declared that one-fourth of the 7,000 Tamils killed, in military operations on the Vanni front, were members of the LTTE. The veteran Conservative politician based his claim on US and British wartime diplomatic dispatches from Colombo. Lord Naseby named the then US Ambassador Robert O. Blake and UK Defence Attaché Lt. Col. Anton Gash as the authors of those reports.

Blake and Gash hadn’t so far challenged Lord Naseby’s claims. In fact, the PoE should respond to Lord Naseby’s challenge as it cannot remain silent in the face of such a serious allegation.

Lord Naseby didn’t mince his words when he explained how the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) repeatedly denied his requests, since 2014, to secure the entire set of dispatches from Lt. Col. Gash.

The former CBS News war correspondent and the winner of the Richard R. Snell Award for investigative journalism, Mandy had covered the war in Afghanistan and was among those who entered Libya at the onset of the US caused conflict in Libya.

Having had dealt with the accountability issues, Lord Naseby criticized the UK for accommodating LTTE cadres and turning a blind eye to Tamil Diaspora still promoting the group, nine years after the conclusion of the war. Lord Naseby explained how the LTTE had eliminated the rival Tamil leadership to clear its leader Velupillai Prabhakaran’s path.

Against the backdrop of Sri Lanka’s pathetic failure to decisively and swiftly act on Lord Naseby’s Oct 12, 2017 statement, WION’s Special Report, titled ‘UN fudged Lanka casualties: Lord Naseby found 7,000, not 40,000 correct estimate of civilian casualties’, certainly embarrassed those hell-bent on forcing Sri Lanka to admit mass scale massacre during the final phase of the offensive on the Vanni east front.

In his Oct 12, 2017 statement, in the House of Lords, during debate on Sri Lanka, Lord Naseby urged the Theresa May government to request Geneva to lower casualty figure from 40,000 to 7,000 taking into consideration Sri Lanka never willfully targeted civilians.

A glaring omission, perhaps the only shortcoming in the Emmy-nominated Clark’s exclusive, was her failure to mention how New Delhi, in the early 80s, had caused terrorism here for geo-political reasons. Clark couldn’t have refrained from referring to New Delhi’s role, especially after Lord Naseby recalled the LTTE assassination of former Indian PM Rajiv Gandhi, in May 1991.

No less a person than the late Indian Foreign Secretary J.N. Dixit, who had been New Delhi’s top envoy in Colombo at the time of the Indian Army deployment here, in July 1987, acknowledged in his memoirs ‘Makers of India’s Foreign Policy’, released in 2004, that India was responsible for causing terrorism here. Obviously, India’s decision to subvert Sri Lanka had been part of her overall security and political strategy in the wake of the growing threat posed by the US-Pakistan and Israel alliance. Although China hadn’t been aligned with the alliance, Dixit asserted that China worked closely with Pakistan to undermine India in response to Indians’ backing for the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. India made the destabilization of Sri Lanka an integral part of a security project to safeguard Indian national interests.

UN responds to Lord Naseby

Lord Nasebys bombshell really undermined the despicable UN strategy here. The House of Lords statement obviously placed UN Special Rapporteur (on the promotion of truth, justice, reparation and guarantees) Pablo de Greiff in a difficult position. Greiff, having concluded his two-week long visit to Sri Lanka, called a media briefing at the UN compound, in Colombo, on Oct 23, 2017, where the Colombian warned Sri Lanka of dire consequences unless Colombo fulfill its obligations to the international community.

The visit was Greiff’s second since the change of government, in January 2015.

However, the Colombian had no option but to refer to the situation that had been caused by Lord Naseby. Obviously, UN Colombo had been embarrassed. The Colombo briefing took place before Clark’s interview with Lord Naseby.

“As I write this statement, the debate continues in the newspapers concerning the number of victims, at the end of the conflict, whether it was 40,000 or ‘merely’ 8,000. While the final number may be impossible to determine, with absolute precision, there is of course a lot that has been learned in the last 30 years about forensics and other methods offering reliability that political opinions cannot,” the Colombian told the Colombo media. The Island, however, didn’t receive an invitation from UN Colombo, though the writer was invited for a press conference given by Special Rapporteur on Human Rights and Counter Terrorism, Ben Emmerson, in July this year.

Unfortunately, those who had been invited by UN Colombo didn’t raise Lord Naseby’s statement with Greiff even after he made reference to the debate in respect of the number of victims.

Wartime Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, in an exclusive interview, headlined ‘War Crimes: GR highlights confusion over civilian death toll’ (The Island, Oct 21, 2017), with the writer, discussed the implications of Lord Naseby’s statement. The writer dealt with the government’s lukewarm response to Lord Naseby’s statement, in a front-page lead story, headlined ‘Govt yet to capitalize on Lord Naseby’s call to UK parliament’ (The Island, Oct 26, 2017). The writer also obtained Lord Naseby’s comment in respect of a meeting he had with Foreign and Commonwealth Office Minister Mark Field, following his statement (FCO to study Naseby’s proposals-The Island, Oct 26, 2017)

Had The Island received an invitation, the writer would have certainly asked Greiff whether any Sri Lankan government representative had sought an explanation in respect of Lord Naseby’s statement. The House of Lords revelation should be examined against the backdrop of those who had the opportunity, to take it up with the UN official, failing to do so. In addition to President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, the UN Special Rapporteur is on record as having said that he had very productive discussions with other high level government officials, including the Minister of Foreign Affairs Minister Marapana; the Minister of Finance and Media Mangala Samaraweera; the Minister of Law and Order and Southern Development Sagala Ratnayake; the Minister of National Co-existence, Dialogue and Official Languages Mano Ganesan; the Minister of Prison Reforms, Rehabilitation, Resettlement and Hindu Religious Affairs D.M. Swaminathan; the Minister of Justice Thalatha Atukorale; the Minister of Education Akila Viraj Kariyawasam; the Secretary to the President Austin Fernando; the Secretary of Defense Kapila Waidyaratne; Speaker of Parliament Karu Jayasuriya; the Sectoral Oversight Committees on Legal Affairs and Media, and on Reconciliation and North and East Reconstruction; the Chief Justice; the Attorney General; the Chief of Defense Staff, the Commander of the Army; the Commander of the Air Force and the Commander of the Navy; the Chief of National Intelligence; the Inspector General of Police; the Chairperson of the Victim and Witness Protection Authority; the Secretary-General of the Secretariat for Coordinating Reconciliation Mechanisms; the Director-General of the Office for National Unity and Reconciliation; the Human Rights Commission, the National Police Commission, members of religious communities, political parties, and representatives of the diplomatic community, academics, civil society organizations, victims groups and many others who have shared their insights. At the local level, the UN official had the opportunity to exchange views with the Governors of the Northern Province and the Eastern Province.

Strangely, The Island didn’t receive a response from Army headquarters as to what action they intended taking in respect of Lord Naseby’s statement. Unfortunately, the Army as an institution hadn’t sought to explore ways and means of using the only favourable statement made, on Sri Lanka’s behalf, in a key foreign parliament, to clear its name.

Repudiation of Gaza war report

Lord Naseby’s call to Geneva to revisit the Panel of Experts allegation, pertaining to the death toll, should be examined with the US reaction to South African justice Richard Goldstone contradicting his own report on Israeli invasion of Gaza (2008-2009) keeping in mind.

In July 2011 the US Senate voted unanimously in favour of calling the UN to revoke the Gaza war report, prepared by a four-member UN Panel, headed by Goldstone. The Obama administration made its move in the wake of Goldstone retracting the report’s findings.

The US went to the extent of calling on the Human Rights Council to repair the damage caused to the Jewish State.

The US, while stepping up pressure on Sri Lanka, to adhere with the Panel of Experts report, had sought to nullify Goldstone’s report.

Goldstone on Sept 15, 2009 declared both Israeli Defence Forces and Palestinian militants committed serious war crimes and breaches of humanitarian law, which may amount to crimes against humanity.

“We came to the conclusion, on the basis of the facts we found, that there was strong evidence to establish that numerous serious violations of international law, both humanitarian law and human rights law, were committed by Israel during the military operations in Gaza,” international wire services quoted Goldstone as saying.

The US Senate vote was initiated by Senator Kirsten Gillibrand and Senator James Risch. While the decision has no legal binding, it is significant as the US is the UN’s largest contributor.

The US said that contrary to the report’s findings, Israel did not embrace a deliberate policy of hurting civilians in Gaza. It is also noted that Judge Goldstone himself admitted that the number of civilian casualties in Gaza was smaller than claimed in the report and recognized that Israel, like any other sovereign state, has the right to defend itself and its civilians.

In the wake of Goldstone’s move, followed by the US reaction, Geneva conveniently dropped the matter, quietly, though other members of the Goldstone panel firmly stood by the report.

An opportunity for Sri Lanka

Sri Lanka should now request Geneva to review unsubstantiated allegations directed against Sri Lanka by the Panel of Experts. On the basis of scurrilous claims, the UN triggered an investigation under the direction of Sandra Beidas, formerly of the Amnesty International. That led to Geneva Resolution 30/1 on Oct 2015, though Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative there, Ambassador Ravinatha Aryasinha, strongly objected to it, just over a week before.

The Panel of Experts, having had placed the number of civilian deaths at 40,000 on the basis of information provided by what the panel called credible sources, ruled they couldn’t be verified under any circumstances, until 2031.

Whatever the declarations made by the Panel of Experts, Geneva, as well as Theresa May’s government, cannot turn a blind eye to Lord Naseby’s statement. Having defended Sri Lanka, Lord Naseby should expect the UK-based Channel 4 that pushed for an international war crimes probe against Sri Lanka to pounce on him. Channel 4 cannot ignore Lord Naseby’s bid to clear Sri Lanka of unsubstantiated allegations, especially after Mandy Clark’s exclusive. In fact none of those who had contributed to the Geneva exercise, as well as the project to defeat President Mahinda Rajapaksa at two presidential polls in 2010 and 2015 too cannot remain silent.

Lord Naseby has challenged the VERY BASIS of political grouping formed by the US in the run up to the 2010 presidential poll. The US brought in the four-party Tamil National Alliance (TNA) led by the Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) into the UNP-led political grouping. The TNA threw its weight behind wartime Army Chief Gen. Sarath Fonseka on the basis that President Rajapaksa gave political leadership to the war that annihilated the LTTE and caused massive loss of civilian life. They implemented, basically the same anti-Rajapaksa strategy at the 2015 presidential poll.

The Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government’s reluctance to act on Lord Naseby’s statement is obvious. When the writer raised the issue with co-cabinet spokesman and Sports Minister Dayasiri Jayasekera, the Minister acknowledged that it hadn’t been discussed at the cabinet. Can there be anything as important as defeating trumped-up war crimes charges. In fact, the Foreign Ministry should have had brought the matter to the notice of the cabinet immediately after Sri Lanka High Commission in London alerted Colombo as to the House of Lords statement.

Unenthusiastic Foreign Ministry’s response

Did Sri Lanka High Commission bring Lord Naseby’s statement to the Foreign Ministry’s attention? For want of Foreign Ministry response to Lord Naseby’s very important statement, even a week after it was made, the writer, on Oct 20, 2017, sought an explanation from the Foreign Ministry. The Foreign Ministry response really disappointed a vast majority of people, who expected the government to counter lies that had been propagated by various interested parties. Instead of taking advantage of Lord Naseby’s statement, issued on behalf of Sri Lanka, the Foreign Ministry declared: “The Government of Sri Lanka remains committed to the national processes, aimed at realizing the vision of a reconciled, stable, peaceful and prosperous nation. Engaging in arguments and debates in the international domain over the number of civilians who may have died at a particular time in the country will not help resolve any issues, in a meaningful manner, locally, except a feel good factor for a few individuals who may think that they have won a debate or scored points over someone or the other.”

The Foreign Ministry, obviously, decided to ignore the fact that such debates in the international domain over a period of time led to Geneva Resolution 30/1. Those responsible for counter malicious propaganda directed against Sri Lanka had been exposed. Those in power remained silent as it is obviously detrimental for them to admit, in any way, Geneva forced Sri Lanka to accept massacre of over 40,000 Tamils during the last phase of the offensive. The failure on the part of the UK, Geneva as well as civil society groups to thwart Lord Naseby’s offensive must have shocked those who really believed in the UN claims.

Civil society responsibility

Those who had been engaged in costly exercises to promote post-war national reconciliation should realize the main obstacle to amity between the Sinhalese and the Tamils is the unsubstantiated allegation that the military massacred over 40,000 on the Vanni east front.

Sri Lanka brought the war to a successful conclusion in May 2009.

Civil society groups that had contributed to an expensive campaign meant to defeat Rajapaksa received substantial benefits. Now, their main allegation has been challenged on the basis of information that had been furnished during the war by UK and US diplomatic missions in Colombo. Civil society groups, such as the National Peace Council, perhaps the largest recipient of Norway undoing over the years, should request Indian, Japanese and other missions to furnish diplomatic cables pertaining to Sri Lanka casualties to Geneva. Their primary objective should be to establish the truth. The UN can release its own confidential report that placed the number of dead, between 2008 August to May 13, 2009, to be compared with dispatches from diplomatic missions.

On the basis of unproved allegations, Geneva has recommended change of Sri Lanka’s Constitution. Parliament last week debated recommendations made by PM Wickremesinghe-led Steering Committee in respect of constitutional reforms. Members of the government as well as the Joint Opposition refrained from commenting on Lord Naseby’s statement. Perhaps, some cannot comprehend the very basis for Western intervention in constitutional making process is unproved war crimes allegations that paved the way for Geneva Resolution 30/1. But, on the other hand, those, who had been spearheading the constitutional making process and aware of fraudulent means employed to ensure foreign intervention for regime change, are in a dilemma.

Unfortunately, those loyal to former President Rajapakse seemed a thoroughly disorganized lot not capable of exploiting the situation to Sri Lanka’s advantage.

(To be continued on Nov 15)

How constitution-drafter Jayampathy tries to override SLFP

November 7th, 2017

The curtain falls today on the Constitutional Assembly debate on the Interim Report of the Steering Committee. So what happens now?

It doesn’t look good. The curious coincidence that the curtain falls roughly on the centenary of the October Revolution of 1917 in Russia should remind us, especially those Constitution makers of a left background, that what is happening on the street is quite as or even more important than what happens in the chambers. ‘The Street’ is as important or at certain points of time, more important than ‘The Suits’. As anyone who watches TV news knows, the mood on the street is of barely suppressed rage.

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For a government that boasts of having won over the whole world, it is pathetic that none of its many friends, near and far, frequent visitors to our ports, have or can be counted upon to rush a tanker filled with good quality fuel, to ease the travails of a friendly administration in a mounting social emergency!

The Street is mad at the preoccupation of the government with Constitution making and focusing on the needs of ‘the Other’—pro-UNP big business and the assertively autonomy demanding, politically ‘pushy’ Tamil minority– rather than on the everyday existential needs (as Anton Balasingham used to put it) of the people; the provision of basic goods and services to the majority of the citizenry.

Anything can set off a riot which can turn rebellious. A push too far in the wrong direction at the wrong time on the controversial Constitution can be the single spark (‘Iskra’). Having a tame, semi-gentrified JVP as quasi-ally on the Constitution won’t help the government or stop a quick slide back to the late 1980s.

Unfortunately, it is clear from the latest statement of the main drafter of the new Constitution that the UNP-led United National Front is going to keep on moving recklessly forward towards the precipice.

In an iconoclastic and whistle blowing interview on Derana 360, Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, former Minister of Justice and Buddha Sasana, named Dr. Jayampathy Wickremaratne and MA Sumanthiran as the co-framers/drafters of the new constitution, and assumed full responsibility for his revelation.

The next morning (Nov 7th) The Daily Mirror carried an interview with Jayampathy Wickremaratne (http://www.dailymirror.lk/article/-President-must-be-elected-by-Parliament–139926.html) in which he displayed a sad and faded caricature of a trait which characterized his old party the LSSP in its heyday. The party’s theoreticians such as Doric de Souza and Hector Abhayavardhana were accused by detractors of “Trotskyist intellectual arrogance”. Jayampathy Wickremaratne displays the arrogance without the intellect. That utterly unwarranted and misplaced insouciant arrogance is dangerous in the current context of social anger, rising majoritarian hyper-nationalism and imminent electoral warfare including within the ruling coalition.

Jayampathy commences his interview graciously granting that he has “no issue”with President Sirisena’s proposed all-parties conclave “so long” as it doesn’t interfere with the Constitutional Assembly process. In other words, the Constitution is being drafted by someone whose support for the President’s political decision-making is overtly conditional!

Q: You are involved in constitution making through the Steering Committee. Now, President Maithripala Sirisena has proposed to call for an All Party Conference (APC). How do you view this?

A: It’s very important that there is the widest possible discourse on this subject. I will support any initiative taken to discuss the constitution making process, without undermining the process that has been initiated in Parliament. I have no issue as long as it doesn’t undermine the parliamentary process.”

So he, Jayampathy Wickremaratne has “no issue” with the President’s planned move “so long as it doesn’t undermine the parliamentary process”. That’s real big of him.Who on earth does Jayampathy think he is and who does he think is the leader of country– Ranil Wickremesinghe, Chandrika Kumaratunga or Mangala Samaraweera? Does he think the President doesn’t know enough to make that decision and even if he decides to act in a manner that Jayampathy thinks “undermines the parliamentary process”, what on earth is Jayampathy going to do about it?

He then goes on to pontificate and obfuscate the situation about Swiss federalism.

Q: There is an argument that Sri Lanka is too small to have a Federal structure. What is your response?

A: That is an old argument. It is probably older than your whole journalistic career. Then, what about Switzerland? In such a small country, you have strong Federal features. Switzerland is much smaller than Sri Lanka…”

As President Rajapaksa said to a spokesperson of the Tamil Diaspora who made the same point as Jayampathy at a meeting in Geneva (at which I was present), Switzerland has 23 communes and Sri Lanka has 23 districts. If the Tamil politicians are willing to have the district as the unit of devolution rather than the province, then we in Sri Lanka too can consider the example of Swiss federalism, but otherwise it is utterly irrelevant to the discussion and should not be brought up as an example.

What is most significant are his remarks on the Executive Presidency, coming AFTER and NOTWITHSTANDING the detailed statements in the Constitutional Assembly debate by SLFP seniors Nimal Siripala de Silva and Susil Premjayanth, representing the main partners of the UNP in the Yahapalana coalition. Jayampathy pontificates:

A: “…What will happen if the Executive Presidency isn’t abolished? On the Executive Presidency, they will be two power centres- the President and the Prime Minister. There won’t be a problem as long the relationship between the present President and the Prime Minister continues. If that relationship is soured under a new President and a new Prime Minister, there will be clashes between the executive and Parliament. This has to be resolved.”

Q. How do you view the abolition of the Executive Presidency?

A: People have been discussing it for 40 years. People gave a clear verdict on January 8, 2015. Now, it is up to us to implement that.

Q. But, the party headed by President Sirisena himself is opposed to it. What is your response?

A: It is unfortunate. But, then, I heard Ministers Dilan Perera and Dayasiri Jayasekara saying that the parties shouldn’t ask for the pound of flesh from the stomach. We need to find a formula, a win-win situation. I have no doubt that Maithripala Sirisena is of the same view that the Executive Presidency should be abolished; that there won’t be another presidential election. That is what he said on every platform during the last Presidential Elections. We, in the United Left Front, have proposed. In fact, our party instructed me to go public regarding this. We propose a win-win situation. We pass the Constitution on the basis that the President is elected by Parliament. We, or the parties agreeing on the constitution, should also agree on electing President Sirisena for a second term.”

Jayampathy Wickremaratne doubtless thinks that President Sirisena, the SLFP and the people of the country are fools.Firstly, he doesn’t say if the President elected by parliament will be an Executive President, as in South Africa.

Secondly, he forgets that devolving much more power to already semi-autonomous Provinces (as he proposes) while there is an overarching Executive Presidency is quite different—and much safer—than such devolution once the Presidency is downsized and elected by parliament rather than deriving its power and legitimacy from the people of the country as a whole. Let alone a generous replacement, even the present 13th amendment without the overarching Executive Presidency, will be tantamount to federalism, or in our case, a dangerously centrifugal ethno-federalism!

Thirdly, Jayampathy’s abolitionist formula eliminates any political office being elected by the whole of the country and thereby from representing the whole of the country. Instead all we shall have are representatives of parts of the country. The whole will be undermined and atomized.

Fourthly, Jayampathy deliberately overlooks the fact that a President elected by the Parliament will be dependent upon and the captive of the minority parties, especially the Tamil nationalist parties in that Parliament.

Fifthly, his formula undermines economic stability and rapid growth which was JR Jayewardene’s rationale for the introduction of a nationally elected executive Presidency “free from the whims and fancies of the legislature”.

Sixthly, he ignores the possibility/probability that the UNP and its minority allies in Parliament will double-cross President Sirisena and the SLFP, and pick their own candidate.

We must know where all this dangerous nonsense comes from: the insidious Singapore Principles of 2013. The recent incarnation of the idea of abolishing the executive Presidency does not date back to the Maithripala Sirisena candidacy. His was an utterly ambiguous pledge. The recent revival of the ‘abolitionist’ slogan dates back to a conclave and a document dating from 2013, when Maithripala Sirisena was a loyal Minister of the Rajapaksa administration with no idea of breaking away and running for the country’s top post. The abolition of the Executive Presidency is in actuality, a vital part of an agreement between Mangala Samaraweera, MA Sumanthiran, Jayampathy Wickramaratne and representatives of the Global Tamil Forum (GTF), arrived at in Singapore in 2013. TamilNet (Thursday, 22 January 2015) released the text.The abolition of the Executive Presidency was a top priority, probably because Sumanthiran and the GTF knew that without it, any devolution including the existing 13A, would automatically federalize the country.

“Mangala Samaraweera came as a ‘beggar’ urging Tamil support for regime change and abolition of the executive presidency. It was 2013,” said one of the participants, reflecting on the Singapore meeting.’ revealed the TamilNet report.

The Interim Report as well as the points reiterated by Jayampathy Wickremaratne in his latest newspaper interview clearly reflect the agreed upon 10 point Singapore text, of which I reproduce what is most obviously salient to the Constitutional drafting today:

“In describing the nature of the State what is important is the substance; the labels are secondary.

The Constitution shall be based on basic constitutional principles and values including sovereignty of the people, participatory democracy and supremacy of the Constitution which shall form an unalterable basic structure.

Power sharing shall be on the basis of self-rule and shared-rule within an undivided Sri Lanka.

The Executive Presidency shall be abolished and the form of government shall be Parliamentary.

The Republic of Sri Lanka shall be a secular state. The Foremost place to Buddhism and equal status to other religions shall be assured.”

So, is this the philosophy and concepts and are these the objectives of the proposed new Constitution?And is Jayampathy Wickremaratne who holds thesenational/state-debilitating views, to remain the main drafter after tomorrow’s final session?

What is made crystal clear by the latest Jayampathy interview is that this key drafter of the new Constitution reflects the views of those who regard the main partnership in the reform process, and the direction of the country, as NOT that between the UNP and the SLFP, but that between the UNP and the TNA!

Shouldn’t the drafting exercise from here on in, be handled by the only ‘third/intermediate force’ and therefore ‘balancer’ in the Assembly, the centrist-moderate SLFP-MS, which is also the formation closest to the President? Shouldn’t the drafting be only of a workable modification of the 13th amendment and the existing system of Provincial Councils? And for the sake of safety, stability and sanity, shouldn’t the actual negotiations and drafting of a revised 13th amendment be handed over from the poseur and adventurist wrecker Jayampathy Wickremaratne, to the most educated and literate man in the Constitutional Assembly, an internationally acknowledged scholar and intellectual who has been closely involved as Gamini Dissanaike’s top official, in intricate negotiations on the ethno-constitutional reform issue since the 1980s:Dr. Sarath Amunugama?

Parliament faulted for not taking up vital issue Lords Naseby’s call to revise Vanni death toll:

November 7th, 2017

By Shamindra Ferdinando Courtesy The Island

Former Deputy Minister and retired Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekera yesterday said that a recent statement made by Lord Naseby in the House of Lords pertaining to the Vanni war death toll could be the basis for Sri Lanka’s defence at the Geneva based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC).

Addressing the media on behalf of Eliya, an organization backed by wartime Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, Weerasekera said Conservative Lord Naseby’s declaration that the death toll couldn’t have been more than 8,000 and one fourth of them terrorists had contradicted the UN accusations of 40,000 civilian deaths.

The revelation was made at a debate on Sri Lanka on Oct 12.

The former navy Chief of Staff was flanked by Prof. Ven Medagoda Abhayatissa and The Island political columnist C.A. Chandraprema.

The then UNSG Ban Ki-moon’s three-member Panel of Experts (PoE) in its much quoted report issued in March 2011 placed the death toll at 40,000, Weerasekera said, adding the UN and UNHRC hadn’t so far disputed Lord Naseby’s assertion.

Pointing out that Lord Naseby’s statement based on military dispatches from Colombo during the Vanni offensive had completely wildly dampened the exaggerated allegations against the country, Weerasekera emphasized that the UNHRC should revisit the circumstances under which Sri Lanka was compelled to co-sponsor Geneva Resolution 30/1 in Oct 2015.

The former Digamadulla district MP said the ongoing constitution making process had been driven by the Geneva Resolution, hence regular visits by UN and EU delegations to examine progress and remind Sri Lanka of its obligations in terms of the Resolution 30/1.

Responding to a query by The Island, Weerasekera said that soon after Lord Naseby’s statement he sought a meeting with President Maithripala Sirisena to discuss ways and means of using the latest development to Sri Lanka’s advantage.

The former MP said that it would be the responsibility of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government to seek clarification from Geneva without further delay. Sri Lanka couldn’t remain silent when Lord Naseby on behalf of Sri Lanka had requested Theresa May’s government to convince the UN and UNHRC to revise the death toll.

Recalling the dismissal of Gaza war report in 2011 following its author and the US clearing Israel of alleged war crimes, Weerasekera urged the government to bring the latest developments to the notice of all 47 members of the UNHRC. Now that some sections of British military dispatches from Colombo had been released following Lord Naseby’s intervention, the government should request India, the US, UN, ICRC and other key foreign missions to make available their dispatches for examination, Weerasekera said.

Weerasekera said the country couldn’t be allowed to be divided on ethnic lines on the pretext of post-war national reconciliation. The naval veteran said President Maithripala Sirisena and the government hadn’t received mandates at presidential and parliamentary polls in 2015 to bring in a new Constitution. In fact, those pursuing an agenda severely inimical to Sri Lanka had conveniently forgotten close on the heels of triumph over the LTTE, the UNHRC recognized the previous administration’s achievement. “We were able to thwart Germany led Resolution and then secure endorsement of our own at Geneva before the US intervened leading to consecutive defeats followed by 30/1,” Weerasekerra said.

The former Deputy Minister faulted political parties for not exploiting the House of Lords development to Sri Lanka’s advantage during four day debate on the interim report of the Steering Committee spearheading the new constitution making process. Weerasekera refrained from commenting when The Island pointed out that former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, too, didn’t take advantage of the debate.

Weerasekera warned of dire consequences unless political parties sank their differences to adopt a common stand against unsubstantiated war crimes accusations. There couldn’t be a dispute over Sri Lanka’s policy towards the accountability issue, Weerasekera said, pointing out that Lord Naseby was on record as having said Sri Lanka never intentionally targeted the Tamil civilian population.


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