Defence Secretary General Kamal Gunaratne graced the closing ceremony of the 96th National Boxing Championship as the Chief Guest at the MAS Arena of Royal College Colombo, yesterday (Jan 17).
Notably, Umayanga Mihiran of Sri Lanka Police was recognized as the Most Outstanding Boxer of the year 2023. The Sri Lanka Army Boxing Club with a haul of 23 gold medals received accolades as the most successful club of 2023 at the 96th National Boxing Championship held last evening.
The event saw outstanding players being honoured with trophies and accolades from the Defence Secretary and the President of the Boxing Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) Dian Gomes. Several senior Sri Lanka Army and Air Force officers also joined the Defence Secretary on this occasion.
Performance in the National Boxing Championship plays a pivotal role in forming a national boxing pool, paving the way for international tournaments in 2024.
BASL in collaboration with the National Selection Committee, conducts the national championship to select the players for the Summer Olympics and also targets the 1st and 2nd World Qualifying Tournaments for 2024.
The participation of nearly 150 boxers from 20 clubs, including representatives from the Sri Lanka Army, Navy, Air Force and Police underscored the significance of the championship tournament which was worked out for five (5) days from January 13 to 17.
Colombo, January 18: Media reports suggest that Sri Lanka may go in for Russian help to set up a nuclear power plant to supplement the current energy mix. The Russian State-owned nuclear energy company Rosatom appears to be the front runner among international companies that have shown interest in investing in Sri Lanka in this sector. Russia has reportedly agreed to send a delegation from Rosatom to Sri Lanka to discuss its proposal.
A perusal of material on the subject by even Western experts would show that Russia is a leader in this field and that, for several good reasons. Kacper Szulecki and Indra Overland, say in their paper in Nature Energy (Volume 8, pages 413–421- 2023) that Russia’s portfolio of foreign orders in the field of nuclear energy, including reactor construction, fuel provision and other services, spans 54 countries. The deals are collectively worth more than US$139 billion over a ten year period.
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A huge helpful factor is that, nuclear energy has not been covered by Western sanctions, so far.
Rosatom is heir to the Soviet Ministry of Atomic Energy, which was established in the aftermath of the Chernobyl nuclear accident. Reorganized as a State corporation in 2007, Rosatom is fully owned by the Russian state, and the president of the Russian Federation determines the company’s objectives.
Since its inception, Rosatom has become increasingly active in the international nuclear power market and has become a leading provider of key services. As many as ten reactor units were started between 2007 and 2017. And between 2009 and 2018, the company accounted for 23 of the 31 orders placed and about a half of the units under construction worldwide, Szulecki and Overland say.
Through its subsidiary TVEL Fuel Company, Rosatom also provides fuel supplies, controlling 38% of world’s uranium conversion and 46% of uranium enrichment capacity. It also undertakes decommissioning and waste disposal.
Between 2000 and 2015, Russia was the supplier in around half of all international agreements on nuclear power plant construction, reactor and fuel supply, decommissioning or waste between. Russia’s main nuclear power competitors—China, France, Japan, Korea and the United States—accounted for another 40%, combined, Kacpar Szulecki and Overland, point out.
The 2011 Fukushima accident, which created fears of nuclear plant disasters, did not have an impact on Rosatom. Also, the company’s operations were not impacted by sanctions against Russia over its occupation of Crimea and the eastern part of Donbas in 2014.
On Stop Nuclear Shop
Rosatom’s main advantage lies in its capacity to be a ‘one stop nuclear shop’ for all needs, the only supplier providing an ‘all-inclusive package’, the authors of the paper say.
The package comprises reactor construction know-how, training, support related to safety, non-proliferation regime requirements and flexible financing options, including government-sourced credit lines. The company is also uniquely able to offload spent nuclear fuel from overseas customers.”
While details of contractual agreements vary from case to case, the developer takes care of the entire process until the plant is ready to use and can be handed over to local (Russian-trained) nuclear experts to operate. For that reason, nuclear energy can be considered by countries for which it was previously unattainable, especially in the Middle East, sub-Saharan Africa and South America,” the authors say.
Rosatom is also able to make special offers to strategically important partners, such as Turkiye.
It was for Turkiyes’ ’s Akkuyu plant that Rosatom first proposed the innovative business model dubbed Build–Own–Operate (BOO), under which the Russian company retains majority ownership of the plant and a guaranteed price on electricity sales, and bears all the financial, construction and operational risks,” the authors point out.
Given its comparative advantages as a nuclear supplier, Russia is running a global campaign for nuclear energy that might be called nuclear diplomacy” in which Rosatom and Russian government institutions such as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs work in tandem. This gives Rosatom great political clout and reach.
At the time Russia invaded Ukraine, Rosatom boasted as many as 73 different projects in 29 countries, though at various stages of implementation. Russian companies had bilateral agreements or memoranda of understanding (MoUs) with 13 countries for services or for joint development of nuclear energy.
Rosatom’s projects and involvement have varied in ambition and cost. India’s Tarapur nuclear power plant (NPP) was valued at US$700 million; and Iran’s Bushehr-1 at US$850 million. A gargantuan project in South Africa was valued at US$76 billion.Those in Egypt and Turkey were valued at US$ 30 billion and US$ 20 billion respectively.
Thirteen countries have a variety of research-oriented agreements with Russian nuclear service providers. Altogether, Russia’s nuclear energy diplomacy has been formalized in 54 countries
Szulecki and Overland however point out that Rosatom has not been a success story all the way. Rosatom has not been able to deliver all the projects that it had agreed to, let alone expand further. Potential foreign policy influence by Russia was felt in Finland and Hungary. Some deals went through a rough patch due to a lack of flexibility in the implimentation.
At the time Russia invaded Ukraine, Rosatom boasted as many as 73 different projects in 29 countries, though at various stages of implementation. Russian companies had bilateral agreements or memoranda of understanding (MoUs) with 13 countries for services or for joint development of nuclear energy.
Rosatom’s projects and involvement have varied in ambition and cost. India’s Tarapur nuclear power plant (NPP) was valued at US$700 million; and Iran’s Bushehr-1 at US$850 million. A gargantuan project in South Africa was valued at US$76 billion.Those in Egypt and Turkey were valued at US$ 30 billion and US$ 20 billion respectively.
Thirteen countries have a variety of research-oriented agreements with Russian nuclear service providers. Altogether, Russia’s nuclear energy diplomacy has been formalized in 54 countries.
The Warts
However, Szulecki and Overland point out that looking into the details of these agreements (particularly the Nuclear Power Plant construction projects) one would find warts.
Many of the projects have been stuck at the planning stage for several years or are merely visions laid out in non-committal MoUs. Competing offers might ultimately be chosen over those from Rosatom. For instance, the expansion of the Dukovany plant in Czechia saw calls from opposition parties and the Czech secret service to exclude both Chinese and Russian companies from the tender, citing security concerns, Rosatom was explicitly excluded in 2021 following news of Russian intelligence involvement in a 2014 explosion at a Czech ammunition depot,” the authors recall.
And because of the Soviet aggression in Ukraine, Bulgaria signed a new 10-year agreement with Westinghouse of the US to provide fuel for its existing reactors, New York Times reported recently. Poland is about to construct its first nuclear power plant, which will feature three Westinghouse reactors. Slovakia and even Hungary, Russia’s closest ally in the European Union, have also reached out to alternative fuel suppliers, the paper added
We see a lot of genuine movement,” the NYT quoted Tarik Choho, president of nuclear fuel unit at Westinghouse. He added that the Ukraine war accelerated Europe’s search for new suppliers. Even Hungary wants to diversify.”
William Freebairn, senior managing editor for nuclear energy at S&P Commodity Insights, told the paper: Within days of the invasion,” he said, just about every country that operated a Russian reactor started looking for alternate supply.”
Well Endowed
But even with disruptions of this sort, Russia struts on the world’s nuclear energy stage like a colossus. This is because of several reasons, one of which is that it has the relevant natural resources.
Russia is among the five countries with the world’s largest uranium resources. It is estimated to have about 486,000 tons of uranium, the equivalent of 8 percent of global supply, Radio Free Europe says.
However, uranium mining is just one piece of the nuclear process. Raw uranium is not suitable as fuel for nuclear plants. It needs to be refined into uranium concentrate, converted into gas, and then enriched. And this is where Russia excels.
In 2020, there were just four conversion plants operating commercially — in Canada, China, France, and Russia. In this, Russia was the largest player, with almost 40% of the total uranium conversion infrastructure in the world. It therefore produced the largest share of uranium in gaseous form (called uranium hexafluoride).
The same goes for uranium enrichment, the next step in the nuclear cycle. According to 2018 data that capacity was spread among a handful of key players, with Russia once again responsible for the largest share — about 46%.
Therefore, Russia is a significant supplier of both uranium and uranium enrichment services. According to the latest available data, the European Union purchased about 20% of its natural uranium and 26% of its enrichment services from Russia in 2020. The United States imported about 14% of its uranium and 28% of all enrichment services from Russia in 2021.
Colombo, Jan. 18 (Daily Mirror)- A group of IMF representatives including head of operations for Sri Lanka, Peter Breuer met representatives of the National People’s Power (NPP) at the JVP head office today.
Ms. Sarvath Jahan, the resident representative of the IMF, Ms. Manavee Abeywickrama (IMF staff) and Peter Brewer, participated in representing the IMF in this discussion.
NPP MP Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, Sunil Hadunnetthi representing the NPP Economic Council, Professor Anil Jayantha, Economic Analyst Dr. Harshana Suriyapperuma and National Executive Member of the NPP Muditha Nanayakkara participated representing the NPP.
Sri Lankans are concerned their lives ‘may be threatened’ and help will not be readily available in an emergency as the country does not have a mission in Yemen
Colombo’s move to join the US operation signals its attempt at a ‘balancing act’ rather than a change in support for the Palestinian cause, one analyst says
Isuru Alagiyawanna, 32, arrived in Yemen just six months ago in search of a better life away from the debilitating economic crisis of his native Sri Lanka. But as Colombo plans to join the US-led operations against Yemen’s Houthi rebels, he fears being caught in the crossfire”.
Early this month, Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesinghe announced that the country had decided to send a navy vessel to join the multinational Operation Prosperity Guardian, aimed at securing commercial shipping lanes in the Red Sea against Houthi attacks.
Following the escalation of the Israel-Gaza conflict, the Houthis, which control the Yemeni capital Sanaa and the northwestern regions bordering the Red Sea, in November launched attacks on Israel-linked” vessels sailing through the shipping lanes, which normally see hundreds of billions worth of cargo pass through them each year.
The bulk carrier Gibraltar Eagle is seen off Kristiansand, Norway, in June 2023. Houthi rebels fired a missile striking the US-owned ship on Monday. Photo: AP
Close to 30 vessels sailing through the Red Sea have been targeted since the Houthi attacks began. Last week, the United States and its allies began retaliating by launching air and sea strikes.
Sri Lankans like Alagiyawanna, who work in Houthi-controlled areas of Yemen, fear their safety will be at risk once the Sri Lankan vessel joins the coalition’s efforts.
If word gets around among the locals that Sri Lanka is sending a ship to join the US forces to fight against the Houthis, there will be repercussions. When we go out to stores and mix with the local people, if word gets around that I am a Sri Lankan [it may lead to] issues,” he told This Week in Asia.
Alagiyawanna, who works for a shipping company, said life and people were peaceful” before the Red Sea conflict. But he was worried that, in the absence of a Sri Lankan mission in Yemen, there would be no immediate help available in an emergency.
We need an exit visa to leave Sanaa, and it takes about twelve hours to reach Aden”, he said, referring to the area controlled by the government of Yemen. The [civil conflict within the country] has destroyed [the] main routes, so detours have to be taken when travelling. There are lots of military checkpoints, and baggage was checked multiple times along the route.”
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US-led coalition strikes Iran-backed Houthi fighters in Yemen
Abdul Munhim, another Sri Lankan working in Hodeida, a Houthi-controlled port city facing the Red Sea, echoed Alagiyawanna’s thoughts.
If [Sri Lanka] sends a ship, our lives may be threatened here. People here know we are from Sri Lanka,” said Munhim, 25.
Munhim lives and works at a shipping company close to the Red Sea port that was under US attack.
Last week there were two or three bombs. At night I heard a huge noise,” he told This Week in Asia. Some ships are still at berth. The cargo operations are ongoing. But containers are not making port calls.”
Munhim said he was aware of six more Sri Lankans in Hodeida, although he had no contact with them.
A tribal supporter of Yemen’s Houthis holds his traditional dagger, or jambiya, during a protest against recent US-led strikes on Houthi targets, near Sanaa, Yemen, on January 14. Photo: Reuters
According to Niluka Kadurugamuwa, director general of public diplomacy at the Sri Lankan ministry of foreign affairs, Sri Lanka has no mission in Yemen but the embassy in Oman is concurrently affiliated with Yemen and the Sri Lankan ambassador to Oman is monitoring the situation.
If the necessity arises, then they will assist the Sri Lankans in that situation,” he told This Week in Asia. The ministry was not able to immediately confirm the number of Sri Lankans in Yemen.
Meanwhile, navy spokesman Captain Gayan Wickramasuriya said they were prepared to send one ship at the moment, but it was not confirmed when it would join the US operation. The costs would depend on the specific ship to be deployed, he said, but only day-to-day operational costs of the ship will be incurred, no additional costs would be involved”.
Sri Lankan civil rights activists hold placards in solidarity with the Palestinian people, during a protest at the Independence Square in Colombo, Sri Lanka, on January 10. Photo: EPA-EFE
Changing foreign policy?
Historically, Sri Lanka has sided with the Palestinian cause and the people of Gaza, but since Colombo decided to join the US mission against the Houthis, some believe it signals a change in the country’s stance on the wider Israel-Gaza war.
But Uditha Devapriya, chief analyst at Factum, a Sri Lanka-based foreign policy think tank, does not think so.
Fundamentally, Sri Lanka’s support for Palestinians has not changed. But its foreign policy has wavered over these little issues. The government clearly wants us to think that it sees the Red Sea operation as distinct and separate from its support for the Palestinian cause,” he said.
According to Devapriya, Colombo’s bilateral ties with Israel wavered over time with each political regime due to economic or defence reasons.
At the United Nations’ December vote for a ceasefire in Gaza, Colombo voted in favour of Palestinian interests.
The country, however, remains the only Asia-Pacific nation to physically send a vessel to join the US operation.
Even though on the surface this signals a shift in Sri Lanka’s foreign policy, it actually, in my opinion, [shows] the unpredictable nature of Sri Lanka’s foreign policy,” Devapriya said, adding that the country was attempting a balancing act”.
The deployment of the vessel alone might not affect the Sri Lankans in Yemen but, coupled with the country’s decision to send thousands of Sri Lankan workers to Israel, this could have a wider impact on Sri Lankan employees in the Middle East, he added.CONVERSATIONS (6)
Dimuthu Attanayake is an independent journalist and a researcher from Sri Lanka, covering business, tech, social issues, and environment. She was one of the 12 international journalists shortlisted for Thomson Foundation’s Young Journalist Award in 2018. Previously, she worked as a big data researcher for LIRNEasia, and has also served as a Business Adviser for an Australian aid programme.
Colombo, Jan 18 (Daily Mirror) – The passenger ferry service between India’s Nagapattinam and Kankesanthurai in Jaffna will be initiated this week, Controller General of Immigration and Emigration I.S.H.J. Ilukpitiya said.
Addressing the media, he said that so far, the initial programmes required to initiate the service have been completed, and immigration officers have already been deployed at the KKS port.
However, the official launch of the ferry service was held on October 2023, as the ‘Cheriyapani’ passenger ferry docked at Kankesanthurai port while resuming the ferry service between the two countries after a 40-year hiatus.
The inaugural voyage of the ‘Cheriyapani’ passenger ferry was commemorated with a plaque exchange.
The ‘Cheriyapani’ is a high-speed vessel owned by the Shipping Corporation of India (SCI), measuring 35 metres in length and 9.6 metres in beam, with a capacity to accommodate 150 passengers.
The journey from Nagapattinam to Kankesanthurai port takes approximately four hours and is priced at Sri Lankan Rupees 26,750 for a one-way trip and SL Rs. 53,500 for a round trip.
Kampala, Jan 18 (Daily Mirror) – President Ranil Wickremesinghe who arrived in Kampala , Uganda was greeted with gun salute upon arrival at the Entebbe airport.
Uganda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Oreyem Okello along with Foreign Secretary Aruni Wijewardene, and Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to Kenya Dr Kana Kananathan welcomed the guest. The reception, characterized by a red carpet and a state welcome, showcased the strong diplomatic ties between Sri Lanka and Uganda.
The mammoth gun salute not only symbolized the significance of the visit but also underlined the mutual respect and collaboration between the two nations. the warm reception was evident to fostering deeper relations between Sri Lanka and Uganda.
Ranil Wickremesinghe is set to participate in the upcoming Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) Summit in Kampala, Uganda. This significant gathering will bring together leaders from across the globe, with President Museveni of Uganda hosting the event.
President Joins Global Leaders, Including President Museveni, for NAM Summit in is set to participate in the upcoming Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) Summit in Kampala, Uganda. This significant gathering will bring together leaders from across the globe, with President Museveni of Uganda hosting the event.
President Wickremesinghe will join a diverse group of leaders, reflecting the inclusive nature of NAM, to address shared challenges and explore avenues for strengthened collaboration. The summit provides a platform for leaders to engage in open dialogue, promoting diplomatic solutions to global issues and reinforcing the NAM’s commitment to peaceful coexistence.
As the leaders gather in Kampala, anticipation is high for constructive discussions that will shape the future trajectory of the Non-Aligned Movement. The summit serves as a testament to the enduring relevance and resilience of NAM principles in navigating the complexities of the contemporary world.
President Wickremesinghe will join a diverse group of leaders, reflecting the inclusive nature of NAM, to address shared challenges and explore avenues for strengthened collaboration. The summit provides a platform for leaders to engage in open dialogue, promoting diplomatic solutions to global issues and reinforcing the NAM’s commitment to peaceful coexistence.
As the leaders gather in Kampala, anticipation is high for constructive discussions that will shape the future trajectory of the Non-Aligned Movement. The summit serves as a testament to the enduring relevance and resilience of NAM principles in navigating the complexities of the contemporary world.
In a bid to curb traffic violations, Sri Lanka Police has decided to trace traffic offenders in Colombo using the surveillance camera system in the island’s commercial capital.
Speaking to the media this morning, Acting Inspector-General of Police (IGP) Deshabandu Tennakoon said this initiative would be implemented starting next Monday (Jan.22).
Accordingly, the traffic fine sheet and the respective CCTV footage will be sent to the police station closest to the registered owner of the vehicle involved, the Acting IGP explained.
The decision was taken after observing that a substantial number of traffic rule violations had gone unnoticed by the police officers on duty where surveillance cameras are set up in Colombo, Tennakoon added.
The Annual Meeting of the World Economic Forum for the year 2024 is held from January 15 – 19 in Davos, Switzerland, under the theme ‘Rebuilding Trust’. It aims to restore collective agency, and reinforce the fundamental principles of transparency, consistency, and accountability among leaders.
Judging from events unfolding in various parts of the world, including the annihilation of the Palestinians in Gaza, the ever-widening income and wealth disparity between the rich and the poor, the hunger and malnutrition that millions of very ordinary people experience, the millions of the forcibly displaced persons and refugees without a home or any hope, the value of international events such as the World Economic Forum is questionable. Rebuilding trust, restoration of collective agency, and reinforcement of the fundamental principle of transparency, consistency and accountability among leaders assumes all these principles were there at some stage or the other, and have since been lost, and now, they need to be restored. There is however a big question mark whether these noble ideals were ever there in the first place.
In this context, it is pertinent to consider two factors that are relevant for leaders at this Forum, viz, increase in income disparity and the status of forcibly displaced persons and refugees.
Rich getting richer and poorer getting poorer.
On the eve of the World Economic Forum in Davos, the anti-poverty charity organisation Oxfam has said that the world’s richest five men have more than doubled their fortunes since 2020, sounding the alarm about unchecked corporate power as business elites hold their high-profile annual gathering in Davos, Switzerland. The five men are said to be worth a combined $869bn after growing their fortunes at a rate of $14m per hour during the past four years, Oxfam said in its report Inequality Inc.”, released on Monday. (https://www.aljazeera.com/economy/2024/1/15/five-richest-men-doubled-fortunes-after-2020-oxfam-says-as-davos-opens). Oxfam goes on to say that despite the growth in the fortunes of the five, 5 billion people have gotten poorer over the same period and that billionaires are today $3.3 trillion richer than they were in 2020, while a billionaire leads 7 out of 10 of the world’s biggest companies. If current trends continue, the world will have its first trillionaire within a decade, but poverty will not be eradicated for another 229 years.
The 110 million people are listed as forcibly displaced people. So displaced on account of unrest in countries, war situations often precipitated by external elements that are after the natural resources of affected countries. Drug trafficking also causes civil unrest and displacement of people as rival gang clashes often impact on the populations in such countries. The UNODC says that the illicit drug trade is a USD 32 billion industry global illicit trade involving the cultivation, manufacture, distribution and sale of substances which are subject to drug prohibition laws is estimated to be a $32 billion industry. The recently launched UNODC campaign on transnational organized crime highlights that drug trafficking continues to be the most lucrative form of business for criminals worldwide. Drug trafficking flows have global dimensions linking regions and continents, sometimes with dramatic consequences for the countries they affect (UNODC – https://www.unodc.org/southasia/frontpage/2012/August/drug-trafficking-a-business-affecting-communities-globally.html”
While critiquing this forum or any other international forum is probably a waste of time considering the futility of such an effort, a discussion maybe of some benefit for Sri Lankans if the status of these principles are examined from a local, Sri Lankan context. It will be interesting to make an assessment of what Sri Lankan leaders have been demonstrating vis a vis the ideals and objectives of the World Economic Forum, namely, rebuilding trust, restoration of collective agency, whatever that means, reinforcing the fundamental principles of transparency, consistency and accountability. The overriding litmus test for Sri Lankan political leaders would be whether they considered the country more important than their political fortunes when the worst economic crisis hit Sri Lanka and how they reacted to that perilous situation. At a time when collective agency (working together) would have been the objective, political parties and their leaders chose the opposite and rattled their individual sabres. Readers and voters could and should make the judgement on the worth and value of the political leaders if even at such a disastrous situation for the country, they chose themselves rather than the country.
The widely and generally held view of most if not all Sri Lankans, is likely to be that some are more equal than others in the country, the law of the land is not applied uniformly and equitably, law enforcement is selective and dependent on who one knows, there is rampant corruption at all levels, accountability is just word in a dictionary, that there is a widespread view that large amounts of funds have been siphoned off the country and no attempt has ever been made to investigate such alleged siphoning by some at the highest levels in the country. Sri Lankans no doubt will also agree that the disparity between the haves and have nots has increased and more people are without at least two square meals a day and that malnutrition levels amongst children have increased dramatically. This is a sad indictment for a country that boasts of a history and culture of more than 2600 years.
Some may argue that this situation is not unique to Sri Lanka and it is a worldwide phenomenon brought about by the COVID pandemic and the international economic crisis that followed. Few probably are willing to admit that the moral and social degradation experienced is a consequence of bad governance and management by successive governments. Given this argument, one wonders what on earth and why on earth world leaders are meeting every year to restore some governance principles they do not respect, practice, or wish to practice in their own countries.
Beside blaming everyone else but themselves, Sri Lankans have also been quick to pin the entire blame on politicians for the situation the country is facing. They have not realised they have been equally complicit for this situation, as they have voted in politicians who have promised the most attractive short term quick fixes, rather than giving any thought to the longer-term damage they could do to the country. The substance of promises has generally not been debated and has not been the criteria to vote in or vote out politicians and political parties.
Substance over politics- The realities
The debt situation of the country
Sri Lanka’s debt to GDP ratio is said to be 119% in an economy (GDP) reported to be worth 89 billion (USD). This is the estimated wealth of the country. Foreign reserves reportedly are USD 4 billion but this includes some borrowings as well. The foreign debt component of the total debt is said to be approximately 55 billion (USD). As admitted by the President himself on several occasions, and by many economic experts, Sri Lanka is still not out of the trough of bankruptcy, and the future is still uncertain. Even if the country is sold for USD 89 Billion, it will still leave a debt more than USD 18 Billion. Who will then pay this debt?
The future depends on economic reforms and the sustainability of reforms, and economic growth. This requires an acceptance of some economic realities, and strategies that are needed to address such realities. These strategies are not only economic strategies but also key governance imperatives like transparency, accountability and critically, adherence to the law of the land, and enforcement of the law of the land without fear or favour. The cancer of corruption that pervades the entire society, and which is the tool used to prevent the very critical governance imperatives being achieved will ensure that the society’s decline of moral and ethical values and growth of inequities and injustices will continue and flourish. Such situations eventually lead to anti-democratic, violent uprisings.
In general, one could say that Sri Lankan politicians are very good critics, and some are able to articulate criticisms in language that finds ready empathy amongst the people. Solutions are generally not offered, but when they are, they are offered as motherhood statements and promises.
Specific solutions to address problems are rarely offered as such solutions could be bitter pills for audiences to swallow in times of economic pandemics although Sri Lanka is now in an economic and social pandemic, and hard to swallow solutions are needed to lift the country out of it.
Sri Lankans need to be told the truth by all political parties. Their credibility will hinge on this. Solutions to address this truth might be different, but they need to be based on the true situation the country is in. What is the true situation? It is that the country is in debt to the hilt, its current GDP growth would not allow it to repay the debts, and if they are not honoured, the country will not be able to borrow any more even for development work, let alone for consumption.
The country needs income in foreign currency, and in rupees. Foreign loan repayments and funds for imports require foreign currency, and local loan repayments and domestic payments like salaries require Sri Lankan rupees.
So basically, Sri Lanka must export more and import less to build its foreign currency reserves. This is easily said than done, and what people need to know is how this is to be done and what specific measures will be taken by aspirants to high political office. Similarly, to generate more rupees, not by printing them, and building its rupee reserves, Sri Lanka will have to raise more revenue and reduce local expenditure. Again, specifics and not general statements are needed as some revenue measures and expenditure reduction measures will be unpopular, but necessary.
Lack of confidence in taxation and expenditure management
While tax hikes, both income tax and VAT, have had a devastating effect on some segments of the society, even such segments may have understood the inevitability of these revenue raising measures, if they had the confidence that tax hikes were equitable and everyone in the country, especially those with high earnings were also paying their share of taxes. Lingering doubts exist whether some professionals, businessmen and women are doing this, and that they have the power and influence to ensure either they pay very little or do not pay at all.
Regarding expenditure management, politicians themselves do not set a good example as they appear to be enjoying degrees of lavishness at the expense of the State. Fleets of expensive motor vehicles are a give away sign that the State spends a considerable sum of funds for politicians who the people do not believe are doing a worthwhile service for the country. Continuing with loss making State enterprises is another area that consumes a huge amount of State funds. While the current government has embarked on a process to address this issue, the SOEs continue to bleed the scarce resources of the country.
IMF and the reality of the power and influence of the Western nations
The reality is that Sri Lanka’s major trading partner countries for exports are United States, United Kingdom, India, Germany, and Italy and for imports they were China, India, Malaysia, and Singapore, and of all these, the USA, Japan, China, Germany, France, UK, Italy, India, Russia and Brazil hold more than 50 % of the voting power in the IMF. Considering the influence these countries have in the IMF, Sri Lanka has to adopt appropriate strategies to grow its economy. While genuine reasons may exist to criticise IMF policies, the influence of the IMF cannot be discounted as a key requisite for the economic development of the country for the reasons given above and for the fact that the country would not have introduced some degree of the required financial discipline had it not been for the IMF. Criticism of the IMF without coming up with a viable alternative will not be a constrictive approach.
Economic realities in major powers
With the exception of India, the economic outlook in the two big engines of the world, China and the USA does not look very promising. It is anticipated that the flow on effects of a downturn in the USA and China will have far reaching effects in many Western nations. Whether aspirants for the highest office in Sri Lanka have given this potential economic outlook due consideration and whether they have specific measures to address it is uncertain as the country has not heard from these aspirants as yet. Rather than leaving the task of economic predictions to individual political parties, it may be a task that should be assigned to the Central Bank of the country so that an independent opinion would be available for the public. It should provide an opportunity for the public to assess the substance of economic policies of individual political parties based on the long term economic outlook predicted by the Central Bank.
Playing to the gallery without any specific solutions
As mentioned at the beginning, criticising an incumbent government is an easy task, especially in circumstances of serious economic hardships. Symbolic, short-term solutions is not the answer as what is needed are long term structural changes to put the economic house in order. As Einstein said, if the same thing is done again and again expecting different results, it is madness. Whether one likes it or not, and whoever is and has been responsible for the current situation, the reality is the country’s serious debt situation, low GDP growth rate and unaffordable expenditure over the country’s income. A long-term plan, at least of 10 years duration is needed from all political leaders and political parties as to how they will address the current realities succinctly outlined above. Details and not motherhood statements and glib remarks are needed. The media is also to blame for giving headline space for reactive statements from political leaders but not pressurising them to present specific solutions. The electorate should consider such plans and their practicality and workability before they decide to cast their vote. The test is how the country is going to live within its means, and if it wishes to spend more to have a better lifestyle for its citizens, it needs to increase its own means and not borrow more to do it.
Drawing crowds at political meetings is not a test of any party’s capability to govern seriously and in a responsible manner. Their capability will be assessed based on their telling the public the truth about the country’s economic situation, and what structural changes they will introduce to chart the country in a different and productive direction.
They also need to spell out how they will rebuild trust, restore collective agency, and reinforce the fundamental principles of transparency, consistency, and accountability. All these are at a low abyss and the public should make it known to political leaders that they will be considering substance and not politics when they vote in the future. If the public continues the same way and vote in politics and not substance, Einstein will be proven right.
Our monetary economists of today have decided that printing money is to be stopped till the end of the year. The new Central Bank Act of 2023 is said to forbid money printing. Some foremost economists and the Central Bank of Sri Lanka are of the opinion that printing money causes inflation and should not be done.
I lived in Sri Lanka till 1973 and worked in senior Administrative Service positions from 1955 to 1973- some 17 years handling arduous development tasks all done with locally printed Rupees. In 1970, as a Deputy Director of the Small Industries Department, I actually handled foreign currency disbursement to all small industrialists in the country. Thus I speak with firm authority, through sheer experience -not research knowledge picked up from the internet or research, following ideas of elite professors or guided by utterances from foreign monetary institutions
I can make a firm statement that all that while from 1948, when we became a sovereign country to the end of 1977, when we bowed to the IMF, the entire economy of the country was run with printed money. There is no two words about this statement. In detail- all officers working in the private as well as the public sector, all work in all government departments- constructing major irrigation tanks, running the entire administrative network to achieve self sufficiency in paddy(rice)- all that was done with locally printed currency. I happened to have served as a kingpin- first as an Assistant Commissioner of Marketing -buying and selling vegetables, fruits and paddy, in charge of the vegetable and fruit purchasing unit at Tripoli Market Colombo, covering activities in entire Sri Lanka for a full year and later, in charge of the largest rice mills, later as Senior Assistant Commissioner of Agrarian Services in charge of handling agricultural extension- granting loans and issuing fertilizer for farmers, building irrigation tanks large godowns and all that was done with locally printed money. As the Government Agent at Matara in 1971 to 1973 the entire work of all the departments in the District was done with locally printed money. In short all development programmes upto 1977 was entirely done with local Rupees.
Printed Currency was handled with the greatest care. For instance when I served as the Additional Government Agent at Kegalla in 1968 and 1969 the Rural Development Department received a small allocation- around two hundred thousand rupees to be spent on rural infrastructure projects. Every district did also get a similar amount and it so happened that many districts could not spend that fully and the unspent money had to be returned to the Department of Rural Development. I saw to it that the full allocation to my District was spent and went further. The Director of Rural Development Mr Ratnavira was a close friend of mine and I got him to find the unspent allocation of other Districts. On the last day for the closure of accounts I would turn up at his office in Colombo at nine in the morning, and get issued a cheque- being the amount of unspent money in many other districts. I would dash back to Kegalla and enter that cheque into my books and also write out cheques paying Rural Development Societies for rural work in my district for work to get done within weeks. and would hold the cheques in my safe for a month and issue them when the work was complete. We were that careful in handling rupees.
Look at the Annual Reports of the Central Banks of Sri Lanka for early years and you will find the statistics of the amount of currency notes that were printed in each year.
We were extremely careful in spending. Any new posts were created only after the Treasury agreed to bear the cost of that post. The Treasury controlled every cent that was spent.
The Treasury was in firm control and the Rupee was actually a guarded property that was taken care of. There were no Rupee guzzling endless commissions and increasing employees.
The entire country was run with locally printed money. There is no two words about it.
Now we come to the foreign funds that came in and how that was collected very carefully and used. I hold experience in this too.
As a DeputyDirector of Small Industries I was in charge of small industries in the private sector. The Department of Small Industries received an allocation of foreign currency and I was in charge of allocating foreign exchange to private industries. Every private industrialist in the country if they requited any machinery or any item from abroad for their manufacture had to come to our department and request an allocation. They were requested to state what item they want from abroad and what they would do with it. I had a staff of over twenty inspectors well versed in industries. . The Inspectors would submit their report to me after an inspection and I would n make an allocation for the industrialist to import small machinery or import a particular item that was required for what they made. I was extremely strict, but would ensure that every applicant received a fair allocation. At times I would inspect the industries.
We were very strict. I would quote an actual instance. Once the Ministry summoned me and told me that an industrialist was found with machinery recently imported without Ministry knowledge and wanted me to find out whether the Small Industries Department had authorized that import. I checked our documents for a few years and found that an Assistant Director had authorised it. When I questioned that officer he said that the Minister for Industries Mr W.Dahanayale had summoned him and instructed him to grant an allocation to a company and he carried out that instruction. I recorded the statement of Mr Dahanayake who said that he had never given such an instruction. That Assistant Director was given an immediate dismissal.
Over to my work in Bangladesh as the Commonwealth Fund Advisor to the Ministry of Labour and Manpower. Bangladesh, a country like ours, three times our size, it was entirely run with local Taka that was printed. In fact I was instructed by the Hon Minister for Labour and Manpower to design and establish a Youth Self Employment Programme which I did establish and train members of the elite Bangladesh Civil Service to continue it and they did continue it to today. It is today without any par the largest and most successful employment creation programme the world has known which has guided over three million youths to employment. That entire programme was created with locally printed currency- not a single dollar was used. As a Consultant I was in touch with other Departments too and all work everywhere was done with the local currency. There is no two words about that.
I have happened to travel widely and I have visited Mexico, Canada, Thailand, India, Bangladesh, Vietnam, Cambodia, Nepal, Turkey, Myanmar and in all these countries I travelled everywhere, by car and found all activities done with locally printed currencies. All local shops and hotel charges are all done in local currency. When one books into a hotel, once a foreign passport is submitted they insist on payment in dollars or pounds sterling.
Now one comes as to how foreign exchange that came into the country was handled before we adopted neoliberal economics at the end of 1977. .
Any foreign currency that came into the country- being accepted at a bank from tourists or brought into the country through exports was carefully collected by the Central Bank and thereafter the Central Bank would make allocations to the various Departments for the purchase of machinery or for essential imports. Every car importing agent was given a small allocation. In 1957 when I purchased a new Peugeot, I had to wait two months. Earlier when a relative of mine purchased an Austin in about 1952, he had to buy a new car off a person who had paid and had it reserved and was waiting for the import. That happened during the days when our Government constructed the Gal Oya Development Project building the largest tank, three times the size of Prakrama Samudra and builtt up a number of industries all done by Morrisor Knudson, the American firm that constructed the famous Hoover Dam, all paid by foreign funds we held. We were that careful even when we had dollars.
Our country was extremely careful – there were no private currency dealers and every one including tourists had to go to a bank. In my travels in countries like India, Nepal, Thailand etc. I have always had to go to banks to cash dollars or pounds . Our Governments throughout were also extremely careful in allocating foreign funds. If anyone wanted to go even on a pilgrimage to Buddhgaya one had to make an application to the Central Bank and get an allocation, That was the task of the Controller of Exchange of the Central Bank. No one was given foreign exchange for travel abroad or for foreign studies. In about 1958, Sri Lanka allocated foreign exchange for Sunetra and Chandrika Bandaranaike for foreign study. I had the opportunity to question the Prime Minister Mr Dudley Senanayake why he did allow this. He replied that that happened to be the only request made to him by an earlier Prime Minister and he felt like giving it. When I marched abroad for studies in 1973 I was not given a single penny.
In short the entire administration and all development expenses, everything was done with locally printed money. All our all our foreign expenses were met with the foreign funds that were carefully collected.
Thus the theory that some monetary economists of ours hold that Printing Money causes inflation and should not be done is sheer nonsense. Our new Central Bank Act I am told forbids printing currency. The mandarins in the Central Bank as well as everyone in Parliament are unaware that we ran the entire country with printed rupees.
Today, every country is being run with printed money. The idea of printed money causing inflation is nonsense.
If anyone is of the opinion that Printing Money should not be done it is geared to making our country to raise foreign loans for all local expenses and become further indebted. This is a definite statement that I make.
Garvin Karunaratne,
former GA Matara and also the Commonwealth Fund Advisor to the Government of Bangladesh 1982-1984.
The Decision Review System (DRS), formerly known as the Umpire Decision Review System(UDRS), is a technology-based system used in cricket to assist the match officials in their decision-making. On-field umpires may choose to consult with the third umpire (known as an Umpire Review), and players may request that the third umpire consider a decision of the on-field umpires (known as a Player Review).
The main elements that have been used are television replays, technology that tracks the path of the ball and predicts what it would have done, microphones to detect small sounds made as the ball hits the bat or pad, and infra-red imaging to detect temperature changes as the ball hits the bat or pad.
While on-field Test match umpires have been able to refer some decisions to a third umpire since November 1992, the formal DRS system to add Player Reviews was first used in a Test match in 2008, first used in a One Day International (ODI) in January 2011, and used in a Twenty20 International in October 2017.
DRS was preceded by a system to allow on-field umpires to refer some decisions to the third umpire to be decided using TV replays, in place since November 1992.
DRS in cricket is based on the concept of ‘ Player Referral ‘ conceived and published by Senaka Weeraratna in a letter to the Editor of the ‘Australian’ newspaper dated March 25, 1997. This was the first occasion in world history that a case was made (in 1997), using the analogy of the appellate function of the legal system, to press home the point that we needed to adopt it on the playing field in a modified form in combination with modern technology, i.e. video playback in the hands of Third Umpire, to determine the accuracy of a decision made by an on-field or ground umpire by way of a Review System.
This mechanism (now known as the Decision Review System or DRS) is activated by a dissatisfied player on the batting or bowling side (like the way the appellate jurisdiction of the court is activated by a dissatisfied litigant). It was originally named as ‘Player Referral’ by the author of the concept Senaka Weeraratna, a lawyer who was then resident in Darwin, Australia. The national newspaper ‘ Australian’ first published the idea as a Letter to the Editor on March 25, 1997. Thereafter a series of newspapers and prestigious Cricket Journals in the cricket world carried it as a novel idea and innovation worthy of adoption to change the Rules of the Game. A pre-existing fundament of the game was that the Umpire’s decision was final. Under the Player Referral concept (now DRS) it is not so. This sacrosanct feature of the game it was argued by the proponent must give way in the interest of better decision-making, to uphold justice and the integrity of Cricket.
DRS which was first adopted by the game of cricket has also seen several other sports such as the high profile International Soccer, Tennis, etc. incorporating this idea of Player Referral and goal-line technology into the game.
The Player Referral system was first tested in an India v. Sri Lanka match in 2008,[1][2] and was officially launched by the International Cricket Council (ICC) on 24 November 2009, during the first Test between New Zealand and Pakistan at the University Oval in Dunedin.[3][4] It was first used in One Day Internationals (ODI) in January 2011 during England’s tour of Australia. [5] The ICC initially made the UDRS mandatory in all international matches,[6] but later made its use optional, so that the system would only be used if both teams agreed. The ICC has agreed to continue to work on the technology and will try to incorporate its use into all ICC events.[7]
In October 2012, the ICC made amendments to LBW protocols, increasing the margin of uncertainty when the ball hits the batsman’s pad. [8] In July 2016, the rules were amended once again, reducing the margin of uncertainty. [9][10] The updated rules were first used in the ODI match between Ireland and South Africa in September 2016. [11]
In September 2013, the ICC announced that for a trial period starting in October 2013, a team’s referrals would be reset to two after 80 overs in an innings in Test matches. Previously each team had a maximum of two unsuccessful reviews per inning.[12]
Starting in November 2014 from Australia’s ODI series versus South Africa, the field umpires’ communications have also been broadcast to the viewers. Whenever a decision is reviewed by the TV umpire, their communication with the field umpire can be heard. [13]
Under the new ICC rules of November 2017, there would no longer be a top-up of reviews after 80 overs in Test matches, and teams will have only 2 unsuccessful reviews every innings. However, teams would no longer lose a review for an “umpire’s call” (a ruling in which the on-field umpire’s ruling stands due to inconclusive data) on an LBW review.
In 2020, the requirement to appoint neutral match officials was temporarily suspended due to the logistical challenges with international travel during the COVID-19 pandemic. Following from this change, the number of unsuccessful reviews per test innings was raised from 2 to 3 keeping in mind that there may be fewer experienced umpires on duty at times.[17]
From 1 June 2023, the “soft-signal” requirement for umpires when referring to catches was scrapped as they were “unnecessary and at times confusing”.[18][19]
Hawk-Eye,[20] or Virtual Eye (also known as Eagle Eye): ball-tracking technology that plots the trajectory of a bowling delivery that has been interrupted by the batter, often by the pad, and can predict whether it would have hit the stumps.
Real-Time Snicko (RTS) or Ultra-Edge[21][22][23] (Hawk-Eye Innovations): directional microphones to detect small sounds made as the ball hits the bat or pad. The use of the original Snickometer was superseded by Real Time Snicko in 2013.[24][25][26][27][28] RTS is calibrated each morning without needing manual syncing during play. [29] The third umpire interprets RTS/Ultra-Edge data by checking if an audio spike occurs on the frame before, or the frame after the ball passes the bat. [30][31]
Hot Spot: Infra-red imaging system that shows where the ball has been in contact with the bat or pad. Improved cameras were introduced for the 2012 season.[32] The system came under fire after the 2013 Ashes in England. [33] It was claimed that using silicone tape prevented faint edges from being picked by Hot Spot, which was later confirmed by a MIT report.[34]
In many cases, the event occurs in a fraction of a second. At their discretion, on-field umpires may request the Third Umpire review the following dismissal decisions:[37]
Run out. If the on-field umpires are unable to decide if the batsman is out, they may request the third umpire to ascertain whether the batsman has made it home. Also, the case where both batsmen have run to the same end and the on-field umpires are uncertain over which batsman made his ground first. An example of this was the Third Test between New Zealand and the West Indies in 2006.[38]
Caught and Obstructing the field if both umpires are unsure. In some cases, the fielder may catch the ball a few inches above ground level. If the umpire’s vision is obscured or is unsure if the ball bounced before the fielder caught the ball, he can refer the decision. The third umpire also checks whether the delivery was a no-ball and whether the batsman hit the ball.
Whether the delivery caused any dismissal was a no-ball.
Note the on-field umpires may not request the Third Umpire review an LBW decision (apart from whether the delivery was a no-ball).
The on-field umpires may also request the Third Umpire review the following:
Boundary calls (to see if a batter hit a four or a six). In some cases, the ball may bounce just a foot inside the boundary rope resulting in four runs. If the umpire needs to ascertain if it had been a 4 or a 6, he may consult the third umpire. Near the boundary, often a fielder may dive to save the ball from traveling beyond the boundary. If the fielder makes any simultaneous contact with the boundary and the cricket ball, 4 runs are declared. A third umpire may also be consulted in such a case.
Whether the ball has hit cameras on or over the field of play.
Umpire Reviews are also available to the on-field umpires when there is a Third umpire but the full UDRS is not in use. In this case, the Third umpire uses television replays (only) to come to a decision, and not the additional technology such as ball-tracking. [39]
The scoreboard shows several DRS unsuccessful Player Reviews remaining for India (2) and England (2).
A fielding team may use the system to dispute a “not out” decision and a batting team may use it to dispute an “out” decision. The fielding team captain or the batter being dismissed invokes the challenge by signaling a “T” with the arms or arm and bat. A challenge is only used in situations that did or could result in dismissal: for example, to determine if the ball is a legal catch (making contact with the batter’s bat or glove and not touching the ground before being held by a fielder), or if a delivery made the criteria for an LBW dismissal.
Once the challenge is invoked, acknowledged, and agreed upon, the Third Umpire reviews the play.
Each team can initiate referrals until they reach the limit of unsuccessful reviews. [40] This limit is three unsuccessful review requests per inning during a Test match and two unsuccessful review requests per inning during a One Day International or T20I (This limit was temporarily been raised to three per inning for tests and two for one-day matches from July 2020 as a COVID-19-related rule change but has since become permanent. [41]). From 2013 until September 2017, the number of reviews available for a team in a Test innings was topped up to two after 80 overs. From October 2017, if the on-field decision remains unchanged because the DRS shows “umpire’s call”, the team will not lose its review. [42][43][44]
As DRS became more commonplace in the game, there were perceptions that the game was becoming too forensic and technical in decision-making and that there was a risk that on-field umpires would become nothing more than “glorified coat stands”.[45]
To better finesse the system ‘Umpire’s Call’ was introduced in 2016 by the International Cricket Council. Umpire’s Call is a way of saying the original decision made by the on-field umpire should stand. The rules of the referral system say that there needs to be a “clear mistake” by the on-field umpire to reverse the decision.
There are numerous parameters by which a leg before wicket (LBW) decision is adjudged to be a clear mistake, including:
i) did the ball pitch in line with the stumps?
ii) did the batsman hit the ball first with his bat? (i.e. the ball hitting the pad first is a pre-condition of any decision to be given out to an LBW call)
iii) did the ball hit the batsman’s pad in line with the stumps?
iv) what percentage of the ball hit the stumps? (usually decided by hawk-eye “ball tracking” system)
Umpire’s Call is a way of saying that there is not a “clear mistake”, and therefore the original on-field decision should stand. Furthermore, if the original decision stands as Umpire’s Call, then the appealing team retains the review. [46]
The implementation of a Umpire’s Call has been noted in other sports whereby similar issues have arisen in the case of highly marginal decisions (i.e. not a “clear mistake) which are perceived to be unfairly decided by forensic and technical means. [47][48][49]
On April 4, 2021, in the International Cricket Council committee meeting led by Anil Kumble, the height margin of the Wicket Zone was lifted to the top of the stumps to ensure the same Umpire’s Call margin around the stumps for both height and width.[50]
The third umpire then looks at various TV replays from different angles, concludes, and then reports to the on-field umpire whether their analysis supports the original call, contradicts the call, or is inconclusive. The on-field umpire then makes the final decision: either re-signaling a call that is standing or revoking a call that is being reversed and then making the corrected signal. Only clearly incorrect decisions are reversed; if the Third Umpire’s analysis is within established margins of error or is otherwise inconclusive, the on-field umpire’s original call stands.[51]
In 2013, ICC tested a broadcaster-free replay system. Under the experiment, a non-match umpire sits in a separate room with a giant monitor and has discretion over which replays to see rather than relying on the broadcaster. The non-match umpire mirrors the role of the third umpire without having the duty of making adjudications. The system was first used in an Ashes Test (where Nigel Llong performed the duties of non-match umpire) and was repeated in a Pakistan-Sri Lanka ODI.[52]
After The Ashes in 2013, the ICC started to take steps to give third umpires access to instant replays. This is regardless of calls being referred to by on-field umpires. By doing so, ICC wants to make sure that any obvious mistakes are avoided in the future.[53]
The Decision Review System has generally received positive responses from players and coaches since its launch. Because of its positive response, the ICC has attempted to apply a uniform application of DRS in all cricket games around the world, but this has been difficult for some countries to implement. Some countries, especially the poorer ones, are unable to afford the technology and choose to use parts of it or not use it at all.[54] The technology is often used by broadcasters to bring an even more vivid analysis of specific plays and games. It was designed to eradicate the errors of umpires, and it has done so in many games.
However, there have been some negative responses to the DRS technology as well. West Indies legend Joel Garner labeled the system a “gimmick”.[55] Another West Indian Ramnaresh Sarwan said that he was not a supporter of the experimental referral system. [56] Former umpire Dickie Bird also criticized the system, saying it undermines the authority of on-field umpires.[57] The BCCI has expressed a skeptical view on the adoption of the system if it is near perfect. [58] Pakistani spinner Saeed Ajmal expressed dissatisfaction over the Decision Review System after a semi-final of the 2011 Cricket World Cup against India. He said that DRS showed the line of the ball deviating more than it did. [59] Hawk-Eye officials admitted in December 2014 that their review technology made an error in a decision to give Pakistan opener Shan Masood out in the second Test against New Zealand in Dubai (17-21 November 2014). At a meeting held at the ICC office in Dubai two weeks later, Hawk-Eye is understood to have conceded to Pakistan captain Misbah-ul-Haq and team manager Moin Khan that the projection used by their technology for the Leg before wicket decision was incorrect.[60] Also, a challenge can only be made by the captain within a 15-second window from when an initial decision is made, but it can be lengthened if no clear decision is made, especially they are assumed not out if there is no reaction by the umpire.
During the 2012/2013 domestic season, Cricket Australia trialed a review system in the domestic one-day competition where the third umpire could intervene and review any out or not out decision. The review system was unpopular among players and critics, and the Australian International Twenty20 captain George Bailey called the system “shocking and embarrassing”.[61] The review system was dropped by Cricket Australia after only two rounds of the competition. [62]
During an ODI between Australia and South Africa in June 2016, Hawk-Eye‘s accuracy came under criticism after AB de Villiers was dismissed clean bowled by Josh Hazlewood but subsequent Hawk-Eye trajectory prediction of the same delivery showed that the ball would go over the stumps. [63]
An analysis of more than 2,100 Player Reviews between September 2009 and March 2017 found that:[64][65]
26% of Player Reviews resulted in on-field decisions being overturned.
Reviews by batsmen were less frequent than reviews by bowling teams, as 41% of reviews were by batsmen and 59% by bowling teams.
Reviews by batsmen were more likely to be successful, with a 34% success rate, compared to a success rate of about 20% for bowling teams.
74% of referrals were for LBW, 18% for wicketkeeper catches, and the rest for catches elsewhere or for indeterminate reasons. The success rate was only 22% for LBW, compared to 40% for wicketkeeper catches.
There were on average about 1.4 batting overturns and 1.2 bowling overturns per match. Initial fears that DRS would bring an increase in the number of dismissals have, therefore, not come true.
^“ICC Men’s One Day International Playing Conditions Effective 30 September 2018”. ICC. 30 September 2018. Archived from the original on 6 December 2019. Retrieved 14 January 2020. Appendix D, paragraph 1.1.6, THIRD UMPIRE (NON-DRS), Replays that can be used: The third umpire shall only have access to replays of any camera images. Other technology that may be in use by the broadcaster for broadcast purposes (for example, ball-tracking technology, sound-based edge detection technology, and heat-based edge detection technology) shall not be used during Umpire Reviews.
^“Solving the Premier League’s VAR mess: Our reporters’ proposals on how to end technology debate”. The Telegraph. 30 December 2019. Archived from the original on 22 July 2020. Retrieved 30 August 2020. Football should take the lead from cricket when it comes to the use of video technology, especially with the closest calls. The first decision of the on-field umpire still counts with LBW appeals that clip the stumps, or contentious catches which may or may not have bounced into the hand. The same logic should apply to football’s offside rule.
^ Hogan, Jesse (28 November 2012). “One-dayer umpire shift”. The Sydney Morning Herald. Archived from the original on 14 July 2020. Retrieved 14 July 2020.
In a recent media briefing at the Presidential Media Center, Wajira Abeywardena, Chairman of the United National Party (UNP) and Member of Parliament in Sri Lanka, shed light on the crucial role of the Regulation of Election Expenditure Act No 3 of 2023. Passed in early 2023, the Act aims to keep a check on the funding sources of Sri Lanka’s 75 registered political parties. Abeywardena highlighted that the political parties’ division has been a source of numerous challenges since the country’s independence. Furthermore, he drew attention to Sri Lanka’s high number of political parties, which is unusual compared to other Asian countries.
Regulation of Election Expenditure Act
In an attempt to bring transparency and accountability within the political landscape, the Regulation of Election Expenditure Act was passed last year. The Act was designed to monitor and scrutinize the funding sources of all registered political parties. This was a significant move considering Sri Lanka’s unusually high number of political parties.
President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Leadership
Abeywardena praised President Ranil Wickremesinghe for his leadership, particularly for his effective diplomacy during foreign trips. The President has managed to gain support from various world leaders, thus pushing Sri Lanka towards development. His leadership has attracted international attention and is seen as a beacon of progress in the country.
The Role of UNP’s Manifesto
Interestingly, Abeywardena suggested that the policies currently being implemented for the country’s benefit are based on the UNP’s manifesto. Despite its initial rejection in the 2020 elections, the manifesto seems to be influencing the ongoing governance model. Abeywardena encouraged politicians to familiarize themselves with its contents to understand the current governance scheme. Thus, the UNP’s manifesto, even after its initial rejection, continues to shape Sri Lanka’s political landscape.
This comes after an expert panel verified that the two countries have had consistently high coverage of Hepatitis B vaccine doses.
Maldives and Sri Lanka have achieved control over hepatitis B disease, the World Health Organization (WHO) announced on Wednesday.
The experts also reviewed the findings of national surveys conducted among children in 2022-2023, in these countries.(Shutterstock)
This comes after an expert panel verified that the two countries have had consistently high coverage of Hepatitis B vaccine doses in infants and a low prevalence of the deadly disease, corroborated through serological surveys conducted recently in both countries.
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“I congratulate and commend the Maldives and Sri Lanka on their achievement which once again demonstrates the earnest efforts being made by the health leaders and officials, health workers and the people of these countries towards the health and well-being of communities,” Dr Poonam Khetrapal Singh, Regional Director, WHO South-East Asia said.
The Expert Panel for Verification of Hepatitis B Control in WHO South-East Asia Region reviewed childhood immunisation data from the Maldives and Sri Lanka that showed consistent over 90 per cent coverage with Hepatitis B vaccine doses provided during infancy for the past many years.
The experts also reviewed the findings of national surveys conducted among children in 2022-2023, in these countries.
“Based on the evidence presented to it, the Expert Panel concluded that the standards required for verification of hepatitis B control have been met in both these countries and hence recommended that this important public health target has been achieved in Maldives and Sri Lanka,” said Dr Supamit Chunsuttiwat, chairperson of the Regional Expert Panel for verification of hepatitis B control in Southeast Asia.
Notably, the two countries join Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal and Thailand, who achieved the same feat in 2019, WHO stated in the release.
Preventing hepatitis B infection in infancy substantially reduces chronic infections and cases of liver cancer and cirrhosis in adulthood.
Meanwhile, hepatitis control continues to be an important public health initiative in the Southeast Asia Region of WHO, which comprises 11 countries and is home to a quarter of the world’s population.
The region has an estimated 60 million people living with chronic hepatitis B and 2,18,000 people dying every year of hepatitis B and C. Of the people eligible for antiviral treatment, only about 10 per cent know their status and less than 5 per cent of them are on treatment.
In 2016, the South-East Asia Regional Immunization Technical Advisory Group endorsed a regional goal of hepatitis B control with a target of reducing hepatitis B prevalence to less than 1 per cent among children aged at least 5 years.
Hepatitis B vaccine, as a part of the pentavalent vaccine, has been included in the national childhood immunisation schedule of all countries of the Region, with three doses of this vaccine provided to children during their first year of life. Eight countries of the Region also have a policy of providing a birth dose of the Hepatitis B vaccine to newborn babies.
According to WHO, the region made good progress in improving immunisation coverage of the pentavalent vaccine until 2019. However, there was a decline in coverage in several countries of the Region in 2020 and 2021 following the COVID-19 pandemic. *
Intensive efforts in countries have resulted in the revival of childhood immunization coverage to pre-pandemic levels in several countries and the WHO and UNICEF estimates for 2022 show that the overall coverage of 3rd dose of pentavalent vaccine has recovered to the pre-pandemic level of 91 per cent in the region, a sharp increase from 82 per cent coverage level reported in 2021.
Dr Khetrapal Singh further stressed that countries also need to focus on improving the Hepatitis B vaccine birth dose, which continues to have a relatively slow uptake with an estimated coverage of only 58 per cent in the region in 2022.
She said that one of the key barriers to achieving high hepatitis B vaccine birth dose coverage remains the high proportion of home deliveries, that do not allow timely access of the Hepatitis B vaccine to these newborns.
The Regional Director further added that inequities in immunisation service delivery, suboptimal awareness and training of health staff at birthing facilities, particularly in terms of false contraindications and fear of adverse events following immunisation, also contribute to sub-optimal coverage of Hepatitis B vaccination coverage.
“The control of hepatitis B through immunisation is a priority for our region. Achieving the control goal is a critical step as we progress towards the elimination of mother-to-child transmission of the hepatitis B virus,” the Regional Director said.
WHO’s ‘triple elimination initiative’ encourages countries to simultaneously commit to such elimination together with HIV and syphilis – further pushing the agenda for integrated service delivery.
“Hepatitis must be prevented and treated. In addition to vaccination, continued efforts are needed to scale up other preventive measures such as safe injection, safe blood and infection prevention and control,” Dr Khetarapal Singh added.
Colombo, Jan. 17 (Daily Mirror)- The Russian Federation has donated USD 1.5 million worth of sunflower oil to Sri Lanka through the UN World Food Programme, the President’s Media Division (PMD) said.
The official handing over ceremony took place at the Partnership Secretariat for World Food Programme Co-operation (PSWFPC) premises in Colombo, yesterday (16).
Accordingly, the Russian Federation has granted 130.41 MT of fortified Sunflower oil through the World Food Programme (WFP).
The initial batch of 351.9 metric tons (MT) was received on July 4, 2023, followed by a second instalment of 130.41 MT, received on December 30, 2023 (117.3MT), and January 4, 2024 (13.11).
This benevolent initiative falls under the Emergency Responsive Programme (ERP), channelling Russian aid directly to low-income and vulnerable families across the nation.
The impact of this assistance has reached 8,625 households, particularly in the districts of Batticaloa, Nuwara Eliya and Trincomalee.
The total contribution from the Russian Federation now stands at an impressive 482.31 MT, garnering immense appreciation for the humanitarian efforts extended by the people of Russia to the people of Sri Lanka.
This collaborative effort highlights the spirit of international solidarity in addressing the pressing needs of communities facing economic challenges, marking a significant milestone in the enduring relationship between the Russian Federation and Sri Lanka.
Sri Lanka’s Budget 2024 has ambitious proposals that could push the country forward, however, it continues to stare at a long road to economic recovery
The recently passed 2024 Budget has many promises but when judging Sri Lanka by its past, it falls short of the revenue needed to fulfill expenditures for key proposals in the budget. The budget posed a significant dilemma for Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesinghe. He had to balance the needs of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) programme but at the same time, ward off pressure from his coalition to produce a populist budget as 2024 is an election year. Sri Lanka is currently in its 17th IMF programme and has been under various such programmes since 1965, of which it has completed only nine programmes.
Positives from the budget
Sri Lanka’s Budget 2024 has interesting proposals that can drive the country forward. Tenets living on public housing schemes are to be given ownership of the land and estate workers are to be given land. This is an important step since 82 percent of land in Sri Lanka is owned by the government, so this will enable the people receiving land ownership to use the land as collateral to finance any initiative.
The Central Bank Act has been passed, and its key features include removing the Treasury Secretary from the Monetary Board, disallowing the Central Bank from purchasing directly from the primary market, and having price stability as its core objective.
The small and medium enterprises sector which contributes to 52 percent of Sri Lanka’s GDP has been given concessionary loans. This can help most of these enterprises survive as many of them are on the verge of collapse. INR 450 billion has been allocated to the capital improvement of the banking sector, and 20 percent of the shares of the two largest public banks are to be privatised. As state banks have played a key role in lending to the government which has allowed for large fiscal deficits, the privatisation of state banks will bring in accountability and transparency. The Central Bank Act has been passed, and its key features include removing the Treasury Secretary from the Monetary Board, disallowing the Central Bank from purchasing directly from the primary market, and having price stability as its core objective. This will result in greater fiscal discipline as the government cannot rely on monetary finance. Sri Lanka also being shut out of international capital markets meant the only option was to borrow from state banks which is the reason they need recapitalisation. Partial privatisation will result in greater fiscal discipline.
The government has also made budget proposals with regard to international trade. Sri Lanka remains one of the most protected economies in the world with a higher share of the non-tradable sector. Non-tariff import taxes are to be phased out. This can result in a decrease in revenue but will help manufacturing as 80 percent of imports are intermediate and capital goods needed for production. A single window for border management agencies is to be established. Modernisation of customs laws and new free trade agreements are positive developments. A larger focus has also been placed on capital expenditure at a staggering INR 375 billion on roads and urban development which will try to address the infrastructural shortfalls in Sri Lanka. Though this will cause a strain on the fiscal balance, the government sees it as needed to attract investment with the correct infrastructure in place.
A larger focus has also been placed on capital expenditure at a staggering INR 375 billion on roads and urban development which will try to address the infrastructural shortfalls in Sri Lanka.
The government has also proposed establishing new state and foreign universities and looking at the option of interest-free student loans to promote human capital. This means many students can pursue education outside the state university system.
Budget challenges
This budget comes with its challenges too. It has been drafted from a very difficult position for the government. The number of poor living in Sri Lanka has increased from 3 million in 2019 to 7 million. The economy had contracted by 7.8 percent in 2022 and 7.9 percent in the first half of 2023. Though inflation has come under control, last year’s high inflation of 70 percent has already reduced the purchasing power of the Sri Lankan consumer.
In this economic climate, the IMF programme is largely focusing on a revenue-based fiscal consolidation, as Sri Lanka has one of the lowest government revenue-to-GDP ratios in the world. As nearly 60 percent of the tax revenue comes from goods and services taxes, it will be challenging to raise the needed revenue as the economy is contracting. The government is expecting a year-on-year tax increase of 47 percent with the budget but the only major tax change from last year is the increase in Value Added Tax rate from 15 percent to 18 percent. This will be a challenge as Sri Lanka has not met its revenue targets since 2000.
For the last 23 years, Sri Lanka has failed to meet the revenue targets set out in its budget. The Sri Lankan government aims to raise revenue by 45 percent with the 2024 budget but for the first 9 months of 2023, revenue fell short by 29 percent. This inability to meet its revenue targets is also a key reason for the delay in the release of the second tranche from the IMF to Sri Lanka.
The IMF programme is largely focusing on a revenue-based fiscal consolidation, as Sri Lanka has one of the lowest government revenue-to-GDP ratios in the world.
The government will have to increase the VAT base or decrease the VAT thresholds to increase further revenue. For a country of 22 million people, less than 300,000 people have personal income tax files and from that, less than 60,000 have paid income taxes as of 2022. The budget has mentioned plans to increase the personal income tax base as well. A personal income tax number is required to open a bank current account or renew a vehicle annual license. The government hopes to increase the tax base through such measures.
But the biggest challenge is implementation and accountability. Greater fiscal transparency was also termed as necessary by the IMF. According to Verite Research, the progress is unknown for proposals that used 97 percent of the funds. The lack of implementation is a greater concern —certain proposals have been in many budgets in the past and have never been implemented. So this raises the question of how likely these proposals are to be implemented.
The road ahead
Sri Lanka has a long road ahead for economic recovery. Currently, public debt is at 128 percent of GDP and according to the IMF targets, it is to be brought down to 95 percent by 2032. The challenge remains revenue collection and Sri Lanka has a formidable task ahead on this front. Fiscal transparency, accountability, and implementation are key. The focus on improving international trade, privatisation, and increased capital expenditure is positive news for the long-term economic growth of Sri Lanka. A lot depends on the upcoming elections and the politics building up to it which will decide Sri Lanka’s path ahead as the nation stands at a crossroads.
Talal Rafi is an Economist and an Expert Member of the World Economic Forum.
A senior Japanese diplomat attached to the Japanese Embassy in Colombo, speaking to Ceylon Today in terms of anonymity, claimed that a homegrown solution will not help Sri Lanka overcome the present economic crisis. He pointed out that the Gotabaya Rajapaksa Administration’s attempt to resolve the then-developing catastrophe with a homegrown approach failed. Therefore, in his thinking, the sole solution for Sri Lanka lies with the IMF’s Extended Fund Facility (EFF) as the only way forward.
This Japanese diplomat, who was not authorised to make such observations, obviously has not heard of the age-old adage that if you fail once, try again. Had we accepted a failed attempt or for that matter multiple failed attempts as the reason not to keep trying, then we would still be under the LTTE’s terror reign.
Therefore, before we blindly accept this anonymous statement as a qualifying recommendation, we need to comprehend two factors:
1.) The reasons for Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s homegrown solution to fail;
2.) Whether the factors that contributed to Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s homegrown solution are still true.
At the same time, we need to understand the impact the EFF is having on our economy. The EFF is almost fondly known as the IMF’s bailout” package. While this facility did much to restore the external creditor confidence, it is hardly a bailout package. It is more of an austerity programme imposed on a society that is both indisciplined and illiterate financially.
Why did Gotabaya’s Homegrown Solution fail?
The tax holidays granted by President Gotabaya to the business community is widely blamed as the root cause of the economic crisis. Economic experts as Dr. Nalaka Godahewa, who played a pivotal role in bringing President Gotabaya to power, criticise this move. Many who were in the core team responsible for President Gotabaya’s position suspect that the tax cuts were a brainchild of the neoliberal team President Gotabaya attached to after entering Office.
It is unclear who actually advised President Gotabaya to grant these tax concessions to the business community. However, whether it was an ill-advised strategy is highly debatable. Those who condemn these tax breaks forget the economy President Gotabaya inherited.
The Much-Condemned Tax Breaks
Next to the war-torn Afghanistan, our economy in 2019 was the worst performing in the region. The rest of the region was thriving. Unemployment has risen by half a million and the business community was hanging by their fingernails. It was taking this bleak scenario that President Gotabaya declared the tax concessions as well as moratoriums on bank loans.
The logic was to give the business communities the much-needed breathing space to pick up their pace. Without the burden of having to pay heavy taxes, the businesses could then invest that money into their businesses.
Money invested in modern technology, the latest machinery, new markets etcetera can only translate into one thing – growth. With growth, employment opportunities increase, the cost of production decreases and productivity expands. As sales of companies and personal incomes of individuals grow, so does the revenue collected by the Government as taxes.
Today, parapet and other public walls are defaced with spray-painted slogans demanding to tax the rich. Those who demand the rich to be taxed and wealth to be distributed to the poor demonstrate their ignorance on the concept of tax. The rich, or rather the investors as entrepreneurs should either pay taxes or put their money into the economy and increase the wealth in the country.
Governments must be clever enough to incentivise the business community (the so-called rich”) to contribute to the economy in ways governments cannot. Increasing employment opportunities is one thing that is best left in the hands of the private rather than the public sector.
When employment can be easily gained in the private sector, the public sector would be free to hire the most competent and remarkable heads. Governments must concentrate on hiring the best, compensate them well above market price and insist on outstanding performance. If that could be achieved, then most of the woes we suffer from the public sector as inefficiency and a bulging but unproductive workforce would be resolved or at the very least minimised. However, to come to that point, the private sector must be booming with enough employment opportunities across the society’s strata.
The Pandemic
Most unfortunately, the Covid-19 virus that emerged even before President Gotabaya could warm up his seat and which quickly flared into a pandemic within three months put a spanner into the economic recovery plans. The whole world went into lockdown.
Sri Lanka, a country that depends almost entirely on exports but with limited forex revenue avenues lost most of its income routes almost overnight. Conversely, our expenses soared as the entire responsibility of managing the pandemic as well as the social securities of the population fell on the Government. Still, the Gotabaya Administration overcame all obstacles and challenges.
Yet, the developing economic crisis could not be contained. This is not because of the weaknesses of the homegrown solution. In fact, the homegrown solution fell victim to factors that were entirely political than financial.
The Protests
The first factor that contributed to the economic crisis was the protests. Since the day President Gotabaya assumed Office, numerous protests took place. In the early days, these protests amounted to a simple nuisance. President Gotabaya appointed a task force comprising the senior most officers with proven track records to personally look into the protestors’ grievances. These protestors simply melted away as the pandemic struck the island nation.
However, as the pandemic’s second cycle ended, protests from various quarters emerged. When the health sector decided to take trade union action, which could have derailed the anti-Covid-19 vaccine programme, the military took over and did a better job.
When the farmers took to the streets demanding agrochemical fertilisers, the Government was still able to ignore the protests. This indifference caused deep wounds among the agrarian communities. Considering that it is these communities that hold President Gotabaya’s vote base, the Government should have taken their contention more seriously.
It was however the teachers’ protests over salary anomalies – an issue that has been festering for a quarter of a century – that really took a toll on the already fragile economy. Instead of being the strict disciplinarian expected by President Gotabaya’s voters, his Government played being the nice guy. This did not resolve the problem but dragged it on for weeks. Consequently, the third lockdown got elongated as the number of Covid-19 patients and deaths increased. To the economy, it was akin to beating one who has a headache with a stick.
As the third cycle elongated and economic recovery slowed down, our economy began to collapse. This gave rise to anti-government protests as we ran out of forex to pay for our energy sources.
Politics at its Worst
By this time, President Gotabaya’s support base had fractured and he was losing support from the very ones who brought him to power. For reasons not entirely clear, the then Finance Ministry’s top guns ignored the Central Bank’s (CBSL) recommended roadmaps. These officials also refused to adjust to the prevailing situation and refused to increase fuel prices or ration it altogether.
As CBSL struggled to protect the LKR, unofficial and illegal USD exchanging channels emerged. Again, top management from the CBSL, Finance Ministry and the Government failed to stop these channels. As a result, forex that was slowly trickling into the country bypassed official channels and was directly transacted via systems as undial. Soon the banks’ forex dwindled. Consequently, banks could not even open a Letter of Credit for manufacturers to import their raw materials.
In the end, it was not the merits of the homegrown solution that failed the nation. It was the nation with its myopia, politicians with self-serving agendas and a government that mismanaged its political platform that failed the homegrown solution.
Presently, the pandemic is a fading memory. Recent reports of a new variant hardly causes a stir. The incumbent President Ranil Wickremesinghe is on a borrowed mandate and his Parliamentary support is sketchy. However, he is one politician who knows how to contain a protest. His political opponents bark at him but dare not bite him. However, unlike President Gotabaya, his successor does not have much faith in our solutions.
The IMF, which recently granted the second tranche, has expressed their satisfaction with our performance. However, the brain drain that has accelerated since the bailout” indicates that Sri Lankans are not happy with the changes shaping our economy under the IMF’s guidance. This gives rise to the most pertinent question of all – can we recover from the prevailing economic crisis with just the IMF’s helping hand?
ranasingheshivanthi@gmail.com
(The views and opinions expressed in this column are writer’s own and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of Ceylon Today)
The Supreme Court has declared former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s decision to grant presidential pardon to former MP Duminda Silva, convicted and sentenced to death for the murder of Bharatha Lakshman Premachandra, as invalid.
The relevant court order was issued by a three-judge bench of the Supreme Court when several petitions filed by the late Premachandra’s wife and daughter, Sumana and Hirunika Premachandra and former Commissioner of the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) Attorney-at-Law Ghazali Hussain, was taken up in court this morning (17 Jan.).
The judge bench was presided over by Justice Preethi Padman Surasena and consisted Justices Gamini Amarasekara and Arjuna Obeysekara.
Thus, the Commissioner General of Prisons was instructed by the Supreme Court to take the relevant measures necessary so as to impose the impending sentence against Duminda Silva, adding that former President Gotabaya had failed to follow the proper legal procedure when granting the said amnesty.
Accordingly, the Supreme Court ordered the Commissioner General of Prisons to take steps to implement the sentence previously imposed on this petitioner.
President Ranil Wickremesinghe took centre stage in a recent roundtable discussion organized by the Consortium of Indian Industry (CII) and World Economic Forum yesterday (16), unveiling a comprehensive economic vision for Sri Lanka.
The President emphasized the successful resolution of supply bottlenecks, the removal of import restrictions and the restoration of foreign exchange liquidity as key factors contributing to sustained economic growth.
Sri Lanka is actively expanding its trade agreements, with a recently completed comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with Singapore and an upcoming FTA with Thailand in February. Ongoing discussions with India, China, and Southeast Asian nations highlight the nation’s commitment to global economic integration.
President Wickremesinghe welcomed private investments, particularly in infrastructure development and the divestment of state-owned enterprises. Lucrative opportunities for potential investors were highlighted in key sectors such as telecommunications, financial services, and energy. The collaborative efforts with India on renewable energy projects, focusing on offshore wind and solar sources, underscored the commitment to sustainable energy solutions. Plans for a high-capacity power grid and bidirectional electricity trade further showcased the dedication to energy and power connectivity.
Bilateral trade and economic engagement were central themes, with plans outlined for liberalizing trade in goods and services, customs cooperation, and trade facilitation with India. The emphasis on technology cooperation and the use of the Indian rupee for trade settlement reflects a commitment to strengthening economic ties. Sri Lanka’s vision also extends to tourism and people-to-people connectivity, fostering cultural and educational collaborations.
Engaging with top Indian CEOs across various sectors, President Wickremesinghe discussed opportunities in supply chain efficiency, healthcare, consumer products, telecom, and clean energy. The roundtable positioned Sri Lanka as an attractive destination for diverse investments. Recognizing the importance of digital technologies in logistics, the President highlighted the potential for collaboration in enhancing infrastructure efficiency.
In conclusion, President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s dynamic vision, shared during the roundtable, underscores Sri Lanka’s commitment to economic prosperity, regional collaboration, and sustainable development. The dialogue with Indian CEOs lays the groundwork for robust partnerships and investments, fostering a new era of economic growth for Sri Lanka.
State Minister for Transport Lasantha Alagiyawanna has assured that the ongoing issue in the issuance of driver’s licenses would be addressed by October, with a shift towards providing permanent licenses through a one-day service rather than temporary ones.
Speaking at a news conference held at the Presidential Media Centre under the theme ‘Collective Path to a stable country’ today (Jan.17), the state minister outlined plans to elevate all district offices responsible for issuing driving licenses to the status of the head office in Werahera by the end of this year.
Alagiyawanna, elaborating on the transportation initiatives under President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s guidance, emphasized the ministry’s commitment to delivering efficient public transport services through modern technology. He highlighted the ongoing programs and the ministry’s efforts to amend the existing motor vehicle act, introducing a new act.
In the interest of road safety, steps are being taken to streamline the speed limit process to reduce accidents. While alcohol detection is currently operational for drivers, a new initiative targets legal action against drivers under the influence of drugs, implemented nationwide since this year, with an initial phase in the Western and Southern Provinces.
To enhance driver education and safety, plans are afoot to implement a program to inform drivers about first aid in the event of an accident, with future intentions to incorporate related questions into the driver’s license test.
With approximately 8.9 million vehicles and 8.5 million licensed drivers in the country, efforts are underway to standardize all district offices issuing licenses to the level of the Werahera head office by year-end.
Further developments include facilitating driver’s licenses for foreigners at airports by April and resolving the current challenges in license issuance by October. The commitment extends to replacing temporary licenses with permanent ones through expedited one-day services.
‘Before you study the economics, study the economists!’
e-Con e-News 07-13 January 2023
Sri Lanka has been invaded 17 times throughout its known history, mostly from South India, suggests Wasantha Bandara. We can now pay in dollars & rupees for front-row seats to Invasion No. 18 – with our hands chained behind our backs. An Indo-US United War Supply Centre is to be set up in Gokanna (aka Cheena Varaaya aka Trincomalee), to prepare for Sri Lanka’s vassalage as India’s 29th state, with Tamil Eelam aka Tamilnadu South sliced out as India’s 30th satrapy. To achieve all this, 6 international agendas are being imposed simultaneously, and include the management of chaos (a seeming oxymoron) to further weaken Sinhala Buddhist culture, and to subdue the economy under a so-called IMF-mudalali’s ‘free market’, i.e., domination by US multinational corporations (MNCs) & banks. (see ee Focus)
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The SL President’s ‘bombshell’ of joining in the USA’s threat to block the Red Sea, appears as yet another media-spun diversion:
With regard to attempts by Sri Lanka to send ships to the Red Sea, Wickremesinghe said Sri Lanka did not have the capacity to send a ship by itself: ‘The Navy indicated if they were to go, they would like to go with some cover. However, we do not want any Israeli participation in this freedom of navigation operation. We will support whatever measures are taken by the Arab world to mitigate the problems in the Middle East.’ – ee Sovereignty, President tells Arab envoys Lanka wants immediate ceasefire in Gaza
Perhaps this media fog was to divert from Parliament this week, taking advantage of foggy gregorian new-year hangovers, to pass (without the usual media hip-hip hurrahs & saturated repetition) several bills, including a ‘Recognition & Enforcement of International Settlement Agreements Resulting from Mediation Bill’. This Bill will ‘ratify the Singapore Convention on Mediation’, which allows ‘international mediated settlement agreements’ (with MNCs?) to be enforced across national borders, instead of relying on local courts to enforce ‘contracts.’ Will US BlackRock send in private militia Blackwater (now rebranded Academi!) to demand instant dividends for their investments, or else?ee spent much of December 2023 examining the history of the World Bank’s International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID). This Singapore Convention is apparently an indispensable cat’s paw for ICSID.
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• The rule of the ‘Panchikavatte Mafia’ due to the privatization of transport here, has been a disaster, notes the Communist Party of Sri Lanka‘s alternate program. As ‘the bourgeoisie depends on imports for its wealth’, the promotion of private vehicles has led to bloody mayhem (5 killed, many more maimed, per day) on the roads. This Panchikavatte Mafia (with their iconic & ironic shop signs: ‘Silencers & Body Parts’) are actually quarterbacked by the USA’s World Bank, and its yipping poodles India & Japan, who with their hand-me-down cars and always-breakdown 3wheelers (not a single part yet made here) strangle our road transport. Alongside the undermining of local energy sources (see the many ees on what happened to DJ ‘Laxapana’ Wimalasurendra, & the Mannar Basin), the sabotage of our 1960s nationalization to challenge the petroleum mafia, has been led by England & the US, whose main corporation Exxon, owned by the Rockefellers, sets primary US foreign policy (in Panchikavatte as in Palestine).
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• It is no coincidence that the Colombo Stock Exchange (CSE, rigged, according to the President himself) surged bullish last week. Media says this was due to the arrival of Japan’s (warmongering) finance minister Shun’ichi Suzuki, & yet another IMF team. (see ee Finance)
So, this scammy CSE got excited about Shun’ichi Suzuki’s visit from US-occupied Japan. After all, he is also a governor of the US-controlled IMF, European Bank for Reconstruction & Development (EBRD), and Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). A member of the warmongering Nippon Kaigi, and the Shikōkai faction of Japan’s cutely called Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), Suzuki denies war crimes against other Asian countries (then again, so do their white sponsors), and not just those Chinese & Korean women Japan forced during WWII into prostitution. Other Nippon Kaigi members include prime ministers Fumio Kishida, Tarō Asō, Shinzō Abe, & Yoshihide Suga. So, he’s a fighting man keeping good company.
The media forgot to include that the CSE excitement was also bolstered by the synchronized visits of another agent of the Rockefellers (who fund the purportedly Sri Lankan Office for National Unity & Reconciliation – ONUR, which suddenly swung to life again), and England’s Vice Admiral Tim Laurence (sans his battleships) & his spouse Anglo-German Princess Anne (who some thought was married to a horse). Hanover Anne sans horse also visited MAS Holdings – which reminds of the profits English corporations squeeze from supplying the many imported inputs, which this garment fraud depends on. The Hun Princess, while visiting English war graves in Jawatte, forgot to visit the remains of earlier English imperialist invaders, who lie decaying and unmarked midst Borella Kanatte’s Anglican burial quarters (they too wish to forget 1818, 1848, etc).
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‘The International Monetary & Financial Committee, which oversees the IMF, could not agree, by consensus, on the usual end-of-meeting ministerial communiqué for ‘geopolitical’ reasons. The Development Committee, which governs the World Bank Group, fared little better’. – see ee Focus
The US has imposed an ‘independent’ new Central Bank Act in Sri Lanka, supposedly to control ‘irresponsible’ money printing, but actually to ensure that our money is diverted into what they prioritize & to protect private money.
Here then is why the English Ceylon Tobacco Company (CTC)’s MP Harsha de Silva rather hysterically responded to the JVP’s assertion that the (ISB) international sovereign bondholders know the risks of investing in debt, and proudly take such risks (they’re supposed to be capitalists after all) and have in fact already been paid over and over again. This is not just a JVP position. Anybody who can count, knows there is no way we can escape this debt bondage without telling them to go to hell & ensuring we invest in modern industrialization.
It turns out CTC Harsha de Silva’s masters at the World Bank want public funds to be used to ‘de-risk’ or otherwise subsidize commercial finance, ostensibly to serve public policy priorities. This ee Focus – ‘World Bank Enables Private Capture of Profits, Public Resources’ – looks at how the recent Bretton Woods institutions’ annual meetings in Morocco in October 2023 (with Sri Lanka civil society yipping ‘Yeah, Yeah, Yeah’), ‘set the developing world even further back’, by failing to reform the USA’s control over these supranational bodies, as well as by providing no means to relieve the many severely ‘debt-distressed’ countries, not just Sri Lanka.
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• A (Rockefeller-funded) ‘alternative’ Sinhala weekly tabloid once reported: a leading MP, who they disparaged as a ‘nationalist’, was a front for imports from 89 corporations based in (US-occupied) Korea. (An exception perhaps – that tradition of investigative journalism seems to have gone sotto-sotto). Of course, our colonized media can never admit how they too are a front for foreign MNCs, with Unilever & Rockefeller’s Exxon leading the growling pack. And it’s not just media, their economists, too. We can’t be that surprised therefore that 2 ‘top’ economists & columnists, ex-Central Bank deputy WA Wijewardena & University of Colombo Prof S Abeyratne both inserted into articles – one on Oman, the other on chocolate – an ad for Unilever’s demand that Sri Lanka become a ‘tea hub’. According to late Merrill ‘Dilmah’ Fernando’s autobiography, serialized in The Island, the demand for a tea hub is the bullying attempt by the Unilever multinational to subvert the Ceylon tea brand by mixing it with lesser-quality teas from elsewhere.
Pathfinder Shipping with Indian and Norwegian partners are ready to reestablish the ferry link between six to nine months after approvals granted
As part of its overall objective of consolidating ties with institutions at governmental and nongovernmental levels in Tamil Nadu, a Pathfinder Foundation delegation visited Chennai to promote tourism and connectivity between Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka.
Bernard Goonetilleke, Chairman (PF) met with Thiru K. Ramachandran, Minister for Tourism, Government of Tamil Nadu, and Dr. K. Manivasan IAS, Additional Chief Secretary to Government, Tourism, Culture and Religious Endowments Department.
Mr. Goonetilleke briefed the Minister on the purpose of the PF delegation’s visit to Chennai. He said that one of the reasons for the visit was to promote tourism and connectivity between the two countries and to promote greater inflows of South Indian tourists to Sri Lanka.
He further stated that Pathfinder Shipping, a member of the MMBL-Pathfinder Group, along with its Indian and Norwegian partners are ready to reestablish the ferry link between Rameswaram and Talaimannar within six to nine months after approvals have been granted in keeping with the bilateral agreement between the two countries. Besides carrying passengers, the ferry service will also facilitate the movement of vehicles and containerized cargo by deploying ‘Roll on/Roll off’ vessels.
Mr. K. Ramachandran, Minister for Tourism, Government of Tamil Nadu welcomed the idea of recommencing the Rameswaram-Talaimannar ferry link, which was in operation from 1914 till about 1985 when the service was discontinued due to the security situation prevailing in the Northern Province of Sri Lanka. In the pre-conflict years, the service was extensively used by tourists, school children on educational tours, and pilgrims visiting Buddhist sites in India. Many Western tourists also used the ferry service for their transcontinental tours. The Chairman (PF) referred to the possibility of Sri Lankan pilgrims visiting South Indian Buddhist sites such as Amaravati, which could be accessed through the proposed ferry and rail service. In addition, Indian pilgrims interested in retracing the Ramayana trail and visiting Murugan temples in Kataragama and Jaffna, as well as the five ancient Eeswarams dedicated to Lord Shiva located in Sri Lanka, can use the ferry connection between Rameswaram and Talaimannar. Minister agreed that the South Indian pilgrims following the Murugan trail would be happy to use the restored ferry service.
The visit of the PF delegation to Chennai comes close on the heels of the release of the Pathfinder Foundation report off the ‘A Medium and Long-term Strategy for Indo-Japanese Collaboration to Support Economic Transformation in Sri Lanka’. PF report identified eight critical sectors for improving Indo-Lanka relations, of which Connectivity & Tourism form significant components. The report was released in New Delhi in August last year in association with two Indian think tanks, NatStrat and Vivekananda International Foundation.
The PF delegation also met with N. Ram, Director of The Hindu Publishing Group, a significant highlight of the visit, which enabled exchanging views on strengthening Sri Lanka –Tamil Nadu relations and particularly the opportunities and challenges in promoting tourism and connectivity between the two countries.
Bernard Goonetilleke, Chairman of PF was accompanied by Dr. Dayaratne Silva Executive Director of PF, Ahmed A. Jawad, Director, of Centre for Indo-Lanka Initiatives, and Mr. S. Kaleiselvam, former Director General of Sri Lanka Tourism Development Authority.
On July 20th, 1969, American Astronaut Neil Armstrong became the first man to set foot on the Moon. As he took the first tentative steps on the moon’s surface he uttered the immortal words “That’s one small step for man, one giant leap for mankind.”
At the same time, the television camera on the lunar module captured these historic moments. The television (TV) camera used by NASA (The National Aeronautics and Space Administration of USA) was a small robust camera first developed in 1928 by the Scottish innovator John Logie Baird.
The signals were received by tracking stations on Earth, and the footage was then broadcast to a global audience of over 600 million people worldwide. They watched the historic event, live on TV in black and white. The Moon landing was the most-watched event in television history during the sixties.
Unfortunately, countries like Sri Lanka (Then Ceylon) did not have a TV at that time, but many people were inquisitive as to what was happening on the moon (or Handa Mama, the Uncle Moon of Sri Lankan Children). Fortunately, Radio Ceylon (or SLBC) arranged to air the moment on the 20th of July night, probably by curtsey of BBC. Thousands of Sri Lankans gathered around their radios to listen to the running commentary of the moon landing and the historic words of Neil Armstrong. The very next day Neil Armstrong’s words were headline news in the Ceylon Daily News. The Sunday Observer and Times of Ceylon carried the photographs of the event the following weekend.
However, few lucky people working at Sri Lanka’s first satellite earth station which was commissioned at Padukka in 1968 could get access to live telecasts and pictures from the Moon during the Moon landing.
As the Minister of State, J.R. Jayewardene proposed the introduction of TV to Sri Lanka in 1965. However, the proposal was not accepted by the then-government of Dudley Senanayake.
Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike was keen to hold the 5th Non-Aligned Nations Conference in Colombo. It was held on 16–19 August 1976 at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall (BMICH). The telecommunication authorities made arrangements to telecast the proceedings all over the world using facilities at the Earth station. Sri Lankans were however deprived of watching the proceedings due to the non-availability of TVs in the country.
J.R. Jayewardene who came to power with five sixth (5/6th) majority in the parliament at the July 1977 election, decided to introduce TV.
The first TV station was established in the country in Pannipitiya by Independent Television Network (ITN) a brainchild of two cousin brothers Anil Wijewardene and Shan Wickremesinghe with the help of an American Investor. Initial transmission was made on 13th April 1979 and was limited to a 15-mile (24 km) radius of the city of Colombo. Though the station relayed colour TV programmes many people bought Black and White sets as colour TVs were much more expensive at the time.
But as a result of early viewers experiencing many disruptions and interference to programmes and complaining to the government it was acquired by the state on 5th June 1979. The late Mr. D. Thevis L. Guruge was appointed the Competent Authority and he contributed significantly to the development of the organisation. The unending soap opera ‘Kopi Kade’ first telecasted on August 4, 1986, with the story ‘Vahen Oro’ has been his brainchild to discuss social issues, and communicate the message to the general public.
Then on February 15, 1982, Rupavahini began broadcasting TV programmes with an opening speech from President J. R. Jayewardene. The funding for this TV station was donated by the Japanese government and two powerful transmitters covering the entire country were built and installed by Japanese technicians.
In 1992 government decided to allow private TV stations to be established and broadcast their programmes.
Since then there have been 12 TV stations and 44 channels in operation and it has become a very persuasive mass communication medium in Sri Lanka.
Communication Revolution
The foundation for the development of electronic communication systems was laid by Professor Samuel Morse of New York University. He developed a device for transmitting electrical signals along wires by making and breaking an electrical connection with code encoding. It was named ‘Telegraph.’
The first electronic text message or communication made through his telegraph system was established between Washington, D.C., and Baltimore, a city in Maryland on May 24, 1844. His message was ‘What hath God wrought?’ It can be translated as ‘See what God has done!’ He did this by introducing a coding system later named ‘Morse Code.’
Until Professor Morse developed the telegraph system, the printing press invented by Johannes Gutenberg was the main communication medium.
The Dutch introduced the printing press to Sri Lanka in 1737 and the British improved it further when they took over the maritime areas in 1796.
While printing remained the key format for mass messages the telegraph allowed instant communication over vast distances.
British brought telegraph technology to Sri Lanka with the establishment of a telegraphic circuit between Galle and Colombo in 1858. The system was used as the main communication methodology among the stations when a railway network was established commencing in 1864 between Colombo and Ambepussa.
The introduction of the Teleprinter in 1887, through a series of inventions by several engineers automated much of the work under the telegraph system. The device replaced skilled operators versed in Morse code with typists and machines communicating faster via Baudot code invented by Émile Baudot in the 1870s. A network of teleprinters connected by a system of switched exchanges led to an international message-transfer service called Telex.
In 1876 Alexander Graham Bell (a Scottish-born Canadian-American inventor, scientist and engineer) came out with an apparatus that allowed the human voice to travel through wires over long distances. This device was named ‘Telephone.’
Guglielmo Giovanni Maria Marconi, an Italian inventor and electrical engineer, studied the experiments carried out by others and developed the first apparatus for long-distance communication without wires in 1896. This technology allowed for the transmission of sound or other signals by modulation of electromagnetic waves.
Thus Marconi’s invention was called ‘Radio.’
Continuing with experiments on electromagnetic waves the Canadian inventor, Reginald A. Fessenden made a public wireless broadcast on Christmas Eve 1906.
The various wireless systems that were developed by inventors were called “Radio” by 1910. As the telephone and radio became easy to use and the fastest way to communicate with person-to-person, usage of the Telegraph faded away.
History of Television:
The idea of transmitting moving images over a distance was first conceptualized in the late 19th century. The German scientist Paul Gottlieb Nipkow laid the foundation of television by introducing a mechanical, rotating, geometrically operating image scanning device. This was considered the first television through the 1920s and 1930s.
Philo Farnsworth, the American Inventor made his first successful electronic television transmission on September 7, 1927.
The electronic television systems had replaced mechanically scanned systems by the early 1930s. David Sarnoff of Radio Corporation of America (RCA) played a crucial role in making electronic television sets to become commercially available.
Not much development work on Television was carried out during World War II. After the war, television became more widespread and accessible.
The 1950s saw the golden age of television, with the introduction of popular programs and the mass adoption of TV sets in households in the USA and other affluent countries (mainly the black and white TV sets). The remote control technology introduced in the same period made it easy for viewers to change channels. Additionally, cable television began to emerge, offering a wider range of channels and improved reception in areas with poor broadcast signals.
Although the first colour television broadcasts began in the 1950s, it did not widely adopt until the 1960s.
The cathode ray tube (CRT) televisions dominated the market for decades, but in the 1990s and 2000s, flat-screen technologies such as LCD/LED and plasma emerged. While a standard LCD monitor uses fluorescent backlights, an LED monitor uses light-emitting diodes for backlights. However, LED screens have superior picture quality. A plasma display panel (PDP) uses small cells containing plasma: ionized xenon or neon gas that responds to electric fields. The plasma screens have a widescreen option and are mainly used for movie theatres.
Since many young and old people became so engrossed with it glued to their screens, neglecting their work and also because it was a non-interactive device people started calling the TV an ‘Idiot Box.’
Satellite Communication and Television (1960s-1970s)
Sir Arthur C Clarke’s prediction that geostationary satellites could be used in facilitating global communication became true in the sixties and seventies with the launching of many communication satellites mainly by the USA.
The first satellite to relay voice signals was launched by the U.S. government’s Project SCORE (Signal Communication by Orbiting Relay Equipment) from Cape Canaveral, Florida, on December 19, 1958. It broadcast a taped message conveying Peace on earth and goodwill toward men everywhere” from U.S. Pres. Dwight D.
Satellite communication has revolutionised the global communication methodology making the ‘Global Village’ concept popularized by Marshall McLuhan, a Canadian media theorist, in the 1960s, a reality. It is essential for providing global connectivity, enabling various communication services, supporting critical applications, and contributing to advancements in diverse fields. Its significance extends to areas such as telecommunication, broadcasting, internet services, emergency response, scientific research, distance education and beyond.
People can now watch any Television programme relayed globally (Real-time) and speak to each other through land or mobile phones.
According to published statistics, there were over 1.7 billion TV households and 6.84 billion smartphones worldwide in 2023 and this figure will continue to grow and surpass 1.8 billion TVs and 7.5 billion smartphones by 2026.
The Olympic Games Tokyo 2020 reached a global broadcast audience of more than three (3) billion people, according to independent research conducted on behalf of the International Olympic Committee (IOC). Today at least 80% of the people in the world have the opportunity to watch the Olympics and other sporting events such as cricket, soccer, rugby, etc., live on TV. Thus TV has become one of the most interesting and entertaining innovations by mankind.
Furthermore, television as well as mobile phones have now gone smart with integrated internet connectivity and interactive features beyond traditional functionality. These features allow users to access a variety of online content, applications, and services directly through their television and/or smartphone, making them more versatile and connected devices.
Significant Impact on the Society
Not only TV is an entertainment tool, it is an educational tool, today. In this aspect, almost all the TV stations in Sri Lanka did a yeoman service to the student population during the COVID lockdown period and continue to do so with their educational programmes. TV has now become an effective tool in the distance education delivery system. It can be integrated into the curriculum to provide information either on a single lesson, a specific unit or even a full course.
In Sri Lanka, one of the private TV stations conducted a musical reality show in July 2005 allowing youth to showcase their talent without any discrimination. Many young men and women became singers, song composers, musicians, actors, and announcers etc, breaking the traditional barriers of entry into this field, as a result. Other channels too commenced similar programmes giving opportunities to thousands of Sri Lankans.
Some geopolitical analysts think that Mikhail Gorbachev’s launched glasnost (openness”) and perestroika (restructuring”) movement before Satellites changed the way news is distributed and received around the world mainly over the TV. Thus he avoided an uprising leading to trouble and Chaos in its constituent republics when people in the Soviet Union became aware of the freedom and the standard of living enjoyed by people in the free world countries.
Conclusion
The uttering of Neil Armstrong has come true in many areas of the lifestyle of people. One example is the Television (TV). Once referred to as the ‘idiot box’ has now become an ‘intelligent box’, thanks to continuous innovation and technological developments by scientists and engineers.
Rohan Abeygunawardena ACMA, CGMA.
The writer can be contacted on abeyrohan@gmail.com
The exposition of the Sacred Omniscient Relics of Deegawapiya Stupa and the Crest-Gem takes place at Abeysekararamaya, Yakkala today (Jan 16) for public veneration. These revered articles will be remaining there until the morning on January 18.
Further, arrangements have been made for the public veneration of these revered articles at the Vidyawansha Maha Pirivena, Gampaha from January 18 to 20, at Amara Viharaya, Raddolugama from 20 to 22, at Bodhirajaramaya, Raddolugama from 22 to 23 and at Minuwangoda Rajamaha Viharaya from 23 to 25.
The Devotees have the opportunity to witness and worship the Sacred Omniscient Relics and Crest-Gem. They also can support this meritorious act by making financial contributions to the restoration project.
NPP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake addressing a political rally.(File photo)
Navigating political landscape:
Sri Lanka’s next presidential election, scheduled between September and October 2024, has heightened the political atmosphere with anticipation. According to the Constitution of Sri Lanka, voters can elect a president for a five-year term. The election process involves limited ranked voting, allowing voters to express up to three ranked preferences for the president. If no candidate receives over 50% of valid votes on the first count, all candidates except the top two are eliminated. The second and third preferences of the eliminated candidates are then distributed until one of the remaining two candidates secures an outright majority. While this system has seen limited use in practice, citizens often choose to mark only one candidate, with many unaware that multiple candidates can be ranked.
In the current political landscape of Sri Lanka, the primary contenders are the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB), a political alliance led by opposition leader Sajith Premadasa, and the Jathika Jana Balavegaya, the National People’s Power (NPP), led by Anura Kumara Dissanayake. The Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPFA) is emerging with limited popularity. There are ongoing negotiations regarding the incumbent president, Ranil Wickremasinghe, who is expected to contest as a joint UNP and SLPFA candidate. The nation eagerly awaits the outcome of this significant political event.
As highlighted by the news media, NPP and SJB have attracted massive crowds to their election meetings, with significant attention focused on the NPP. In the 2019 presidential election, the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPFA) secured 52.25% of the votes, while the United National Party (UNP) gained 41.99% support. The NPP, on the other hand, received 3.16% of the votes.
Recent polls on election preferences in Sri Lanka reveal a dynamic and evolving political landscape. According to opinion polls by the National Health Policy Institute, Sri Lanka’s NPP, led by AK Dissanayake, has shown steady progress, garnering 51% of the votes. The upcoming presidential election promises to be a closely watched and contested event, reflecting the changing dynamics of public opinion.
The question delves into a fascinating aspect of social science research and the potential impact of public opinion polls on the opinions they aim to measure. Let’s break down the query:
The question is whether the public opinion polls, by measuring opinion, affect the opinion they measure?” This inquiry essentially explores the concept of reflexivity in social research. Reflexivity refers to the idea that the act of measuring or observing a phenomenon can, in turn, influence or change that phenomenon. In the context of public opinion polls, the question is whether the mere act of measuring people’s opinions can alter those opinions.
The question of whether, and how much, an instrument influences what it is designed to measure is analytically distinct from the question of its accuracy.” This statement emphasises the need to distinguish between two key aspects: the impact an instrument (in this case, public opinion polls) has on what it aims to measure and the accuracy of the measurements. Analysing the influence of the instrument on the measured opinions is a separate consideration from evaluating how accurately it captures those opinions.
Any reading, accurate or not, of the public mind will enter into.” This part suggests that regardless of whether the public opinion polls provide accurate or inaccurate readings, the results will still have an impact. The act of measuring public opinion, even if flawed, becomes part of the broader discourse, and can influence various aspects of society.
In summary, the question raises issues related to reflexivity in social research, urging a closer examination of how the measurement process itself may shape the opinions being measured. It also highlights the distinction between the instrument’s influence and its accuracy, emphasising that even imperfect measurements can have significant consequences in shaping public discourse.
The current technological landscape, characterised by smartphones and internet connectivity, allows for the instantaneous evaluation of public responses to political events. This information can be rapidly disseminated through mass media channels. However, in Sri Lanka, there seems to be a noticeable absence of swift information dissemination that significantly influences polling behaviour.
Sri Lanka’s election history has demonstrated the potential for momentous changes in public opinion, particularly in the final moments leading up to the elections. The 2019 elections witnessed the National People’s Power (NPP) drawing tremendous crowds to rallies in support of Anura Dissanayake. However, despite the massive support, Mr. Dissanayake ultimately secured only 3.16% of the votes.
This article explores the pivotal factors that may have a last-minute influence on the voting preferences of individuals who endorse the NPP and actively participate in its gatherings. Grasping the dynamics that shape voters’ decisions in the concluding stages of an election is essential for conducting a thorough analysis of the political terrain and anticipating possible changes in public sentiment.
Voters in their 40s, 50s, and beyond vividly recollect the events of 1987 and 1971 led by the JVP. Despite the declining trend in population growth, the overall population has surged from 7,945,977 in 1950 to 21,949,268 in 2023—an impressive general population increase of approximately 176.52% from 1950 to 2023. About 50% of the population could recall the 1971 and 1987 incidents, which may act as deterrents to last-minute voting behaviour, even though people attend NPP political rallies in large numbers.
In numerous villages, about three fell victim to the violence of the JVP during the tumultuous period of 1987. I have firsthand knowledge of a tragic incident in my village in Batapola, where three individuals lost their lives for supporting the UNP. In my neighbourhood, a harrowing episode unfolded as a middle-aged mechanic was forcibly taken from his home at night—he cowered under the bed in fear—and was apprehended, ostensibly for questioning related to specific incidents. A few minutes later, the household residents and the surrounding area were startled by the sound of a gunshot. He was found lifeless, bound to a Kitul tree. The mechanic, a father of two, left behind a wife without employment or any other source of income. The children, unable to pursue their education, found themselves compelled to engage in underage wage work to support their mother and the family.
The village, being closely knit, remembers this incident and asserts that they would never vote for the NPP, the successor of the JVP. Similar incidents have occurred in many villages. My estimate is that there would be 50,000 to 75,000 such incidents spread across the villages and urban areas of Sri Lanka. I presume that the NPP must be cognizant of these incidents, and it’s plausible that they have created a database to document such occurrences.
The burning of the Meetiyagoda Weaving Mills in 1971 during the insurrection had a significant impact on the local community in Batapola and Meetiyagoda. The weaving mill, which employed nearly 5000 people in the surrounding villages, was an essential source of livelihood for many. The memory of this devastating event seems to have left a lasting impact on the residents, and there is a sense of fear among them regarding the NPP coming to power. The concern is that it may lead to similar incidents or other actions that could negatively affect the community.
To address these fears and gain the support of the people, the NPP, if aspiring to come to power, should consider developing a comprehensive strategy. This strategy should focus on addressing the community’s specific concerns, providing assurances, and outlining plans for alleviating fears of the people.
The NPP claims to have 39 million rupees in their funds, which they are considering using for the upcoming election. An impactful and compassionate approach to utilise a portion of these funds would be to allocate financial assistance to the families whose breadwinners fell victim to the violence inflicted by the JVP. This gesture could be a significant source of comfort to these affected families, potentially alleviating their fears and fostering support for the NPP.
Taking proactive steps to visit the homes of these families, the regional leaders of the NPP should express their solidarity and convey heartfelt support. They must empathise with the pain and loss experienced by these families, emphasising that the decision to target and harm their loved ones was a misguided policy. Furthermore, the leaders should make it clear that the present stance of the NPP denounces such harmful policies and advocates for a more inclusive and compassionate approach.
By demonstrating genuine concern and taking tangible actions, the NPP can provide financial relief and build a stronger connection with the affected communities. This outreach effort has the potential to contribute to a positive perception of the party among the families who have suffered, creating a pathway for trust and potential support in the upcoming election.
Additionally, the fear expressed by my friend in Australia regarding the NPP potentially acquiring empty houses and distributing them to homeless people highlights the need for clear communication and transparency from the NPP. Assuring property owners that their assets will be protected and outlining the party’s housing policies can help alleviate such concerns. Effective communication, community engagement, and a well-thought-out strategy are crucial for any political party seeking to address the people’s fears and gain their trust and support.
I firmly believe that the citizens of Sri Lanka will exercise their voting rights with the intention of supporting candidates who exhibit qualities of integrity and a commitment to ethical conduct. The electorate is likely to favour individuals who are not tainted by corruption and pledge to bring about positive outcomes and prosperity for the population.
In this crucial decision-making process, voters are likely to prioritise candidates who demonstrate a genuine desire to address the needs and concerns of the people. This could include a focus on economic development, social welfare, and the nation’s overall well-being.
The desire for leaders who prioritise the country’s best interests over personal gain is a common sentiment among the electorate. The expectation is that elected representatives will work towards fostering a climate of transparency, accountability, and responsible governance.
As the electoral process unfolds, it becomes a platform for the expression of the people’s collective will, reflecting their aspirations for a brighter and more prosperous future. The emphasis on non-corrupt, positive, and outcome-driven leadership underscores the importance of building a nation that thrives on justice, fairness, and progress principles.
The impact of the US dollar’s dominance as the primary international currency, termed the US dollar trap,” on poor, developing, and emerging economies. The consequences encompass financial stability and dollarization, with monetary policy constrained by the dollar’s influence. A stronger dollar negatively affects trade and finance in emerging markets, causing a decline in real trade volumes. The dollar’s status as the global reserve currency leads to dissatisfaction among strategic competitors, potentially challenging US hegemony in the global financial system. Despite claims of instability, the dollar’s global role has provided substantial benefits to the US economy since the 1960s. (See Figure 01)
The primary method of assessing the strength of the dollar involves comparing it (indexing) to a basket of currencies from significant trading partners, such as Japan and the euro-zone. By this standard, the dollar is currently at a two-decade peak, having surged by over 10 percent this year. This substantial movement is noteworthy for an index that generally experiences minor fluctuations on a daily basis. (See Figure 02)
Transformation
The value of the U.S. dollar is the strongest it has been in a generation, devaluing currencies around the world and unsettling the outlook for the global economy as it upends everything, from the cost of a vacation abroad to the profitability of multinational companies. However, this U.S. dollar’s long-standing dominance in the international arena is facing new challenges, raising questions about the phenomenon of de-dollarization. Recent geopolitical events, particularly the Russia-Ukraine crisis and the resultant U.S. sanctions on Russia, have triggered a reconsideration of the global reliance on the U.S. dollar. Notable instances, such as Bolivia’s adoption of the Chinese currency known as renminbi-RMB, like sterling of Great Britain (the currency unit is yuan-Y, like British pound, for example) for imports and exports, highlight a growing trend toward reducing dependence on the dollar in international transactions. Argentina and Brazil had already initiated the use of yuan in their trading settlements. Argentina, in April 2023, announced plans to use Chinese currency to pay for goods imported from China; while Brazil, in February 2023, signed a memorandum of cooperation with China to establish yuan clearing arrangements in Brazil. Meanwhile, the State Bank of India completes its first non-dollar transaction with Sri Lanka by paying Sri Lanka rupees for exports.
Renminbi and Yuan
Renminbi is the official currency of the People’s Republic of China and means people’s currency” in Mandarin. A yuan is a unit of the currency. A popular analogy draws from the British pound sterling vs. the pound: Renminbi is the name of China’s currency, just as sterling is the currency of Great Britain. A unit of renminbi is a yuan, just as the pound is the basic unit of sterling.
Expansion of BRICS
This shift has been particularly noticeable within a group of influential emerging economies, collectively known as BRICS—Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa. On Aug 24, 2023, BRICS announced that it would formally accept six new members at the start of 2024: Saudi Arabia, Iran, Ethiopia, Egypt, Argentina, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). (See Figure 03)
Challenges to Dollar Hegemony
The impact of de-dollarization could unfold through two primary scenarios. Firstly, events that undermine the perceived safety and stability of the U.S. dollar may contribute to its erosion. Secondly, positive developments that enhance the credibility of alternative currencies might further challenge the dollar’s dominance. The repercussions of de-dollarization could extend to a broad depreciation of U.S. financial assets, prompting shifts in global economic dynamics. However, the precise impact on U.S. growth remains uncertain, with potential effects on competitiveness, foreign investment, and inflation.
Emerging Signs and Scenarios
While signs of de-dollarization are becoming evident, the U.S. dollar continues to exert influence in various markets. China’s efforts to internationalize the renminbi are ongoing but are characterized by a gradual process. Measures such as relaxing capital controls, opening markets, and promoting Chinese government bonds aim to position the renminbi as a credible alternative. In currency markets, the dollar maintains a substantial share, accounting for 88% of foreign exchange volumes. However, foreign exchange reserves indicate a decline to a record low of 58%, signaling a shift away from the dollar.
De-Dollarization in Oil Markets
Notably, de-dollarization is observable in oil markets, where the U.S. dollar’s influence on oil prices is waning. An increasing number of oil transactions occur in non-dollar currencies, particularly the renminbi. Countries, including Russia, are opting to sell oil in local currencies or those of allied nations. The significance of the dollar in determining oil prices has diminished, with OECD oil inventories playing a more dominant role.
Expectations and Regional Shifts
While a complete and rapid de-dollarization is deemed unlikely, there is an expectation of marginal de-dollarization. The more plausible scenario involves partial de-dollarization, where the renminbi assumes some functions traditionally associated with the dollar. This shift could lead to regionalism, creating distinct economic and financial spheres of influence characterized by different currencies and markets. The U.S. dollar’s enduring global network of alliances and partnerships remains a significant factor contributing to its continued prominence despite the evolving landscape of international currencies.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the dominance of the US dollar, known as the US dollar trap,” has profound implications for poor, developing, and emerging economies. Despite providing significant benefits to the US economy since the 1960s, recent geopolitical events, such as the Russia-Ukraine crisis, have triggered a reassessment of global reliance on the dollar. Instances like Bolivia’s adoption of the Chinese currency and Argentina and Brazil’s initiation of yuan settlements indicate a growing trend to reduce dependence on the dollar. The expansion of BRICS with 11 member nations reflects efforts to diversify financial interactions. Challenges to dollar hegemony may arise from events undermining stability or positive developments favoring alternative currencies. Signs of de-dollarization, particularly in oil markets, suggest a shift toward regionalism with distinct economic spheres. Despite these shifts, the enduring global network of alliances contributes to the continued prominence of the US dollar.
(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT University, Malabe. He is also the author of the Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@slit.lk and www.researcher.com)
Pivuthu Hela Urumaya (PHU) leader Udaya Gammanpila, MP, yesterday (16) insisted that health sector trade union coalition’s demand for Rs 35,000 allowance shouldn’t be granted under any circumstances.
The former Power and Energy Minister said that those trade unions should realise that their demand for Rs 35,000 allowance because the Disturbance, Availability, and Transport (DAT) allowance given to doctors had been increased by that amount couldn’t be accepted. With the increase doctors receive Rs 70,000 DAT allowance.
The Colombo District lawmaker told The Island that he expected political parties to take a right stand on this matter as they shouldn’t encourage those seeking to cause chaos.
The coalition, consisting of 72 trade unions, on Monday (15), announced an indefinite strike unless the government gave in to their demand.
Addressing the media at the PHU office, at Etul Kotte, MP Gammanpila said that though his stand wouldn’t be appealing to many but that was the truth. The former JHU stalwart said that political parties shouldn’t seek political advantage but act collectively to address the issue at hand.
Udaya Gammanpila and National Freedom Front (NFF) leader Wimal Weerawansa were sacked, in early 2022, by then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa over their opposition to the Yugadanavi agreement that was concluded in the dead of the night with the US-based energy company.
Pointing out the growing demand for Sri Lankan doctors in the UK and other Commonwealth countries, lawmaker Gammanpila said that grievances of doctors should be addressed. The ex-Minister said that those bent on securing employment overseas wouldn’t stay back due to the increase in DAT allowance but the governemnt effort to address their concerns should be appreciated.
MP Gammanpila warned of dire consequences if the increase in DAT allowance is granted to the entire health sector. PHU leader said that if the government succumbed to trade unionists, all sectors would demand the same and that could cause quite a crisis.
MP Gammanpila said that a new law should be enacted to compel doctors passing out from state universities to serve the public sector for 10 years. Claiming that the country spent as much as Rs 5 mn to produce a doctor, the MP said that legal measures were required to obtain their services as some sought overseas employment immediately after passing out of state medical faculties here.
The lawmaker also conceded that exodus of doctors couldn’t be halted by increasing the DAT allowance.
Responding to another query, MP Gammanpila said that the country was in such a precarious situation it wouldn’t be fair by the people for political parties and trade unions to seek undue advantage over the DAT issue.