EU eyes Indian Ocean naval adventure where Sri Lanka sits front and Center

August 10th, 2023

By: EU Observer

As Macron pivots to the BRICS and things fall apart in West Africa, Europe is preparing to boost its naval presence in the north west Indian Ocean “to uphold freedom of navigation” in the world’s trade jugular.

Modelled on existing EU anti-piracy missions in the Gulf of Guinea and Horn of Africa regions, it would operate in a new “MAI [maritime area of interest]” covering a vast swathe of water from the Red Sea, to Madagascar, the Maldives, and the Strait of Hormuz.

“Member states deploying assets [warships] in the new NWIO [north west Indian Ocean] MAI … would be a good opportunity” to “enhance the EU’s diplomatic influence” there, the foreign service said.

It would “strengthen relations with maritime industry, enhancing the EU’s status as a global maritime security provider”, the note said. And it would “open new opportunities for strategic dialogue with key partners, such as India,” it added.

“There is not much we can say at this stage,” the EU foreign service told EU observer, when asked about the project.

“As the high representative [EU foreign affairs chief Josep Borrell] has mentioned in the past, the EU is currently exploring ways to ensure an enhanced naval deployment by our member states in the [Indian Ocean] region, taking into account the lessons learned from the first pilot case of the [EU naval mission] … in the Gulf of Guinea,” it said. But plans were well under way, its internal “concept note” indicated.

‘Area of interest’ map in EU foreign service’s ‘concept note’ .

“For the NWIO MAI, most stakeholders are already aware of the EU’s ambitions … MS [member states] are ready to commit assets,” it said.

It tabled a series of follow-up meetings on legal and operational niceties.And it painted a picture of a smouldering region that was crucial to world trade.

“Tensions and alliances reverberate on the African shore of the Red Sea where Gulf countries (Saudi Arabia and UAE), together with Egypt, are competing against Turkey and Qatar, as well as China and Russia, for ports and influence, as well as on interpretation of Islam,” it said.

Further afield, there had been no recent “significant [maritime] security incidents” in the Strait of Hormuz, the EU foreign service noted.

But there were “numerous” missile attacks on Saudi Arabia by pro-Iranian rebels in Yemen, Iraq was “unstable”, while the US and China were building up assets in a “maritime power play” in the Arabian Sea, the EU said.

“The recent Taliban takeover in Afghanistan has triggered fears of a renewed wave of terrorism in the region” from “dormant cells, in particular in the Arabian Peninsula”, it also warned.

“There is … international strategic competition present in the western Indian Ocean and the Red Sea, within which Bab el-Mandeb [a stretch of water between Djibouti and Yemen] and the Strait of Hormuz are the geographical epicentres,” it said.

The EU’s Horn of Africa anti-piracy mission, Atalanta, was currently “contributing to securing the Bab El Mandeb Strait”, the EU foreign service noted.

Nine countries, including eight EU ones and Norway, also have naval forces in the so-called Agenor mission, which sail around the Strait of Hormuz area to “de-escalate” tension.

And in a part of the world where hard power counted, the “show of force, deterrent effect” of Atalanta and Agenor have been “key features” of their effectiveness, the EU foreign service said.

Trade jugular

Its note spelled out why Indian Ocean security was vital to European interests.

“The Red Sea is one of the busiest maritime corridors in the world, channelling an important proportion of global trade – and nearly all exchanges between Europe and Asia – each year,” the EU foreign service said.

But the fight against local piracy, such as “maritime trafficking and/or smuggling” was “still in its infancy” there, it said.

The wider north western Indian Ocean was “one of the most dynamic centres of economic growth in the world,” it added.

Its future was “dependent on safe and secure sea lines of communication … to link trade between Middle East, Africa, East Asia, and Europe”, the EU said.

Some “80 percent of the world’s trade passes through the Indian Ocean,” it said.

Some 20 percent of global oil production goes via the Strait of Hormuz.

Source: EUobserver

මහජන ආරක්ෂක අමාත්‍යවරයා සහ ටී.න්.ඒ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් අතර 13 වෙනි සංශෝධනයේ පොලිස් බලතල බෙදීම සම්බන්ධව විශේෂ සාකච්ඡාවක්

August 10th, 2023

මහජන ආරක්ෂක අමාත්‍යාංශය

මහජන ආරක්ෂක අමාත්‍ය ටිරාන් අලස් මහතා සහ දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානයේ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් පිරිසක් අතර 13 වෙනි සංශෝධනයේ පොලිස් බලතල බෙදීම සම්බන්ධව විශේෂ සාකච්ඡාවක් ඊයේ දින(9)  පස්වරුවේ මහජන ආරක්ෂක අමාත්‍යාංශයේදී පැවැත්විණි.

මෙම සාකච්ඡාවේදී මහජන ආරක්ෂක අමාත්‍ය ටිරාන් අලස් මහතා පොලිස් බලතල ඉල්ලා සිටීමට හේතූන් විමසා සිටියේය.

එහිදී දෙමළ සන්ධානයේ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් විසින් ලෝකයේ අනෙකුත් රටවල් උදාහරණයට ගනිමින් බලය බෙදීමේ අවශ්‍යතාව පැහැදිලි කෙරුණු අතර දෙමළ ජාතිකයින් මුහුණදෙන ගැටලු පිළිබඳවද මෙහිදී සාකච්ඡාවට බඳුන් විය.පොලිස් බලතල නොබෙදා එම ගැටලු විසඳීමේ හැකියාව පිළිබඳව අමාත්‍යවරයා විසින් මෙහිදී සාකච්ඡා කෙරිණි.

මෑත කාලයේ එංගලන්තය සහ ඉන්දියාව වැනි දියුණු රටවල් වල පවා බලය බෙදීම ඉතා විශිෂ්ඨ අයුරින් සිදු වූ බව පෙන්වා දුන් දෙමළ සන්ධාන මන්ත්‍රීවරු එහිදී භාවිතා කරන ක්‍රමවේදයන් ලංකාව තුල ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමට හැකි බව පැහැදිලි කළේය. එහිදී ටිරාන් අලස් අමාත්‍යවරයා එංගලන්තය සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවෙහි දේශපාලන සමාජීය සංස්කෘතීන් සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම වෙනස් බව පෙන්වා දුනි.

දෙමළ ජනතාවට සහ දෙමළ දේශපාලන නායකයින්ට දහතුන්වැනි සංශෝධනය ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමේ උවමනාව කුමක්ද යන්න මහජන ආරක්ෂක අමාත්‍යවරයා මෙහිදී ප්‍රශ්න කළේය. 

13 වැනි සංශෝධනය ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමේ අවශ්‍යතාවය වන්නේ, දිස්ත්‍රික් කමිටු මගින් ගනු ලබන තීන්දු තීරණ ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීම සඳහා දුර බැහැර ගෙවාගෙන කොළඹට පැමිණෙන්නට සිදුවීම හා ඇතැම් ආණ්ඩුකාරවරුන්ගේ තීන්දු තීරණ ක්‍රියාත්මකවීමේ ගැටළුවක් තිබීම නිසා යැයි දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානයේ මන්ත්‍රීවරු පැවසූහ. 

එසේම පොලිස් බලතල ලබාදීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් යෝජිත කරුණු වලට අලුතින් කිසිවක් එක් නොවෙන නමුත් ජාතික පොලිස් කොමිසමට අමතරව පළාත් පොලිස් කොමිසමත් පත් කිරීමේ අවශ්‍යතාවයක් මතුවන බව ද ඔවුහු මෙහිදී පෙන්වා දුන්හ.



මේ වන විට උතුරු ප්‍රදේශය පුරාවට මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය සහ අපරාධ සිදු වීමේ ප්‍රවණතාවය ඉහළගොස් ඇති බවත් තරුණ දරුවන් බොහොමයක් අධික ලෙස මත්ද්‍රව්‍යයට ඇබ්බැහි වී ඇති බවත් දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධාන මන්ත්‍රීවරු පැවසූහ.

එවැනි කරුණු සම්බන්ධයෙන් පවතින තොරතුරු ඕනෑම අවස්ථාවක මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය හා පාතාල සංවිධාන සම්බන්ධයෙන් පත් කරන ලද විශේෂ පොලිස් කමිටුවට ලබා දෙන ලෙසත් එලෙස ලබා දෙන තොරතුරු වල රහස්‍යභාවය ආරක්ෂා කිරීමට කටයුතු කරන බවද  මහජන ආරක්ෂක අමාත්‍යවරයා මෙහිදී සහතික විය.

නියෝජ්‍ය පොලිස්පති දේශබන්දු තෙන්නකෝන් මහතාගේ සභාපතිත්වයෙන් අදාල විශේෂ පොලිස් කමිටුව ක්‍රියාත්මක කර ඇති බවත් ඕනෑම අවස්ථාවක ඊට අදාළ තොරතුරු නියෝජ්‍ය පොලිස්පතිවරයා සමඟ සාකච්ඡා කිරීමට හැකි බව ද අමාත්‍ය ටිරාන් අලස් මහතා පැවසුවේය. 

මෙම හමුව සඳහා මහජන ආරක්ෂක අමාත්‍යාංශයේ ලේකම් වියානි ගුණතිලක මහතා,පොලිස්පති සී.ඩී.සී.ඩී.වික්‍රමරත්න මහතා,බස්නාහිර පළාත් ජේෂ්ඨ නියෝජ්‍ය පොලිස්පති දේශබන්දු තෙන්නකෝන් මහතා ඇතුලු පොලිසියේ ඉහල නිලධාරීන් සම්බන්ධ වූ අතර දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානය නියෝජනය කරමින් එම්.ඒ.සුමන්තිරන් මහතා, ෂානක්කියන් රාසමාණික්කම් මහතා,ධර්මලිංගම් සිද්ධාර්ථන් මහතා,චාල්ස් නිර්මලනාදන් මහතා සහ සෙල්වම් අඩෙක්කලනාදන් මහතා සහාභාගී විය.

දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානයේ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ගේ ඉල්ලීම පරිදි දෙසතියකින් මීළඟ සාකච්ඡාව පැවැත්වීමට දෙපාර්ශවයම එකඟ විය

වීඩියෝ ලින්කුව: https://we.tl/t-HSU8yBJ04N

අකිල තෙන්නකෝන්

මහජන ආරක්ෂක අමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය ලේකම්

මහජන ආරක්ෂක අමාත්‍යාංශය

Vocational Education has to be geared to make entrepreneurs

August 10th, 2023

by Garvin Karunaratne

Every country trains thousands in vocations and leave them with a certificate of competance. The lads and lassies who hold these certificates do not have the ability or the finance to open up ventures. Some end up driving three wheelers and every junction in Sri lanka has a horde of three wheelers.

It so happened that I was myself involved in merging vocational education with self employment creation. This did happen in Bangladesh when I served as the Commonwealth Fund Advisor in Youth to the Ministry of Labour and Manpower. The programme of Youth Self Employment I initiated and established in 1982, had today created employment ventures for over three million youths.

In my words:

  The country of Bangladesh was taken over in a bloodless coup d’etat in one night when I served there. In a few days the new Minister, Air Vice Marshall Aminul Islam held a meeting to evaluate the training programmes of the Department of Youth Development.  The two Secretaries, Heads of Departments and myself from the Ministry and the Secretary to the Treasury and a few Secretaries to other important ministries were present. The Minister went through the programmes run by the Department and was highly critical. In the end, he ordered me to state the contribution that I could make for Bangladesh.

I recommended that there should be a self-employment creation programme in addition to the training programmes that the Department implemented. At that time the Department trained 40,000 youths a year in a variety of vocations. The Youths should have passed the fifth standard- we never rejected any interested youth- we even taught them to read and write. Literacy classes held for the youths who had forgotten to read and write commenced at night and continued till midnight at the residential training centers. However, without special support, the vast majority of the trained youth continued to be unemployed scraping the barrel for life. I suggested that the trained youth should get further training to establish enterprises and get on their feet as producers. The Secretary to the Treasury, the highest officer in the country strongly objected, stating that a self-employment programme was something that can never be established. He said that the prestigious United Nation’s ILO(International Labour Organization) had tried in the earlier three years to establish a self-employment programme at Tangail in Bangladesh and though they had brought in a number of foreign experts and spent a vast amount of money they had miserably failed. He said that the Government will not undertake another try because the failure of the ILO meant that this could not be done and he added that a self-employment programme had never been established anywhere in the world. I replied that though the ILO had failed I will succeed because I had the experience of establishing many youth enterprises in Sri Lanka for over a dozen years and can assure that I do have the experience,  the ability and the academic qualifications to establish such a programme. I stated that the ILO may have failed but that I can assure success. The Secretary to the Treasury was taken aback. He was the highest official in the land and never expected me to challenge him. Generally, an officer of that rank was in every country held in high esteem and not even a Secretary of another Ministry would contest him. The battle went on with other Secretaries of Ministries also joining him to the effect that I did not have the capacity to do what the ILO failed to do with all their unlimited resources. The arguments went on and they questioned me in detail as to how I proposed to teach economic management to illiterate youths. I replied that I have found it easy to teach illiterate farmers and illiterate youths and have had success in teaching them basic elements of economics. I stated that it was not difficult to teach practicing youths and farmers how to count the cost of inputs, to calculate the cost of labour, building up elements that led to the calculation of profit and loss and the workings of the theory of supply and demand in a basic manner. … I detailed how in earlier projects  I had successfully involved uneducated youths and how we made them think and how they mastered not only skills but also management skills…It was a situation where we as youth workers will work with them while they struggled to become self-employed”.

The grueling arguments between the Secretary to the Treasury and me went on for over two hours with the Hon Minister being a patient listener. Finally, the Minister stopped us arguing and asked as to the number of programmes Bangladesh had to provide self-employment training to youths. The Secretary to the Treasury said there were none. Then the Minister asked for the number of illiterate youths who were unemployed and who had to contend to be scraping the barrel for life. This was the category of youths who were trained by the Youth Ministry in various vocations. The answer was in millions. The Minister without a minute’s hesitation ruled that I would be allowed to establish a self-employment programme in his Ministry of Manpower and Labour, The Youth Development Department was within his Ministry. The Secretary to the Treasury was quick to stump me by stating that  that he will not be providing any funds, to which I replied that I will not need any new funds and will manage with savings from approved training budgets  and needed power to rewrite the remits of all officers to include tasks of training in self-employment. The Minister approved my request.

The rest is history. I was charged with the responsibility to design and implement a self-employment programme and train the staff to continue it after my two-year consultancy was over.  I with the full resources of the Youth Development Department commenced work the very next day, with training the staff in economic management and addressing youths in training centers motivating them to use their knowledge and open up ventures. We promised them a countrywide extension service. Some trainees opened up a few enterprises managed by them, handled by their younger brothers and sisters during the week when they were in training at our training centers during the week. The staff of Deputy Directors of Youth in charge of Districts and the Lecturers of training Centers was full of patriotism to work long hours with no overtime. The Hon Minister too went on inspections to see the youths at work in their small farms and work enterprises- sewing, woodwork, etc.. In around one and a half years I was working with 2000 youths  and of them those that had started at the beginning were successful in drawing net incomes equal to that of a clerical officer in the government service. I trained members of the elite Bangladesh Civil Service and  the directors of the Youth Ministry to continue the programme after my consultancy ended. 

By 1990, 22,626 youths had undertaken self-employment projects and the 3 Residential Training Centers had been increased to  64 Training Centers. By 2011, the Government of Bangladesh reported to the IFAD of the FAO(one of its founders), that two million youths had become self-employed. This Programme continues even today, training 160,000 youths a year and the Department of Youth Development spends 95 % of its work time and resources in training youths to become self-employed, the one and only such programme creating employment in the entire world. By now(2023) easily the number self employed is easily over three million.

This is a design that can be immediately implemented in all vocational training programmes.

Garvin Karunaratne, Ph.D, former G.A. Matara

10 th August 2023

garvin_karunaratne@hotmail.com

ආයුර්වේද කෙටුම්පතේ ඇතැම් වගන්ති ව්‍යවස්ථාවට පටහැනි බව ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය දන්වයි

August 10th, 2023

Lanka Lead News

ආයුර්වේද සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පතේ ඇතැම් වගන්ති ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුකූල නොවන බැවින් ඒවා සම්මත කරගැනීම සඳහා විශේෂ බහුතරයක් සහ ජනමත විචාරණයක් අවශ්‍ය බව ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට දැනුම් දී ඇති බව වාර්තා වේ.

මෙම පනත් කෙටුම්පත පිළිබඳ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ තීරණය නියෝජ්‍ය කථානායක අජිත් රාජපක්ෂ මහතා විසින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට අද (10) දැනුම් දෙමින් මේ බව ප්‍රකාශ කර ඇති බව සඳහන්ය.

‘Indira Gandhi govt gave…’: PM Modi in Lok Sabha blames Congress for partition

August 10th, 2023

Courtesy The Hindustan Times

The island, located between Rameswaram (India) and Sri Lanka, was traditionally used by both Sri Lankan and Indian fishermen.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Thursday blamed the Congress for the partition of India, and also said it was the Indira Gandhi government which gave the Katchatheevu Island to Sri Lanka in 1974.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi replies to the Motion of No-Confidence in the Lok Sabha. (PTI Photo)
Prime Minister Narendra Modi replies to the Motion of No-Confidence in the Lok Sabha. (PTI Photo)

The island, located between Rameswaram (India) and Sri Lanka, was traditionally used by both Sri Lankan and Indian fishermen. In 1974, then prime minister Indira Gandhi accepted Katchatheevu as Sri Lankan territory under the “Indo-Sri Lankan Maritime agreement”.

“These people divided mother India into three parts for politics..,” the prime minister said in Lok Sabha, launching a blistering attack on the Congress during his reply to a debate on a no-confidence motion.

The prime minister said the DMK government in Tamil Nadu keeps writing to him urging to bring Katchatheevu back to India.

“Katchatheevu is an island between Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka. Somebody gave it to another country. It happened under the leadership of Indira Gandhi,” he said.

“Wasn’t that part of Maa Bharati there?” Modi asked in an apparent response to Congress leader Rahul Gandhi’s remark during the debate on Wednesday.

බූරුවා නිදහස් කළ බූතයා සහ මාධ්‍යය

August 10th, 2023

Lanka Lead News

බූරුවෙක්ව එහි අයිතිකරු රාත්‍රියේ දී ගහක බැඳ තැබීමට පුරුදුව සිටියා. එක් රාත්‍රියක භූතයෙක් පැමින ලණුව කපා මෙම බූරුවා නිදහස් කලා.

බූරුවා ගොස් යාබද ගොවියෙකුගේ ඉඩමක වගාවන් විනාශ කලා. කෝපයට පත් ගොවියාගේ බිරිඳ බූරුවාට වෙඩි තබා මරා දැමුවා.

බූරුවාගේ අයිතිකරු මේ පිළිබඳව කෝපයට පත්ව ඊට පාඩමක් ලෙස ගොවියාගේ බිරිඳ ඝාතනය කලා.

තම බිරිඳගේ මරණයෙන් කෝපයට පත් ගොවියා දෑකැත්තක් ගෙන බූරුවාගේ අයිතිකරු මරා දැම්මා.

බූරුවා අයිතිකරුගේ බිරිඳ කොතරම් කෝපයට පත් වූවාද කිවහොත් ඇය සහ ඇගේ පුතුන් ගොවියාගේ නිවසට ගිනි තැබුවා.

තම නිවස අළු බවට පත් වූ ආකාරය දෙස බලා සිටි ගොවියා බූරුවාගේ අයිතිකරුගේ බිරිඳ සහ දරුවන් මරා දැම්මා.

අවසාන වශයෙන්, ගොවියා මෙම සිද්ධි නිසා පසුතැවිලි වූ අතර, ඔහු භූතයාගෙන් ඇසුවා මේ සියල්ලන්ම මරා දැමීමට මූලිකව කටයුතු කලේ ඇයි කියා?

භූතයා පිළිතුරු දුන්නේ, මම කිසිවෙකු මැරුවේ නැත, මම කඹයක බැඳ සිටි බූරුවෙකු නිදහස් කළෙමි. ඔබ සියලු දෙනාම ඔබ තුළ සිටින යක්ෂයන් නිදහස් කළ අතර එය පසුව සිදු වූ සියල්ලටම හේතු විය.”

අද මාධ්‍යයත් ඒ භූතයා වගේය. එය දිනපතාම බූරුවන් මුදා හරින අතර මිනිසුන් දෙවරක් නොසිතා එකිනෙකා සමඟ ප්‍රතික්‍රියා කර තර්ක කොටගෙන, එකිනෙකාට රිදවා ගන්නවා.

අවසානයේ මාධ්‍ය සියලු වගකීම් වලින් නිදහස් වෙනවා.

එබැවින්, මාධ්‍ය මගින් මුදා හරින සෑම බූරුවෙකුටම ප්‍රතිචාර නොදක්වා අපගේ මිතුරන්, ඥාතීන් සහ ප්‍රජාව සමඟ අපගේ සබඳතාව ආරක්ෂා කර ගැනීම අපගේ වගකීමයි.

A Donkey was tied to a tree. One night a Ghost cut the rope & released the Donkey free.
The Donkey went & destroyed the crops in an adjacent Farmer’s land. Infuriated, the farmer’s Wife shot the Donkey and killed it.
The donkey’s Owner was devastated at the loss. In reply, he killed the farmer’s Wife.
Angered by his wife’s death, the Farmer took a sickle and killed the donkey’s Owner.
The Wife of the donkey’s owner got so angry that she & her Sons set the farmer’s house on Fire.
The farmer, looking at his house turned into ashes, killed the Wife and Children of the donkey’s Owner.
Finally, when the farmer was full of regret, he asked the Ghost as to why did it kill them all?
The Ghost replied, I killed nobody. I just released a Donkey that was tied to a Rope. It is All of you who released the Devils within you which resulted into everything Bad that occurred thereafter.”
Today’s Media is like that Ghost. It keeps releasing Donkeys on a daily basis and people react & argue with each other, hurt each other, without having a second thought.
In the end, the media dodges all responsibilities.
So, it’s our responsibility that we Do Not react on every Donkey released by the Media and preserve our Relationship with our Friends, Relatives & Community…

– Copied
– Author Unknown

Sri Lanka aims for FTAs with ASEAN countries – President

August 10th, 2023

Courtesy Adaderana

President Ranil Wickremesinghe revealed that Sri Lanka’s intention to join the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) is poised to materialize following the conclusion of credit optimization initiatives. 

Additionally, the President announced plans to initiate negotiations for the establishment of free trade agreements with corresponding ASEAN member countries, the President’s Media Division (PMD) reported.

President Wickremesinghe’s statement underscores the country’s determination to bolster its economic connectivity within the broader Asian region. The President affirmed his alignment with the future vision of ASEAN for the Indo-Pacific area, pledging full support for the advancement of this strategic perspective, it said.

These proposed collaborations highlight Sri Lanka’s commitment to fostering economic cooperation and trade linkages, which are poised to open new avenues for growth and development. The President’s statements reaffirm the nation’s readiness to engage actively in regional economic partnerships to realize its economic ambitions.

President Ranil Wickremesinghe made these remarks while addressing the 56th anniversary of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), Tuesday (08) at the Embassy of the Republic of Indonesia, Colombo, according to the PMD

ආසාත්මිකතා නිසා මරණ තුනකටම හේතුවූ එන්නත හොරණ ප්‍රදේශයේ දේශීය ඖෂධ නිෂ්පාදන ආයතනයකින් නිපදවූවක් බව හෙලිවෙයි

August 10th, 2023

උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

උග්‍ර ආසාත්මික තත්වයන් සිදුව මරණ තුනකට හේතුවූ Co – Amoxiclave for Inj Bp1.2g නැමති වේදනානාශක එන්නතේ කාණ්ඩ තුනක් ලෝක සෞඛ්‍ය සංවිධානයේ වෛද්‍ය රසායනාගාරය වෙත යොමු කිරීමට ජාතික ඖෂධ නියාමන අධිකාරිය තීරණය කර තිබෙනවා.

මෙම එන්නත සම්බන්ධයෙන් වැඩිදුර පරීක්ෂණ සිදුකිරිම සදහා මෙම පියවර ගත් බවයි ජාතික ඖෂධ නියාමන අධීකාරියේ සභාපති මහාචාර්ය එස්.ඩී ජයරත්න පවසා සිටියේ.

මෙම එන්නත ලබාදීමෙන් පසු රාගම ශීක්ෂණ රෝහල, නිකවැරටිය මූලික රෝහල, වතුපිටිවල රෝහල හා ගම්පහ රෝහල් වලින් උඝ්‍ර ආසාත්මික තත්වයන් ලක්වූ රෝගීන් වාර්තා වූ අතර ඒ අතරින් රෝගින් තිදෙනෙකුම මියගිය බව මෙම අධිකාරිය සදහන් කර සිටියේ.

මෙම එන්නත නිසා රෝගීන් තිදෙනෙකුම මිය යාම හේතුවෙන් මෙම එන්නත ගැන වෙනත් රසායනාගාරයක් මගින් පරික්ෂණ කිරිමට තීරණය කළ බවත් ඒ අනුව සාම්පල යොමුකළ බවත් මහාචාර්ය එන්.ඩී ජයරත්න වැඩිදුරටත් සදහන් කර සිටියා.

ප්‍රශ්න සහගත මෙම එන්නත ජාතික ඖෂධ නියාමන අධිකාරියේ 2014 වසරේදී ලියාපදිංචි වී ඇති අතර එම එන්නතේ ලියාපදිංචිය මේ වසර දක්වාම වලංගු බවයි වාර්තා වෙන්නේ.

කෙසේ වෙතත් පසුගිය ජූනි 03 වැනිදා සෞඛ්‍ය අමාත්‍යංශයේ අවධානම් ඇගයීමේ අනුකමිටුව විසින් මෙම එන්නතේ ඛාණ්ඩ තුනක් තාවකාලිකව ඉවත් කර තිබෙනවා.

ජාතික ඖෂධ තත්ත්ව ආරක්ෂණ පරීක්ෂණාගාරය විසින් නිකුත් කළ තත්ව වාර්තා පදනම් කරගෙන 070123 AMC2 නැමති කාණ්ඩය ඉවත් කළ බව වෛද්‍ය සැපයුම් අංශය පසුගිය ජුලි නිකුත් කළ ලිපියකද මේ පිළිබඳව සඳහන් වනවා.

මෙම එන්නත හොරණ කිදෙල්පිටියේ පිහිටි පුද්ගලික ඖෂධ නිෂ්පාධනාගාරයක් වන Navesta pharmaceuticals නම් නිෂ්පාදනාගාරයක නිෂ්පාදනය කර තිබෙන බවයි වැඩිදුරටත් වාර්තා වෙන්නේ.

https://www.pharmaceutical-technology.com/projects/navesta-pharmaceuticals-manufacturing-plant-horana/

Land and Police powers must not be given to the Provinces

August 9th, 2023

Chanaka Bandarage

It is true that Land and Police powers are included in the Concurrent list of the of the 13th Amendment (Schedule 9), enacted as a result of the India – Sri Lanka pact, 1987; but they have always been suppressed. Unfortunately, an unnecessary urgency has been created to give these powers now – especially to the Northern and Eastern provincial governments. 

Now that a Presidential election is soon forthcoming (2024) Southern politicians (Sinhalese) believe that by doling out powers to the North and East they would be able to secure the Tamil and Muslim vote. This shows short – sightedness on their part and lack of patriotism.

History has demonstrated that Tamils and Muslims in those two provinces mostly vote for their own political parties/candidates, otherwise they would remain neutral (there is nothing wrong with that).

During the Yahapalana regime (2015 – 2019), Mr Maithripala Sirisena, the then President handed most of the land held by the Army to Tamils (about 92% of the questionable lands). In the former Jaffna HSZ, the Army does not hold any land now. But the Tamils did not vote for his party.

To woo Tamil voters, the Yahapalanaya Government just before the 2019 Presidential election gave an international airport to the North; the UNP candidate still lost that election.

Palali was always under the Military even during the British time. Now separatists can land in the North by-passing Colombo. This is a grave danger to the country’s territorial integrity.

Note – Gotabhaya won the 2019 Presidency predominantly from the Sinhala vote (69 lakhs).

Giving Land and Police powers to the Provinces (especially to the North and East) means the provincial governments will have the sole power to legislate in relation to Land and Police. Then, basically the provincial Governments can sell, transfer, lease, mortgage, donate, and acquire land anyway they like within the provinces. Giving Land powers means the central Government may relinquish crown lands and lose sea shores to the provinces. 

The Northern and Eastern Provinces hold about  ¾ of Sri Lanka’s coastal area.

Once these two powers are granted, it is possible for the two provinces to re-merge and then make a claim to secede from Sri Lanka (it is 1/3 of the total land mass). Under customary international law, they may have the key ingredients to claim a separate nation of their own.

Once the central government loses the entire control of these areas, it will be more difficult for the people from other provinces to go and live in the North and the East. This will be a grossly unfair situation for the Sinhalese. The Constitution articulates the freedom of movement for people (Article 12).

Once these two powers are given, the Northern provincial Government could effectively (legally) block the Southerners from not only buying land but also visiting the area.  

Note Mr Gajen Ponnambalam’s recent antics in Jaffna.

Once these two powers are given, if the two provincial governments want they may give land to their counterparts in India, bypassing the central Government. It will be easy for such enemies of Sri Lanka like Vaiiko, Nedumaran, Seemen et al to set up even para military style camps in Sri Lanka on the invitation of the Chief Ministers of the two provinces.  After vesting Police powers with the Northern and Eastern provincial governments, boatloads of illegal immigrants can freely sail from India to Sri Lanka. Some can come in the guise of fishermen (some say this happens even now).

Top Police positions – IGP or DIG downwards in the provinces would be appointed by the Chief Ministers of the provincial governments. For North and the East, with time, these two Police forces will exclusively have Tamil speaking people serving them, with a Tamil speaking Muslim component in the Eastern Police force.

Today, the Sinhalese who visit the North (including Buddhist pilgrims) have less fear as there are Sinhalese Police officers also serving in the North.   

The two Chief Ministers would have the power to disallow the Sinhalese from joining their Police forces. We have seen how Mr Vigneswaran, the former Northern Province Chief Minister had vigorously tried to block the Sinhalese from settling in the North.

It is important to understand that there is no ethnic problem in Sri Lanka today. There was a terrorism problem which was resolved in 2009. Now the country’s two main communities are living in harmony like loving siblings of one family. This should be highly encouraged.

What the Government must do is try to uplift the standard of living of all the people including those in the Northern and Eastern provinces.

Sri Lanka is hemorrhaging as a result of the worst economic crisis it is facing since gaining independence 75 years ago. This is not the time to embark on huge political, administrative and structural changes for the country. Rather than exacerbating the ethnic problem, all political parties (UNP, SJB, SLFP, JVP, TNA, SLMC and others) must work together trying to fix Sri Lanka’s grave economic woes.

Bringing back the 13 Amendment debate has created an unnecessary uproar.  This could cause a division among the Sinhalese and the Tamils (let us hope that this will not be the case).

Sri Lanka is looking after its Tamil minority well (this is a fact).  When Tamil political leaders are asked to highlight any significant problems that the Tamils face that the Sinhalese do not face, they go unanswered.

Disadvantaged Sinhalese face a multitude of problems of their own. No one wants to hear and fix them.

A main discrimination that the Sinhalese face is their inability to live in the North and the East, which is 1/3 of Sri Lanka. TNA and Tamil political parties block them from settling down in those areas.

It is easy for a Tamil to leave Kilinochchi and settle down in Tangalle. A Muslim can easily leave Akkaraipattu and settle down in Gampaha. But, for a Sinhalese living in Tangalle or Gampaha to settle down in Kilinochchi or Akkareipattu? This can never happen in contemporary Sri Lanka.

Sri Lankan and Indian Governments help the Upcountry Tamils immensely. This is good. But, what about the plight of the Upcountry Sinhalese? They also like to work in the tea plantations, but they are denied of this right. In those areas, there are Sinhalese who do not have any housing and who struggle to have a meal a day.

Until Prabhakaran chased away all Sinhalese from the North there were Sinhala schools such as Sinhala Maha Vidyalaya in Jaffna, Mannar Sinhala Maha Vidyalaya and Madu Road Sinhala Vidyalaya. Why cannot the government re-open them?

Since winning the war, none of the governments have significantly encouraged the displaced Sinhalese to return to the North and the East; there are Sinhalese who are still eagerly waiting to return.

TNA is obstructing Buddhist monks from even visiting Kurundhi and Thissa Viharayas in the North. Governments have turned a blind eye to these major problems.

Sinhalese have been ill-treated in Jaffna, Nawatkuli Sinhala Village (6 km from Jaffna), Mannar, Narikadu and Batticaloe. Often, they live as 2nd class citizens in those areas. Since 1977 every government has been dead silent on the discrimination faced by the Sinhalese in the North and the East. The writer has a dossier containing a number of such incidents

නියගය ඇතුළු ස්වාභාවික පරිසරයේ සහ කාලගුණයේ සිදුවන වෙනස්වීම් දේශපාලනීකරණය කරන්න එපා – රාජ්‍ය ඇමති තෙන්නකෝන්

August 9th, 2023

MOD  Media Centre

මේ වන විට රට තුළ පවතින වියළි කාලගුණික තත්වය සෘතුමය සංසිද්ධියක් බවත්, එයින් දේශපාලන වාසි ලබා ගැනීමට කිසිවකු උත්සාහ නොකළ යුතු බවත්, ආරක්ෂක රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය ගරු ප්‍රමිත බණ්ඩාර තෙන්නකෝන් මැතිතුමා අද (අගෝස්තු 8) පැවති මාධ්‍ය හමුවකදී පැවසීය.

මේ දිනවල පවත්නා නියඟයෙන් දිස්ත්‍රික්ක 13ක පවුල් 50,535ක පුද්ගලයන් 166,904ක් පීඩාවට පත්ව සිටින බව රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍යවරයා මෙහිදී අනාවරණය කළේය. ආපදා කළමනාකරණ මධ්‍යස්ථානය අදාළ දිස්ත්‍රික් සහ ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම් කාර්යාලවල සම්බන්ධීකරණයෙන් විපතට පත් ජනතාවට පානීය ජලය සැපයීමට පියවර ගෙන ඇත.

රට ආර්ථික අර්බුදයකට මුහුණ දී සිටින මෙවන් අවස්ථාවක විපතට පත් ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන් අවශ්‍ය පහසුකම් සැපයීම සඳහා අවශ්‍ය ප්‍රතිපාදන වෙන්කිරීම පිළිබඳව රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය තෙන්නකෝන් ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මැතිතුමා වෙත සිය ස්තුතිය පුද කළේය.

කාලගුණයේ සෘතුමය වෙනස්කම් හේතුවෙන් රට වියළි කාලගුණ තත්වයකට මුහුණ දෙමින් සිටින අතර ඉදිරි මාසවලදී අපේක්ෂා කල හැකි මෝසම් වැසි සමඟ මෙම තත්ත්වය යහපත් වනු ඇත. ආපදා කළමනාකරණ අංශය, වාරිමාර්ග අමාත්‍යාංශය, විදුලිබල හා බලශක්ති අමාත්‍යාංශය, කෘෂිකර්ම අමාත්‍යාංශය, ගොවිජන සංවර්ධන දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව, වාරිමාර්ග දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව, මහවැලි අධිකාරිය, විදුලිබල මණ්ඩලය, මහජන උපයෝගිතා කොමිෂන් සභාව, කාලගුණ විද්‍යා දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව, ආපදා කළමනාකරණ මධ්‍යස්ථානය, ජාතික ගොඩනැගිලි පර්යේෂණ සංවිධානය සහ වාරිමාර්ග දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව ඇතුළු රාජ්‍ය ආයතන සමඟ මෙම ගැටලුව සම්බන්ධයෙන් සහ විපතට පත් වූවන්ට සහන සැලසීම සඳහා මෙම තත්ත්වයට මුහුණ දීමට සාමූහික පියවර ගත හැකි ආකාරය සබැඳිව පුළුල් ලෙස සාකච්ඡා කර තිබෙන බව පැවසූ රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍යවරයා ජල සැපයුම සහ වාරිමාර්ග අවශ්‍යතා සපුරා ගැනීම සඳහා කාර්යක්ෂම ජල කළමනාකරණයක අවශ්‍යතාවය පිළිබඳව ද අවධාරණය කළේය.

රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය තෙන්නකෝන් වැඩිදුරටත් පැවසුවේ, දේශීය හා ජාත්‍යන්තර කාලගුණ විද්‍යා මූලාශ්‍ර සහ කාලගුණ අනාවැකි වලින් රැස්කරගත් තොරතුරු හුවමාරු කරගැනීමටත් ඉදිරියේදී හදිසි කාලගුණික තත්වයන්ට මුහුණ දීමට බලධාරීන් සැලසුම් කරන ආකාරය පිළිබඳව දැනුවත් කිරීමටත් මාධ්‍යවේදීන් සමඟ මාසික රැස්වීම් පැවැත්වීමට බලාපොරොත්තු වන බවයි.

 
මානව ක්‍රියාකාරකම් හේතුවෙන් සිදුවන ව්‍යසනයන් පිළිබඳව අදහස් දක්වමින් රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍යවරයා කියා සිටියේ මේ වන විට දිවයිනේ ප්‍රදේශ කිහිපයකින් ලැව්ගිනි 58ක් වාර්තා වී ඇති අතර, මෙම ලැව්ගිනි බොහොමයක් මිනිස් ක්‍රියාකාරකම් හේතුවෙන් ඇති වන බවයි. මෙවැනි සිදුවීම් වැළැක්වීම සඳහා එවැනි අපරාධ සිදුකරන්නන් සම්බන්ධයෙන් කටයුතු කිරීමට නීති යාවත්කාලීන කළ යුතු බව ඔහු පැවසීය.
 
කොළඹ පිහිටි ආරක්‍ෂක රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍යාංශයේ දී අද පෙරවරුවේ පැවති මෙම මාධ්‍ය හමුවට ආපදා කළමනාකරණ මධ්‍යස්ථානයේ අධ්‍යක්‍ෂ ජෙනරාල් මේජර් ජෙනරල් සුදන්ත රණසිංහ, කාලගුණ විද්‍යා දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ අධ්‍යක්‍ෂ ජෙනරාල් ඒ.කේ කරුණානායක, ආරක්‍ෂක අමාත්‍යාංශයේ ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ සහකාර ලේකම් හර්ෂ විතානාරච්චි යන මහත්වරු ද එක්ව සිටියහ.

ඉඩම් ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණයට අවුරුදු 50  යි. පවරාගත් ඉඩම් වලට මොකද වුණේ? – අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන මහතා.

August 9th, 2023

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය.

අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා මේ බව සඳහන් කළේ  වීර මොණරවිල කැප්පෙටිපොල ජාතික පදනම    මාතලේ මහ නගර සභාව මගින් ඉදිකළ වීර පුරන්අප්පු විරුවාණන්ගේ පිළිරුව විවෘත කිරීමෙන් අනතුරුව මාතලේ දිස්ත්‍රීක් ලේකම් කාර්යාලයේ 2023.08.08 දින  පැවති 175 වන  සමරු උත්සවයේදීය.  

මෙහිදී අදහස් දැක්වූ අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා –

  අධීරාජ්‍යවාදීන්,  මෙරට පාලනය භාරගෙන අත්සන් කළ ගිවිසුම කඩ කරන්න පටන් ගත්තා. වර්ෂයෙන් වර්ෂය එම ක්‍රියාදාමය දරුණු වුණා. බුදු දහමට දුන් පොරොන්දු කඩ කරන්න පටන් ගත්තා.  අපේ රටේ නීති කඩන්නට  සුද්දන්ට අයිතියක් කොහෙන්ද ආවෙ. එය කියාපාන්නට අපේ වීරෝදාර නායකයින් නැගිට්ටා. පුරන් අප්පු අවදි කළේ මුළු ජාතියක්. මුළු මහත් රට වැසියා වෙනුවෙන් අසාධාරණය හා කෲරකම් වලට එරෙහිව කටයුතු  කිරීමේ අති මහත් වූ අභිමානවත් ගමනට පණ දුන්නා.

දරුණුතම මිනිස් සංහාරයක් සිදු කළ සුදු ආණ්ඩුව කෲර  පාලනයක් ගෙන ගියා පමණක් නොව හැදෙන වැඩෙන පොඩි දරුවන් පවා ඝාතනය කළා. අදත් එයට වන්දි ගෙවා නැති  බව ප්‍රකාශ කළ යුතුයි. පසුගිය කාලයේ ලන්දේසි පාර්ලිමේන්තුව  ප්‍රකාශයක් කළා. යටත් කරගත් රටවල් වල ජනයාට  හා දේපල වලට කරන ලද හානියට සදාකාලික සමාව අයදිනවා කියලා. එවැනි ප්‍රසිද්ධ ප්‍රකාශනයක් නෙදර්ලන්තය  සිදුකළා. මා මෙය සිහිපත් කරන්නේ අයැද සිටින්න නොවේ. නමුත්  සාධාරණය  මත ජීවත් වූ  රටකට පැමිණ බලෙන් සියලු දේ මංකොල්ල කමින් පාලනය ගෙන යාමේ  වරද ඔවුන් යළි යළිත් සිහිපත් කළ යුතුමයි.

 ඉංග්‍රීසින් නීතිය හැදුවේ කොහොමද? මේ රටට බලෙන් ඇවිල්ලා, මෙහි  පාලකයන් හැටියට ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කරලා, අපේ රටේ ගම් දනවු ඉඩම් ඔවුන්ගේ අයිතිය බවට ප්‍රකාශ කළා. මොන අයිතියක් ද?අපේ රටට නැති වුණ දේ යළි දිනා ගන්නට සටන් කළ නිදහස් සටනේ වීරවරයන් ආරම්භ කළ ක්‍රියාදාමයන් ගැන අපට අද සැනසෙන්නට පුළුවන්. අද අපි ඒ වෙනුවෙන් ඉදිරි ක්‍රියාමාර්ග ගත යුතුයි.

  එදා එංගලන්ත පවුම් දෙකට, තුනට මේ උඩරට අක්කර සිය ගණන් භාරදෙන්න සිද්ධ වුණා. ඔවුනට එරෙහිව අපේ මිනිසුන් සටන් කළා.  කැඳවන ලද නඩු වලදී මෙම වීරවරයන්  වෙඩි උණ්ඩයට බයේ තමන්ගෙන් අහන දේට දිය යුතු පිළිතුර වෙනස් කළේ නැහැ. එලෙස අභිමානවත්ව ජාතියේ අනාගතය අවදි වෙන්නට  බියක් සැකක් නැතුව වචන ඉදිරිපත් කළා. අදත් ඒ පිළිබඳ පොතක් කියවන කොට හැම කෙනෙක්ගේම හදවත් අවදි වෙනවා. මේ ගම් නියම් ගම් ගොවිතැනින් ස්වයංපෝෂිත භූමියක් පමණක් නොවෙයි. අපේ රටේ ජනතාවගේ අවශ්‍යතාවයන් සියල්ලන්ම ස්වයංපෝෂිත වුණ  ගම්මාන අපිට තිබුණා. එදා ඒවා ක්‍රමානුකූලව යටත් කරගනිමින් තමන්ට ඕන දේ නිෂ්පාදනය කිරීම සඳහා විදේශ සමාගම් වලට දුන්නා. 1848 පුරන් අප්පු ජාතික වීරවරයා, 1818 කැප්පැටිපොළ වීරවරයා  සටන් කළ අරමුණ එදා දිනුවා නම් මේ අපරාධය අපේ මහ පොළොවට වෙන්නේ නැහැ.

ඉඩම් ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ කොමිෂන් සභාවක් ගෙනාවා. දැන් අවුරුදු 50 යි. අවුරුදු 50 ක් ගිහිල්ලත් ඉඩම් ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ කොමිසමෙන් අයිති වුණු ඉඩම් වලට මොකද වුණේ? අපේ අහිංසක ගම්මු න්ට දුන්නද ? එහෙම නැත්නම් අපේ ගම් ගැන වෙන ක්‍රමයකට ඉඩම් ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණයෙන් ප්‍රතිඵල ගෙනාවා ද? ඒ දෙකම වෙලා නැහැ. කන්ද උඩරට දැනට හරියාකාරව පාවිච්චි කරලා නැති  හැම බිම් අඟලක්ම නව පනත යටතේ ආපසු ගම් වලට දෙන්න ඕන.

එහෙම ලබා දෙන සංවර්ධන  වැඩපිළිවෙලක් දියත් කරලා  පුනර්ජීවනයේ ඉදිරිය හැටියට  ගම පත් කරන්න ඕනේ. එහෙම නොකලොත් අපේ අලුත් පරම්පරාවට, අපේ හැදෙන වැඩෙන පරම්පරාවට, ඒ අනාගතය මෙහෙයවීමට පුළුවන් ශක්තියක් හරියාකාරව සම්පූර්ණ වෙන්නේ නැහැ. නව පරම්පරාවට අලුත් වගාවන් කිරීම සඳහා ඉඩම් ලබාදීම ආරම්භ කළොත් කැරැල්ලේ විරුවන්ගේ සටනට අර්ථයක් එක්කලා වෙයි.

රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය සිසිර ජයකොඩි, මධ්‍යම පළාත් ආණ්ඩුකාර ලලිත් යු. ගමගේ, පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් වන නාලක කෝට්ටෙගොඩ, යදාමිණි ගුණවර්ධන, මාතලේ දිසාපති තේජානි තිලකරත්න, නාගරික කොමසාරිස් නිශාන්ත මාදුවගේ, වීර මොණරවිල කැප්පෙටිපොල පදනමේ සභාපති වෝල්ටර් තැන්නෙ අතුළු පිරිස මෙම අවස්ථාවට එක්වූහ.

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය.

Niger ‘crisis’: Blinken is blinking, Nuland is midwifing

August 9th, 2023

Malinda Seneviratne


Antony Blinken is concerned, poor man. The US Secretary of State, following talk of the current Niger leadership considering obtaining military support from the Wagner Group, told the BBC that ‘every single place that this Wagner Group has gone, death, destruction and exploitation have followed.’ Hold on to that.

What is referred to as the ‘Wagner Group’ is a Russian state-funded entity, the ‘Wagner Private Military Company’ controlled by Yevgeny Prigozhin.  A few months ago Prigozhin launched a rebellion following disagreements with Russia’s Ministry of Defence. Not surprisingly the Western media, which is largely cued by Washington, cheered Prigozhin on. The euphoria was short-lived. An agreement was reached, Prigozhin moved to Belarus but Blinken kept cheering. 

Blinken said that the uprising showed real cracks in Russian President Vladimir Putin’s government and expressed hope that this ‘may offer Ukraine a crucial advantage as it conducts a counteroffensive that could influence the outcome of the war.’

The gains and losses of the counteroffensive are largely speculative. If you believe Washington-Speak, everything is going well and the outcome that would please Blinken is still possible. Russia Today will tell you otherwise. What’s important is that six weeks after the Wagner move on Moscow was quashed, the military group has sent shivers down the spines of several countries bordering Belarus. Latvia closed its border with Russia and along with Lithuania requested NATO for additional troops while Poland beefed up its border with Belarus with 1,500 additional soldiers.

So, while even the Western media has dropped the ‘Cracks in Russia’ narrative, the outcome at least for now is increased angst among Washington’s allies. Whether this would solidify Washington’s intended putsch on Russia or rather Russian sway in Europe or would result in the Russia-Belarus combine stitching up the Western flanks is left to be seen.  For now, Blinken isn’t talking about ‘cracks.’ Not in Russia anyway. He is worried about Niger and probably the African continent.  We will get to that.

Antony Blinken is someone who called for the invasion of Iraq in 2003. He bought into the lie about Saddam Hussein having weapons of mass destruction or maybe he knew the truth and endorsed the lie. Having held senior positions in the State Department and the National Security Council from 1994 to 2001, Blinken, we can assume, was in the know about Washington’s quiet and not so quiet wars. He knows how the USA funds, arms and trains people in other countries to wage war on governments that don’t toe Washington’s line. He knows about US mercenaries.

We know about the Wagner Group, thanks to Washington-echoing media but these outfits rarely talk of the US equivalents. There are exceptions, of course. On September 16, 2007,  Blackwater contractors (well, mercenaries) guarding State Department employees entered a crowded square near the Mansour district in Baghdad, Iraq, opened fire and killed 20 civilians. At the time the US mercenary outfit’s ground forces in that country numbered 160,000.  Sean McFate has detailed ‘America’s addiction to mercenaries’ talking about the ‘why’ and the ‘how’ of it, in an article in ‘The Atlantic’ published on August 12, 2016. It’s an excellent entry-point for those who want to dig deeper into the ‘Deeper State’ of US interference in other countries which of course includes US military bases, US-sponsored coups, ‘revolutions,’ and rigging of elections in favour of Washington’s political lapdogs all over the world.

This is why Blinken’s statement is so out of order. Let’s re-quote: ‘every single place that this Wagner Group has gone, death, destruction and exploitation have followed.’ 

The United States of America invaded twenty-two countries just in the last 20 years. ‘Vivid Maps’ claims the following:

‘[The USA] has been involved in declared wars against the United Kingdom (1775 – 1783 and 1812 – 1815), Canada (1812 – 1815), Algeria (1815), Mexico (1836, 1842, 1844, 1846-1848), Japan (1853-1854), Korea (1871 and 1950-1953), Philippines (1898 and 1899-1902), Cuba (1898), Spain (1898), Vietnam (1964-1973), Cambodia (1969-1973), Iraq (1991, and 2003-present), Kueit (1991), Oman (1991), Afghanistan (1998 and 2001-present). The U.S. also has been involved in World War I (Germany, Austria, Belgium) and World War II (Germany, Austria, Italy, Belgium, Romania, Hungary, Bulgaria, Morocco, Algeria, Japan, Philippines, Papua New Guinea).

‘The USA has been involved in some form of military conflicts and acitvity in France (1798-1800), French Guiana (1798-1800) Mexico (1818-1819), Cuba (1822-1825 and 1917-1922), Greece (1827, 2014), Indonesia (1832, 1838-1839), Arcgintina (1833, 1852-1853, 1890)Peru (1835-1836), Uriguay (1855, 1859), Nicaragua (1854, 1857, 1896, 1898, 1912 – 1925), Panama (1856, 1865, 1988-1989), Lebanon (1858, 1982-1983) Venesuela (1873,1895, 1902), Angola (1860), Puerto Rico (1898), Dominican Republic (1903-1904, 1965), Ethyopya (1993-1994), Syria (1903, 2017), Honduras (1911, 1983-1989), Hiati (1914, 1993-1996), Russia (1918-1922), Croatia (1919), Guatemala (1920), Germany (1948), Taiwan (1950-1955), Thailand (1952), Egipet (1956), Laos (1962-1975), Democratic Republic of Congo (1964), Iran (1980, 1920), El Salvador (1981), Chad (1983), Bolivia (1986), Saudabi Aravia (1990), Liberia (1990, 2003), Sierra Lione (1992), Sudan (1992-1993) Macedonia (1993-1994), Bosnia and Hertzegovina (1993-1999), Burundi (1994), Albania (1996-1998), Gabon (1997), Republic of Congo (1997), Sudan (1998), Kenia (1998), Tansania (1998), Serbia (1999-2000), Kosovo (1991-2001), South Sudan (2001), Mauritania (2003), Sinegal (2003), Eritea (2004-2006), Central African Republic (2011), Uganda (2011), Yemen (2012, 2016), Jiordania (2013), Niger (2013), Poland (2014), Ukraine (2015), Lithuania (2015), Cameroon (2015).’

Could Blinken claim that death, destruction and exploitation did not follow in any of these instances?  He claims that the Wagner Group ‘brought nothing but bad things in their wake.’ Hmm. And the US brought…what? Life, construction and Christmas all around the year? No, Blinken cannot claim that the USA never brought death, destruction and exploitation to countries they invaded or intervened in through proxies.

Neither can Victoria Nuland, the current Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs who has been desperately urging the new Niger government not to get involved with the Wagner Group.

Nuland has not called for the ousted president, Mohamed Bazoum, to be reinstated. In fact Nuland’s plea comes after the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) threatened military action against Niger’s coup leaders unless they reinstated Bazoum. The new government has refused to back down and clearly Nuland isn’t taking the ECOWAS threat seriously. The deadline imposed by ECOWAS has come and gone and there’s no sign of military intervention by ECOWAS. Instead, Burkina Faso and Mali have declared that any foreign military action against Niger would be considered a declaration of war on them as well.

Prigozhin has made the pertinent observation on Nuland’s pleas to the Niger government to desist from talking to the Wagner Group. He points out that the thought of Niger-Wagner talks has forced Nuland to recognise a government it had not recognised the previous day. 

Nuland, by the way, is widely known as ‘The Maidan Midwife,’ for her active role in the Ukraine coup in 2014, which by the way helped create conditions for what’s unfolding in the region right now. And what’s that? Well, death, destruction and exploitation.

Many African nations now see the range of options expanding; in a uni-polar world, arm twisting was the name of the game. ‘Things are changing,’ they might very well be thinking

Blinken also told the BBC that the Wagner Group was taking advantage of instability in Niger. He should know. When has the USA not taken advantage of political instability? Indeed, has not the USA created instability in order to take advantage of the chaos?

The world in general ought to be wary of mercenaries, all mercenaries and not just the Wagner Group. The world in generation ought to be wary of intervention of any kind by whichever country, not just Russia. The USA however does not have the moral authority to whine, but that’s exactly what we are seeing. Blinken is fretting, Nuland is midwifing.  We are watching.

Animal Welfare Bill – A Comparative Study Book Launched 

August 9th, 2023

Senaka Weeraratna 

A Book entitled ‘ A Comparative Study – Animal Welfare Bill Proposed by the Law Commission (2006) and the

Animal Welfare Bill as Amended (2022) by Senaka Weeraratna,  Attorney-at-Law, was launched at the Public Library, Colombo on Monday, August 07, 2023

A picture of the participants at the Press Conference conducted by the Coalition for a Pro Animal Protection Act for Sri Lanka held at the Public Library, Colombo on August 07, 2023.

This book was launched at this Press Conference. 

Contents

Introduction                                                                                                    4

Sum-Up of My Observations on the 2022 Version                                        6

Annexure 1. The History and Current Status of the 2022 Draft Act             10

Annexure 2: Factual Details of My Observations on the 2022 Version        13     

          Part I:  Chapters I-IV – Clauses 1-26                               13

          Part II:  Clause 27                                                           26

          Part III: Clauses 28-45                                                    31

Conclusion                                                                                                     34

Introduction

The Law Commission of Sri Lanka, responding to growing public demands invited representations from the public, conducted hearings, and thereafter had a comprehensive Draft Animal Welfare Act prepared (2000 – 2006).  Altogether there were over 70 submissions, both oral and written from individuals and Associations. The laws of other jurisdictions were also examined.

In my capacity as an Honorary Legal Consultant to the Law Commission on Animal Welfare Legislation, I steered this project in addition to drafting the new Animal Welfare Act (hereinafter called the Animal Welfare Bill”) at the invitation and under the supervision of the Law Commission. The goal was to replace the antiquated Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Ordinance No. 13 of 1907 with a new statute and remedy several deficiencies in other pieces of legislation relating to Animals and Animal Welfare.

The Animal Welfare Bill proposed by the Law Commission and handed to the then President, Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa in June 2006, was a comprehensive document. Upon enactment, it was felt that it would set the standard for other countries, particularly in Asia to adopt. Unfortunately, the Bill has had an uneasy ride over the last 17 years largely owing to the opposition of people with vested interests.

It has reappeared in a new incarnation in the year 2022 as a Bill of Parliament with many of the outstanding features that made the 2006 draft Animal Welfare Bill admirable and highly valued, discarded. Today, the Bill (2022 Version) is at the penultimate stage of its passage. Some of the content is draconian. It has fallen short in critical areas vis-à-vis the original Animal Welfare Bill, henceforth referred to as the 2006 Version. The potential of creating room for possible committing of greater harm to a wider number of animals through misinterpretation and misconstruction of words, though not conceived at the time of drafting, is very high and alarming.

The history and status of the Animal Welfare Bill, providing comprehensive background information vital to a better understanding of the issues we are raising, is in Annexure 1.

The moral challenge for the people of Sri Lanka is to either give effect to the long-suppressed voice of the voiceless animals via an effective piece of Animal Welfare legislation or accommodate the demands of those who see animals in an entirely different light i.e., as fit only for abuse and exploitation for profit, and thereby belying the noble purpose of the Animal Welfare Bill

Sum-up of My Observations on the 2022 Version

1.     The need for modern legislation to govern Animal Welfare in Sri Lanka can no longer be disregarded or brushed aside. This proposed Animal Welfare Act bereft of an up-to-date legal framework containing modern standards on Animal Welfare, if passed, will be a source of shame and national embarrassment, as well as a slur on Sri Lanka’s International image.

2.     A Bill (2006 version) that had the input and scrutiny of about 15 senior lawyers being members of the Law Commission of Sri Lanka plus consideration of submissions both oral and written from the public i.e., over 70 individuals and Associations, and examination of laws of other Jurisdictions, during the drafting stage with Animal Welfare as its only focus, unfortunately, has had a few people representing vested interests exploiting animals, changing/adding/deleting key Clauses over the years to primarily provide trade benefits over and above the welfare of the animals. This uncalled-for interference is causing serious disfigurement to a well-planned and well-drafted Animal Welfare Bill (2006) that would have won the hearts and minds of civilized people anywhere in the world. The recent changes (2022) contain contradictions and ambiguities that will render most acts of cruelty to animals not legally definable and furthermore will obstruct State and public rescue operations to save threatened animals or animals in danger difficult.

3.     A Bill that is in the process of being enacted to replace an archaic 1907 Ordinance, nevertheless, retains the applicability of the 1893 Butcher’s Ordinance with all its obnoxious and medieval methods of slaughter without consideration of bringing any improvement to the welfare of the animals at the time of passage in the slaughterhouse and time of slaughter.

4.     Clause 18 is the ugly duckling of the entire Animal Welfare Bill (2022). It is tantamount to a blatant negation of the right to protection for all animals that is usually at the heart of credible Animal Welfare legislation in any part of the world.  In the 2022 version, the AWB guarantees at the commencement of the legislation the right to protection of all animals but with a sleight of hand excludes certain species of animals, including both quadrupeds and bipeds, which are of economic value from such protection. 

5.     Clause 18 with sub-clauses (a-g and h incorporated as recently as on 20th June 2023 with trade benefits and profits in mind for business houses, allows selected Animals despite being ‘sentient beings’ to be treated as inanimate objects or chattels contradicting the Act’s own definition of Animal” and subverting its own Objects. This is unconscionable and immoral as, for example, Chicken is excluded from the welfare provisions of the Draft Act.

6.     Clause 18 prohibits farm animals and live animals that are being used in experiments and teaching from gaining the protection of this Act and has added yet another sub-clause (h) to include Poultry as a food product to Clause 18 as recently as 20th June 2023, purely for trade and economic benefits. The welfare of the animal is being sacrificed in the rush to accommodate the meat trade in these provisions. All this defeats the primary purpose of this Act, as Poultry (fowls, hens) are also animals, and their welfare is entitled to protection under the draft Act. 

7.     Clauses 1-17 mostly deal with the refinement of the language used in the provisions and the increase in the quantum of fines and jail terms.

8.     Clause 18 (e) says that the draft Act does not apply to the use of animals for testing of drugs or cosmetics in accordance with the prescribed procedure”. This provision is morally indefensible and glaringly contradictory to another identically worded provision. In one provision of the Act (Clause 12) the use of live animals is prohibited, adding a rider qualifier that was not there in the 2006 version – unless it is for prescribed purposes.” and in this Clause, it is allowed without any prohibition or qualifier. In fact, this Act will not protect these live animals. These two provisions, Clause 12 and Clause 18 (e) mutually contradict each other and if kept as they are in this manner, they will bring the 2022 Act to ridicule and disrepute. Chapter III which deals exclusively with ‘Use of live animals for Experimental and Teaching Purposes’ is rendered redundant as Clause 18 (e) prohibits the application of the draft Act to use of animals for testing of drugs or cosmetics in accordance with the prescribed procedure”. These blatant contradictions make a mockery of the Draft Act. Regulation 43 (1) (i) also deals with this subject which will be redundant by virtue of Clause 18 (e).

9.     The word ‘Pests’ in Clause 41, raises new animal welfare concerns. ‘Pests’ back in the 2006 Bill were meant to be interpreted as ‘insects’ but never as bipeds or quadrupeds. The looming danger is that the term ‘Pests’ may provide a loophole for stretching the interpretation to include a whole range of other animals e.g., wild animals, stray cats, and dogs. This is alarming.

10. The provision for establishing an Animal Welfare Advisory Committee in place of a National Animal Welfare Authority as proposed in the 2006 Bill is another drawback. Drafting of legislation must be strict and not leave room for favourites of the framers of the legislation to creep in through the backdoor via an extended interpretation of a provision drafted for such purpose. Clause 27 (1) (b) (i) is one such disgraceful provision. In other provisions, suitable people involved in a particular field are acceptable for nomination to this Committee. In this sub-clause, the language used is ‘actively engaged in animal welfare’. This is an insult to all veterinarians as they are all engaged in the rendering of services to animals. The Act’s own interpretation of Animal Welfare Officer” means all Government Veterinary Surgeons.

11.  Animal Welfare Advisory Committee — Clause 27 (Part II) of the AWB (2022) is an extended and lengthy provision devoted exclusively to the subject matter of the ‘Establishment of the Animal Welfare Advisory Committee’ and related aspects.

It is when one looks closely at the composition of the Advisory Committee and the basis of its duties in an Advisory capacity to the Minister that the sinister Agenda underlying the AWB (2022) is laid bare.

Using a hackneyed idiom, the framers have ‘let the cat out of the bag’ in composing Clause 27. Its unbalanced nature, one-sidedness, and bias in favour of vested interests that unabashedly exploit animals in the food industry, pharmaceutical and cosmetics industries, and laboratory sciences, are abundantly made clear. In comparison to the content of the 2006 version of AWB relating to the composition of the Authority and its functions (Part II) (Clause 3 -13), the 2022 version has downsized and circumscribed the work of the Advisory Committee.

In a glaring display of partisanship, the room is provided for the Advisory Committee to be packed with members representing the ‘users of animals for consumption and trade’ rather than the ‘carers’ and ‘voices’ for animals. The 2006 version allowed six members nominated by Animal Welfare Societies to be on the Committee of the Authority. This number has been reduced to just two members on the Advisory Committee in the 2022 version.

In the 2006 version the functions of the Authority in favour of the uplift of the cause of animals extended to 24 items in number (Part III – Clause 14 (a) – 14 (u)). These 24 lines of pursuit as set out were ennobling and dignified reflecting the historical and civilizational character of Sri Lanka. Unfortunately, this high-minded endeavour has been thwarted and the number of advisory functions has been reduced drastically to three (3) in the 2022 version while one function (outside these three) is to advise the Minister ‘on any matter relating to laboratory facilities for experiments on animals.’ There was no such function allocated to the Authority in the 2006 version.

Furthermore, the Poultry and Livestock Industries have been allowed to be represented by two members on the Advisory Committee being the same number (two) of representation provided to the Animal Welfare Societies in a draft statute dedicated to the welfare of animals.

The exclusivity of representation sought by vested interests on the Advisory Committee is such that even ‘an Ayurvedic Physician with experience in treating animals nominated by the Ayurvedic Medical Council’ (proposed in the 2006 version) has been dropped in the 2022 version of the draft Animal Welfare Act.

Concluding Remarks: The entire Animal Welfare Bill proposed by the Law Commission in 2006 has been hijacked by the Meat trade and its acolytes and converted into an AWB (2022) protecting not the innocent animals but more the interests of the Poultry and Meat trade, and those who use live Animals in totally unnecessary experiments despite the availability of viable non-violent and harmless alternatives.

Can the friends of voiceless animals remain silent in the face of enactment of a bad piece of draft legislation to be incredulously called the ‘Animal Welfare Act’ upon enactment?

Annexure 1

The History and Current Status

of the 2022 Draft Act

History

1.      Mr. Senaka Weeraratna, Attorney-at-Law, upon the invitation of the then Chairman of the Law Commission, Justice A.R.B. Amerasinghe delivered a talk on ‘The Requirement for New Animal Welfare Legislation in Sri Lanka” to the members of the Law Commission, Senior Government Officials, and members of Animal Welfare Societies in the Board Room of the Law Commission on February 01, 2000. This talk highlighted the need to consider reviewing the laws relating to the welfare of animals in Sri Lanka as they were archaic and obsolete and were in need of urgent reforms.

2.      The very next day Mr. Weeraratna received a hand-delivered letter to his residence from Dr. A.R.B. Amerasinghe saying that the Law Commission had decided to pursue work in relation to repealing the archaic Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Ordinance, No. 13 of 1907, and replacing it with an Animal Welfare Act and offered Mr. Weeraratna a position on the Law Commission staff as an (Honorary) Legal Consultant on Animal Welfare legislation with a clear mandate to draft a new Animal Welfare Act for the consideration of the members of the Law Commission.  

3.      Justice Dr. A R B Amerasinghe at the same time directed Ms. Lakshmi Gunasekera, Secretary, Law Commission of Sri Lanka to include Animal Welfare Laws in the Program of Work of the Law Commission of Sri Lanka for the period 2000 to 2004 and also in the Annual Report of 2002 to be submitted to the Minister of Justice, Law Reforms, Buddha Sasana and National Integration to be laid before Parliament.

4.      Mr. Anande Amaraweera, Attorney- at- Law, and Assistant Secretary of the Law Commission was seconded to assist Mr. Weeraratna.

5.      Mr. Weeraratna over a period of 6 years (2000 – 2006) drafted and steered the completion of the Project while being in consultation with the Public and Animal Welfare Societies.  The draft of the AWB was read and reviewed six times (six versions) by the Law Commissioners before it was finally given approval by the Law Commission. A team comprising the Minister of Justice Hon. Amarasiri Dodangoda, Professor (Dr.) Lakshman Marasinghe (then Chairman, Law Commission) and Ms. Lakshmi Gunasekera, Secretary, Law Commission handed over to President Mahinda Rajapaksa the Animal Welfare Bill proposed by the Law Commission, in June 2006. The Law Commission Report accompanying the AWB singularly acknowledged the vital role of Mr. Senaka Weeraratna in the project. 

6.      When the AW Bill of 2006 was not enacted soon enough and was being foot dragged, Hon. Ven. Athuraliye Rathana Thero, MP, tabled it in Parliament in 2010 as a Private Member’s Bill. It reproduced verbatim the Animal Welfare Bill proposed by the Law Commission in 2006 almost word to word.  

7.      But the Parliament was dissolved soon after in the same year resulting in the lapse of the AW Bill. AWT (Animal Welfare Trust) lobbied for the expeditious enactment and in protest over the delay. 

8.      The AWT together with several religious and animal welfare organizations filed a writ application in the Court of Appeal in 2010 seeking a court order directing the relevant Govt. authorities to adopt measures to implement the laws pertaining to animal welfare and to amend the laws for the better protection of animals.

9.      In March 2015 the AW Bill was submitted to Cabinet by the then Minister of Social Services, Welfare and Livestock Development (Hon. P. Harrison).

10.  The AWT then went to Courts and the Courts appointed a Select Committee. 

11.  On January 16, 2019, the Court of Appeal directed the Respondents including the Minister of Livestock & Animal Welfare to facilitate the enactment of the Animal Welfare Bill expeditiously and forthwith.

12.   The failure to make headway to enact either the Law Commission AW Bill (2006) or the Private Member’s Animal Welfare Bill of Parliament (2010) has been largely due to the lack of political will on the part of the lawmakers in Sri Lanka to support the placement of a new humane Animal Welfare Act on the Statute Book.

The Current Status of the Draft Act of 2022

A substantially amended AW Bill far removed from the Law Commission 2006 version in both direction and values embracing animal welfare, was gazetted on February 07, 2022.  It was presented to the Parliament by the Hon. Minister of Agriculture on March 24, 2022.

Chronology

1.  The 1st reading in Parliament was done on March 24, 2022.

2.  The 2nd reading which began in June 2022 is in progress. The critical debate in Parliament and the appointment of a Parliamentary Select Committee has yet to take place.  

3.  In 2023, the Hon. Mr. Udaya Gammanpila, MP, and leader of the Pivithuru Hela Urumaya, took an initiative by coming forward to expedite the enactment of the Bill and now heads a Parliamentary Caucus for Animal Welfare.  

4.  Mr. Gammanpila convened a meeting on 7th June 2023 inviting MPs and AWs, but excluding the signatories who are key stakeholders, including Mr. Senaka Weeraratna who was largely instrumental in drafting the Law Commission-sponsored Animal Welfare Bill of 2006.

5.  At this meeting an amendment was introduced and agreed upon and it was decided to not go back to the attendant legal procedures after an amendment is made to any Bill, on grounds of the need to avoid further delays.

6.  On 20th June 2023 the Caucus met again, and three more amendments were proposed by the non-animal welfare parties, who it is reliably understood, are demanding further amendments to be made to the draft Animal Welfare Act (2022 version).

Some Excerpts 

Clause 18 (2022) – Provisions relating to Offences not to apply for certain acts.

*Clause 18 – Newly introduced in the 2022 Version. No counterpart in the 2006 version.

*Mutually Contradictory Clauses repeated verbatim. Undermines the Act’s Very Purpose and Objects – Animal Welfare.

*No one should have a Constitutional right to destroy or sacrifice an animal in the name of any Religion.

*Making concessions in an Animal Welfare Bill on fundamental premises including allowing 5th Century methods of slaughter to prevail when developed countries are introducing modern methods/standards of slaughter to minimize suffering caused to the victim, weakens the moral basis of an Animal Welfare legislation as has been done to Sri Lanka’s AWB of 2022.

*The ‘halal’ method of slaughter based on 5th-century medieval practice in Arabia is called (in Islamic law) ‘dhabijah’. It comprises a swift, deep incision to the throat with a very sharp knife cutting the windpipe, jugular veins, and carotid arteries on both sides but leaving the spinal cord intact. This method of slaughter is being increasingly prohibited and sidelined all over the world including some Muslim countries because scientific studies have unfailingly shown that it (halal) causes immense suffering to the animal by way of cutting the neck and bleeding the animal to death. Stunning the animal prior to slaughter is the scientifically recommended modern (humane) method.

*The Protection of Animals at the time of slaughter is unaddressed in the AW Bill of 2022. No effort has been made in this draft Act (2022) to introduce measures to improve conditions in slaughterhouses in Sri Lanka, which are appalling, to say the least. In contrast, in Spain, slaughterhouses are required by law to install video surveillance to ensure animals are not mistreated before being killed. England, Scotland, and Israel have already introduced the measure in their abattoirs. These surveillance measures by installing CCTV video playback cameras are expected to ensure the welfare of animals during their passage through abattoirs.  It would also strengthen food safety guarantees.  Israel has a particularly effective system where all footage recorded in a slaughterhouse is transferred live to the Ministry of Agriculture, which acts as a strong crime deterrent. 

* IMPORTANT: Compare Clause 18 in 2022 Version vis-a-vis Clauses 37 and 38 in 2006 Version

Clause 37 and 38 (given below for easy reference to compare) are not included in the 2022 version and have been replaced with a new Exemption Clause, i.e., Clause 18, exempting animals that generate economic profits and animals subjected to live testing experiments, etc. from the protection of this AWB.

The provisions of Clause 38 are based on similar provisions in UK legislation introduced in 1999. @ https://www.legislation.gov.uk/uksi/1999/400/made

The English Legislation – The Welfare of Animals (Slaughter or Killing) (Amendment) Regulations 1999

States as follows:

Prohibition against slaughter by a religious method elsewhere than in a slaughterhouse

No person shall slaughter any animal by a religious method, or cause or permit any animal to be so slaughtered, elsewhere than in a slaughterhouse licensed under regulation 4 of the Fresh Meat (Hygiene and Inspection) Regulations 1995(4).”

The purpose of Clause 38 in the 2006 version was to ban Home Slaughter and ensure that only persons certified as Competent with a Certificate of Competence issued or recognized by an Authority would carry out the slaughter in a registered abattoir and not in a private dwelling house in a residential area or place of business or a public place. 

“Public place” has been defined as ‘for the purposes of this section includes any way, road, lane, square, court, alley, passage or open space whether a thoroughfare or not and any building to which the general public have access.’

FOR REFERENCE: AW Bill of 2006 – Clauses 37 and 38

37. (1) No person shall slaughter, or cause or permit to be slaughtered –

(a) any buffalo; or

(b) any cow, unless that cow is certified by a government Veterinary Surgeon or a Veterinary Surgeon employed by any local authority,

to be –

(i)                not less than twelve years of age, or

(ii)              incapable of breeding, or

(iii)            unfit to be used for any agricultural purpose.

2) Any person who contravenes the provisions of this section shall be guilty of an offense and shall upon conviction after a trial by a Magistrate be liable to a fine not exceeding twenty thousand rupees or to imprisonment for a term of one year or to both such fine and imprisonment.

Comment: The above provision (Clause 37) is identical to Section 2 of the Animals Act, No.29 of 1958 except that ‘buffalo’ has been added for protection like the cow. See Clause 37 (1) (a) above.

38. (1) Notwithstanding anything to the contrary in any other law with regard to the grant of licenses for the slaughter of any quadruped, no person shall slaughter or cause to be slaughtered a quadruped in a private dwelling house in a residential area or a place of business or a public place.

(2) No person shall slaughter any quadruped where the meat or any part of the carcass of the quadruped is meant to be sold or distributed for any purpose whatever unless such person holds a certificate of competence in the slaughter of animals issued or recognized by the Authority.

(3) Any person who contravenes the provisions of this section shall be guilty of an offence and shall upon conviction after a trial before a Magistrate, be liable to a fine not exceeding twenty thousand rupees or to imprisonment for a term not exceeding one year or to both such fine and imprisonment.

“public place” for the purposes of this section includes any way, road, lane, square, court, alley, passage, or open space whether a thoroughfare or not, and any building to which the general public has access.

 Poultry

The Poultry industry poses many threats to humans, environmental health, and the chickens themselves.

Animal Welfare Issues

 The Poultry industry places the interest of consumers and their trade and profit above the animals themselves. Animal welfare issues, such as high stocking densities, the deprivation of adequate living space, painful mutilations, damage to the body parts of the chicken, and cruel slaughter methods, blight the industry. Chickens are among the most abused animals on earth, subjected at every stage of their lives to some of the most inhumane treatment of any factory-farmed animal.

                                                                                       

Abuse of Chickens – some examples

a)      Live Shackle Slaughter: A common method of killing factory-farmed chickens is known as live shackle slaughter. The Chickens are hung upside down, and their legs are forced into metal stirrups, which often results in broken bones. Chickens are then forced through an electrified bath of water meant to make them lose consciousness prior to slitting their throats and their bodies thrown into boiling water meant to de-feather them. Chickens that manage to avoid the stunning electrified water remain conscious during the subsequent steps of this inhumane slaughter process.

b)     Forced Molting: Forced Molting is an inhumane treatment that layer hens are forced to endure. The process begins when the birds are about one-year-old before they are sent to the slaughterhouse. Forced molting requires the starving of hens of food and water, which can last anywhere from seven to 28 days. The process is meant to force the hen’s body to produce as many eggs as possible before they are killed. While still commonplace in many countries, forced molting is now treated as so cruel that many regions have banned the practice. In any Animal Welfare legislation that places the welfare of the animal as paramount, the abuse of chicken in the Poultry industry in Sri Lanka must be investigated and strict checks introduced to ensure minimum standards of humane treatment.

c)      Battery Cages: Battery cages are normally used in egg production facilities. Battery cages are designed to allow each bird roughly the same amount of space as a piece of lined paper; birds are prevented from running, walking more than a few steps, and even fully stretching their wings. Hens are also denied from engaging in normal behaviour due to close confinement—resulting in psychological harm.

d)      Debeaking: Debeaking, or beak trimming, requires the removal of portions of a chicken’s beak. This procedure is adopted when chicks are only a few hours old, and done without anesthesia, and is thought to inflict chronic pain throughout the bird’s life. The purpose of Debeaking is to prevent chickens from pecking at one another, a behavior that arises due to the typical close confinement conditions in factory farms. Egg-laying hens are typically debeaked, but the cruel operation is also performed on broiler chickens.

e)      Genetic Manipulation: Chickens usually lay about 10 eggs per year. But however, through genetic manipulation and selective breeding, layer hens bred in factory farms are now able to lay upwards of 300 eggs per year. This excessive production of eggs has a huge adverse impact on hens’ bodies. They tend to develop osteoporosis, tumors, uterine prolapse, and other painful and often lethal conditions.

Comment 

        All aspects of the breeding of poultry including Battery Hens must be subjected to regulations and treatment upholding minimum standards as defined in modern legislation governing animal welfare. These aspects must come under the purview of the Animal Welfare Act. 

Poultry = chicken/hen = animal –must come within the definition of ‘animal’ in the Act.  No animal can be excluded from the welfare provisions of the Act.

Such exemption would connote Cherry Picking” of animals for the benefit of outsiders and therefore the Act will not be considered as true to its Vision, Purposes, and Objects.  

 Conclusion

The Animal Welfare Bill proposed by the Law Commission in 2006 (and verbatim reproduced in the Private Members Bill tabled by Ven. Athureliya Rathana Thera, in Parliament, in October 2010) has been hijacked by the Meat Trade and its collaborators and converted into an Animal Welfare Bill (2022) protecting not the innocent animals but the interests of the Poultry and Meat trade, and those who use live Animals in totally unnecessary experiments despite the availability of viable non-violent and harmless suitable alternatives.

The Animal Welfare Bill (2006) introduced a robust legal framework and powers for protecting all animals. It was destined to become an International Gold Standard at least for countries in Asia.

How we treat animals, and the legislation we must have to govern animal welfare, is a hallmark of a civilized society. Animals have always enjoyed a high priority status in our pre-colonial civilization running for over 2, 500 years. That has always been a source of pride for this nation and drew a lot of respect from the neighbouring countries in South Asia and Southeast Asia. In ancient times the inhabitants of Sri Lanka i.e., the Buddhist Sinhalese, were called the ‘Arya Vamsa’  (people of noble character) because of our caring and compassionate attitudes towards non–human living beings. This hallowed tradition should be continued.

Today, we should be constantly looking to improve and refine our legislation in the area of animal welfare. It is a moral duty.

The Animal Welfare Bill of Sri Lanka (2022) with its inhumane and draconian amendments enshrines ‘Cruelty’ within a facade of a legal framework. It is a retrograde step. A slur on Sri Lanka’s image. It must not be enacted in Parliament. 

The Animal Welfare Bill of Ven. Athureliya Rathana Thera, MP, introduced in Parliament as a Private Members Bill, in October 2010 provides the precedent and way forward for enacting a true animal-friendly ‘ Animal Welfare Bill ‘ for Sri Lanka. 

Senaka Weeraratna      

President’s full speech in Parliament: ‘We must find solutions to our dilemmas within our own capabilities

August 9th, 2023

Courtesy Adaderana

President Ranil Wickremesinghe has urged for all Sri Lankans to unite to solve the current issues concerning power devolution and provincial councils.

Delivering a special statement in Parliament this morning (09 August), the Head of State said. Let’s collectively endeavour as a united nation to tackle this challenge. We must find solutions to our dilemmas within our own capabilities. External parties or foreign nations cannot solve our issues for us”.

Following the revision of laws pertaining to Provincial Councils and the implementation of new legislation, should the Parliament endorse the amending the Provincial Council Voting Act, which includes voting based on the District Proportional System and allows Members of Parliament the right to contest in Provincial Councils, with a minimum of 25% female representation, President Ranil Wickremesinghe noted that once discussions have been held and consensus reached regarding the proposed increase in the number of provincial councils, measures will be undertaken to conduct provincial council elections.

The President made this declaration today (09) during a special statement in the Parliament, wherein he presented his suggestions and forthcoming actions concerning the 13th amendment of the Constitution and the delineation of powers. 

He confirmed that the establishment of a committee, headed by the Prime Minister, will be pursued to re-evaluate the powers assigned to the central government, the functions assigned to provincial councils, and the shared responsibilities stipulated in the constitution. The resulting amendments will be proposed, garnering the support of all parliamentary factions.

Furthermore, President Ranil Wickremesinghe highlighted the intent to establish an advisory council to offer guidance to provincial governors until the operationalization of the provincial councils. 

Noting the entrenched role of Provincial Councils within the governance structure and political landscape of the country, the President emphasized the opportunity to effect a substantial transformation in constructing an effective, transparent, and corruption-free Provincial Council system that commands public trust and addresses citizen concerns.

President Ranil Wickremesinghe acknowledged the challenges in reaching consensus, particularly with sensitive matters like police powers during the devolution of authority to Provincial Councils under the 13th Amendment. He underscored the importance of unity in executing these initiatives.

Following is the full speech delivered by President Ranil Wickremesinghe;

The provincial council system was introduced in 1987 through the 13th Amendment to the constitution. This system has been operational in our country for 36 years. Nevertheless, numerous issues surround the implementation of the 13th Amendment, as well as the functioning of provincial councils.

If our nation is to progress, these problems must be addressed. The 13th Amendment needs to be implemented in a manner that aligns with our country’s development and future. This can only be achieved if all parliament members come to a consensus after thorough and open-minded discussions. To facilitate this, we recently organized an all-party conference, which saw participation from representatives of various political parties, for which I am appreciative.

However, during the conference, we couldn’t arrive at a comprehensive agreement on power devolution. Divergent perspectives on a specific national decentralization program were evident. It became apparent that certain political parties were hesitant to share their ideas, possibly due to past negative experiences from prior all-party conferences.

It’s time to change this situation. We should shift away from the convention of viewing the opposition’s role solely as criticizing the government’s actions. Let’s also abstain from making decisions without considering opposition viewpoints. We must act with assurance and accountability. Our country’s progress hinges on collective advancement along a new path. Let’s work towards establishing this new approach.

I want to reiterate a point I consistently emphasize: instead of dwelling on the past, let’s focus on the future. Yes, we’ve encountered challenges in the past, but let’s refrain from debating them and instead concentrate on envisioning the country’s future. With genuine intentions, let’s unite and make joint decisions that consider the nation’s future.

Have we achieved success in implementing the provincial councils through the 13th Amendment over the past 36 years? Or has it been a failure? What factors have contributed to either outcome? Let’s engage in a discussion on this matter. Let’s delve deeper, examine new global trends, and explore cases worldwide.

In our region, notable examples from countries such as India and China, as well as in the Western world including the United States of America and Canada, reveal instances of successful power devolution. Even smaller countries like the United Kingdom, Netherlands, and Japan have adopted devolution.

For instance, let’s consider China, where ethnic minorities account for less than 9 percent of the population. Despite this, China has granted autonomous powers to these minorities through various administrative entities such as zones, county (korale), and cities.

We must explore cases from different nations where national policies have effectively decentralized power. By learning from these experiences, we can identify a suitable system for our own country.

Our annual expenditure on provincial councils amounts to around Rs. 550 billion. Have these councils justified this investment? Has this substantial funding truly benefited the populace? This is a crucial aspect that deserves attention.

We spend LKR 22,000 for each person every year. We are spending LKR 22,000 that could be spent on our students for provincial councils. That is LKR 88,000 that could be spent on a family of four. Are we getting benefits from it?

The division of power and authority between provincial councils, central government, and local governing bodies lacks clarity. Consequently, subjects overlap between provincial councils and the central government, resulting in duplication of efforts and delayed actions. Instead of resolving people’s issues, problems are escalating due to these inefficiencies.

Some individuals in our nation label provincial councils as white elephants” due to these challenges. Yet, amid these limitations, provincial councils have significantly influenced Sri Lanka’s political trajectory. 

They have nurtured skilled political leaders and served as stepping stones to executive and parliamentary roles. Throughout history, numerous individuals who embarked on their political journey as provincial council members ascended to positions of power like the executive presidency, premiership, cabinet membership, and other significant roles. 

Many of the Ministers currently seated in this House have traversed a path from provincial council members to Chief Ministers and beyond.

During the inception of provincial councils, certain political parties expressed opposition. Some parties chose democratic protests, while others resorted to undemocratic means to voice their dissent. Tragically, this period witnessed loss of lives and destruction of national assets. Nonetheless, those days belong to the past.

Notably, none of the parliamentary political parties advocate for the abolition of provincial councils. Representatives from all these parties have engaged with and been part of provincial councils.

An additional aspect demands our attention here. The devolution of power within provincial councils is governed by the 13th Constitutional Amendment, which holds the status of the highest law of our nation. We cannot afford to disregard it. Both the executive and the legislature are obligated to execute its provisions.

Today, I present my proposals and forthcoming actions concerning the 13th Amendment and the devolution of powers to this esteemed House. I urge a thorough examination of these suggestions. I invite you to contribute your ideas as well. Taking all these viewpoints into careful consideration, the responsibility of arriving at the final decision regarding the role and future of provincial councils rests solely with this honourable council.

What characterizes modern democracies? The establishment of decentralized governance as opposed to devolution. Devolution of power serves to bring political, economic, social, and cultural matters closer to the people. This goal is pursued using diverse methods in different nations across the globe. Decentralization is recognized as a pathway to achieving a form of direct democracy.

While no governmental system can fully transition to a direct democracy where all citizens gather to make decisions, it’s feasible to construct an institutional framework that facilitates people’s participation and their expression of will in political, economic, and social processes. The provincial council system serves as one such framework that brings power to the people.

Furthermore, we’ve recently initiated several other strategies to empower the populace. We’ve bolstered sectoral committees and fostered youth involvement for this purpose. Concurrently, efforts are underway to establish public assemblies, aiming to involve citizens in grassroots governance. The Janasabha Secretariat has been launched, and once model assemblies are established, we’ll advance the Assembly Act.

In light of these advancements, I believe our focus should be on devising methods and strategies to further empower the people through provincial councils. By doing so, we can transform provincial councils into institutions that safeguard national unity.

In recent years, numerous committees associated with the Parliament have produced several documents that thoroughly examine the subject of provincial councils and their prospective trajectory. 

Among these documents is the interim report released on September 21, 2017, by the Steering Committee of the Constitutional Council of Sri Lanka, under my leadership. Importantly, all parties represented within the Parliament endorsed the recommendations outlined in this interim report.

The interim report offers recommendations concerning amendments to Articles 3, 4, and 5 of the Constitution. We now bring forward these proposed constitutional amendments for consideration by the Parliament.

The report also outlines the following points for implementation:

1. Ensuring the participation of provincial councils in the formulation of national policies concerning matters within the provincial list.

In formulating National Policy on matters contained in the Provincial List the Central Government shall adopt a participatory process with the Provincial Council;

2. No transfer of decentralized powers to the Central Government through the creation of national policies related to topics within the Provincial List, nor any impact on the executive and administrative powers under the jurisdiction of the Provincial Council.

Formulation of National Policy on a Provincial List matter would not have the effect of the Centre taking over executive or administrative powers with regard to the implementation of the said devolved power;

3. The executive and administrative powers required to enact the decentralized subject will remain under the jurisdiction of the Provincial Councils.

The Province will retain the executive or administrative powers (implementation powers) with regard to the said devolved power;

I will present the above proposals to parliament as constitutional amendments so the House could take it forward for necessary action.

In response to the interim report, several parties including Sri Lanka Freedom Party, Janatha Vimukti Peramuna, Tamil United Liberation Front, Jathika Hela Urumaya, United Opposition, All Ceylon Muslim Congress, All Ceylon People’s Congress, Eelam People’s Democratic Party, Sri Lanka Muslim Congress, Tamil Progressive Party of Mr. Douglas Devananda, and President’s Counsel Mr. Jayampathi Wickramaratne presented documents. This aspect should also be duly noted.

Furthermore, attention should be directed towards the report from the committee established to examine the relationship between the Parliament and the Provincial Councils, as well as the report from the Sub-Committee on Centre Periphery Relations.

Through these documents, the provincial council system is affirmed as an institutional framework that cannot be excluded from our governance system. Even parties like the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna and Jathika Hela Urumaya, which do not view provincial councils as a solution to ethnic conflicts or as units of decentralization, have acknowledged the need for specific amendments within the provincial council system and its unchanged aspects.

This reinforces the notion that the provincial council has become an enduring component that cannot be excised from Sri Lanka’s governmental structure or political landscape.

If we can achieve a consensus that garners everyone’s approval, we’ll have the opportunity to safeguard our national identity, unite as a single nation, and decentralize the country’s power, making it more accessible to the people. It’s important to note that provincial councils were established not exclusively in the Northern and Eastern provinces but across all nine provinces.

National unity is upheld by steering provincial councils in the right direction. Simultaneously, it can be confirmed as a more efficient and service-oriented organizational system. It presents a chance to decentralize power, bringing governance closer to the general populace. 

Therefore, our primary aim should be to develop the provincial council system as an institution that aligns with public needs, caters to public requirements, and contributes to national development.

To pave the way for this, I propose introducing several bills to the Parliament and implementing a series of new measures:

Appointment of Divisional Secretaries

Granting Authority to Provincial Councils for Education-related Services This involves exercising all powers related to school education listed in Schedule 3 of the Provincial Council List.

Establishment of Provincial Boards for Vocational and Technical Training Services

Empowerment of Provincial Councils to Establish Universities

Authorization for Provincial Councils to Provide Grassroots Agricultural Innovation and Services

Creation of Provincial Tourism Promotion Boards

Amendment to the Industries Act to Increase the Limit For industries of national importance, the limit will be raised from Rs. 4 million to Rs. 250 million. If this Parliament agrees, we’re ready to elevate it to Rs. 500 million.

Correction of Errors in Delegated Functions to Provincial Councils

Establishment of District Development Councils in Accordance with the 13th Constitutional Amendment Develop a three-year development plan for each provincial council in alignment with central government national policies. Integrate central government development programs into this plan, customized to each jurisdiction. Execute this three-year plan via District Development Councils and entrust its implementation to Provincial Councils.

Additionally, formulate a legal framework wherein Members of Parliament, Members of Provincial Councils, and Members of Local Government Bodies representing each district can collaborate effectively in this endeavour.

We are currently in the process of establishing a committee, led by the Prime Minister, tasked with re-evaluating the list of powers held by the central government, the provincial council powers, and the concurrent list outlined in the constitution. The objective is to propose necessary amendments. We are actively seeking the support of all parties represented in the Parliament for this initiative.

The Provincial Council Act No. 42 of 1987 lacks precise definitions regarding the responsibilities of provincial council ministers, their secretaries, and other officials. As a result, misunderstandings, issues, and confusion can arise. To address this, amendments should be made to the Provincial Council Act, specifying their powers.

Following the revision of these laws concerning Provincial Councils and the enactment of new laws, subject to the Parliament’s agreement, we are prepared to amend the Provincial Council Elections Act.

Presently, three proposals have been submitted in this context:

Adoption of the District Proportional System for Voting

Allowing Members of Parliament to contest in provincial council elections

Raising the representation of women to 25% or higher

Efforts will be made to facilitate discussions, reach consensus, and proceed with the provincial council vote based on these proposals.

Our primary focus centers on establishing an advisory council to guide provincial governors until the provincial councils are fully operational. As members of this Advisory Council, we recommend appointing the Chairman or Chief of the Provincial Supervisory Committee, District Development Committee Chairman, and Members of Parliament representing political parties within the province.

Furthermore, we propose the establishment of a separate committee for legislative purposes. This committee would ensure that draft laws receive endorsement from the advisory committee before being enacted into law.

This Advisory Council would be co-chaired by the Governor and a nominated Member of Parliament from the respective province. 

The governor would oversee executive matters, while the Member of Parliament would preside over legislative affairs.

Currently, there are 45 functioning Provincial Council Ministries. Oversight committees can be established for these ministries, with parliamentarians who have no other responsibilities being appointed as their heads.

Under the 13th Amendment, police powers have emerged as the most delicate issue in the transfer of authority to the Provincial Councils. As a result, I propose that it might be more practical for us to initially focus on reaching consensus concerning other powers. It’s advisable to progress step by step. 

Prioritizing sensitive matters could potentially hinder the attainment of any mutual agreement. Instead of commencing with the end in mind, let’s initiate from the beginning.

Hence, let’s initiate discussions about the decentralization of other powers and work towards a shared understanding. Additionally, we can draw insights from the Chief Ministers of the South’s report on power decentralization there.

Our approach should be guided by mutual agreement. Let’s emphasize that this Parliament possesses the strength and wisdom required to collaboratively make decisions that will shape the nation’s future.

Hon Speaker,

It is my sincere intention to progress without any political motivation, addressing the issues faced by the Tamil people in the North and East, in order to secure a much needed sustainable national reconciliation in the country. Reconciliation undoubtedly is an indispensable factor for Sri Lanka’s own development. 

My recent meeting with the Tamil Parliamentarians representing the Northern and Eastern provinces, was premised on this aspect. Subsequent to this meeting, I believe it is important to keep the Members of this august House informed of the matters discussed, as it forms the basis of the proposed trajectory, the Government would seek to pursue in this regard.

In this context, continued action on the relevant issues are envisioned to contribute towards national reconciliation, which I will now seek to outline:

a. Anti-Terrorism Bill

Following the discussions of the suggested amendments to the Bill, it would be presented to the Cabinet for approval. Subsequent to appropriate action the Bill will be re-gazetted And any person can then petition the Supreme Court and the SC will have the last say with regards to the provisions of the bill.

b. Anti- Corruption Bill

I am pleased that the Anti- Corruption Bill was passed in Parliament last month with amendments proposed by the Supreme Court in its determination and other stakeholders, but without a vote. It has already been gazetted.

c. Truth Seeking Mechanism and the Bill

The Interim Secretariat for the Truth Seeking Mechanism has been established and a Director General been appointed. In addition three Divisions have been established covering Legal and Policy, Public Relations and Information Technology.

Applications have been sought for key staff positions for the operationalization of the Secretariat, particularly for stakeholder consultations, preparations of drafting guidelines and policies, until the formal mechanisms could commence following relevant laws being enacted. Civil Society Stakeholder consultations including the UN agencies are continuing, and when exhausted, Cabinet approval will be sought and processed, to become a legal framework.

d. Office for the National Unity and Reconciliation (ONUR) Bill

ONUR draft law has been submitted to the Attorney-General for the certification of constitutionality, which will subsequently be presented to Parliament. Additionally, the National Action Plan on Reconciliation drafted by ONUR will be presented to the Cabinet in the near future.

e. Office for Reparations

At present payments of monetary relief have been granted for 203 cases of missing persons from the North East Conflict amounting to Rs. 40.6 million as at July 2023. The process is continuing.

f. Office of Missing Persons (OMP)

I reiterate the need to uphold justice for the people of the North and East. Of the 21,374 complaints received by the OMP, investigations into 3,462 cases have been completed at present. Investigations are progressing for the remaining complaints, and this process could get accelerated following the Truth Seeking Mechanism being fully operationalized. It would now be appropriate for those seeking particulars of missing persons to submit detailed information to the Interim Secretariat. I table the document containing the relevant information (Annex1)

OMP has commenced tracking missing persons. Further, action is being taken to expedite the data entering process in order for its completion within three months. The issuance of the Certificate of Absence (COA) is being expedited. OMP and the AG’s Department are working on a Case Handling Policy, and have drafted guidelines focusing on effective management of complaints to the previous Commissions and the OMP. 

Endorsement for the guidelines will be sought from the Cabinet. Further OMP with 10 new panels totaling 24, are expected to be in operation from August, and has planned to have a resource team per district for referral services.

Members of Parliament are free to take up relevant issues with the Offices of Reparations and Missing Persons. The OMP has already outlined its time frames in relation to their scope of work.

g. Granting Presidential Pardon to Prisoners involved in LTTE Activities

Prisoners are under the three categories of remand prisoners numbering 21, prisoners imposed with death sentence 3 and those imposed with other sentences 22. It has been decided to consider only the last two categories of prisoners for being granted Presidential Pardon in terms of Article 34(1) of the Constitution. In this context, considering the recommendations of the Hon. Minister of Justice, Prison Affairs and Constitutional Reforms, Presidential approval has been granted to remit the balance sentences and release 11 of the prisoners under the last category.

h. Establishment of National Land Commission

Steps are being taken to expedite the establishment of the National Land Commission (NLC) and a National Land Policy. A draft NLC law has been prepared and is being further studied for formulating a policy pertaining to the alienation of State land. A Land Commission Policy Act is also expected to be in place by September for the NLC to be guided in their functions. The composition of the NLC would be amended to include 9 representatives from the Provinces and 12 government officials.

i. Resolution on Land Matters

It may be recalled that an injunction order had been obtained from the Supreme Court in 2020 on the release of residual forest lands by a Special Committee. Subsequently following discussions in May this year the possibility of demarcating forests and wild life conservation areas based on the 1985 land used maps were requested to be examined. Consequently, a Cabinet memorandum on this issue was submitted and approval was obtained to enforce the release of such forest lands by an Inter-Ministerial Committee. The withdrawal of the original interim order is being processed.

In the meantime a data base has been evolved focusing on the said land used maps, current land used patterns and proposals of the Divisional Secretaries related to the lands managed by the Forest Department in all districts of the North and East.

Maps containing information related to the districts have been made available for viewing by the Members of Parliament in the relevant District Secretariats for a period of two months. I table the list of contact details of the relevant official for this purpose (Annex II).

The proposals presented at the Divisional Secretariat level are to be considered by the Inter-Ministerial Committee following the legal proceedings on the withdrawal of the original interim order. A Committee chaired by the Secretary to the President will examine and facilitate matters relating to land.

j. National Plan for Archaeology

The Department of Archaeology and the Central Cultural Fund have been informed that land demarcation and excavation across the country should be done according to a National Plan. The Director General of Archaeology has been instructed to prioritize and plan excavation work, identification of sites and the manner in which they should be executed.

An Action Plan will be presented by the Archaeological Department for the activities related to the identification of the areas to be conserved and/or proper acquisition to take place.

k. Road Map for the Issuance of All Country Passports for Sri Lankans living in Rehabilitation Camps in South India

The Department of Immigration and Emigration has received a list of 2,678 Sri Lankans living in South Indian Rehabilitation Camps. Of the aforementioned number, those with both Sri Lankan Birth Certificates and National Identity Cards can be issued All Country Passports. The timelines for the issuance of the said documentation span two to four weeks. A considered decision would need to be taken with regard to the issuance of All Country Passports to those Sri Lankans living in Rehabilitation Camps in South India.

l. Resettlement of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in the North and East Provinces

The Presidential Secretariat Northern Province Coordination Office has been established to assist the IDPs who have been affected due to the North and East conflict. As you are aware, people who were internally displaced in the North and East were accommodated in welfare centres or been living with their friends and relatives. After the restoration of normalcy, they have largely returned to their places of origin. Following the resettlement of a majority of the people with housing and livelihood support, its current status in the Northern and Eastern provinces is hereby tabled. (Annex III)

Action continues to resettle IDP families in the Northern and Eastern Provinces. Of the five districts in the Northern Province resettlement of IDPs remains only in Jaffna and Kilinochchi districts. In Jaffna there are 15 Welfare Centres with a total of 136 families and 2,175 families with friends and relatives. There are no IDP families living in Welfare Centres in Kilinochchi. However, 182 families remain with their friends and relatives in the Peninsula, and 177 in Pachchilaippalli Division.

In the Eastern Province IDPs are present only in Trincomalee and Ampara districts and they live with friends and relatives, and there are no Welfare Camps in this Province.

Particular attention has to be given to resolving problems associated with displaced persons resettlement, which also requires releasing privately held lands for public use. I have tasked the officials to take immediate action to settle these issues, by devising effective mechanisms for their resolution.

m. Lands to be released by the Armed Forces- Northern Province

Of the total land area in Jaffna amounting to approximately 253,283 acres, the occupation by the Security Forces and Police in 2009 was 26,812 acres.

Presently 90 to 92% of the land occupied by the Security Forces and Police in 2009 have been released from time to time. Accordingly, 22,919 acres comprising 817 acres of state and 22,101 acres of private land have been released.

The current extent of occupied land by the Security Forces and the Police is 3754 acres, of which 862 and 2892 acres are respectively state and privately owned.

The further release of land is envisaged under the categories of:

(i) Land for immediate release comprises 1.4 acres in Jaffna, 13 acres in Kilinochchi and 20 acres in Mullaithivu, as identified by the Army and Navy.

(ii) The Army has earmarked 53 acres in the Jaffna district to be released in 3 to 6 months time.

(iii) A land strip of approximately 290 acres from the Security Forces Army Cantonment, Palaly has been identified to be released temporarily for specific purposes, including agriculture and seasonal crops.

(iv) Regarding lands that cannot be presently released, a study is being carried out in this regard on the instructions of the Army Commander, to ascertain the possibility of further freeing up of land in the Northern Province.

I am aware that this is an area of contention for the Northern populace, and therefore we will continue to seek ways and means to release as far as possible the military occupied land in that Province.

There will be certain mattes that MPs in those areas may want to raise. They may suggest different timelines and amendments so I’ve asked the Foreign Minister and the Justice Minister to deal with all such requests.

n. Development Plans for North and East

It is imperative to create extensive and practicable Plans to develop the Northern and Eastern Provinces. Anticipating that renewable energy could meet 70% of the country’s national electricity need by 2030, one of the key objectives of the both Northern and Eastern Development Plans is to harness the region’s renewable energy potential through the production of green hydrogen and green ammonia using innovative technologies. This strategy aims to attract investments and could transform the Port of Colombo Pooneryn and even Trincomalee as hubs for export of green hydrogen.

We have already taken steps on creating a conducive environment for the investment and export of solar and wind power, culminating in a Memorandum of Understanding with India to facilitate collaborative efforts in this area. Adani Group has come forward to invest in the renewable energy sector of Sri Lanka. I believe that this collaborative approach would lead to substantial growth in this area.

Additionally the Water to the North” programme, comprises the development of various water ways. In this context the Government has already approved the projects for the Poonekeri Tank and Malwathu Oya irrigation which is being prioritized. 

Talks are presently continuing on the River for Jaffna, which would bring fresh water to the Jaffna Lagoon and increase the capacity of the Iranamadu Tank. The Small Tanks Renewal Project, is important to be accomplished. In fact this project will give rise to developing the agricultural and solar energy sectors in the Northern Province.

In addition to this, the Economic sub-committee of Cabinet is today considering two Cabinet Papers. One by the Minister of Irrigation and the other by the Minister of Water Supply to look at the development of water supply of the Jaffna peninsula and other Projects. 

There will be a committee chaired by my senior advisor Dr. R. Samaratunga to look at them and make a combined plan.

It is also essential to upgrade air and sea connectivity in the North. The development of the KKS Harbour, Vavuniya and Palali Airports and the ferry service connecting the Northern Province to the South of India are facilities which have been earmarked. 

The establishment of Investment Promotion Zones in KKS, Paranthan and Mankulam are being worked towards. I will get the Board of Investment (BOI) to take these over. We also have plans for the development of tourists’ attractions in Jaffna and Mannar, through a tourist boating project around Mannar Fort, Kankesanthurai Port, the Islands and Vadamarachchi. Under an Agriculture Modernization programme we will seek to promote coconut cultivation in the Vanni. Jaffna being home to a seat of excellence in higher education with its University, would lend to developing it as an University City. Additionally, land has been identified in KKS for the establishment of a Campus under the aegis of SLIIT.

Similarly plans for developing the Eastern Province are progressing with Trincomalee being the core. India’s assistance as our closest neighbour in implementing the Trincomalee District Development Project is of immense value to Sri Lanka. 

The ongoing cooperation in the development of the Trincomalee Tank Farms and India’s agreement to further enhance Trincomalee as a national and regional hub of industry, energy and economic activity is a fillip for developing further mutually beneficial cooperation. 

The Eastern Province plays an important role in naval affairs and Trincomalee should be made into a leading strategic Port. It is important that we work together with India when developing the Eastern Province Port, by having discussions on several programmes in that region.

Further we cannot limit the economic activities of this Port solely to the Trincomalee District. This should be connected with the cities of Anuradhapura, Vavuniya and Dambulla, especially when the districts of Vanni, Eastern and North Central Provinces are responsible for the bulk of agricultural production. Since India has a lead to develop industries in this Province, an Industrial Zone should be created. The Port therefore will also be connected and we are planning to establish a Joint Task Force for this purpose.

From an economic point of view the Eastern Province has much to offer the tourism industry. In particular, there is the cultural triangle of Anuradhapura, Polonnaruwa and Dambulla, which is in close proximity to the Eastern Province and could be a natural route for enhanced visits by tourists to the beach fronted cities of Batticaloa, Arugam Bay and Trincomalee. Cabinet also approved Subana Jurong to cover planning from Werugalaaru to Arugam Bay for tourism purposes.

Cruise tourism initiatives could also be a part of this development plan. The fisheries, agriculture and animal husbandry sectors are well poised for modernization in the Eastern Province. In this context, the opening of Land Systems A and B of the Mahaweli right bank will provide the much needed impetus for enhancing agricultural pursuits.

I hope that the some of the Hon. Members of the Parliament who continue a misplaced refrain of the Government purportedly selling out the country to a third party, will now constructively understand that no country can progress alone, that too especially in the instance of a nation emerging from an unprecedented economic crisis, as has been the experience of Sri Lanka. 

It must be understood that engaging in a robust relationship with our closest neighbour India would undoubtedly strengthen our ability towards ensuring mutually beneficial cooperation.

You have my assurance that I will not engage in initiatives inimical to the sovereignty and integrity of this country. In the same manner I urge all of you, for constructive engagement, in our quest for national reconciliation, considering that the interests of the people is the bedrock for our country’s development.

Today, we find ourselves navigating the challenging process of rebuilding a collapsed economy. This is a crucial juncture where we must strive for swift economic growth. However, achieving such rapid development seems unlikely within the existing provincial council system.

In 1977, during President JR Jayawardene’s tenure, our nation experienced remarkable economic progress. Unfortunately, due to the war, that progress was impeded, affecting every citizen profoundly.

Under the presidency of Mahinda Rajapaksa, the war was successfully concluded. It has now been 14 years since the conflict ended. Regrettably, we have not yet managed to address the issues concerning power devolution and provincial councils.

Hence, let’s collectively endeavour as a united nation to tackle this challenge. We must find solutions to our dilemmas within our own capabilities. 

External parties or foreign nations cannot solve our issues for us. Instead, let’s unite to resolve our problems independently and guide our country back towards a path of swift economic and social growth.

Over the course of the past year since assuming the role of President, we’ve introduced a range of systemic reforms, highlighting transparency, accountability, responsibility, and good governance. In a time devoid of significant external influence for a constitutional amendment, I presented the 21st constitutional amendment to this House, which was adopted and led to a reduction in presidential powers.

The Election Expenses Control Act was brought before Parliament and ratified to curb various misuses of finances and irregularities during elections. Notably, a robust anti-corruption bill, aligned with international standards, was presented and approved to confront the corruption and fraud that have marred our nation’s reputation.

To prevent reckless financial management driven by political agendas, the Central Bank Independence Act was presented and passed.

Amidst previous youth movements and a widespread demand for systemic change, the need for an altered approach was vigorously underscored. A substantial portion of our population is echoing this call for change. Just as in the steps mentioned earlier, we embarked on transformative measures, now we must steer this transformation towards the provincial councils.

An opportunity presents itself to bring about a substantial shift, forging an efficient, transparent, and corruption-free provincial council system that the public can trust, one that effectively addresses their concerns. Moreover, provincial councils can be harnessed to foster greater unity among citizens and consolidate national cohesion.

I’ve laid out my proposals and strategies before this esteemed assembly. The floor is now yours. I encourage you to delve deeply into these propositions and express your viewpoints.

Within this Honourable House, you possess the authority to chart the course forward from here. I implore each of you to take that step together through a mutual consensus. I beseech this honourable assembly to join hands and affirm that our parliament possesses the strength and comprehensive knowledge to usher in the betterment of our nation.

Thank you

India, Sri Lanka renew bid to link power grids – report

August 9th, 2023

Courtesy Adaderana

India and Sri Lanka are giving a fresh push to the long-pending power grid connectivity between the two countries to trade electricity.

Work has started on updating a detailed project report for the connectivity either through overhead line or undersea cable in the sea portion of the connectivity, following a meeting on the proposal last month, said people familiar with the matter.

The timeline for a draft detailed project report is September 15, after which it will be discussed between the two sides for finalisation, they said.

Sri Lanka will carry out the necessary load flow studies for 2027-28 time frame of its network, considering 500 MW exchange from India through the proposed link, according to the people. India will study the necessary load flow studies on the combined network data based on the inputs from the Sri Lankan side. This is likely to be completed by August 21.

The reports will then be discussed with the officials in the joint technical team, comprising members from the Central Electricity Authority, Power Grid Corporation of India Ltd and the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) formed in 2016.

The cross-border interconnection plan has been under discussion for nearly two decades now. It was marred by high project cost, making it unviable, according to people aware of the matter.

Source – The Economic Times

-Agencies

The USA is plagued by gun violence and mass shootings in 2022-23: let the American people enjoy true freedom from the fear of gun violence

August 8th, 2023

Dr. Shakuntala Bhabani a Kolkata-based educator  and South Asian affairs researcher in Political Science

Shootings have continuously made headlines just seven months into the year. The gun violence epidemic continues unabated in the United States. As per some reports, the United States is averaging two mass shootings a day, so far this year. According to Economic Times newspaper, at least 3 killed, 2 injured in mass shooting in Washington DC’s nightlife district in US on Saturday.

The victims include two men and a woman who were shot in the Anacostia area of Southeast Washington, police said. Two men and a woman were pronounced dead at the scene and two men were transported to area hospitals, Washington, D.C., Metropolitan Police Department Acting Chief Pamela Smith said during a news conference at the scene. The city has now recorded more than 150 homicides so far this year, putting it on track for the largest number of killings in more than two decades. Washington DC acting police Chief Pamela Smith called the shooting a senseless act of violence in Southeast”. The killings come amid a stream of shootings that have left at least a dozen people dead in the first five days of August, reported The Washington Post.

This kind of gun violence is not acceptable in the District of Columbia. This is not a war zone. We want our residents to feel safe,” Smith said.

Smith asked for help from the public in collecting information about what she called a disturbing fatal shooting. We realize that there may be others who may have been injured tonight. We are asking you to come forward,” Smith said, adding that the community needs to be involved in stopping the city’s violence. It can’t rest upon the metropolitan police department to determine what works and what doesn’t work.”

Washington experienced another mass shooting last month when nine people were wounded while celebrating Independence Day in a neighborhood about a 20-minute drive east of the White House.

As of Aug. 1, at least 25,198 people have died from gun violence in the U.S. this year, according to the Gun Violence Archive – which is an average of roughly 118 deaths each day. Of those who died, 879 were teens and 170 were children.

At least nine mass shootings rocked cities across the nation over the weekend, leaving five people dead and 56 wounded, according to a national website that tracks gun violence.

The mass casualty shootings occurred at parties, outside of a nightclub and a convenience store, during a street game of dominoes and even at a community meeting on how to combat gun violence, according to the Gun Violence Archive, which defines a mass shooting as a single event with four or more victims either injured or killed.

The weekend violence upped the number of mass shootings in 2023 to 419, with still five months left in the year. The number of mass shootings this year has already surpassed the total number that occurred in all of 2019, according to data from the Gun Violence Archive.

According to the website’s data, an average of two mass shootings have occurred every day this year. In all of 2022, there were 647 mass shootings nationwide, slightly down from 690 that occurred in 2021.

Deaths by suicide have made up the vast majority of gun violence deaths this year. There’s been more than 14,000 deaths by gun suicide this year, an average of about 66 deaths by suicide per day in 2023.

The majority of these deaths have occurred in Texas, California, Florida, Georgia, North Carolina, Illinois and Louisiana.

The grim tally of gun violence deaths includes 488 people killed in police officer-involved shootings. Thirty-four police officers have been fatally shot in the line of duty this year.

There have also been 960 “unintentional” shootings, the Gun Violence Archive shows.

There have been more than 420 mass shootings in 2023 so far, which is defined by the Gun Violence Archive as an incident in which four or more victims are shot or killed. These mass shootings have led to 465 deaths and 1,781 injuries.

There have been at least 20 K-12 school shootings so far this year, including a March 27 incident at The Covenant School, a Christian school for students in preschool through sixth grade in Nashville, Tennessee, where three children and three staff members were shot and killed.

In Michigan, three students were killed and five others were injured when a gunman opened fire at two locations on Michigan State University’s main campus in East Lansing on Feb. 13, police said.

California saw three mass shootings in a matter of days in January, with one shooting leaving at least 11 people killed and 10 others injured after a gunman opened fire at a dance studio near a Lunar New Year celebration in Monterey Park, California.

The U.S. has surpassed 39,000 deaths from gun violence per year since 2014, according to data from Gun Violence Archive. Still, gun deaths are down from 2016, 2017 and 2018, when the total number of deaths each year surpassed 50,000. There were 44,310 such deaths in 2022.

Last June, President Joe Biden signed into law a gun safety package passed by Congress. It was the first gun reform bill from Congress in decades.

But advocates for gun reform continue to push for tougher measures. Florida lawmakers Rep. Jared Moskowitz and Rep. Maxwell Frost spoke with “GMA3” this month to mark the fifth anniversary of the tragic shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School and called on Congress to do more to curb gun violence.

“Five years later, we feel like we’ve made some progress and then we were reminded that nothing has changed,” Moskowitz said.

Americans experience more significant shootings than any other nation in the West, and gun violence has left deep scars in the U.S. society, reported the California-based non-profit YR Media nrecently.

In spite of these mass shootings, our government does not act. The effects of gun violence continue to deepen the wounds in American communities while progress on gun safety legislation stagnates in many states,” said the report.

Appeals for stricter gun laws have been ignored by the US government as politics and big money step in, despite the increase in mass shootings in the country over recent years, Dubai-based daily Gulf News reported.

In a commentary titled “The politics behind gun violence in the US,” which was published on the Gulf News website on Sunday, Tariq A. Al Maeena, a Saudi sociopolitical commentator, said the US politicians, who have long turned deaf ears to the voices from more than half of the population for strict gun control, are more in tune with their backers, the special interest groups, than their voters.

The right to life is the biggest human right. The Declaration of Independence begins with the statement that life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness are unalienable rights. One gunshot after another have shattered the American Dream that all men are endowed with the unalienable rights to life and liberty, and lead people to reflect deeply on where the American-style human rights really are. Some US politicians have long treated the American people’s right to life with indifference. Faced with growing gun proliferation, they have done nothing more than empty talks and prolonged debates, while pointing fingers at the human rights conditions of other countries. The most important thing that they are duty-bound to do is face up to and address their own problems, and let the American people enjoy true freedom from the fear of gun violence let the American people enjoy true freedom from the fear of gun violence.

No to the new War in Africa, Stop military intervention in Niger, Lift sanctions to Burkina Faso and Niger

August 8th, 2023

By Pavan Kulkarni

August 05, 2023

Nigeria’s Senate refuses to support ECOWAS plan for West-backed military intervention

A day after ECOWAS chiefs of staffs finalized plans for a military intervention, Nigeria’s Senate refused to support President Bola Tinubu’s proposal to deploy soldiers. Tinubu is the current chair of ECOWAS. Meanwhile, Niger has seen multiple demonstrations in support of the coup that overthrew Mohamed Bazoum

The regional bloc, Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), has drawn up a plan for a military invasion of Niger to restore the ousted Mohamed Bazoum to presidency. However, in Nigeria, whose president Bola Tinubu is the current chair of ECOWAS, the Senate has refused to support the military intervention.

On Saturday, August 5, at a closed-door executive session to deliberate on Tinubu’s letter seeking the Senate’s support for military buildup and deployment of personnel for military intervention,” almost all senators… totally ruled out the military options,” an unnamed senator told Premium Times.

Pointing out that our military is highly ill-equipped and not prepared to fight any war,” the Senators argued that the Federal Government should focus on solving the Boko Haram, banditry, and ESN/IPOB menaces… instead of contemplating going to war in a foreign country.”

The war plans were prepared at a meeting of the chiefs of staff of ECOWAS member countries which ended on Friday, August 4. All the elements that will go into any eventual intervention have been worked out here, including the resources needed, the how and when we are going to deploy the force,” said Abdel Fatau Musah, ECOWAS Commissioner for Political affairs, Peace and Security.

Earlier on July 30, ECOWAS had threatened military invasion of Niger if its military junta, the National Council for the Safeguard of the Homeland (CNSP), did not restore Bazoum as the president by Sunday, August 6. He was ousted on July 26 in a popularly-welcomed coup by Gen. Abdourahmane Tchiani, who was the head of the Presidential Guard.

France, which has up to 1,500 troops in Niger, and the US, with another 1,100 troops in two bases, are both backing ECOWAS. US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said on Thursday, August 3, We strongly support the very strong leadership of ECOWAS on Niger.” White House National Security Council spokesman John Kirby added that there was still time and space” for diplomacy, but that window is not going to be open forever.”

Read also:

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While the US President Joe Biden said that the Nigerien people have the right to choose their leaders,” the Nigerien people,” who perceive Bazoum as a corrupt puppet of France, have repeatedly mobilized in tens of thousands to support the coup.

A coalition of 14 trade union centers called the Unité d’Actions Syndicales du Niger (UAS-Niger), which had been demanding the withdrawal of French troops, has supported the coup and called on Nigeriens to rally behind the CNSP.

As Nigeriens celebrated the anniversary of its independence from France on August 3, the CNSP terminated five military agreements signed with France between 1977 and 2020, allowing the former colonizer to station up to 1,500 troops in the country.

Donning T-shirts with coup leader Tchiani’s image, thousands took to the streets once again that day, sloganeering Down with France,” and demanding the withdrawal of its troops and other foreign forces, including those of Italy which has 300 soldiers and the European Union (EU) which has a smaller contingent.

The mass-demonstration was organized by the anti-imperialist M62 Movement, formed last year as a coalition of 15 civil society organizations which have been protesting against French deployment in the country for at least two years. One demonstrator said, It is only security that interests us..[whether it is provided by] Russia, China, Turkey…We just don’t want the French who have been looting us since 1960.”

France, however, has refused to withdraw its troops, with its foreign ministry’s spokesperson Anne-Clair Legendre saying, We don’t answer to the putschists. We recognize one constitutional order only, that of President Bazoum.”

Under detention by the army, Bazoum, who had instituted a crackdown on the anti-French movement in the country, wrote a column in the Washington Post on independence day, calling for US intervention to restore his power. A US warplane C-17A — which is is capable of rapid strategic delivery of troops and all types of cargo to main operating bases or directly to forward bases in the deployment area” — arrived in Benin shortly after its government declared support to the military intervention.

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In the meantime, as a part of ECOWAS sanctions, Nigeria has stopped electricity supply to Niger. While Niger’s high-grade uranium is used to power a third of the light bulbs in France, its own electrification rate is less than 18%. Up to 90% of its power is imported from Nigeria.

Difficult times

The weeks and months to come will certainly be difficult for our country. Those who oppose us have no limits when it comes to defending their selfish interests. They will only stop in the face of the firm determination of the Nigerien people,” Tchiani said.

Suspending Niger’s diplomatic ties with France, the US, Nigeria, and Togo, also an ECOWAS country, Tchiani warned that any aggression or attempted aggression against the State of Niger will see an immediate and unannounced response from the Niger Defense and Security Forces.”

Mali, Burkina Faso and Guinea — three other suspended members of ECOWAS, sanctioned after similar popularly-supported coups — have expressed support to Niger. Together, they make up nearly 60% of the total land-area of ECOWAS countries. Mali and Burkina Faso, whose military juntas ordered the French troops out of their countries after taking power, have said they will mobilize their forces in defense of Niger if it is attacked.

The Vice-President of the CNSP, Lt. Gen. Salifou Mody, traveled to Mali and met its president, Colonel Assimi Goita. He also held a meeting with someone from Wagner” while in Mali, AP reported. Mody also met with Burkina Faso’s leader, Captain Ibrahim Traore, and spoke about ECOWAS.

We spoke precisely about this situation because we would not like Niger to become the new Libya,” Mody said, adding that they have decided to undertake a number of activities to be able to deal with the situation.”

Ivory Coast, Benin, and Senegal have pledged to send troops for the ECOWAS invasion. Chad, whose president also took power in a coup but remained in the West’s good books, not having demanded the withdrawal of French troops, has refused to take part in the military intervention.

Read also:

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While supporting the call for restoration of Bazoum, Niger’s northern neighbor Algeria, has opposed foreign military intervention,” which it said will only complicate and exacerbate the current crisis.” Russia had also called for the restoration of constitutional order, but opposed military intervention.

Peoples’ movements across West Africa and other parts of the continent have opposed military intervention, and called for the withdrawal of all foreign bases in Niger and other countries of the region.

In a statement on August 4, the Workers Democratic Way party in Morocco expressed its strong rejection and condemnation of the imperialist threats, especially from the French, of direct military intervention or through its puppet regimes in the region against Niger,” adding that a war could ignite the entire region, leaving behind destruction, loss of lives, and horrific tragedies.” The Party further affirmed the right of the Nigerien people to self-determination away from foreign interference.”

The Communist Party of Kenya condemned foreign military bases in Africa, which serve as instruments of imperialistic control.” The party added that the presence of these military bases deepens historical wounds of colonization and reinforces the oppressive grip of foreign powers. We call for the immediate dismantling of all foreign military bases in Africa to protect our dignity and freedom.”

BUDDHIST VIHARAS AND EELAM Part 5D. 

August 8th, 2023

KAMALIKA PIERIS

The Tamil Separatist Movement has shown strong opposition to the presence of Buddhist temples in the north and east.  The Tamil Separatist Movement is opposing two things, the conservation of ancient Buddhist temples and the building of new Buddhist temples. It is good that this matter had now come before the attention of the general public, because it is a very important issue. It is the last stage in the conversion of the north to an   exclusive Tamil-Hindu region.

The Tamil Separatist Movement complained loudly that Buddhist temples were being built in the north where there were no Buddhists. There are nine Buddha viharas being built in Mullaitivu district alone, said Tamil Separatist Movement in 2016.  In Kokkilai, Mullaitivu district, a Buddha Vihara is coming up with army support despite a claim to the land by a local Tamil.

People in the north were worried and suspicions that Sinhala from outside would invade their villages because Buddhist temples were being constructed in places where no Buddhist reside and outside Sinhala Buddhist people” are being settled in Tamil villages,  reported the media in 2016.  

The military’s construction of Buddhist viharas in traditionally Tamil areas with no Buddhist population is a preliminary step to the Sinhala-Buddhist colonization of these areas and a re-assertion of Sinhala Buddhist dominance, said Adaalayam Centre for Policy Research , Jaffna.

Sinhala colonies, Buddhist temples and Buddha statues are being aggressively constructed with military sponsorship with the sole purpose of Sinhala Buddhisation of the North eastern Tamil homeland, said Tamil Peoples Council.

C.V.  Wigneswaran issued a statement where he said, stop erecting Buddha statues and Buddhist temples illegally and in places where there are no Buddhists, except in the army camps.  He also objected to putting up Buddha statues and temples illegally on private lands.

Tamil National People’s Front Leader Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam  said  ever since the end of the war, consecutive governments have accelerated the Sinhalization” of the north and east, he said, as if to catch up with the gap of the 30 years during the war .

The Tamil Separatist Movement takes the view  that there are no ancient Buddhist monuments in the north. But they also they take the  view that  any Buddhist monuments found in the north is the work of Tamil Buddhists. These  views contradict each other.

The government  was accused of pursuing a project of Sihalisation”, targeting places of worship of the Tamils, based on claims that these are archeological sites, implying they have a Sinhala heritage. Even if these sites had archeological evidence of some Buddhist heritage, it may not necessarily be Sinhalese, because we know that Tamil Buddhists have lived in the north,” said Tamil Separatist Movement.

Tamil Separatist Movement also says that Hindu temples have been attacked by Sinhala forces.  The military destroyed a Hindu temple in order to construct a Buddhist temple, said Adaalayam Centre, Jaffna.   A very clear pattern and agenda” can be seen in the escalating instances of attacks and vandalism on Hindu temple deities across the north, said the Tamil Separatist Movement .This makes the   Hindu population look like a martyr.

Two agencies were charged with the offence of introducing Buddhism into today’s north, they are Department of Archaeology and the Sri Lanka army. Sri Lanka’s Department of Archaeology has become very active in the north and east, said the Tamil Separatist Movement.  It is assisted by overzealous Buddhist monks, who want to construct Buddhist temples in state land under the ruse that the land is a Buddhist archaeological site.

The department has also restricted access to some kovils, citing ongoing archaeological research” there. In one instance, media reported the arrest of a youth who attempted to worship at a temple in Vedukkunarimalai, Vavuniya.

The Sri Lanka army is charged with building Buddhist temples in the north. Many Buddhist temples have sprung up during the last few years inside and outside army camps, due to the presence of over 150,000 soldiers in the North.  The army has built Buddhist temples on both state and private Tamil lands in Mullaitivu said Adaalayam.  The army had built a Buddhist temple at Keppapilavu on privately owned land presently occupied by the Air Force, as well.

Tamil Separatist Movement strongly objected to the introduction of Buddhist temples into the north. Those in Mullaitivu have forcefully opposed the construction of Buddhist structures in areas with no Buddhist civilians said Adaalayam Centre.   Hindu religious groups have gone to courts and engaged in multiple legal battles on this matter.M.A. Sumanthiran, of the TNA who is a senior lawyer, appears for them in court.

In 2016, after the Yahapalana government came to power, there were numerous demands for the removal of Buddhist temples, statues, and shrines built in the Northern Province, reported the media.     In August 2016 TNA MPs met Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe and raised concerns about Buddhist temples and statues being built in the area.

The Tamil Peoples’ Council   invited the public to join a mass protest in Jaffna on September 24, 2016 to demand a stop to the construction of Buddha statues and Buddhist temples in areas in the Northern Province where there are no Buddhists.     The Northern Provincial Council   passed a resolution in 2016 prohibiting the construction of Buddhist temples in the north.   It had no legal standing, said lawyers.  

 In 2018, Supreme Court issued notice on the Vice Chancellor and several other officials of the Jaffna University, over a complaint made by five Buddhist students of the Faculty of Business studies, four Sinhalese and one Tamil. Five writ applications were filed by these students.

 The petitioner students said they were prevented from entering the campus premises because they had attempted to install a dais to house a Buddha statue within their hostel premises. They had been suspended.

They have alleged arbitrary treatment and a denial of their right to abide by the religion of their choice and asserted a violation of Article 12(1), 12(1), and 14(1) (a) of the Constitution of Sri Lanka. They have requested the Court to direct the VC to allow them to enter the university premises and declare that their fundamental rights have been violated by the respondent university authorities.

 Manohara de Silva, PC, who appeared for the students, told the Court of Appeal, that the students had been prevented from entering the university premises from April 18, 2018. It was without basis and was unlawful.

The university replied that the students had allegedly attempted to set up a structure to place the Buddha statue in the campus premises, without obtaining permission to do so.  However at the hearing, the Attorney General informed the Court of Appeal that the Jaffna Campus authorities would not hold a disciplinary inquiry against the five undergraduates.  ( Continued)

උතුර සහ නැගෙනහිර බැඳීම-2

August 8th, 2023

විමල් පටබැඳිගේ – ශාස්ත‍්‍රවේදී, නීතිඥ, විශ‍්‍රාමික සොලිසිටර්

1 වෙනි කොටසෙන්

1833 වසරට පෙර යාපාපටුන (යාපන අර්ධද්වීපය* සහ නැගෙනහිර පළාත අතර පිහිටි ආසන්න ම භූමිය කුරුඳුගමුරට දිසාවනියට (මුලතිව් දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කයට* අයත් භූමිය විය. අදාල අදහස හා සම්බන්ධ මේ භූමි කොටස ගැන ඇති ඓතිහාසික තොරතුරු සහ පුරාවිද්‍යා සාධක ද සලකාබැලිය යුතු වෙයි.

2 වෙනි කොටස

මේ ප‍්‍රදේශය පිළිබඳව වාර්තා කරන, ව්‍ය.ව. 1640 සිට වසර දහඅටක් පමණ දිවයිනේ පුර්තුගීසි කි‍්‍රයාන්විතවල නිරතව සිටි කපිතාන් ජෝ.ආ. ඕ. රිබෙයිරෝ යාපාපටුන දකුණු බල සීමාවේ පිහිටි ගංගාවක් සහ තිරිකුණාමල උතුරු බල සීමාවේ පිහිටි ගංගාවක් අතර පැවති භූමිය වැදි ජනයා වාසය කළ ප‍්‍රදේශයක් බව සඳහන් කරයි. එමෙන් ම එය ලීග් දහයක මහුදු තීරයක් සහිත, ලීග් අටකට වඩා රට තුළට පැතිරුණු, ඝණ වනයෙන් වැසී ඇති පෙදෙසක් බව සහ ජනගහණය ඉතා සුළු වූ බව සඳහන් කරයි.3 (* ගංගා දෙක නම් වශයෙන් දක්වා නැත. ඔහු දක්වන ලෙස, බොහෝවිට, කිලාලි කලපුවට ගලා බසින කනකරායන්ආරු සහ ඊශාන දිගින් මුහුදට ගලා බසින මා ඔය අතර ප‍්‍රදේශය විය යුතු ය. ඔහුගේ සඳහන් කිරීිම අනුව ව්‍ය.ව. 17 වෙනි සියවසේ පවා මේ ප‍්‍රදේශය වැදි ජනයා වාසය කළ කැලෑ ප‍්‍රදේශයක් විය. ලන්දේසීන්ගේ කාලයේ ව්‍ය.ව. 1722 ප‍්‍රකාශයට පත් කළ ප‍්‍රංශ සිතියමේ මේ ප‍්‍රදේශය ”වැදිරට” (කන්ටි‍්‍ර ඔෆ් බේදාස්* ලෙස දක්වා ඇත.(* මේ භූමි ප‍්‍රදේශය සහ රිබෙයිරෝ දක්වන වැද්දන් වාසය කළ භූමිය බොහෝ දුරට ප‍්‍රමාණයෙන් සමාන ය. වර්තමාන කිලිනොච්චිය දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කය, මුලතිව් දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කය සහ වවුනියා දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කයේ කොටසකින් යුත් ඒ භූමිය කැලෑ මිනිසුන් (ෆොරස්ට්මෙන්* වාසය කළ භූමිය යනුවෙන් දක්වා ඇත. එනම් වන්නි ජනයා වාසය කළ භූමිය කි. රොබට් නොක්ස් වන්නීන්ගේ භූමිය (ක්‍දහකදඑ උ්බැැ.ි ක්‍දබඑරුහ*5(* යනුවෙන් මේ ප‍්‍රදේශය දක්වා ඇත. ඒ ප‍්‍රදේශය ඉහත භූමි ප‍්‍රදේශයට වඩා මඳක් විශාල ය. තිරිකුණාමලේට උතුරෙන් ඝණ වනය තුළ පිහිටි භූමියේ වැදි ජනයා වාසය කළ බව වැලන්ටයින් සඳහන් කරයි.(* එමෙන් ම 19 වෙනි සියවස තුළ පවා මුහුදු තීරයේ සිට සැතපුම් කීපයක් හැර මේ ප‍්‍රදේශය ඝණ වනයෙන් වැසුණු භූමි ප‍්‍රදේශයක් වූ බව ජේ. පී. ලූවිස් සඳහන් කරයි.7(* 

ව්‍ය.ව. 1722 ප‍්‍රංශ සිතියම ද දක්වා ඇති, යාපාපටුන සහ තිරිකුණාමලේ අතර වනයේ වාසය කළ වන්නි ජනයා (ෆොරස්ට්මෙන්*, ඡුවි වර්ණයෙන් ”අප” (පුර්තුගීසීන්* හා සමාන, ශරීර ලක්‍ෂණ සහිත, දැකුම්කළු, රතු පැහැයට හුරු පැහැපත් වූ, ඉන්දියානු භාෂාවක් නොවෙන භාෂාවක් කථා කළ ජන වර්ගයක් බව පුර්තුගීසි ජාතික රිබෙයිරෝ8(* විස්තර කරයි. එසේම ෆ‍්‍රැන්සිස්කොඉස් වැලන්ටයින් ප‍්‍රදේශයේ වාසය කළ ජනයා සිංහල කතා කළ බව කියයි.(* මේ විදේශික වාර්තා දක්වා ඇත්තේ සිංහල රාජ්‍යයේ් කුරුඳුගමුරට දිසාවනියට අයත් ව තිබූ ප‍්‍රදේශය යි. එසේ ම 19 වෙනි සියවසට පෙර මේ ප‍්‍රදේශයේ ද්‍රවිඩ/දෙමළ වාර්ගිකයන් වාසය නොකළ බව එළිදරවු කරයි.

අදාල ප‍්‍රශ්ණය සම්බන්ධ අදහස සත්‍ය එකක් වීමට නම් ව්‍ය.ව. 13 වෙනි සියවසේ සිට මේ ප‍්‍රදේශය සහ නැගෙනහිර පළාත තුළ ස්ථිර ද්‍රවිඩ/දෙමළ පදිංචියක් තිබිය යුතු ය. රිබෙයිරෝ, සියර්, රොබට් නොක්ස්, වැලන්ටයින් සහ ලූවිස් වාර්තා කොට ඇති තොරතුරු එය එසේ නොවෙන බව තහවුරු කරයි. එමෙන් ම නැගෙනහිර පළාත සමග දේශපාලන හෝ කුමන ආකාරයේ හෝ සම්බන්ධතාවක් පවත්වා ගැනීමට යාපන අර්ධද්වීපයේ දකුණු සීමාව සහ නැගෙනහිර පළාතේ උතුරු සීමාව අතර ”උතුරට ඉතා කිට්ටු ප‍්‍රදේශයේ”, කුරුඳුගමුරට දිසාවනියේ (වර්තමාන මුලතිව් දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කයේ* 13 වෙනි සියවසේ සිට ද්‍රවිඩ/ දෙමළ ජනයා පදිංචි ප‍්‍රදේශයක් බවට දක්වා ඇති අදහස පදනමක් නැති මනෝමය සිතිවිල්ලක් බව සනාථ කරයි. 

එසේම මේ ප‍්‍රකාශිත අදහස සම්බන්ධයෙන් වන්නි ප‍්‍රදේශයට යාබද යාපන අර්ධද්වීපයේ ව්‍ය.ව. 13 වෙනි සියවසේ සිට පැවති දේශපාලන තත්වය පිළිබඳ තොරතුරු ද අමතක කිරීම සුදුසු නැත. 

පොළොන්නරු රාජ්‍ය යුගය අවසානය දක්වා යාපාපටුන සිංහල රාජ්‍ය පාලනය යටතේ විය. ව්‍ය.ව. 1255 දී කාලිංග මාඝ යාපනේ අර්ධද්වීපයට පලාගිය බවත් එහි පාලකයා ලෙස සිටි බවත් අනුමාන කෙරෙයි. ඉන් වසර හයකට පසු, ව්‍ය.ව. 1262 දී දෙවෙනි පරාක‍්‍රමබාහු රජුට එරෙහිව කළ සටනින් පැරදී පලාගිය ජාවක චන්ද්‍රභානු ආක‍්‍රමණිකයා නාගදීපේ (යාපාපටුනේ* රැුඳී සිටි බවට සාධක ඇත. කාලිංග මාඝ නාගදීපේ (යාපාපටුනේ* තහවුරු වී සිටි බවට තොරතුරු නැත. චන්ද්‍රභානු යාපාපටුනට පලාගිය අවස්ථාවේ දී හෝ මාඝ ගැන තොරතුරක් නැත. ඇත්ත වශයෙන් ම වංශකථා සඳහන් කරන ලෙස මාඝ මියගියේ ද? නොඑසේ නම් පලාගියේ ද? අවිනිශ්චිත ය. ආක‍්‍රමණ සඳහා කාලිංග මාඝ කේරළ හේවායන් ද10 (මව 80.* චන්ද්‍රභානු පළමුවර ජා සේනාවක් සහ දෙවෙනිවර ජා භටයන්ට අමතරව ද්‍රවිඩ කුලී හේවායන් ද ගෙනවිත් ඇත(* 13 වෙනි සියවස තුළ ආක‍්‍රමණය කළ කාලිංග මාඝ (දෙමළ නොවේ* සහ චන්ද්‍රභානු කේරළ ද්‍රවිඩ කුලී හේවායන් යොදා ගෙන ඇත. 

කෙසේ වෙතත්, ඒ වෙන විට යාපන අර්ධද්වීපයේ ස්වාධීන දෙමළ පාලනයක් හෝ රාජ්‍යයක් වූයේ නම් මාඝට සහ හෝ චන්ද්‍රභානුට එහි නිදහසේ ඇතුල් වීමට හෝ නතර වී පාලකයෙකු වීමට හැකි නොවෙනු ඇත. අවම වශයෙන් සටනක් අනිවාර්ය ය. එවැනි තොරතුරක් දෙමළ කාව්‍යවල පවා නැත. චන්ද්‍රභානු ජාවා රටේ පාලක බෞද්ධ රජ පෙළපතේ කෙනෙකු වීම, බෞද්ධ ජා භටයන්ගේ සහාය සහ කුරුන්දි, පදී, මානාවතු, ගෝකණ්ණ, ආදී ප‍්‍රදේශවල සිංහල බෞද්ධ ජනයාගේ සහාය ලබාගෙන සිටීම සහ නම්පොත සඳහන් කරන ලෙස ව්‍ය.ව. 18 වෙනි සියවසේ පවා, ¥පත් ද ඇතුළු යාපාපටුන තුළ ඉතා වැදගත් බෞද්ධ සිද්ධස්ථාන රැුසක් පැවතීම13 (* අනුව ඔහු තමන්ට පුරුදු ලෙස බෞද්ධ දේශපාලන සහ සමාජ දර්ශනය අනුව පාලනය කරන්නට ඇති බව නොඅනුමාන ය. (පුරාණ බෞද්ධ පුදබිම්වල නටබුන් අද දක්වාත් පවතියි.* ව්‍ය.ව. 13 වෙනි සියවසේ අවසාන කාලයේ යාපාපටුනේ පාලකයා ”සෙන්දමේන්” (චන්ද්‍රභානු* නමැත්තෙකු වූ බවට මාකෝපෝලෝ (* සඳහන් කරයි. එමෙන් ම චන්ද්‍රභානු සහ ඔහුගෙන් පැවතෙන අය ව්‍ය.ව. 14 වෙනි සියවසේ ද යාපනේ පාලනය කරන ලද බව එළිදරවු කෙරෙයි. අද දක්වාත් භාවිතයේ පවතින ”ජාවන්කෝට්ටෙ”, ”චාවාකච්චේරි” යන ස්ථාන නාමවලින් එය සනාථ කෙරෙයි. චන්ද්‍රභානු පෙළපතේ සාමාජිකයන් ව්‍ය.ව. 14 වෙනි සියවස අවසානය පමණ තෙක් යාපනේ පාලකයන් වූ බව ආචාර්ය පී.ඒ.ටී. ගුණසිංහ පැහැදිලි කරයි.15( * 

ව්‍ය.ව. 11 වෙනි සියවස පමණ සිට උතුරු ඉන්දියාවේ (උත්තරාපථයේ* දිල්ලි සුල්තානය නිරන්තරයෙන් මෙහෙය වූ මුස්ලිම් ආක‍්‍රමණවලින් ආරක්‍ෂා වීමට, වින්ද්‍යා කඳුවැටියෙන් සහ නර්මදා නදියෙන් පහළ දකුණු ඉන්දියාවට (දක්‍ෂිණාපථයට=ඩෙකානය* නොහැකි විය. ව්‍ය.ව. 1310 වෙන විට පාණ්ඩ්‍ය දේශයේ මදුරා නගරය පවා මුස්ලිම් සුල්තාන් පාලන මූලස්ථානයක් විය. ඒ වෙනවිට තන්ජෝරයේ ද මුස්ලිම් සුල්තාන් පාලනයක් විය. ව්‍ය.ව. 1344 වසර වෙනවිට ද දකුණු ඉන්දීය (මලබාර් සහ කොරමණ්ඩල* සාගර කලාපය මුස්ලිම් සහ හින්දු මුහුදු කොල්ලකරුවන්ගේ බල ප‍්‍රදේශයක් වී පැවති බව ඉබ්න් බතූතා හෙළි කරයි. මලබාර්හි මුස්ලිම් මුහුදු කොල්ලකාර නායකයාගේ මිත‍්‍රයෙකු වූ, මන්නාරම් ප‍්‍රදේශයේ මුතු අස්වැන්න අධීක්‍ෂණය කරමින් සිටි, සුල්තාන් ලෙස සඳහන් කරන අරිසකර් (ආරියසක්විති* නැමැත්තා ඉන්දියාවේ කොරමණ්ඩල ප‍්‍රදේශයේ බලවතෙකු ව සිටි බව ද හෙළි කරයි. එමෙන් ම, ඉබ්න් බතූතා සිංහල රජු ”අධිරාජයා” ලෙස සඳහන් කොට ඇත. පුර්තුගීසීන් ලංකාවට පැමිණියේ කලාපයේ මුහුදු කොල්ලකරුවන් හඹායමේ දී අහඹුවෙන් බව දැක්වේ. 

දඹදෙණි රාජ්‍ය යුගය ආරම්භ කළ තුන්වෙනි විජයබාහු රජු (ව්‍ය.ව. 1232-1236* මාඝ භීෂණය සමයේ වන්නි පාලකයෙකු වී සිටි බව අදහස් කරයි. චන්ද්‍රභානු ආක‍්‍රමණිකයා ව්‍ය.ව. 1262 දී පරාජය කරනු ලැබීමෙන් පසු දෙවෙනි පරාක‍්‍රමබාහු රජු (ව්‍ය.ව. 1236-1270* වෙනුවෙන් තම තමන්ගේ ප‍්‍රදේශ පාලනය කිරීම සඳහා අනුරාධපුරේ දී වන්නි පාලකයන් අධිකාරී බලය, ධජ, ඡුත‍්‍ර ලබා ඇත. (* එතැන් සිට රාජ්‍ය මූලස්ථානයේ රාජ්‍ය පාලන සංවිධානය සමග බැඳීම යළි ආරම්භ විය. මෙකල දේවපතිරාජ ඇමති බටහිර (වයඹදිග ඇතුළු* මුහුදු බඩ ප‍්‍රදේශයේ සංවර්ධන සහ ආගමික කටයුතු කරමින් දෙවිනුවර උපුල්වන් දේ්වාලයේ පූජාවල ද නිරත වී ඇත. ගම්පොළ රාජ්‍ය යුගයේ පැවති මූලිකත්වය සහ වරප‍්‍රසාද සඳහා රාජ සභිකයන් අතර වූ අරගලය, විශේෂයෙන් ම සේනාලංකාධිකාර සහ අලකේශ්වර පෙළපත් දෙක පෙරමුණු කොට සිදු වූ සිංහල රජ පවුලේ් බල අරගලය හේතුවෙන් වන්නි පාලකයන් සහ රාජ්‍ය අතර වූ බැඳීම ලිහිල් වෙන්නට ඇත. එමෙන් ම ව්‍ය.ව. 14 වෙනි සියවස තුළ රයිගම බල ඒකකයක් සහ ජයවර්ධනපුර (කෝට්ටේ* නිර්මාණය වීම ද දැකිය හැකි ය. 

මදුරා සහ තන්ජෝරය මූලස්ථාන ලෙස භාවිත කළ මුස්ලිම් සුලතාන් පාලනයට යටත් ව තිබූ චෝල, පාණ්ඩ්‍ය සහ චේර භූමිවලට හින්දුත්වය රැුකගැනීමට හැකි වූයේ, කි‍්‍රෂ්ණා තුංගභද්‍රා දෙගම්මැදි භූමි ප‍්‍රදේශයෙන් ආරම්භ කොට කොමරින් (කුමාරි* තුඩුව දක්වා ව්‍යාප්ත වූ විජයනගර අධිරාජ්‍යය (1336-1565* මුස්ලිම් සුල්තාන් බලය අහෝසිි කොට උදා කළ හින්දු පුනරුදය නිසා ය. විජයනගර පාලකයන් මුහුදු කොල්ලකරුවන් මැඩ තමන්ගේ ආර්යචක‍්‍රවර්ති නම් සෙන්පතියෙකු යාපනේ ස්ථාන ගත කොට ඇත. 14 වෙනි සියවස අවසාන කාලයේ විජයනගර පාලනයෙන් නිදහස් වුව ද පාණ්ඩ්‍ය සහ චෝල ආධිපත්‍යයක් නොවීය. විජයනගර නියෝජිතයෙකු ලෙස ආර්යචක‍්‍රවර්ති යාපනේ බලවත් ව සිටියේ විජයනගර කර්ණාටක (කණණඩ* හමුදාවක17(* සහාය ඇතිව ය. 1447 සිට විජයනගර අධිරාජ්‍යයේ පැවති භේදකාරී තත්වය මත ඔහුට විජයනගර සහාය සහ රැුකවරණය නැති විය.18 (* 16 වෙනි සියවස ආරම්භයේ සිට දකුණු ඉන්දියාව සහ ලංකාව පුර්තුගීසි, ලන්දේසි, ප‍්‍රන්ස, ඉංගිරිසි ආදී යුරෝපීය ආක‍්‍රමණික බල අරගලයේ ගොදුරුබිම් වී ය.  

ව්‍ය.ව. 1449 පමණ සිට කෝට්ටේ රාජ්‍යයේ පාලනයට අයත් වූ යාපාපටුන (* හයවෙනි පරාක‍්‍රමබාහු රජු වෙනුවෙන් සපුමල් කුමරු කෝට්ටේ රාජ සභාව වැනි රාජ සභාවක් පිහිටුවාගෙන ව්‍ය.ව. 1470 වෙන තෙක් පාලනය කළේය.(* යාපනේ ප‍්‍රධාන කෝවිල වෙන නල්ලූර්හි කන්දස්වාමි (කන්දෙදෙවියන්* කෝවිල ගොඩනැගූ21 (* ඔහු හයවෙනි බුවනෙකබාහු (ව්‍ය.ව. 1470-1478* රාජකීය නාමයෙන් කෝට්ටේ සිහසුනට පත් වූ පසු විජයබාහු නැමැති කුමාරයෙකු පාලන කටයුතු කළ බව සඳහන් වෙයි. (* එමෙන් ම ව්‍ය.ව. 16 වෙනි සියවසේ මුල් කාලය තෙක් එහි පාලනය වෙනස් වූ බවට ඓතිහාසික සාධක නැත. මින් පසු යාපාපටුන ගැන තොරතුරු ලැබෙන්නේ පුර්තුගීසී ආක‍්‍රමණිකයන්ගේ කාලයේ ය. දිවයිනේ පැවති දේශපාලන තත්වය සහ ඩි ක්වේරෝස්, බෝල්ජිඅස්, වැලන්ටයින් සහ ටි‍්‍රනිඩාඬේ වාර්තා කරන ඓතිහාසික තොරතුරු ව්‍ය.ව. 18 වෙනි සියවස අවසානය තෙක් යාපන අර්ධද්වීපයේ පාලනය කෝට්ටේ සහ පසුව සෙන්කඩගල (නුවර* සිංහල රාජ්‍යය යටතේ පැවති බව තහවුරු කරයි.

කෙසේ වෙතත්, කෝට්ටේ රාජ්‍ය යුගයේ, ව්‍ය.ව. 15 වෙනි සියවසේ දෙවෙනි කාර්තුවේ පමණ සිට වන්නිය සහ යාපාපටුන (යාපන අර්ධද්වීපය* ද හයවෙනි පරාක‍්‍රමබාහු රජු යටතේ වීය. හයවෙනි බුවනෙකබාහු රජුගේ (ව්‍ය.ව. 1470-1478* කාලයේ සේනාසම්මත වික‍්‍රමබාහු (ව්‍ය.ව. 1470-1511* සෙංකඩගල ප‍්‍රාදේශීය රාජ්‍යය බිහි කරන තෙක්23(*, කුරුඳුගමුරට දිසාවනිය තුළ පැවති පදවිය, කුරුන්දි සහ ගෝණගම්තොට (තිරිකුණාමලය*, කොටසර, එරාවුළුරට (මඩකලපුව* සහ සමන්තුරේ ප‍්‍රදේශ කෝට්ටේ රාජ්‍යයට අයත් ප‍්‍රදේශ විය. පුර්තුගීසි ආක‍්‍රමණ කාලයේ, ව්‍ය.ව. 16 වෙනි සියවස තුළ පවා යාපාපටුන කෝට්ටේ රජුගේ ආධිපත්‍යය යටතේ පාලනය වූ බව ක්වේරෝස්, බෝල්ජිඅස්, වැලන්ටයින්, ටි‍්‍රනිඩාඬේ පැහැදිලිව ම සඳහන් කොට ඇත. කෝට්ටේ දොන් ජුවන් ධර්මපාල රජු (1551-1597* මරණාසන්නයේ අන්තිම කැමති පත‍්‍රයකින් යාපාපටුන පුර්තුගීසි රජුට පවරා ඇත. 

ඓතිහාසික තොරතුරු සහ පුරාවිද්‍යා සාධක අනුව ව්‍ය.ව. 13 වෙනි සියවසේ සිට ව්‍ය.ව. 16 වෙනි සියවසේ මුල් කාලය තුළ ද යාපාපටුනේ, යාපන අර්ධද්වීපයේ, පවා ස්ථාවර ද්‍රවිඩ/දෙමළ පදිංචියක් හෝ පාලනයක් පැවති බව තහවුරු නොවේ.

….. 3 වෙනි කොටසට

උතුර සහ නැගෙනහිර බැඳීම – 1

August 8th, 2023

විමල් පටබැඳිගේ – ශාස්ත‍්‍රවේදී, නීතිඥ, විශ‍්‍රාමික සොලිසිටර්

මවුබස සහ ඉතිහාසය නොදැනීම, අමතක කිරීම, ගැරහීම සහ තමන්ගේ මවුපියන් සහ මුතුන්මිත්තන් කවුරුන් දැ’යි නො දැනීම, නො සලකා හැරීම සහ හෙළාදැකීම අතර වෙනසක් නැත. ඉතිහාසය අධ්‍යාපන විෂය මාලාවෙන් කපා හැරීම 1965 වසරේ ආරම්භ විය. ලංකා ඉතිහාසය, ඉන්දියානු ඉතිහාසය සහ යුරෝපා ඉතිහාසය යනුවෙන් පුළුල් විෂය තුනක් ලෙස එතෙක් හැදෑරූ සිසුන්ට එතැන් සිට ලංකා ඉතිහාසය සහ ඉන්දියානු ඉතිහාසය හෝ ලංකා ඉතිහාසය සහ යුරෝපා ඉතිහාසය යනුවෙන් එක විෂයයක් විය. 1970 වසරෙන් පසු ඉතිහාසය ”සමාජ අධ්‍යයනය” තුළ අච්චාරුවක් බවට පත් කරනු ලැබීය. ඉතිහාසයෙන් සහ සාහිත්‍යයෙන් කන්න පුළුවන් දැ’යි ඇසූ පාලකයන් සිටි රටේ ඉතිහාසය ”රට කෑමට” යොදාගෙන ඇති සැටි නැගෙනහිර පළාතේ ගැටළුව එළිදරවු කරයි.    

යාපනේ අර්ධද්වීපය වාර්ගික භූමියක් බවට පත්කර ගැනීම සඳහා ව්‍ය.ව. 1948 වසරෙන් පසු වේගවත් කොට ඇති වර්ගවාදී ව්‍යාපාරය ලෙස ම නැගෙනහිර පළාත ද, ඒක වාර්ගික භූමි ප‍්‍රදේශයක් බවට පත් කරගැනීම සඳහා භූමි හිමිකම් කියමින් නිරන්තරයෙන් වෙර දරමින් අපූරු ඉතිහාසයක් නිර්මාණය කරමින් සිටින බැවින්, පුරවැසියන්ගෙන් වසංකොට ඇති පළාතේ ඓතිහාසික, සාමාජික සහ සංස්කෘතික සාධක සලකා බැලීම අවශ්‍ය කරුණකි. ව්‍ය.ව. 13 වෙනි සියවසට පෙර දිවයිනේ ස්ථිර දෙමළ පදිංචියක් නො වූ බව ඉතිහාසඥයන් පිළිගෙන ඇති බැවින් එතැන් සිට ඓතිහාසික තොරතුරු සලකා බැලීම සුදුසු ය. 

දිවයිනේ පදිංචි වීමේ ස්ථිර අරමුණ ඇතිව ඉන්දියාවේ ද්‍රවිඩ භූමියේ සිට දෙමළ ජනයා ව්‍ය.ව. 13 වෙනි සියවසේ පැමිණි බවට සහ උතුරට ඉතා කිට්ටු ප‍්‍රදේශයේ සහ නැගෙනහිර දිස්ත‍්‍රික්කවල දේශපාලන ගැටළු සමග බැඳුනු ප‍්‍රමුඛ ද්‍රවිඩ ප‍්‍රදේශයක් ලෙස නැගෙනහිර පළාත මතු වූ බවට1(* අදහසක් ඉදිරිපත් කරනු ලැබ ඇත. එය ආචාර්යවරුන් ඇතුළු බොහෝ උගතුන් තමන්ගේ දේශන සහ ලිපි ලේඛනවලින් පුනරුච්චාරණය කරමින් ඇත. එමෙන් ම ඉතිහාසය හදාරන ආධුනිකයන්ට ද උගන්වනු ලැබෙයි.

ඓතිහාසික තොරතුරු නැගෙනහිර පළාතේ ද්‍රවිඩ/දෙමළ ජනයාගේ පදිංචිය සිදු වූ අයුරු සහ කුමන කාලයක දැ’යි එළිදරවු කෙරෙයි. එසේ ම දෙමළ ජනයාගේ නිජබිම වූ දකුණු ඉන්දියාවේ ද්‍රවිඩ භූමිය (චෝල, පාණ්ඩ්‍ය සහ කේරළ* අත්හැර දැමීමට සහ ස්ථිරව පදිංචි වීමේ අරමුණ ඇතිව දිවයිනට පැමිණීමට ඔවුන් පෙළඹවීමට තරම් වාසිදායක පසුබිමක් ව්‍ය.ව. 13 වෙනි සියවසේ හෝ ඉන් පසුව ව්‍ය.ව. 19 වෙනි සියවසේ දෙවෙනි භාගය වෙන තෙක් නැගෙනහිර පළාතේ සහ උතුරට යාබද ප‍්‍රදේශයේ පැවති බවට ඓතිහාසික සහ පුරාවිද්‍යා සාධක තිබේ දැ’යි සොයා බැලිය යුතු වෙයි. 

ඓතිහාසික සාධක සමග ඉහත සඳහන් අදහස කොපමණ ගැලපේ දැ’යි විමසා බැලීම විශේෂයෙන් ම ඉතිහාසය හදාරන්නෙකුගේ වගකීමකි. කවර හෝ කරුණක් පිළිබඳව නිශ්චිත අදහසක්, මතයක් ප‍්‍රකාශ කිරීම සාධක මත විය යුතු ය. සාධක මගින් යම් අදහසක් සනාථ නොවේ නම් එය කෙනෙකුගේ හිතළුවක්, පදනමක් නැති සිතිවිල්ලක් පමණකි. 

ව්‍ය.ව. 13 වෙනි සියවසේ සිට උතුරට ඉතා කිට්ටු ප‍්‍රදේශයේ සහ නැගෙනහිර පළාතේ දේශපාලන ගැටළු සමග බැඳුනු ප‍්‍රමුඛ ද්‍රවිඩ ප‍්‍රදේශයක් ලෙස නැගෙනහිර පළාත මතු වී ද?

ඉහත කී අදහස, උතුරට ඉතා කිට්ටු ප‍්‍රදේශය සහ නැගෙනහිර පළාත තුළ ව්‍ය.ව. 13 වෙනි සියවසේ සිට

(1* දෙමළ ජනයා ස්ථිරව පදිංචි වී සිටි බව,
(2* මේ භූමි ප‍්‍රදේශවල ජනයාගෙන් බහුතරය දෙමළ වාර්ගිකයන් වූ බව,
(3* මේ ප‍්‍රදේශ එකට බද්ධ කළ දෙමළ දේශපාලනයක් පැවති බව, සහ
(4* උතුරු සහ නැගෙනහිර පළාත් ඒකාබද්ධ වී පැවති ප‍්‍රමුඛ දෙමළ භුමියක් බව
විශ්වාස කිරීමට පාඨකයන්, ශ‍්‍රාවකයන්, විශේෂයෙන් ම ඉතිහාසය හදාරන අය පොළඹවනු ලබයි.

සැබවින් ම එවැනි ඓතිහාසික තත්වයක් 13 වෙනි සියවසේ සිට පැවතියේ ද?

ඉහත කී ප‍්‍රකාශයේ නිශ්චිත ප‍්‍රදේශයක් නම් කොට නැති බැවින් පළමුව ”උතුරට ඉතා කිට්ටු ප‍්‍රදේශය” කුමක් දැ’යි අඳුනාගැනීමට සිදු වෙයි. වත්මන් පළාත් බෙදීම ව්‍ය.ව. 1833 වසරට පෙර දිවයිනේ නොපැවති නිසා, අදහස් කළේ ඉංගිරිසි කොලනිවාදී පාලකයන් ව්‍ය.ව. 1833 වසරේ නිර්මාණය කරන ලද උතුරු පළාතට යාබද ප‍්‍රදේශයක් නම්, ව්‍ය.ව. 1873 වසරට පෙර පැවති උතුරු පළාතේ දකුණු සීමාව සහ 1873 වසරට පසුව පවතින දකුණු සීමාව කුමක් දැ’යි පැහැදිලි කරගත යුතුව ඇත.

ව්‍ය.ව. 1833 වසරේ නිර්මාණය කරන ලද උතුරු පළාතට සිංහල රාජ්‍යයේ නුවරකලාවිය දිසාවනිය (වර්තමාන අනුරාධපුර දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කය* සහ වන්නි දිස්ත‍්‍රික්කයේ නැගෙනහිර සීමාව සහ මුහුදු වෙරළ සීමාව අතර වූ කුරුඳුගමුරට දිසාවනියට අයත් වූ විශාල භූමි කොටසක් ඇතුළත් කොට නිර්මාණය කළ වර්තමාන මුලතිව් දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කය ඇතුළත් විය. ඊශාණදිග භූමියේ කුරුඳුගමුරට දිසාවනියට අයත් ව තිබූ භූමි ප‍්‍රදේශයක් සහ තමන්කඩුව දිසාවනිය (වත්මන් පොළොන්නරු දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කය* නැගෙනහිර පළාතට ඇතුළත් විය. ඒ අනුව ඉංගිරිසීන් නිර්මාණය කරන ලද උතුරු පළාතේ දකුණු සීමාව ව්‍ය.ව. 1873 වෙන තෙක් වර්තමාන මාතලේ දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කයේ උතුරු සීමාව සහ නැගෙනහිර පළාතේ උතුරු සීමාව විය. එසේම තමන්කඩුව දිසාවනිය (වර්තමාන පොලොන්නරු දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කය* නැගෙනහිර පළාතට අයත් විය. ව්‍ය.ව. 1873 දී අනුරාධපුර දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කය (නුවරකලාවිය* උතුරු පළාතෙන් ඉවත් කොට සීමා වෙනස් කොට උතුරු පළාත යළි නිර්මාණය කරනු ලැබීය. එසේම පොළොන්නරු දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කය (තමන්කඩුව* නැගෙනහිර පළාතෙන් ඉවත් කොට අනුරාධපුර දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කය (නුවරකලාවිය* සමග එකතු කොට උතුරුමැද පළාත නිර්මාණය කරනු ලැබීය. ව්‍ය.ව. 1873 වසරෙන් පසු උතුරු පළාතේ දකුණු සීමාව වන්නි ප‍්‍රදේශයේ දකුණු සීමාව වෙයි. එනම් උතුරුමැද පළාතේ උතුරු සීමාව සහ නැගෙනහිර පළාතේ උතුරු සීමාව වෙයි. ඉංගිරිසීන් 1833 වසරේ කළ බෙදීමට පෙර එවැනි පළාත් බෙදීමක් දිවයිනේ නොවීය. 

ඉංගිරිසීන් නිර්මාණය කරන ලද පළාත් සීමා අනුව, ඉහත ප‍්‍රකාශයේ සඳහන් ”උතුරට ඉතා කිට්ටු ප‍්‍රදේශය” කුමක් දැ’යි නිශ්චිතව නිගමනය කිරීමට නොහැකි ය. දක්වා ඇති අදහස පළාත් නිර්මාණය කිරීමට සියවස් පහකට පමණ පෙර, එනම් ව්‍ය.ව. 13 වෙනි සියවසේ දිවයිනේ ඉතිහාසය හා සම්බන්ධ බැවින් බොහෝ විට ”උතුර” යනුවෙන් දක්වන්නට ඇත්තේ යාපාපටුනට (යාපන අර්ධද්වීපයට* සහ කිලාලි කලපුවට යාබද වන්නියේ උතුරු සීමා ප‍්‍රදේශය විය යුතු ය. 

ඉංගිරිසි කොලනිවාදී පාලකයන් 1873 වසරේ නිර්මාණය කරන ලද උතුරු සහ නැගෙනහිර පළාත් දෙක ”ප‍්‍රමුඛ” නොවූවත් සාමාන්‍ය ද්‍රවිඩ ප‍්‍රදේශයක් ලෙස හෝ සම්බන්ධ වී තිබීමට නම් අවම වශයෙන් යාපාපටුන (යාපන අර්ධද්වීප* දකුණු සීමාව, කිලාලි කලපුවේ දකුණු සීමාව සහ වර්තමාන නැගෙනහිර පළාතේ උතුරු සීමාව අතර ප‍්‍රදේශය (කුරුඳුගමුරට දිසාවනිය* තුළ සහ නැගෙනහිර පළාතේ දකුණු සීමාව (කුඹුක් ඔය* දක්වා ප‍්‍රදේශය තුළ ද්‍රවිඩ/දෙමළ ජනයා ස්ථිර ව පදිංචි වී සිටීම අනිවාර්ය සාධකයක් වෙයි. 13 වෙනි සියවස (ව්‍ය.ව. 1201-1300* ආරම්භයේ සිට මේ ප‍්‍රදේශ සම්බන්ධ ඓතිහාසික තොරතුරු සහ පුරාවිද්‍යා සාධක නිසැකයෙන් ම මෙය එළිදරවු කරනු ඇත.

ව්‍ය.ව. 13 වෙනි සියවසේ අවසාන වසර දසක කීපය වෙන තෙක් නිරන්තර සටන් බිමක් ලෙස පැවති ප‍්‍රදේශයේ ස්ථිරව පදිංචි වීමේ නිශ්චිත අරමුණ ඇතිව ද්‍රවිඩ/දෙමළ ජනයා තමන්ගේ නිජබිම වෙන දකුණු ඉන්දියාවේ ද්‍රවිඩ භූමිය අත්හැර පැමිණි බවට ඉදිරිපත් කළ අදහස ඓතිහාසික කරුණු සාවදානව සලකාබලා කළ එකක් විය නොහැකිය. කෙසේ වෙතත්, ව්‍ය.ව. 13 වෙනි සියවසේ සිට මේ ප‍්‍රදේශයට එල්ල වූ විජාතික, විදේශීය තර්ජනවලට එරෙහි ව නැගී සිටියේ ජන්ම භූමි වාසී සිංහල බෞද්ධයන් පමණ කි. ආක‍්‍රමණිකයන්ට එරෙහි ව නැගීසිටි දෙමළ ජන කොටසක් ගැන සඳහන් නොවේ. මේ ප‍්‍රදේශවල පදිංචිකරුවන්ගෙන් බහුතරය දෙමළ අය වූයේ නම් ව්‍ය.ව. 19 වෙනි සියවසේ දෙවෙනි භාගයේ ඉන්දියාවේ ද්‍රවිඩ භූමියෙන් මලබා්ර ද්‍රවිඩ ජනයා ”නිදහස් සහ ලිහිල් කොන්දේසි”( * යටතේ ගෙනවිත් ”දෙමළ කොලනි” පිහිටුවීමට අවශ්‍ය නොවෙනු ඇත. එමෙන් ම 19 වෙනි සියවසේ දුම්කොළ සහ වතු වගාව සහ කුදුමහත් කටයුතු සඳහා ද්‍රවිඩ කූලීන් ලක්‍ෂ ගණනක් වහලූන් ලෙස ගෙනේම අවශ්‍ය නොවෙනු ඇත. 
ඉතිහාසය පුරා ව්‍ය.ව. 1815 වෙන තෙක් අනුරාධපුර, පොළොන්නරු, දඹදෙණි, ගම්පොළ, කෝට්ටේ, සීතාවක සහ සෙංකඩගල රාජ්‍ය යුගවල මේ ප‍්‍රදේශය සිංහල රාජ්‍ය පාලනය යටතේ පැවති බව සහ පාරම්පරික සිංහල බෞද්ධ ජන්ම භූමිය වූ බව සනාථ කරන ඓතිහාසික තොරතුරු සහ ලැබී ඇති සහ තවමත් ලැබෙමින් ඇති පුරාවිද්‍යා සාධක අති මහත් ය. නැගෙනහිර පළාතේ දෙමළ කොලනි පිහිටුවීමේ මූලිකයන් වූයේ ඉංගිරිසි කොලනිවාදී පාලකයන් බව ඔවුන් ම ඉදිරිපත් කොට ඇති තොරතුරු සහ නිල වාර්තා සනාථ කරයි. 1848 සිංහල විමුක්ති අරගලයෙන් පසු ටොරිංටන් ආණ්ඩුකාරයා ”යාපනේ මලබාර් ද්‍රවිඩයන් පදිංචි කළ ලෙසින් ම නැගෙනහිර පළාතේ ද මලබාර් ද්‍රවිඩයන් පදිංචි කරවීමට සූදානම්” බව ලියා යැවීමෙන් නැගෙනහිර පළාත පමණක් නොව යාපනේ ද මලබාර් (දෙමළ* කොලනි බවට පත් කළේ ඉංගිරිසීන් බව තහවුරු කරයි. 

පිදුරුතලාගල කඳු මුදුනේ පිහිටුවා ඇති සෙල් කුළුණෙන් දිවයිනේ දිසා අට දැනගැනීමට සලස්වා ඇත. උතුරු පළාතට සහ නැගෙනහිර පළාතට කිට්ටු ප‍්‍රදේශය ඊශාණදිග (නෝත්-ඊස්ට්* ප‍්‍රදේශය වෙයි. ඉංගිරිසි කොලනිවාදී පාලකයන් ව්‍ය.ව. 1833 දී දිවයින, උතුරු, දකුණූ, නැගෙනහිර, බස්නාහිර සහ මධ්‍යම යනුවෙන් පළාත් පහකට බෙදනු ලැබී ය. ඊශාණදිග භූමිය සහ ගිනිකොනදිග (සවුත්-ඊස්ට්* භූමියෙන් විශාල කොටසක් ද නැගෙනහිර පළාතේ භූමිය වීය. පුරාණ කුරුඳුගමුරට දිසාවනිය (වර්තමාන මුලතිව් දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කයට අයත් විශාල භූමි ප‍්‍රදේශයක්*, තමන්කඩුව දිසාවනිය (පොළොන්නරු දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කය* සහ පුරාණ දිගාමඬුල්ල ඇතුළත් කුඹුක් ඔය (කුඹුක්කන් ආරු* දක්වා විශාල ප‍්‍රදේශයක් නැගෙනහිර පළාතට ඇතුළත් විය. මුලතිව් ප‍්‍රදේශ ඇතුළු ඒ ප‍්‍රදේශය ව්‍ය.ව. 1833 වසරට පෙර සිංහල රාජ්‍ය පාලනය යටතේ වීය. ඉංගිරිසි කොලනිවාදීන් විසින් අප භාවිත කරනු ලබන පළාත් සහ පරිපාලන දිස්ති‍්‍රක්ක නිර්මාණය කරනු ලැබුවේ ඓතිහාසික, භූගෝලවිද්‍යා හෝ සමාජවිද්‍යා සාධක පදනම් කොට නොවේ.  

අදාල කරුණ සම්බන්ධයෙන් 1833 වසර තෙක් පැවති යාපාපටුනේ (යාපන අර්ධද්වීපයේ* දකුණු සීමාව සහ වත්මන් නැගෙනහිර පළාතේ උතුරු සීමාව අතර භූමිය පිළිබඳව සලකා බැලීම අත්‍යවශ්‍ය වෙයි. දිවයිනේ ඊශාන දිග කුඩා බිම් තීරුවකින් ප‍්‍රධාන භූමියට සම්බන්ධ වී තිබෙන යාපන අර්ධද්වීපයේ දකුණු සීමාවේ ඉතා විශාල ප‍්‍රදේශයක් කිලාලි කලපුවෙන් සීමා වී ඇත. දකුණු සීමාවට යාබද ප‍්‍රදේශය වන්නි ප‍්‍රදේශය වෙයි. දිවයිනේ ඊශාණ දිග පිහිටි මුලතිව් දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කය (කුරුඳුගමුරට දිසාවනිය* වන්නි ප‍්‍රදේශයට ඇතුළත් කරනු ලැබුවේ පළාත් බෙදීමේ දී ය. ඒ ප‍්‍රදේශය නැගෙනහිර පළාතේ තිරිකුණමල දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කයට යාබද ව ඇත. මේ ප‍්‍රදේශයේ භූමි පිහිටීම ය. 1833 වසරට පෙර යාපාපටුන (යාපන අර්ධද්වීපය* සහ නැගෙනහිර පළාත අතර පිහිටි ආසන්න ම භූමිය කුරුඳුගමුරට දිසාවනියට (මුලතිව් දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කයට* අයත් භූමිය විය. අදාල අදහස හා සම්බන්ධ මේ භූමි කොටස ගැන ඇති ඓතිහාසික තොරතුරු සහ පුරාවිද්‍යා සාධක ද සලකාබැලිය යුතු වෙයි.

…… 2 වෙනි කොටසට

Pathfinder Foundation to launch its Trilateral Report on ‘Medium and Long-term Strategy for Economic Transformation of Sri Lanka’ in New Delhi

August 8th, 2023

Pathfinder Foundation

Pathfinder Foundation, in partnership with two prominent think tanks based in New Delhi, namely, NatStrat and Vivekananda International Foundation, and the Confederation of Indian Industry, will launch its report “Medium and Long-term Strategy for Indo-Japanese Collaboration to Support the Economic Transformation of Sri Lanka” on 10th August 2023 in New Delhi.

The event will take place in a hybrid format and expects to draw around 200 participants both physically and virtually, aiming to create greater awareness of the report, explore potential investment opportunities in Sri Lanka and interact with relevant Indian stakeholders who wish to identify concrete projects and financing modalities on priority sectors as identified in the report.

Pathfinder delegation to the event will be led by Bernard Goonetilleke, Chairman and Dr. Dayaratna Silva, Executive Director, while the Board of Investment and Sustainable Energy Authority of Sri Lanka will be represented by Mr. Prasanjith Wijayatilake, Executive Director and Mr. J. M. Athula, Director General respectively, together with Mr. Lalitha Perera, Managing Director of Perwiplast Industries Pvt. Ltd.

The Foundation launched the Report in Colombo in late March in the presence of Hon. Minister of Foreign Affairs, H.E. Ali Sabry, H.E. Gopal Baglay, High Commissioner of India and H.E. Mizukoshi Hideaki, Ambassador of Japan.  Later, the report was presented to H.E. President Ranil Wickremesinghe.

The report focuses on four priority areas for collaboration with India and Japan.  Namely, Low-carbon power generation, focusing on LNG and grid connectivity between India and Sri Lanka, the Development of Trincomalee as an energy hub using the oil tank complex in Trincomalee as a starting point, logistics and connectivity covering ports, airports, railways and ferry transportation, and people-to-people contacts which covers tourism, education, training and skills development.

The report’s New Delhi launch follows an 18-member high-powered Indian delegation’s visit to the island to look at investment opportunities in the country.  The team visited Jaffna, Mannar, and Trincomalee and ended their tour on 4th August with a visit to the Pathfinder Foundation for a briefing session. The report  “Medium and Long-term Strategy for Indo-Japanese Collaboration to Support the Economic Transformation of Sri Lanka”  can be read on the web section of https://pathfinderfoundation.org/publications

WHAT IS THE SOLUTION FOR INCREASING INFLATION?

August 8th, 2023

BY EDWARD THEOPHILUS

Inflation has been defined by various economists in the past, and three definitions were in economics texts, cost push, demand pull and the third interpretation came from monetarists such as Milton Friedman in early 1960s and monetarists suggested charging a tax as an effective solution. The meaning of inflation could be regarded as an increase in prices of goods and services and the reasons for increasing prices may be contributed by the combine of many factors. As the ordinary people could see, inflation has been working when they go to market places through the increase in prices of goods and services. The inflation had been worked since it beginning of the world, and various dynamic innovation such as computers, mobile phones and internet services contributed to the increase in inflation in modern time. From practical experience, it could define inflation is contributed by modern products innovation, which attracts expensive input and there is no harm interpreting modernisation is also a contributing factor for inflation. However, modernization is a qualitative factor which is complicate to calculate.

Is there a permanent solution to inflation, accurate answer for the question is no, as long as the world is from now, inflation exists within different areas, pushing pressure to consumers. When it considers the various innovations of products and services, prices of such products subject to increase and such situation is contributed by various factors, sometime complicate to identify. Entrepreneurs produce new products and services using newly invented products and services which have an increasing trend of prices could be assumed as a reason for increased in prices.

Modernisation seems to be a contributing factor for increasing prices, but it is a qualitative factor that is formidable to calculate. The figures presented by various governments as an increase or decrease in inflation is not purely accurate and the methods are used in many countries-based on inflation calculation for the prices of selected goods and services may be political purposes or for guidance for the community. In this way, a change prices of selected goods and services might not be accurate for inflation calculation and it. Should go beyond because the prices of production factors are increased by a certain percentage in each year, therefore, it could conclude that inflation is impossible to remove from the world and it is not an easy task, but it could be controlled by policy actions of governments.   

Despite the potential problems in economic process, an increase in production and services could be used as a positive solution for controlling the inflation and the trend of increasing inflation in the world gives positive stimulation for demanding wages increase for trade unions, and it is also a survival strategy of trade unions. Various negotiations are going on between trade unions and the governments and firm owners, the reality of such negotiations might be further increase in inflation. The outcomes for the solutions for inflation are temporary and the struggle for an increase in wages is expanding, as seen in many countries is a positive encouragement for a further increase in inflation.

Modernization seems to be a major factor for increasing inflation as it sees that modernisation does means as innovating new products and services which can attract demand of consumers, however, modernisation associates with changing attitudes and a different way of thinking.  Without modernising, the world cannot go forward and innovations in various areas could not be eventuated. Despite the traditional definitions of inflation, it could manipulate a new definition as the influences of modernisation for the goods and services. Mathematical model development using modernisation may not be easier and, for a descriptive study, this factor is appropriate.

In Sri Lanka, policies for increasing production of goods and services have not given the priority and popular talks and gossips are expanding about the increase in inflation. Ordinary people need to understand that inflation is the display of prices of goods and services is going up, the major reason is the prices of goods and services are subjected to boost by the modernization.

The monetary policy of the central bank developed focusing on the control of inflation since its beginning, however, disregarding the potential problems and ignoring active policies for increasing production and services got away from monetary policy tasks. Promoting innovation in specific production as technology is necessary, sometimes, for controlling the increasing inflation. This means more production than manual would reduce the market price. In this environment, policy leadership cannot ignore the modernisation and its relationship with the technology. Therefore, the challenge for the monetary authority is to developing policies for improving the relationship with the technology and modernisation and to connect budget policies as a method of combine operation not as an alternative. In Sri Lanka, budget policy and monetary policy work as alternatives and the control of inflation distances with the modernisation. The budget policy should be developed for the interest of politicians to attract votes and implementation of monetary policy and budget policy is an arduous task because the operating style of politics. It may need encouraging the government intervention, to reduce many subsidies and saved funds from such actions reallocating to investment for modernisation.

This message should be given to people by politicians and government officers to educate the mass community for controlling increasing inflation. Policy analysts of the country have not yet begun open talks about modernisation and the solution for increasing inflation. The division of the community based political parties restricts openly talks on inflation control and it needs educating about the government policy on controlling the inflation.

Inflation could not eliminate from the world and developing policies to easily adapt to the inflation is the way as a practical technique to control the inflation.    

RANDOM Comments

August 8th, 2023

Sugath Kulatunga

Crisis Management:

The present crisis in Uda Walave of the inability to provide water not only for irrigation but even for household use is tragic. But what is more tragic is the typical pollical game of passing the buck by our political leaders which is deplorable. They do not seem to realize that they are playing with the lives of the people who are facing an existential threat.

It is sad to see the Minister of Agriculture appealing to the good sense of the CEB to resolve the problem by releasing a minimum of water to the Walave tank from the Samanal Weva. But the CEB makes the excuse that it would mean a widespread power cut in the South. It is understood that the cabinet prefers an uninterrupted power supply rather than save the livelihood of the Walawe farmers. This is not an issue which should take into account only the sentiments of politicians and obdurate bureaucrats. It is an issue where an economic decision should be taken after a simple cost/benefit analysis of the two options.

If a political decision is preferable the government should take a lesson from the bitter experience of the organic fertilizer debacle.

What is worrisome is the lack of interest of the Preside to intervene to resolve this crisis.

It appears that the President who should intervene in this crisis is preoccupied with the ‘dignity” of the people in the North than the destiny of the people in the deep South.

It has also to be noted that irrigation water is given free to farmers who do not appreciate the need to economise its use. Some of the cultural practices of excessive flooding of fields to control weeds need modification. Agriculture and irrigation authorities have a vital role to play in educating the farmers about water use and also strictly following the schedules of the release of water. In the olden days the ‘nakaths’ were used to synchronise these events.

2. Research by Academics.

A few days back University Professors took umbrage against a statement alleged to have been made by the Minister of Justice Wijedasa Rajapakse that a university professor works only 4 hours a week but draws a high salary. A spokesman of the professors contesting this statement of the Minister said that the Minister has not considered the research work done by the professors.

It is unfortunate that such research is not available for the benefit of students and of the public and for scrutiny by the peers of their authors. During this writer’s days in Peradeniya, we were not aware of any research done by the Professor in charge of the Department. His contribution to teaching to final-year students was also limited to reading off pages from a small pocketbook from the Basic Series.

May be the present generation of Professors is engaged in original research. It is suggested that the University create a website where such research is published for the benefit of other academics, students, and the general public. Unlike in the past, there is no need to resort to printed hard copies which was quite expensive.

It is important that the unpublished research of academics in the past too is made available on such a website. It is noted that some of them may be critical in clarifying historical facts like the unpublished thesis of Professor Indrapala.

3.Indian Investment for Poultry and Dairy development

Aug 5 (Daily News reported that Minister Mahinda Amaraweera said that two well-known companies from India have submitted requests to invest money to commence business activities to produce chicken and eggs in the country and Amul of India is interested in investing in milk production.

It is not understood why we need Indian investment to produce large-scale production of chicken and eggs. The technology of chicken and egg production on a commercial scale is already there in SL. Firms lik Bairaha on broilers and a number of other commercial farms have operated with success for many years. What the government should now support is the small-scale production of chicken on simple and tested technology like in deep litter which will be a source of employment and income generation.

The interest shown by Amul of India is encouraging. Their cooperative farms concept is attractive. They should be involved with the upgrading of our buffalo herd.(ones in the Diyawanna pastures are beyond help and needs extensive culling.)

A WAR HERO, A MAN OF STEEL WITH A GOLDEN HEART

August 8th, 2023

RANJITH SOYSA

The nation was deprived of its most versatile military leader with a gentle heart on 8th August 1992 at Araly Pont. Jaffna when Lt Gen Denzil Kobbekaduwa was killed by a remote-controlled bomb of the LTTE terrorists. If he survived, the threat paused by the separatists to the unitary Sri Lanka and her 21 million people would have been controlled much earlier than it took to root out the LTTE terrorists.

A quote from the well-known book, The Lost Art of War reminds us of Lt Gen Denzil K. The commanders must be JUST. If they are not, they will lack dignity. The commanders must be HUMAN. If they are mot, they will not be effective. The commanders must have INTEGRITY, if they are not, they will not have power”. Lt Gen Kobbekaduwa possessed all above qualities and was recognized as a true soldier who led his troops by example.

He was born in 1940 and had his secondary education at Trinity College, where he excelled as a rugby player captaining the team and was a prefect of the college. He joined the SrI Lanka army in 1960 as a second lieutenant. He then proceeded to the UK and received military training at Sandhurst.

His service period in the Army was not a bed of roses. He had to handle  two-armed instructions of the JVP and then to combat LTTE terrorism from the late 70s. The war against the LTTE was critical as the aim of the terrorists was to carve out a separated country from the territory of Sri Lanka. Lt Gen Kobbekaduwa exhibited his skills in the strategy of warfare in pushing back the LTTE armed carders and defeating them in many a place such as in the East, Vanni and some vital areas in Jaffna in the Vadamarachchi operation and under his extremely skilful leadership the capture of Jaffna fort. He would have finished the war against the LTTE, if not for the intervention of India in 1987 when they violated the airspace of our country.

He was a man whose aim was always to protect the ordinary civilians and consider options to rehabilitate them to lead them back to normalcy. In fact, when he was commanding the Vanni forces. he worked with Ven Wimalagana  thero of Tantirimale Raja Maha viharaya, a dedicated social service leader and initiated several welfare schemes. I met Lt Gen Kobbekaduwa in the 80s in Vavuniya when a team from Dharmavijaya Foundation. Colombo went to assist to provide housing to the Sinhala people who were driven away from Jaffna town. Under the able leadership of the Lt Gen and Wimalagana  thero , we built a village called Sandamala Eliya.  Lt Gen was involved actively giving directions and supervising connected activities and we were amazed how he was managing time while planning  the war against the terrorists.

He arranged to supply basic food, planting material, fertilizer etc to the farmers in the area and repaired many small tanks and built about 250 wells. 1400 houses  in Vanni area including the Veerapuram village for homeless Tamil people.  

He won the hearts and minds of his fellow soldiers and the ordinary citizens, He was very close to his troops and called the soldiers ‘putha’ (son) and he provided solutions to their personal issues such as a sick person, at home, a problem regarding a child in the family of a soldier.

His services to the nation were recognized by the nation and was the recipient of a number of medals awarded for excellence such as Poorna Bhumi. Veera Wickrama, Uttaraseva and Desha Putra medals

On the 8th of August, the grateful people of Sri Lanka should resolve to remember Lt Gen Denzil Kobbekaduwa, a man of steel and a golden heart along with 29,000 armed personnel who sacrificed their lives and 14,000 maimed in defending the nation. Unfortunately, we seldom hear from our present-day youth or their social media about our war heroes as their mission and vision vary from the aspirations of the earlier generation.

When the sun rises, by its magnificent rays-

the dense darkness of the world gets dispelled but only during the day.

The deep sorrow of darkness both internal and external

Vanish at the mere sight of a noble leader, equally during day and night.

(Subashithya)

RANJITH SOYSA

Power of the Unsaid: “Sinhalas Awake! Save Bodh Gaya” (From Hindus)

August 8th, 2023

Dilrook Kannangara

Anagarika Dharmapala is undoubtedly one of the greatest strategic thinkers; certainly the best ever in his community. His ability to strategize his plans for the optimum impact baffles an inquisitive thinker even today and is at times beyond belief. None of his contemporaries seems to have understood him fully as he was light years ahead of them in intellectual ability. Though came out as brash at times, he chose his words carefully considering the impact they had. He deliberately refrained from saying the obvious at times to make room for his strategies. But considering the context, unsaid words have the greatest meaning then and today.

His most famous clarion call was Sinhalas Awake! Save Bodh Gaya”. Save it from whom?

Was it from the British, the Christians, the Muslims? None of them posed any threat to Bodh Gaya and none showed any adverse interest towards it. In fact, the shrine was reestablished to its past glory by two British persons from Christian families.

Bodh Gaya had to be saved from Hindus.

He also included all Sinhalas in his call; not just Buddhists taking into account the context of the matter. Having experienced it first hand at Christian schools, he was aware that non-Buddhist Sinhalas during British time had little regard for Hindu religious beliefs.

Anagarika Dharmapala initiated legal battles to save Bodh Gaya from Hindus. It never fully succeeded.

Hindus have a long history of animosity towards Bodh Gaya and Buddhism in general. Chinese explorer Hsuan Tsang who visited the area now known as India around 631 to 645 AD describes how Hindu ruler Shashanka (590 to 625 AD) cut down the Bodhi Tree at Bodh Gaya and removed a Buddha statue and replaced it with an object used for the worship of Shiva.

This has direct relevance to today and Hindus in the island seem to be at it again in an attempt to replace ancient well-established Buddhist shrines with Hindu shrines (e.g. Kurundi Viharaya) and the practice of phallus worship which was not practiced by ancient islanders. History records just one instance of constructing a phallus for worship during King Panduka Abhaya’s time who established Anuradhapura, named after a person named Anuradha who arrived from the area now known as north India. It was part of a series of construction of shrines for visiting foreign trade parties at a time when foreign trade was significant.

උමා ඔය ජල විදුලි ව්‍යාපෘතිය ළඟදීම ක්‍රියාත්මක කෙරේ..මෙගාවොට් 120ක් ජාතික පද්ධතියට එක් කිරීමට සැළසුම්. වියළි බිම් අක්කර 50,000 කට වාරි ජලය.

August 8th, 2023

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය.

උමා ඔය ජල විදුලි ව්‍යාපෘතිය අවසන් කර ඇති බවත්, ජලාශය සහ මෙගාවොට් 60 බැගින් වූ ජනන යන්ත්‍ර දෙකක් පරීක්ෂා කිරීම් වලින් අනතුරුව මේ වසර අගදී ආරම්භ කළ හැකි බවත් ඉරාන තානාපති  හෂෙම්  අෂ්ජාසාදේ මහතා අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය  දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන මහතාට දන්වා සිටියේය.

ගොවීන් මුහුණ දෙන ගැටලු සොයා බැලීම සඳහා සති අන්තයේ මොණරාගල, අම්පාර සහ නැගෙනහිර පළාතේ ප්‍රදේශ රැසක සංචාරයෙන් පසු අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා  2023.08.07  දින අරලියගහ මන්දිරයේදී ඉරාන තානාපතිවරයා සහ FARAB සමාගමේ ප්‍රධාන නියෝජිත නිමා නික්ඩෙල් හමුවිය.

නිමා නික්ඩෙල් මහතා පැවසුවේ එක්සත් ජනපදයේ සහ යුරෝපයේ පරීක්ෂණ කණ්ඩායම් දෙකක් විසින් මාස දෙකක් ඇතුළත උමා ඔය ජල විදුලි ව්‍යාපෘතියේ පරීක්ෂණ අවසන් කරන අතර එමඟින් විදුලිය නිපදවීම මෙන්ම වාරිමාර්ග සඳහා ජලය නිකුත් කිරීම කඩිනමින් ආරම්භ කළ හැකි බවයි.

මෙම ව්‍යාපෘතිය මගින් මෙගාවොට් 120ක විදුලිය ජනනය කෙරෙන අතර වියළි බිම් අක්කර 50,000කට වාරි ජලය සැපයීම සඳහා ඝන මීටර් මිලියන 145ක ජල ප්‍රමාණයක් නිකුත් කිරීමට අපේක්ෂා කෙරේ. උමා ඔයෙන් නිපදවන විදුලිය සම්ප්‍රේෂණ මාර්ගයක් හරහා බදුල්ල දක්වා සම්ප්‍රේෂණය කෙරෙන අතර එහිදී එය ජාතික පද්ධතියට එක් කෙරේ.

ඉරානය තේ සහ බොරතෙල් වෙළඳාම් කරනු ලබන භාණ්ඩ හුවමාරු වෙළඳ ගිවිසුම   ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීම පිළිබඳව තානාපති අෂ්ජාසාදේ ප්‍රසාදය පළ කළේය. එය ලබන මාසයේ ආරම්භ කිරීමට අපේක්ෂා කෙරේ.

ආර්ථික අර්බුදයේදී ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට ලබාදුන් නොමසුරු  සහය සහ සංවර්ධන ව්‍යාපෘති වෙනුවෙන් ඉරාන රජය වෙත ස්තූතිය පුද කරන බව අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා  මෙහිදී පැවසීය.

මෙම හමුව සඳහා ඉරාන තානාපති කාර්යාලයේ ආර්ථික සහ කොන්සියුලර් අංශයේ ප්‍රධානී කේ. සොහීල් සහ අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ලේකම් අනුර දිසානායක යන මහත්වරු ද එක්ව සිටියහ.

ඉඩම් අයිතිය කෙසේ වෙතත් ඉඩම් වගා කිරීමේ අයිතියට ඉඩදිය  යුතුයි…ආසියාවේ ඉදිරි දියුණුව ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට දායාද කළ හැකි දොරටුව ත්‍රිකුණාමලයයි…

August 8th, 2023

– අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන මහතා

අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා  මේ බව සඳහන් කලේ අලුත් ගමක් – අලුත් රටක් ජාතික ඒකාබද්ධතා  සහභාගිත්ව සංවර්ධන වැඩසටහනේ 2023.08.05 දින ත්‍රිකුණාමල දිස්ත්‍රික් ලේකම් කාර්යාලයේ පැවැති ත්‍රිකුණාමල දිස්ත්‍රික් වැඩසටහනේදීය.
එහිදී අදහස් දැක් වූ අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා…
දැන් අලුත් අස්වැන්න වෙළෙඳපොළට එමින් තිබෙනවා.   වඩා හොඳ මිලක් ප්‍රකාශයට පත්කර, අපේ ආයතන තරඟයට වී මිලදී ගැනීමට අවතීර්ණ වීම වඩා  කාර්යක්ෂම කරන්න අදහස් ඉදිරිපත් වුණා.  ඊට අවශ්‍ය මූල්‍ය ප්‍රතිපාදන ලබා ගැනීමේ ගැටළු ජනාධිපතිතුමා  සමඟ විසඳගන්න පුළුවන් බව විශ්වාසයි.  මාස දහයකට කළින් ගොවීන්ට ආහාර නිෂ්පාදනය සදහා ඉඩ දෙන්න ඕනේ නිසා  තිබුණු ගැටළු ගණනාවක් ලිහිල් කලා.
මේ අභියෝගය හරහා  නැවත නැගී සිටිය හැකි මොහොතේ ජාත්‍යන්තර ප්‍රජාව සූදානම් අපිට සහාය දෙන්න. අත් හිටවූ ව්‍යාපෘති රාශියක අත් හිටුවීම ඉවත් කර ගන්න ජනාධිපතිතුමාට පුළුවන් වුණා.  ඒ ව්‍යාපෘති නැවත ආරම්භ කිරීමට සූදානම් වෙන්න කියලා  දන්වලා  තිබෙන්නේ.  දිසාපතිවරුන්ගේ සිට ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම්වරු  දක්වා  ඊට සහයෝගය දැක්වීමේ පෙරසූදානමක් අවශ්‍යයි. ආහාර සුරක්ෂිතතාවයට අදාල ව්‍යාපෘති සමග මේ ව්‍යෘපෘතිත් සම්බන්ධයි.
ගොවිතැන නැංවීමට ගොවි ජනතාවට ණය දෙනවා . බීජ ලබා දෙන. අස්වැන්න මිලදී ගන්නවා . නමුත්  ස්වැන්නෙන් සියයට තිස් අටක් අපතේ යන සියලු වාර්තාවලින් පෙන්වන්නේ. මුදල් යොදවලා, මහන්සි වෙලා, ණයත් වෙලා  අස්වැන්න  නගරයට හෝ වෙළඳපොළට ගෙන්වා ගන්න බැරිව අපතේ යනවා.. ඒක අපේ රට මුහුණ දෙන තවත් බරපතළම ප්‍රශ්නයක්. එය ක්‍රමානුකූලව ඉක්මනින්ම හදාගන්න ඕනේ. මේ සප්ලයි චේන් එක, ඒ ජාලය හරියට ගමන් කරන්න ඕනේ. එතකොට ගොවියාට වගේම පාරිභෝගිකයාට ආහාර සුරක්ෂිතභාවයේ විශ්වාසය තහවුරු  කරගන්න පුළුවන්. මේ කාරණය ගැන  ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම්වරුන්ගේ විශේෂ අවධානයක් යොමු කළ යුතුයි.
ප්‍රයෝජනයට නොගන්නා  භූමි භාගයන් තාවකාලිකව වගා කිරිමට ජනාධිපතිතුමා  තීරණයක් ගත්තා. අපි දවස් හැටෙන් අනූවෙන් ඵල දරන මහපොළොවක හිමිකාරයෝ. කළට වතුර ටික ලැබුණොත් මොනවා  පැල කලත් ඵල දරනවා. ඒ නිසා  විවිධ භෝග වගාවන්ට යොමුවෙන්න දරණ උනන්දුවට සහාය දෙන්න කියලායි අපි රාජ්‍ය යාන්ත්‍රණයට යළි යළි උපදෙස් දෙන්නේ.
ඉඩම් අයිතිය කෙසේ වෙතත්, ඉඩම් වගා කිරීමේ අයිතියට ප්‍රවිශ්ට වීමට උනන්දුව දක්වන ගම්බද ගොවි ජනතාවට පහසු කිරීමේ රජයේ තීරණය  මහපොළොව ක්‍රියාත්මක කරවා ගැනීමේ ක්‍රියාදාමය සාර්ථක කර ගන්න ඕනේ.

1957  දී මගේ පියා, පිලිප් ගුණවර්ධන මැතිතුමා කෘෂිකර්ම ඇමතිව සිටියදී චොකොස්ලොවේකියාවේ ආධාරයෙන් කන්තලේ සීනි කර්මාන්ත ශාලාව ආරම්භ කළා. යළි අප ඒ ජාතික ආර්ථිකයේ මර්මස්ථානවලට යා යුතුයි.
ආසියාවේ ඉදිරි දියුණුව ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට දායාද කර හැකි දොරටුව ත්‍රිකුණාමලයයි.
බෙංගාල මුහුදු තීරයෙන් එහා තියෙන රටවල් දෙස බලන්න තියෙන කිට්ටුම තැන ත්‍රිකුණාමලයයි. ඒ අනුව සංවර්ධන සැලැස්ම සකස් කිරීම කාර්යයට හවුල්වෙන්න. වරාය ප්‍රයෝජනයට ගෙන ඇති කළ හැකි අනාගත කර්මාන්ත ප්‍රදේශයේ ජනතාවගේ සංවර්ධනය බවට පරිවර්තනය කරගැනීමට සියලු ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම් කොට්ටාශ සම්බන්ධවන  දිස්ත්‍රික් සංවර්ධන සැලැස්මක් සැකසීම අති වැදගත්.
 නැගෙනහිර වෙරළේ සුවිශේෂි කර්මාන්ත හා කෘෂි, ධීවර කර්මාන්ත දියුණු කිරීම සදහා  වැඩපිළීවෙලක් සකසන්න හා අපනයනය සදහා වූ ව්‍යාපෘතිවලට සූදානම්.”
මෙම අවස්ථාවට නැගෙනහිර පළාත් ආණ්ඩුකාර සෙන්දිල් තොන්ඩමන්, රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍යවරුන් වන අශෝක ප්‍රියන්ත, ජානක වක්කුඹුර, පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් වන කපිල අතුකෝරාල, ඒ.එල්.එම්. අතාවුල්ලා , එම්.එස්. තවුෆික්, යදාමිණි ගුණවර්ධන, ජනාධිපති උපදේශක ආචාර්ය සුරේන් බටගොඩ, රාජ්‍ය පරිපාලන අමාත්‍යාංශ ලේකම් රංජිත් අශෝක,  ත්‍රිකුණාමල දිස්ත්‍රික් ලේකම් ඇතුළු රාජ්‍ය නිළධාරීන් හා සංවිධාන නියෝජිතයින් සහභාගී වූහ.

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය

Corruption probe: Top CPC official flees abroad

August 8th, 2023

Courtesy The Island

Letter of resignation sent through wife

A senior official of the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC),under investigation for massive losses, suffered over a period of time, has resigned after having gone abroad, authoritative sources told The Island yesterday (07).

The former Deputy General Manager, responsible for the commercial and supply chain had been investigated for what sources called ‘out turn losses’ (difference between what the crude oil tanker pumped and what Sapugaskanda refinery received)

Sources said that it was going on for years and the then debt-ridden CPC had been compelled to pay huge amounts as ‘out turn losses’ to suppliers.

Informed sources said that contrary to the CPC’s claims, none of those responsible for the huge losses had been properly investigated. The Power and Energy Ministry and CPC would now place the entire blame on the ex-Deputy GM while his associates side-stepped the law.

Sources asked how the DGM concerned had obtained permission to leave the country if he had been under investigation.

Trade union sources said that a senior employee holding such a critically important position couldn’t have resigned without obtaining security clearance and properly relinquishing his duties. Sources said that one person couldn’t have perpetrated the alleged frauds, under any circumstances. Therefore, a thorough investigation was required to identify all persons responsible.

Responding to another query, sources asked how the senior employee concerned sent his letter of resignation through his wife. The CPC and Power and Energy Ministry owed an explanation whether the officer would be asked to come back to assist the ongoing investigation. He is believed to be in Canada (SF).

Dengue cases top 58,000; one more death reported

August 8th, 2023

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The tally of Dengue cases reported for 2023 has surpassed the 58,000 mark while one more death was reordered, according to the Epidemiology Unit.

Accordingly, as of July 07, a total of 58,138 cases have been reported so far in 2023, with the highest number of cases being recorded from the Gampaha district as 8,970. In addition, the fresh death pushed the total fatalities to 38. 

Further, the Western Province has recorded over 28,000 cases, the highest in terms of provinces.

Moreover, the Epidemiology Unit has identified 47 high-risk MOH areas where dengue breeding places have been found in abundance.

The month of July has so far logged 1,449 Dengue cases. 

Continuous practice of reusing single-use plastic bottles is inviting your own death

August 8th, 2023

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The continuous practice of reusing single-use plastic bottles for drinking water will bring people to their own deaths, Secretary of the Sri Lanka Medical Association (SLMA) Dr. Sarath Edirisinghe said.

Meanwhile, addressing the media, the Director of the Lady Ridgeway Hospital for Children Dr. G. Wijesuriya said a trend has been again created among the people over the re-use of single-use plastic bottles made from plastic #1 (polyethylene terephthalate, also known as PET or PETE).

The water in these bottles is not suitable to be exposed to direct sunlight after its seal is broken, as there are possibilities of the chemicals in the bottle mixing with the water.

With the reuse of these one-time-use plastic bottles, there is a possibility of people getting infected with various diseases, such as cancer.

Therefore, the doctor requested the people to use only the recommended bottles for drinking water. (Chaturanga Pradeep Samarawickrama)


 


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