Thripitakabhivandana Week commences in the US with religious events at Washington Buddhist Vihara and Maryland Buddhist Temple

March 21st, 2019

Embassy of Sri Lanka Washington DC

In keeping with President Maithripala Sirisena’s decision to declare the Thripitakabhivandana Week from 16th – 23rd March 2019 to mark the declaration of the Theravada Thripitaka as a national and world heritage, the Embassy of Sri Lanka in Washington DC, under the patronage of four Buddhist temples in Washington DC and Maryland, organized a series of religious events from 16th – 24th March 2019. The Thripitakabhivandana Week commenced with Maryland Buddhist Temple and Washington Buddhist Vihara hosting two events on 16th and 17th March respectively.

Maryland Buddhist Vihara

At the launch of the Thripitakabhivandana Week on 16th March, the Chief Priest of the Maryland Buddhist Temple, Venrable Katugastota Uparatana Thero expressed immense pleasure for the honour and privilege of hosting  the maiden event of this historic national endeavour at the Maryland Buddhist Temple. Speaking on the occasion, the venerable monk extended his profound gratitude to President Maithripala Sirisena for declaring the Thripitakabhivandana Week and the great honour thereby bestowed on the Thripitaka. Furthermore, emphasis was placed on the significance of the Thripitaka for the preservation for posterity of Buddhist teachings and the relevance of Buddha’s timeless message for future generations. Joined by the temple devotees, the resident monks chanted seth pirith to invoke blessings on the President of Sri Lanka and the whole country and hailed his meritorious deeds for the spiritual upliftment of Buddhists.  Ven Nedagamuwe Pragnaloka Thero conducted a Dhamma sermon on the indulgence of people in worldly pursuits and the importance of spiritual mindedness for overall well being and happiness.  Speaking on the occasion, Chargé d’Affaires, Sarath Dissanayake appreciated the directives and guidance given by the Presidential Secretariat and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in celebrating a historic milestone in Sri Lanka’s Buddhist calendar and expressed his deep gratitude to the venerable monks for sharing spiritual insights and wisdom on the relevance Buddhist teachings for a simple and contented life.  The day’s proceedings came to a close with the offering of Pirikara to the priests and serving of snacks and sweetmeats to devotees.    

The Washington Buddhist Vihara, which is the oldest Theravada Buddhist Temple in the US, hosted the second event of the Thripitakabhivandana Week on 17th March 2019, with a Buddhist sermon conducted by the Chief Priest, Ven Maharagama Dhammasiri Thero on the significance of the Thripitakabhivandana  Week followed by a comprehensive spiritual briefing on the historical context of writing the Thripitaka, its preservation to date and the contribution of the Thripitaka for the propagation of Buddhist teachings and  values.  The venerable monk also spoke of the essence of the Buddha’s noble message for self – emancipation or salvation of mankind and thanked the foreign devotees in the audience for their interest and support to promote the Buddhist way of living among the likeminded. The monks conducted a Bodhi Pooja and invoked blessings on President Sirisena and the country and welcomed his noble endeavour to declare the Thripitakabhivandana Week to symbolize the proclamation of the Thripitaka as a National Heritage in January 2019.  Speaking on the occasion, Chargé d’Affaires, Sarath Dissanayake appreciated the blessings of the Maha Sangha for organizing a special religious activity in celebration of the Thripitakabhivandana Week at the Washington Buddhist Vihara and spreading Buddha’s teachings and creating awareness of the sacred scripts of the Thripitaka among both local and foreign devotees. He briefed those in the audience and sought their support on the campaign launched by Sri Lanka to inscribe Thripitaka as a world heritage in the UNESCO Memory of the World Register, given its spiritual, philosophical, doctrinal and cultural significance for the Buddhists and humankind as a whole.
 
The arrangements at the Washington Buddhist Vihara and the Maryland Buddhist Temple were coordinated by the Embassy under the guidance and blessings of the Maha Sangha with the active support and collaboration of the members of the respective dayaka sabha.
 
The Thripitakabhivandana Week in the US will conclude with two more religious events at the Nisala Arana Buddhist Monastery and the Mahamewnawa Meditation Centre in Maryland on the 23rd and 24th March respectively. 

Embassy of Sri Lanka
Washington DC
 
19 March 2019 

අර්ජුන මහේන්ද්‍රන් මෙරටට ගෙන්වා ගැනීමට අවශ්‍ය ඉල්ලීම නිත්‍යානුකූලව කරන්න

March 21st, 2019

ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුනේ අද (21) පැවැති මාධ්‍ය හමුව

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී  කාංචන විජේසේකර මහතා

ඇමරිකානුව එක්ක මානව හිමිකම් කවුන්සිලයට ඉදිරිපත් කළ සම යෝජනාව සම්බන්ධයෙන් මානව හිමිකම් කොමසාරිස්වරියගේ අදහස් මේ වෙද්දි ඉදිරිපත් වෙලා තියෙනවා. සම යෝජනාවක් විදියට මෙය ඉදිරිපත් රකන අවස්ථාවේ ජනාධිපතිවරයා කැබිනට් මණ්ඩලය හා පාර්ලිමේන්තුව නොදැනුවත්වයි තමන්ගේ පුද්ගලික තනි මතයට ඒ යෝජනාවට සම අනුග්‍රාහකත්වය ලබා දුන්නා. ලංකාවේ ස්වෛරීභාවයට අත ගැසීමට විදෙස් රාජ්‍යයන්ට විවෘත ආරාධනාවක් ඒ යෝජනාවෙන් කළා. ලංකාවේ මානව හිමිකම් කඩවිමක් වෙලා තියෙනවා නම් ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් පරික්ෂණ කරන්න ලංකාවේ අධීකරණ තියෙනවා. විනිසුරන් ඉන්නවා කියලා අපි එදා පැහැදිලිව කිව්වා. යුද ජයග්‍රහණය වෙනුවෙන් කටයුතු කරපු අපේ හමුදාවන් හා පොලීසිය ජාත්‍යන්තර නිතිය මෙන්ම දේශීය නිතිය අනුවත් කටයුතු කරලා තියෙන බව අපි විපක්ෂය ලෙස දිගින් දිගටම කිව්වා. අද වෙද්දි ජනාධිපතිවරයාත් ඒ යෝජනාව විවේඡනය කරමින් සිටිනවා. මානව හිමිකම් කවුන්සිලයෙන් ඇමරිකාව ඉවත් වෙලා තියෙන මොහොතක එංගලන්තය එකතු කරලා නැවතත් සම අනුග්‍රහය දක්වලා යෝජනාව ඉදිරිපත් කරන්න ශ්‍රී ලංකාව කටයුතු කරලා තියෙනවා. එම යෝජනාවත් ජනාධිපති, ඇමැති මන්ඩලය හා පාර්ලිමේන්තුව නොදැනුවත්වයි  ඉදිරිපත් වෙන්නේ. වර්තමාන විදේශ කටයුතු ඇමැති තිලක් මාරපන මහතාවත් නොදැනුවත්ව මේ යෝජනාව ඉදිරිපත් විම තවත් විශේෂ සිද්ධියක්. නැවත වතාවක් මංගල සමරවීර ඇමැතිවරයා තමන්ගේවිෂය පඨයේ නොවුනත් මනෝ තිත්තවැල්ල හා ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ නිත්‍ය නියෝජිත අෂීස් මහතා හරහා ඒ යෝජනාව ඉදිරිපත් කරලා තියෙනවා.

මානව හිමිකම් කොමසාරිස්වරියගේ වාර්තාවෙන් ඉල්ලීම් ගණනාවක් කරනවා. මානව හිමිකම් කවුන්සිගයෙව් කාර්යාලයක් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ බිහිකිරීමේ වටපිටාව නිර්මාණය කරන්න කියලා එහි දි කියනවා. ලංකාව එකග වුනු දෙමුහුන් විදේශ විනිසුරන්ගෙන් සැදුම්ලත් යුද අපරාධ විනිශ්චය කිරීමේ අධීකරණයක් ස්ථාපිත කරන්නත් කියනවා. ඉඩම් නිදහස් කිරීමේ කටයුතු සාර්ථකයි. අතුරුදන් වීමේ කාර්යාලය පිහිටුවීම වැනි දේ රජය විසිනු ඉටු කරලා තියෙනවා. ශවේන්ද්‍ර සිල්වා යුද හමුදා නිලධාරියා උසස් තනතුරකට පත් කිරිම ගැන කළකිරීමට ලක් වෙනවා කියලත් ඇය පවසනවා. ආන්ඩුව දිගින් දිගටම කිව්වා ලංකාවේ හමුදාවන්ට නිලධාරීන්ට යුද අපරාධ ඉදිරිපත්කරලා නැහැ කිව්වා. එහෙම චෝදනාවක් නැත්නම් වාර්තාවක් නිසා හමුදා නිලධාරින්ට උසස්විම් ලබන්න බැරිනම්, රටවල්වල යාමට තහනම් නම් මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් රජයේ මතය මොකක්ද කියලා සදහන් කළ යුතුයි. විදේශ ඇමැති තිලක් මාරපන කිසිදු අවස්ථාවක කියන්නේ නැහැ දෙමුහුන් අධීකරණය ලංකාවට ගේන්නේ නැහැ කියලා. එතුමා කියන්නේ ලංකාවේ ව්‍යවස්ථාව අනුව එය කරන්න බැහැ.ව්‍යවස්ථාව වෙනස්කරන්න බලාපොරොත්තු වෙන බවයි. මේ ප්‍රකාශයෙන් පැහැදිලි වෙන්නේ ව්‍යළුස්ථා වෙනසක් කරලා හරි කවුන්සිලයේ යෝජනාව සදහා අවස්ථාව ලබා දෙන බවයි. ජනාධිපතිවරයා රටේ විධායක ජනාධීපතිවරයා විදියට මේකට විරුද්ධයි, මේ ගැන දැනගෙන හිටියේ නැහැ, වැනි ප්‍රකාශ කිරීමෙන් පලක් නැහැ. රටේ ජනාධිපතිවරයා විදියට ලිඛිතව මානව හිමිකම් කොමිෂමට මේ බව දැන්වීමේ හැකියාව එතුමාට තියෙනවා. එතුමා එක්සත් ජාතින්ගේ සංවිධානය ඇමැතීමට නියමිතව තිබෙනවා. අඩුම තරමේ ඒ අවස්ථාවට සහභාගි වන අවස්ථාවේදි හෝ ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ ලිඛිත ප්‍රකාශයක් විදියට සම අනුග්‍රහයෙන් ඉවත් වන බව දන්වන්න. එදා සම අනුග්‍රහය දැක්වු ඇමරිකාව අද අනුග්‍රාහකත්වය දක්වන්නේ නැහැ. ඇමරිකාවට එරෙහිව යුද අපරාධ චෝදනා එල්ල වෙද්දි ඇමරිකාව ඔවුන්ගේ ආරක්ෂක හමුදා ආරක්ෂා කරන්න තීරණය කරලා කවුන්සිලයෙන් ඉවත්වුනා. මානව හිමිකම් කවුන්සිලයට පරික්ෂණ පැවැත්වීමේ බලපත්‍රය නොදෙන්න තීන්දුවක් ගත්ත බවයි ඇමරිකාව සදහන් කලේ.

2009 සිට මේදක්වා කිසිවෙක්ට ජිවත් විමේ අයිතිය නැති වෙලා නැහැ.යුද කාලය තුල ත්‍රස්තවාදය පරාජය කිරීමට ගත්ත පියවරට එරෙහිවයි මේ බලවේග හිස ඔසවමින් සිටින්නේ. ත්‍රස්තවාදය වැලැක්වීමේපනත වෙනුවට ත්‍රස්තවාදි විරෝධී පනතක් ඉදිරිපත් කරන බව විදේශ කටයුතු ඇමැතිවරයා සදහන් කලා.ත්‍රස්තවාදය වැලැක්වීමේ පනතින් ත්‍රස්තවාදි කණ්ඩායමක් ඉන්නවා නම් ඔවුන්ට එරෙහිව කටයුතු කිරීමේ අයිතිය හමුදාවට ආන්ඩුවට තිබුණා. මේ පනතින් සිද්ධ වෙන්නේ ත්‍රස්තවාදය පරාජය කරන්න කතා කරන අය මර්ධනය කිරිමටයි. විපක්ෂයේ සංවිධාන වෘත්තිය සමිති කරන උද්ඝෝෂණ ආදිය වැලැක්වීමයි මේ ත්‍රස්තවිරෝධී පනතෙන් සිද්ධ වෙන්නේ. ජනාධිපතිවරයා ආන්ඩුවට එරෙහිව විවිධ ප්‍රකාශ කළා. අර්ජුන මහේන්ද්‍රන් ලංකාවට ගෙන්වා ගැනීමට සිංගප්පූරු රජයෙන් ඉල්ලිමක් කරපු බව ජනාධිපතිවරයා සදහන් කළත් සංගප්පූරු රජය නිවේදනයක් මගින් ශ්‍රී ලංකා රජය එවැනි කටයුත්තක් නීත්‍යාණුකුල අන්දමින් සිදුකරලා නැති බව කිව්වා.

2015 , 2016 වුනු බැදුම්කර වංචාවන් වහන්න කටයුතු කරපු ආන්ඩුවේ සියලු දෙනා මෙයට වගකිව යුතුයි. ජනාධිපති විමර්ශන කමිටුව පත්කරද්දි අපි හිතුවා ජනාධීපතිතුමා සද්භාවයෙන් කරන දෙයක් කියලයි. නමුත් අද වෙනකල් චෝදනා ගොනු කරගන්න බැරි වෙලා. මේ රටේ අධිකරණ ක්‍රියාවලිය නිශ්ක්‍රිය කරනවා. ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ යටතෙයි පොලිසිය තියෙන්නේ. ඒ අනුව අර්ජුන මහේන්ද්‍රන් මෙරටට ගෙන්වා ගැනීමට අවශ්‍ය ඉල්ලීම නිත්‍යානුකූලව කරන්න කියලා අපි ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා.

දැන් විදුලිය කපන තතත්වක් තියෙනවා. කොළඹ ලයිට් කැපුවේ නැතත් කොළඹින් පිට විදුලිය කැපෙනවා. නොරොච්චෝලේ බලාගාරය කැඩුනාම දින කිහිපයක් රට අදුරේ. එදා මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ රජය නොරොච්චෝලේ බලාගාර ඉදි නොකලා නම් ජනතාවට විදුලිය සැපයීමේ ක්‍රමවේදයක් මේ රජයට තිබුණාද. අද විදුලි උත්පාදනය මගින් බලාගාරය හදන්න කරපු වියදමට වැඩි මුදලක් උපයලා තියෙනවා. මේ අවුරුදු පහේදි විදුලි අර්බුදයට විසදුමක් ගෙනාවද. විදුලිය කඩා වැටෙන වෙලාවේ නොරොච්චෝලේ කඩා වැටුනා කියලා එයත් මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාගේ ගිණුමට බැර නොකර විකල්ප ක්‍රමවේද වලට යන්න කියලා අපි ආන්ඩුවෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා.

නාමල් කුමාර ඇවිත් ජනාධිපති හා හිටපු ආර්කෂක ලේකම් ඝාතන කුමන්ත්‍රණයක් තියෙන බව කිව්වාම ආන්ඩුව කිව්වේ බොරු කියනවා කියලා. නමුත් මේ වෙද්දි ඒ දේවල් ඔප්පු වෙලා තියෙනවා. චානක මන්ත්‍රීවරයාගේ සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් මේ වෙද්දි පැමිණීලි කරලා තියෙනවා. අනීතික දෙයක් වාහනයට දාලා නඩු විභාගයකට මැදි කිරීමේ උත්සාහය සම්බන්ධයෙන් පරික්ෂණ කෙරෙන තුරුවත් පොලිස් නිලධාරියාව මාරුකරන්න පියවර ගෙන නැහැ. හම්බන්තොට දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ ප්‍රබල ‌දේශපාලනඥයෝ දෙන්නෙක්ගේ බලපෑමෙන් මේ පොලිස් නිලධාරියාව මාරු කිරීමට පොලිස් කොමිෂම ගත්ත තීරණයට බලපෑම් වෙලා තියෙන බව දැන ගන්න තියෙනවා. අද වෙද්දි ඩි. වි. චානක මන්ත්‍රීවරයාගේත් ඔහුගේ පවුලේ අයගේත් ජීවිත වලට තර්ජනයක් සිද්ධ වෙලා තියෙනවා. මේ තත්ත්වය දිගින් දිගටම ගෙනියන්න එපා. ස්වාධීන කියන පොලිස් කොමිෂම් සභාවලට මෙවැන්නක්වත් කරන්න බැරි නම් 19න් දුන්න ස්වාධීන බව කෝ.ඒ නිසා චානක මන්ත්‍රීවරයාගේ ආරක්ෂව තහවුරු කරන්න කියලා අපි නැවතත් ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා.

ශ්‍රීලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණ හා ශ්‍රි ලංකා නිදහස්පක්ෂය අතර සාකච්ඡා පැවැත්වෙමින් තිබෙනවා. එක්සත් ජාතික රජය පෙරලීම සදහා රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ ඇතුළු ආන්ඩුව පලවා හරින්න කැමැති , පොදුජන පෙරමුණ එක්ක එකතු වෙන්න කැමැති අය එක්ක සාකච්ඡා කරන්න අපි සූදානම්. නමුත් අපි කණගාටු වෙනවා සාකච්ඡා යන අතරේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ ලේකම් දයාසිරි ජයසේකර මහතාත් සන්ධානයේ මහ ලේකම් මහින්ද අමරවිර මහතාත් කරපු ප්‍රකාශ සම්බන්ධයෙන්. 2018 පෙබරවාරි 10 වැනිදා පොදුජන පෙරමුණ ලබා ගත්ත ජයග්‍රහණය වැනි ජයක් ආයේ කිසි දිනක පොදුජන පෙරමුණට ගන්න බැරි බව දයාසිරි ජයසේකර මන්ත්‍රීවරයා කියනවා. එතුමා 2014 ජවිපේ සමග සංසන්දනය කිරීමක යෙදෙනවා. ජවිපේ ගත්ත ඒ ජයත් එච්චරමයි. පොදුජන පෙරමුණ ලබපු ජයත් එච්චරමයි කියනවා. අපිට කියන්න වෙනවා දයාසිරි ජයසේකර මන්ත්‍රීවරයා මේ විදියට කටයුතු කරනවා නම් ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය 2018 යම් ජයක් ලැබුවා නම් ඊටත් අන්ත ජයක් තමයි මින් පසුව පැවැත්වෙන හැම මැතිවරණයකදිම ලැබෙන්නේ කියලා. 2018 පෙබරවාරි 10 වැනිදා ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්සය අන්ත පරාජයකට ලක් කළා. අද දවසේ කටයුතු කරන විදියෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයට මින් පස්සේ ජයක් ලැබෙයි කියලා හිතන්න බැහැ.අපේ පක්ෂයට කිසියම් වැඩපිළිවෙලක් තියෙනවා. බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂ මහතා ජාතික සංවිධායකවරයා‌ විදියට වැඩපිළීවෙලක් දියත් කරලා තිබෙනවා. පවතින රජය පරාජය කරන්න ඒ වැඩපිළීවෙලට හැකියාව තියෙනවා. ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය එකතු වුනත් නැතත් ඉදිරි කාලයේදී ජනතාව පොදුජන පෙරමුණ වටා එකතු වෙලා ආන්ඩුව පළවා හරින්න පියවර ගන්නවා.

ඔමානය ලංකවේ පිරිපහදුවක් සදහා අයෝජනය කරන බව ආන්ඩුව කිව්වත් ඔමානය කියන්නේ එහෙම දෙයක් නැති බවයි. මේක වොක්ස් වැගන් – 2 චිත්‍රපටය.

·        ජිනීවා යෝජනාවේ මූලික අරමුන රජයක් වෙනස් කිරීම නෙවෙයි. රටේ අභ්‍යන්තර ක්‍රමවේදය සම්පූර්ණයෙන් වෙනස් කිරීමයි

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී තාරක බාලසූරිය මහතා

වොක්ස් වැගන් -2  නමින් අලුත් චිත්‍රපටයක් හදමින් තිබෙනවා. ඔමාන් රජයෙන් ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් බිලියන 3.85 ආයෝජනයක් සහිත තෙල් පිරිපහදුවක් හම්බන්තොට වරායට දෙන බව ආන්ඩුව කිව්වා. වොක්ස්වැගන් එක වගේ තමයි. ඔමාන රජයෙන් මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් විමසීමක් කළාම කියන්නේ ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් නොදන්නා බවයි. වොක්ස්වැගන් කම්පැනිය එනවා කිව්වට ඒ අය ලංකාවේ ආයෝජනය කරන්න අදහසක් නැතිලු. මත්තල ඉන්දියාවේ ආයනයකට දෙනවා කිව්වා වුනත් ඒ අය දන්නේ නැහැ. මේ කාටද බොරු කරන්නේ. අවුරුදු හතරක් රට ආර්ථික වශයෙන් විනාශ කරලා තියෙන්නේ. මාසයක් යන්න කළින් විදුලිය කපන්න මේ රජයට සිදුවෙනවා. රජයේ වියදම් වැඩි වෙද්දි මේ රජයට වෙන විකල්පයක් නැහැ. මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ රජය සමයේ නොරොච්චෝලේ විතරක් නෙවෙයි. චන්ද්‍රිකා බන්ඩාරනායක මැතිණිය සමයේ ආරම්භ කරන්න බැරිවුන ඉහළ කොත්මලේ වැනි ව්‍යාපෘති පවා ඇරඹුවා. සාම්පූර් ව්‍යාපෘතිය හෝ වෙනත් ව්‍යාපෘතියක් ඉදිරියේ එන විදුලි අර්බුදය විසදන්න දියත් වෙන්න අවශ්‍ය බව අපි කවුරුත් දැනගෙන හිටියා. නමුත් මේ රජය කිසිදු පියවරක් ගත්තේ නැහැ.

සේවක අර්ථ සාධක මුදල් කොළඹ කොටස් වෙලෙද පොලේ අයෝජනය කිරීමේ සූදානම්ක් තියෙනවා. කිසියම් මුදලක් කොටස් වෙලෙද පොලක ආයෝජනය කිරිම නරක නැහැ. සාමාන්‍යයෙන් කොටස් වෙලෙද පොල මුදල් ගන්නේ මුදල් අඩු වෙද්දි නෙවෙයි. සාමාන්‍යයෙන් කොටස් වෙලද පොලක කොටස් ගන්නේ කොටස් මිල වැඩි වෙද්දියි. කොටස් මිල අඩු වෙන කාලයක ආයෝජනය කිරීමේ තේරුමක් නැහැ.

2015 සිට අපි කිව්වේ ජිනීවා යෝජනාවේ මූලික අරමුන රජයක් වෙනස් කිරීම නෙවෙයි. රටේ අභ්‍යන්තර ක්‍රමවේදය සම්පූර්ණයෙන් වෙනස් කිරීමයි. දැන් එය තහවුරු වෙමින් තිබෙනවා. දැන් ලංකාවේ ඒ අයගේ කාර්යාලයක් අරින්නත් සූදානම් වෙනවා. ත්‍රස්තවාදය වැලැක්වීමේ පනත වෙනස් කරන්නලු. ශ‌වේන්ද්‍ර සිල්වාගේ පත්විම සම්බන්ධයෙන් ඒ අය කණගාටු වෙනවාලු.අපි කණගාටු වෙන්නේ ඇමරිකාව කවුන්සිලයෙන් ඉවත් වෙද්දි, එංගලන්තයේ හමුදාවන්ට එරෙහිව කවුන්සිලයට පියවර ගන්න බැහැ කියද්දි අපේ හමුදාවන්ට විරුද්ධව රජය කටයුතු කිරීමයි. මේක දේශපාලන තොන්ඩුවක්. මේ රටේ අභ්‍යන්තර ක්‍රමවේදය වෙනස් කිරීමයි උත්සාහය.

·        කයිවාරු නතර කරලා එජාපයේ පසුපෙල මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ට අප්‍රියෙල් 5 වැනිදා විපක්ෂය එක්ක එකතු වෙලා ආන්ඩුව පරාජය කිරීමේ හැකියාව තියෙනවා.

·        මේ අන්ඩුව ලක්ෂ 6ට සමෘද්ධි සහනාදාරය දෙන්නේ ඔවුන්ගේ පාලන කාලයේ ජනතාවගෙන් ලක්ෂ 6ක් ද්‍රරිද්‍රතාවයට පත්කරපු බව පිළිගන්න නිසයි

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී ප්‍රසන්න රණවීර මහතා

එජාපයේ පසුපෙල මන්ත්‍රීවරු දෙවන වර අයවැය පරාජය කරන බවට පුරසාරම් දෙඩෙව්වා. ජනාධිපති වැය ශීර්ෂය පරාජය කරනවා කිව්වා. ආන්ඩුවේ ඇමැතිවරු පසුපෙල මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ට සලකන්නේ නැහැ ඒනිසා ඇමැතිවරු අට දෙනෙක්ගේ වැය ශීර්ෂ පරාජයකරන බව කිව්වා. ඒ කිසිවක් වුනේ නැහැ. චමින්ද විජේසිරි මන්ත්‍රීවරයා කියනවා ජනාධීපතිවරයාගේ වැය ශීර්ෂය පරාජය කරන්න අගමැතිවරයා ඉඩ නොදුන් බව. 54 වැනිදාට බොරුවට දොඩවන්නේ නැතිව අපිත් එක්ක අයවැය පරාජය කරන්න එකතු වෙන්න කියලා අපි ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා. මේ අයවැය ජයගත්තේ දෙමළ සන්දනායට අල්ලස් දෙමින්. සම්බන්ධන් මහතාට කොළඹින් නිවසක් යාන වැහන පහසුකම් දෙනවා. සුමන්දිරම්ලාට විදේශ සංචාර දෙනවා. එහෙම කරලා සංවර්ධනයකර ගත්ත අයවැයේ කිසිම සංවර්ධන වැඩපිළිවෙලක් නැහැ. මාස 10න් රලුත් රටක් කිව්වා වගේ පංච විධ ප්‍රතිපත්තිය ගෙනාවා වගේ වචන හරඹයක් විතරයි තියෙන්නේ.

ආන්ඩුව ණය උගුලට හසුකර ගැනීමයි කරමින් සිට්නනේ. අපි අධික පොලියට ණය ගන්නවා කියලා කෑ ගහපු මේ අය ණය ගන්නේ 7.58ට. රට ණය උගලෙන් බේර ගන්නවා කිව්වාට ආර්ථික ඔස්තාර්ලාගේ ආර්ථක කළමණාකරණය නිසාම බිලියන 151ක් පාඩුයි. අද විශාල විදුලි අර්බුදයක් තියෙනවා. රටට අවශ්‍ය විදුලි අත්පාදනයෙන් සියයට 50ක් නොරොච්චෝලෙන් ගන්නේ.  නොරොච්චෝලේ හදන්න ගිය පිරිවැය වගේ 10 ගුණයක් දැන් ලාභ උපයලා. ඒ වගේ ඇහැට පේන ඵලදායි දේවල් අපි කලේ. දැන් සමෘද්දිලාභීන් ලක්ෂ 6ට සහනාධාරය දෙන්න යෝජනා කරනවා. සමෘද්දිලාභින් වෙන්නේ දුප්පත් ජනතාව. ආන්ඩුව වසර 4ට පස්සේ පිලිගන්නවා ඔවුන් ලක්ෂ හයක් දරිද්‍රතාවයෙන් යුක්ත ජනතාවක් ජාතියට දායාද කළා කියලා.  මේ ආන්ඩුවට කිසිදු සංවර්ධන සැලැස්මක් නැහැ.

Thus spake Marapana

March 21st, 2019

The Editorial Courtesy The Island

Foreign Minister Tilak Marapana waxed eloquent in Geneva, the other day, defending as he did Sri Lanka to the hilt. It was a compelling brief, but the problem is that the architects of the UNHRC resolution on Sri Lanka have already made up their minds and do not want to be confused with facts.

Marapana’s presentation contained nothing new, though. The facts he marshalled cleverly had been in the public domain for the last several years. They should have been made use of much earlier. Having agreed to co-sponsor the UNHRC resolution on Sri Lanka and decided to humour the western governments, the yahapalana leaders ignored them in 2015.

It is not that the representatives of the governments which masterminded the UNHRC resolution on Sri Lanka are unaware of what Marapana said; they are au fait with the situation here, but theirs is not to listen to reason; theirs is to reject the facts that do not conform to the agendas of their countries bent on furthering their geostrategic interests. They have even refused to accept vital UN data, which run counter to their arguments anent Sri Lanka. The US and the UK have disregarded information contained in the diplomatic cables dispatched by their own Colombo-based defence attaches on the final phase of the Vanni war.

The UNF government is like a woman who has waited till she goes into labour to say that she wants to have an abortion. (Eating raw pineapple will be of no use, at this late stage!) The Geneva baby is fully developed and will have to be delivered. The yahapalana leaders will be made to fulfil their Geneva undertakings including the setting up of a war crimes investigation. However, they may be given some more time, at least, until the next year to perform that painful task, in view of the next presidential election to be held at the end of this year.

Marapana would not have been allowed to challenge the UNHRC’s arguments and tell what the western governments did not want to hear but for President Maithripala Sirisena’s intervention. The President went so far as to warn that he would be compelled to send a separate team to Geneva if he felt that the country’s interests would not be defended. The government had to do something to steal his thunder.

Many a pair of shoes is said to be worn out between saying and doing. Will the government translate what Marapana has said, in Geneva, into action?

How do the UNF leaders propose to reconcile their Geneva volte-face with the TNA’s demand for an international war crimes tribunal to probe the alleged war crimes? They are dependent on the TNA for survival in Parliament and the latter won’t settle for less. Some TNA MPs have even taken to the streets in the North, demanding a hybrid court to try military personnel. It will be interesting to see their reaction to Marapana’s speech at the UNHRC.

The government’s strategy may be to criticise the very UNHRC resolution it has co-sponsored so as to appease those who are opposed to it, buy some more time and face the presidential election with a view to fulfilling its Geneva commitments, later on, in case it succeeds in winning the presidency. Marapana can always be removed and someone else brought in as the Foreign Minister to carry out that task.

China uses loans to dominate the world and stands accused of luring countries like Sri Lanka into a debt trap. Other big powers are no better and only their modus operandi is different. The US and its allies are using human rights to achieve the same goal. So, it is highly unlikely that the western powers will soften their stand on Sri Lanka, in Geneva.

Let Marapana be congratulated on his brilliant presentation in Geneva, but no one should make the mistake of expecting it to make any difference there, for what we see at the UNHRC or the UN, for that matter, is not evidence-based policymaking but policy-based evidence making.

President Maithripala Sirisena stands his ground Singapore sheltering Mahendran:

March 21st, 2019

By Saman Indrajith  Courtesy The Island

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All documents necessary for the extradition of former Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran had been despatched, Chief Opposition Whip UPFA MP Mahinda Amaraweera said.

Replying to JVP MP Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa in Parliament yesterday, Amaraweera said all necessary information had been diplomatically communicated in writing to the relevant authorities in Singapore.

Amaraweera also told the House that President Maithripala Sirisena would brief the Singaporean authorities and the people of Sri Lanka shortly on the steps he had taken to bring Mahendran back.

The issue was taken up in Parliament after Singapore strongly rejecting President Sirisena’s allegation that it was sheltering Mahendran. Singapore alleged Sri Lanka was yet to furnish required documents to support its request for extradition of the former Central Bank Governor.

“The President has done everything in his capacity. The President also made a private request when he met the Singaporean Prime Minister,” Amaraweera added.

At this point JVP MP Dr Jayatissa remarked that he requested a clarification from the government, but instead it was Opposition MP Amaraweera who replied. UNP MP Mujibar Rahuman observed that it proved that the President had sided with the Opposition.

UPFA MP Udaya Gammanpila said that Justice Minister Thalatha Athukorala must explain to the House why she had not provided necessary documents to the Singapore government for the extradition of Mahendran.

“The President after his meeting the Singaporean Prime Minister instructed the authorities in Sri Lanka to take steps for Mahendran’s extradition. Matters pertaining to extradition come under the Justice Ministry. There was an Interpol red notice on Mahendran. The Singapore’s response shows that the Singaporean authorities were not even aware of that. Who blocked this message? There must have been some pressure on her to do so. Mahendran is the most wanted man in this country. She must tell the House as to who prevented her from acting against Mahendran.”

Accountability: Addressing alleged human rights violations

March 21st, 2019

By Neville Ladduwahetty Courtesy The Island

Despite the repeated and continuing references to war crimes and crimes against humanity alleged to have been committed during Sri Lanka’s armed conflict, the actual wording in Paragraph 6 of UNHRC Resolution 30/1 is as follows:” …a judicial mechanism with a special counsel to investigate allegations of violations and abuses of human rights and violations of international humanitarian law”. Therefore, the first order of business for any judicial mechanism is to establish whether International Human Rights Law and/or International Humanitarian Law applies separately or concurrently, during an armed conflict.

Human rights violations occur during civil disturbances. However, it is only when such violations reach the threshold of an armed conflict that humanitarian violations occur. In the case of Sri Lanka, it is an accepted fact that the conflict reached such a threshold with the signing of the Peace Accord on February 22, 2002.

ESTABLISHING the CONTEXT for the JUDICIAL MECHANISM

The fact that the conflict in Sri Lanka was an armed conflict was acknowledged by the UN appointed Panel of Experts (PoE) and by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) in their respective reports.

The UN appointed Panel of Experts in their report stated: “There is no doubt that an internal armed conflict was being waged in Sri Lanka with the requisite intensity during the period that the Panel examined. As a result, international humanitarian law is the law against which to measure the conduct of both government and the LTTE”.

Paragraph 182 of The OHCHR report states: “Article 3 common to the four Geneva Conventions relating to conflict not of an international character is applicable to the situation in Sri Lanka”.

Paragraph 183 goes on to state: “In addition, the Government and armed groups that are parties to the conflict are bound alike by relevant rules of customary international law applicable to non-international armed conflict”.

Therefore, it can be concluded without any doubt whatsoever, that the conflict in Sri Lanka was an “internal armed conflict” and the parties to the armed conflict “are bound alike by relevant rules of customary international law applicable to non-international armed conflict”.

INTERNATIONAL LAWS in ARMED CONFLICT

The two undisputed authorities cited regarding what constitutes an Armed Conflict are: (1) The International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia (ICTY, 1995) appointed by the Security Council and (2) the ICRC, internationally acknowledged as the accredited agency for IHL – International Humanitarian Law.

1. During the Prosecutor v. Dusko Tadic trial the ICTY stated: “…we find that an armed conflict exists whenever there is a resort to armed force between States or protracted armed violence between government authorities and organized groups or between such groups within a State.  International humanitarian law applies from the initiation of such armed conflicts and EXTENDS BEYOND (emphasis added) the cessation of hostilities until a general conclusion of peace is reached; or in the case of internal conflicts, a peaceful settlement is achieved.  Until that moment, international humanitarian law continues to apply in the WHOLE TERRITORY (emphasis added) of the warring State or, in the case of internal conflicts, the WHOLE TERRITORY (emphasis added) under the control of the party, whether or not actual combat takes place there”. 

2. ICRC Opinion:

Part 1, Article 1 (1) of the ” Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the Protection of Victims of Non-International Armed Conflicts (Protocol II), 8 June 1977 states:

“This Protocol, which develops shall apply to all conflicts…which take place in the territory of a High Contracting Party between its armed forces and dissident armed forces or other organized armed groups which, under responsible command, exercise such control over a part of the territory as to enable them to carry out sustained and concerted military operations and to implement this Protocol”.

3. According to the UN appointed Panel of Experts the applicable law as a result of the armed conflict is: “international humanitarian law is the law against which to measure the conduct of both government and the LTTE”.

Therefore, the undisputed conclusion should be that the conflict in Sri Lanka was an armed conflict, and that the applicable law is International Humanitarian Law.

However, there is a considerable body of opinion that claims that both Human Rights and Humanitarian Laws exist concurrently during an armed conflict. What they do not say is that human rights that exist during times of peace are seriously derogated during an armed conflict; a fact acknowledged by the International Court of Justice. Thus, what human rights remain are identified as the “hard core of human rights”, listed in Article 4 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). instance, aAn official publication titled “INTERNATIONAL LEGAL PROTECTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN ARMED CONFLICT” by the United Nations Human Rights, Office of the High Commissioner, New York and Geneva, 2011 states that “the International Court of Justice has clearly stated that “the protection of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights does not cease in times of war, except by operation of article 4 of the Covenant whereby certain provisions may be derogated from in a time of national emergency” (p. 55).

Article 4 of the Covenant referred to above states: “In a time of public emergency which threatens the life of a nation and the existence of which is officially proclaimed, the State Parties to the present Covenant may take measures derogating from their obligations…to the extent required by the exigencies of the situation…”. Article 4 (2) states: “No derogation from articles 6,7,8 (paragraphs 1 and 2)11,15,16 and 18 may be made under this provision”. Article 6 is “right to life; article 7 is torture or cruel, inhuman treatment; and article 8 is slavery. …”.

The fact that Sri Lanka officially proclaimed that there was an emergency that threatened the life of the nation is acknowledged in the report by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OISL). Paragraph 175 states: “OISL notes that Sri Lanka has submitted a Declaration of a State of emergency dated 30, may 2000 derogating from articles 9 (2), 9 (3), 12 (1), 12 (2), 14 (3), 17 (1), 19 (2), 21 and 22 of the ICCPR.

The derogation of IHRL during Sri Lanka’s Armed Conflict is justified because Sri Lanka’s Emergency Regulations were in operation during and after the conflict and furthermore, Article 15 (7) of the Constitution permits the restriction of several fundamental rights in the interest of national security. Even though the provisions of Article 4 of the Covenant are strictly not applicable to Sri Lanka since they have not been incorporated into domestic law, the fact that Additional Protocol II of 1977 incorporates the provisions in Article 4 of the Covenant that cannot be derogated, the applicability of IHL as provided in Additional Protocol II is justified since it is part of Customary Law. Thus, addressing accountability on the basis of Protocol II of 1977 provisions of IHL is clearly validated.

CONTEXT for JUDICIAL REVIEW

Based on the material presented above, the conclusions that justifiably could be reached are:

1. That the conflict in Sri Lanka was an armed conflict starting February 22, 2002.

2. Therefore, the applicable law is International Humanitarian Law, along with those provisions of International Human Rights law that are NOT derogated, such as those identified in Article 4 of the ICCPR Covenant.

3. Human Rights Laws applicable during an armed conflict are incorporated in Additional Protocol II of 1977.

4. Humanitarian Laws applicable during an armed conflict are also incorporated in Additional Protocol II of 1977.

Accountability:

5. Therefore, Additional Protocol II of 1977 should be the legal framework that should guide the evaluation of any violations during the armed conflict.

Since the ICRC as the internationally accredited authority has codified what constitutes violations of human rights and humanitarian law based on provisions of Additional Protocol II of 1977, there is absolutely no need for a judicial mechanism as is being called for in the UNHRC Resolution 30/1. Instead, what is needed is for any person with evidence of a nature that would stand up in the Courts to file charges AGAINST anyone guilty of having violated any provisions listed in the ICRC Document titled “Customary Law” Vol. 87, No. 857, March 2005.

CONCLUSION

The materials presented above are the International Laws and the associated hard facts connected with the armed conflict that occurred in Sri Lanka. It is evident from the foregoing that issues associated with the armed conflict are straight forward law and order issues, that are within the capabilities of Sri Lanka to handle. Instead of presenting facts such as those cited above for Sri Lanka to go to inordinate lengths of co-sponsoring resolutions in order to claim “ownership” of the reconciliation process is stupid because its effect is to undertake commitments that require constitutional and legislative changes that would even involve the consent of the People at a referendum.

The UNHRC Resolution 30/1 and all that goes with it are politically motivated moves to enable the International Community dominated by the West to keep Sri Lanka on a leash as long it serves their geopolitical interests under the cover of ‘reconciliation’. By co-sponsoring the resolution the government has become a willing party to this duplicity.

Judging from the skepticism with which the findings by an independent lab in the USA were received about the mass grave in Mannar, there is no doubt that whatever conclusions reached following a judicial inquiry, would depend on their political and strategic interests. If as reported in the British media, the reaction both locally and internationally would be unimaginable if after a judicial inquiry a Sri Lankan prosecutor found only one out of sixteen soldiers guilty of murder due to “insufficient evidence” after forty-seven (47) as it was in UK following an inquiry into the Bloody Sunday massacre in Northern Ireland. This massacre resulted in thirteen people being killed and fifteen others injured on 30 January 1972, when troops of the 1st Battalion of the Parachute Regiment fired on demonstrators during a civil rights march in Derry, Northern Ireland, despite a public inquiry in 2010 under Lord Saville having concluded that the killings had been “unjustified and unjustifiable”. Accountability in such contexts and with such attitudes would not have any meaningful outcomes.

The fact that Sri Lanka has become a victim of international machinations is evident from the approach adopted by the current government. How Sri Lanka could get out of this trap would clearly depend on the professionalism with which issues relating to the armed conflict are handled by a future Sri Lankan Government. The question is whether Sri Lanka would ever have the good fortune to have a government that could meet such a challenge.

Why govt endorsed HRC’s report before finding fault with it?

March 21st, 2019

By Shamindra Ferdinando Courtesy The Island

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Appreciating Foreign Minister Tilak Marapana, PC, for challenging the Office of Human Rights Commissioner’s report on Sri Lanka in respect of several contentious issues, including the highly exaggerated UN claim of 40,000 civilian deaths in the final phase of the war in 2009 and Mannar mass graves, Joint Opposition leader Dinesh Gunawardena, MP, yesterday, said that the UNP government owed an explanation as to why Sri Lanka co-sponsored a fresh resolution on the basis of much flawed report.

Addressing the media at the Sri Lanka Foundation (SLF), Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP) leader Gunawardena asked why Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative in Geneva Ambassador A. L.A. Azeez accepted the latest declaration meant to extend the original resolution co-sponsored by the government in Oct 2015. Gunawardena described Minister Marapana’s statement and the acceptance of the latest resolution inimical to Sri Lanka as contradictory actions of a government pursuing a dangerous agenda.

The MEP leader said that the government’s strategy in Geneva should be examined against the backdrop of Ambassador Azeez receiving instructions to go ahead with the latest resolution from top Finance Ministry consultant Mano Tittawella

Mano Tittawella is the Secretary General of the Secretariat for Coordinating Reconciliation Mechanisms (SCRM), which is entrusted with coordinating transitional justice mechanisms in Sri Lanka. Office of Missing Persons, Truth Seeking Commission, Accountability Mechanism and Office for Reparations come under the purview of SCRM. The outfit formed by the cabinet of ministers on Dec 18, 2015 functions under the Prime Minister’s Office.

MP Gunawardena alleged that the government went ahead with the latest proposal without President Maithripala Sirisena’s sanction. According to MP Gunawardena, Azeez, on behalf of the government had endorsed the resolution at the behest of Tittawella without proper consultations.

Pointing out that the High Commissioner’s report had been gravely flawed in many respects, MP Gunawardena said that the former Michelle Bachelet acted irresponsibly as regards Sri Lanka. But the failure on the part of the government to properly defend the country in Geneva couldn’t be justified under any circumstances, MP Gunawardena said. The Foreign Ministry should explain as to why disclosure made by Lord Naseby in the House of Lords as well other reports cited by Minister Marapana weren’t used before in Geneva in Sri Lanka’s defence, MP Gunawardena said.

MP Gunawardena pointed out that Lord Nasesy’s disclosure in Oct 2017 based on wartime dispatches from the British High Commission in Colombo cleared the Sri Lankan military of war crimes. MP Gunawardena said that the government owed an explanation as to why the Vanni death toll referred to in the UN Panel of Experts’ report wasn’t challenged during 2018.

JO parliamentary group leader appreciated constant The Island coverage of the Geneva issue with the focus on the stunning disclosure made by the Conservative member.

MP Gunawardena faulted the Foreign Ministry for the current situation. The Foreign Ministry, since the change of government had followed policy contrary to Sri Lanka’s national interests, thereby placing the country at the mercy of Western powers.

Those who couldn’t stomach the LTTE’s battlefield defeat in the hands of the Sri Lankan military worked overtime to haul Sri Lanka’s military and political leadership before international war crimes court, MP Gunawardena said. Following the change of government, the new administration co-sponsored Oct 2015 Resolution meant to set up various mechanisms, including hybrid court comprising foreign judges and other foreign personnel, such as lawyers.

MP Gunawardena recalled how the then Chief Justice Sarath Nanda Silva rejected a ruling given by a foreign court in respect pf a domestic matter during Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s presidency.

The JO heavyweight said that Sri Lanka shouldn’t be penalized for eradicating terrorism. The country was in deepening crisis due to short-sighted policies of the UNP, bent on undermining national security.

Asked by The Island as to why the JO failed to take up the Geneva issue in the Sectoral Oversight Committee handing foreign affairs matters, MP Gunawardena said though it wasn’t taken up there, there were two special debates on the issue. MP Gunawardena alleged that both Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and the Foreign Minister deceived the parliament regarding the Geneva matter.

UPFA MP attorney-at-law Sisira Jayakody said that Oversight Committees had been packed by Tamil National alliance (TNA) and JVP lawmakers at the time TNA leader R. Sampanthan functioned as the Leader of the Opposition. The UNP and its associates deprived the genuine Opposition of an opportunity to take up contentious issues, MP Jayakody said, alleging the parliamentary process was manipulated to suit the despicable strategies of the UNP-led coalition.

Messrs Gunawardena and Jayakody alleged that the UNP’s response to international intervention couldn’t be compared with that of any other country. The UNP actively supported and encouraged foreign interference in foreign policy matters regardless of JO’s opposition, they said.

Resolution co-sponsored by Sri Lanka passed by consensus at UNHRC

March 21st, 2019

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Geneva, March 21 (newsin.asia): The UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC): on Thursday through consensus passed a resolution giving the government of Sri Lanka two more years to implement the resolution 30/1 of 2015, ie: until March 2021.

After the resolution was adopted the Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Tilak Marapana, said that the passing of the resolution 40/L.1 is a mark of recognition of Sri Lanka’s political commitment and the progressive steps already taken by the Government since 2015 towards ethnic reconciliation, assurance of human rights and accountability.

Sri Lanka’s open, and constructive approach towards the work of this Council is well acknowledged. We have engaged with seven core Treaty Bodies, the UPR, and have also facilitated 8 visits by special procedures mandate holders and independent experts, resulting in a total of over 1000 recommendations, for expeditious implementation by Sri Lanka.

We have to set our priorities right and we are committed to finding innovative and pragmatic solutions to protect the country’s national interest and the well-being of all Sri Lankans alike, guided by the provisions of the supreme law of the land – The Constitution,” Marapana said.

Sri Lanka’s co-sponsorship of this year’s Resolution assures to all concerned persons, the Sri Lankan society at large, and to all our interlocutors outside the country, that we will continue to move forward within these parameters, to ensure eventual closure,” he added.

We welcome the assistance and cooperation we have received from partners as required, and invite the OHCHR to engage closely with the relevant local institutions and independent bodies including the National Human Rights Commission, in verifying facts on ground, which will help OHCHR to provide more objective and realistic assessment on the progress made in Sri Lanka and on its genuine challenges, to this Council next year.”

Sri Lanka takes this opportunity to appreciate the efforts of the members of the Core-Group, and thank all Members of this Council for supporting a consensus outcome today.”

Lanka to co-sponsor UNHRC resolution as it is to be implemented only with its concurrence

March 21st, 2019

By P.K.Balachandran Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Colombo, March 21 (newsin.asia): Despite the existence of sharp differences between the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and the government of Sri Lanka on the rights situation in the island nation, Sri Lanka will co-sponsor the already signed resolution on the matter at UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Geneva, a top source in the government said.

Explaining the government’s stand, the source said that though High Commissioner Michelle Bachelet and the Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Tilak Marapana expressed clashing views on specific issues, the resolution gives room to Sri Lanka to do what it can and not do what it cannot.

The various provisions in Resolution 30/1 of 2015 are to be implemented fully but only in consultation with, and with the concurrence of,” the government of Sri Lanka.

Therefore, there is no danger of Sri Lanka being forced to take any steps deemed unsuitable to it in the context of the constitutional, cultural, and political realities prevailing here.

Thus, despite the hot words uttered on the floor of the council in Geneva, the situation as regards the resolution on Sri Lanka remains the same as before. It is to be co-sponsored.

Michelle Bachelet, UN Human Rights High Commissioner

Gist Of Resolution

The co-sponsored and signed resolution requests the Government of Sri Lanka to implement fully the measures identified by the Council in its resolution 30/1 that are outstanding. It encourages the continuation of that engagement in the promotion and protection of human rights and truth, justice, reconciliation and accountability in Sri Lanka.

It requests the Office of the High Commissioner and relevant special procedure mandate holders, in consultation with and with the concurrence of the Government of Sri Lanka,” to continue to strengthen their advice and technical assistance on the promotion and protection of human rights and truth, justice, reconciliation and accountability in Sri Lanka.

It requests the Office of the High Commissioner to continue to assess progress on the implementation of its recommendations and other relevant processes related to reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka, and to present a written update to the Human Rights Council at its forty-third session, and a comprehensive report, followed by a discussion on the implementation of Council resolution 30/1, at its forty-sixth session.

Bachelet’s Stinging Observations

Last Saturday, High Commissioner Bachelet called on Sri Lanka to implement a detailed, comprehensive strategy for the transitional process with a fixed timeline. She complained of delays in implementation and attributed them to a lack of common vision among the country’s highest leadership”.

Deadlock on these important issues has a damaging impact on victims from all ethnic and religious groups and on society as a whole, she stressed.

Bachelet noted that there has been minimal progress” on accountability and said the continuing impunity risks fuelling communal or interethnic violence, and instability.

Accontability mechanisms, including a specially designated court with Sri Lankan and foreign judges, was enjoined by the relevant resolution designated as 30/1 of 2015.

Bachelet said that the recent appointment to a senior position in the Sri Lankan Army of Major General Shavendra Silva, implicated in alleged serious violations of international humanitarian and human rights law, is a worrying development.

The High Commissioner also said the continuing allegations of torture and other human rights violations by security forces, including sexual violence are troublesome” and called for effective, transparent and independent investigations by the Government, as well as measures to prevent and end such practices.

Bachelet’s  report also called for the application of universal jurisdiction” to Sri Lanka and keeping Sri Lanka firmly on the agenda of the UNHRC.

Lanka’s Sharp Counter

In his speech at the UNHRC on Wednesday, the Sri Lankan Foreign Minister, Tilak Marapana, said that Sri Lanka will cooperate with the UNHRC in implementing resolution 30/1. But at the same time, he pointed out that there are parts of the resolution and the perceptions on which they are based, which cannot be accepted given the facts on the ground, and the cultural, political and constitutional conditions prevailing in Sri Lanka.

War Crimes

On the allegation that war crimes had been committed by the Sri Lankan armed forces and the recommendation that Sri Lanka must be subjected to universal jurisdiction’, the Foreign Minister said: It must be asserted that there are no proven allegations against individuals on war crimes or crimes against humanity in the 2015 report of the OISL ( OHCHR Investigation on Sri Lanka) .or in any subsequent official document.”

It is an injustice to deprive any serving or retired officer of the Sri Lankan security forces or the police of their rights,” he added.

The Minister further said that the damaging assertions of the High Commissioner remain in direct contradiction to independent assessments sent by Colombo-based foreign missions, UN agencies as well as other international organizations, including the ICRC, some heavily redacted accounts of which have been presented not only in the House of Lords in the UK on 12 October 2017, and in writings by academics and journalists which are found in the public domain.”

Nay To Foreign Judges

Referring to the High Commissioner’s advocacy of a hybrid court with Sri Lankan and foreign judges to try alleged war crimes cases, Marapana said: I wish to make it clear that the Government of Sri Lanka at the highest political levels, has both publicly and in discussions with the present and former High Commissioners for Human Rights and other interlocutors, explained the constitutional and legal challenges that precludes it from including non-citizens in its judicial processes.”

It has been explained that if non-citizen judges are to be appointed in such a process, it will not be possible without an amendment to the Constitution by 2/3 of members of the Parliament voting in favor and also the approval of the people at a Referendum.”

Lankan Foreign Minister Tilak Marapana

Inaccurate Data on Lands

On the charge that the Lankan government and the armed forces are still holding on to large tracts of land taken from the minority Tamils during the 30 year war against the Tamil militants,  Marapana said: The data reflected in the High Commissioner’s report in Para 35, that only 75% of the land occupied by the security forces as at 2009 has been released, is at significant variance with the actual numbers. As on March 2019, 88.87% of State lands and 92.16% of private lands have been released.”

Presumptuous Remarks On Mass Graves

On the discovery and dating of skeletal remains in a mass grave in Mannar, and the innuendoes made by the High Commissioner in this regard, Marapana said: As for the mass graves in Mannar, referred to in para 23 of the High Commissioner’s Report, despite the fact that the test results obtained from a US laboratory have revealed that the said skeletal remains date back to 1499-1719 AD – a period when Sri Lanka was largely under European colonial rule – the report presupposes ‘other mass graves might be expected to be found in the future.’ An assumption of this nature in a public report, on a matter of this magnitude and seriousness, is not acceptable, and may even cast a doubt as regards other assertions in the report.”

Biased Approach To Facts

The Minister pointed to the considerable unevenness in the standards of proof applied to the Government of Sri Lanka, compared to those applied to the unsubstantiated allegations made by Sri Lanka’s detractors and said that this is problematic and confounding.”

Expanding on this, Marapana said: Conventional wisdom teaches us that when facts do not fit a theory, the theory has to change. However, conventional wisdom does not seem to be applied to Sri Lanka’s case. It seems that even if the theory is disproved through hard evidence that absolves Sri Lanka, as in the case of the Mannar graves, a matter in which some sceptics sought to implicate the Government of Sri Lanka, such facts are cast aside for further inquiry.”

At the same time when evidence surfaces, which contests the culpability of the Sri Lankan security forces and police in having deliberately caused civilian casualties during the last phase of the conflict, this evidence is summarily disregarded.”

Denies Colonization of Tamil Areas

On the charge that the government is encouraging the systematic colonization of the Tamil areas, Marapana said: The Government of Sri Lanka has no policy of colonization of either the Northern Province or Eastern Province, or as a matter of fact, of any province in the country.”

As regards the contention that land owners are deprived their land by declaring their land as forest cover or as archeological projects, it must be clearly and categorically stated that the Government has not resorted to any such measures.”

However, it must be borne in mind that the protection of forest land and archaeological projects is an obligation cast on any State in accordance with its international obligations that mandate protection and preservation of the environment and of the cultural heritage.”

Furthermore, in identifying the relevant forest land and the cultural heritage, respective provincial administrations are also consulted.”

Oman denies it has agreed to invest in Sri Lanka oil refinery project

March 21st, 2019

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

New Delhi, March 20 (Reuters) – Oman’s oil ministry on Wednesday denied being part of a $3.85 billion plan to build an oil refinery in Sri Lanka, a day after the government in Colombo announced the Arab country’s participation.

Sri Lankan officials told a news conference on Tuesday that a joint venture between the Oman oil ministry and a Singapore investment vehicle owned by India’s Accord Group had agreed to build the 200,000 barrel per day refinery near Chinese-controlled Hambantota port on the island’s south coast.

The ministry was to take a 30 percent stake, the officials said, representing what would be Sri Lanka’s biggest single foreign direct investment.

No one on this side of the panel is aware of this investment in Sri Lanka,” Salim al-Aufi, undersecretary of Oman’s ministry of oil and gas, told a news conference on Wednesday.

It came as news to me, I don’t know who is signing the cheque for $3.8 billion.”

Sri Lankan officials could not be reached for immediate comment on the Oman denial. It was a public holiday in Sri Lanka on Wednesday.

Any big deal in Sri Lanka involving Indian investment will pose a challenge to China, which had until recently been on track to be the dominant foreign investor on the island.

India has become concerned in recent few years about China muscling into Sri Lanka and other countries in a region where India is the traditional power.

China is the biggest buyer of Omani oil, importing about 80 percent of the Middle Eastern nation’s overall crude exports in January, according to an Oman government website.

Deforestation at Wilpattu still ongoing?

March 21st, 2019

Courtesy Adaderana

The Protect Wilpattu Organization says that they will launch a massive protest campaign against the alleged deforestation of Wilpattu.

Chairman of the organization Ven. Ananda Sagara Thero states that recent satellite images of the area reveal the latest information of the continuous destruction of the forest.

The Thero points out that it is unfortunate that authorities who are informed of this act are maintaining silence.

When contacted by Ada Derana, a spokesman of the Department of Wildlife stated that no harm has been done to the land area of the Wilpattu National Park as of yet.

The area in controversy is a forest reserve which is to the North of the Park, added the spokesman. He says that the Wildlife Department has no responsibility regarding the acts of deforestation going on at the said reserve.

However, the Wildlife Department point out that deforestation at the relevant reserve is illegal as it is gazetted as a forest reserve. The spokesperson further said that the Department of Forest Conservation has the responsibility to implement the law on the matter.

According to Raveendra Kariyawasam, the National Coordinator of the Center for Environment and Nature Studies, the deforestation is still going on at the Wilpattu forest reserve.

Stating that this deforestation is done under a project of the current government, Kariyawasam says that government authorities keeping silent on this is a misfortune of the whole nation.

Meanwhile, a case regarding the deforestation at Wilpattu is taken up for consideration at the Court of Appeal tomorrow (22), says Lawyer and Civil activist Nagananda Kodituwakku.

Media reports on extraditing Arjun Mahendran are false – President

March 21st, 2019

Courtesy Adaderana

President Maithripala Sirisena has stated that Sri Lankan media reports – quoting foreign media – on the extradition former Governor of the Central Bank Arjun Mahendran cannot be accepted as an official statement by the government of Singapore.

President Sirisena stated today (21) this issuing a press release.

The press release issued by the President is as follows:

ගොඩ එන්න හොඳම උත්තරය මමයි – ගෝඨාභය Only person capable of resolving minorities’ issues is me – Gotabaya

March 21st, 2019

Ada Derana

විල්පත්තුවේ අක්කර 75 ක කර්මාන්තපුරයකට බදියුදීන් සැරසෙයි. Bathiudeen to build a 75-acre industrial town in Wilpattu?

March 21st, 2019

Ada Derana

How the world reacted when Sri Lanka’s Armed Forces militarily ended LTTE terrorists

March 20th, 2019

LTTE was an armed group waging terror on the citizens of Sri Lanka. Since 1980s LTTE has been either bombing, sending suicide missions, assassination squads or setting off claymore bombs virtually every day, every month for 30 years. Apart from customary statements the UN, UNHRC or so-called international community did nothing to stop LTTE or even empathize with the thousands of unarmed victims that LTTE targeted. There were no pouring of flowers or world outcry calling for LTTE to disarm. It was always calls to have tea with the terrorists timed when LTTE was cornered to enable LTTE to regroup during the talks. When so-called terrorists attacked Twin Towers in US, there was no investigation as to the culprits & instead US & NATO invaded Afghanistan in October 2001 & continue to occupy it even in 2019. Sri Lanka’s decision to military defeat LTTE came after enduring 30 years of killings, failed peace talks & ceasefires including foreign mediation. LTTE was militarily defeated after giving it several opportunities to lay down arms & surrender which LTTE refused. Sri Lanka’s Armed Forces while engaging the LTTE in battle saved close to 300,000 people which is no small achievement & that cost 6261 soldier deaths. Neither side fires roses in a battle and the Armed Forces brought to safety the people LTTE were using as human shields & hostages. Yes, civilians died – many from LTTE firing but at the end of the day, Sri Lanka has been enjoying peace which Sri Lanka didn’t have for 30 years. So we would like to tell the intruding countries & UN that did pittance to stop LTTE killings to just mind their own business without trying to hang Sri Lanka’s armed forces for eliminating terrorists – do they deserve to live & do we deserve to die if LTTE is to be given a lease? Let us see the world reactions against how they reacted post-May 2009

18 May 2009

United National Party leader Ranil Wickremasinghe, through a telephone call, congratulated President Mahinda Rajapaksa and the state’s security forces.

Archbishop Oswald Gomis issued a statement   

I congratulate His Excellency President Mahinda Rajapakse, President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, for his very courageous leadership and thank the Chiefs of the Defense outfit who supported him with deep commitment and self-sacrifice..…… Let us always remember that united we will flourish but divided we will perish”

19 May 2009 – Statement by UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon

“I am relieved by the conclusion of the military operation, but I am deeply troubled by the loss of so many civilian lives. The task now facing the people of Sri Lanka is immense and requires all hands. It is most important that every effort be undertaken to begin a process of healing and national reconciliation. I listened very carefully to what President Rajapaksa said in his address to Parliament today. The legitimate concerns and aspirations of the Tamil people and other minorities must be fully addressed.”

The Secretary General went on to announce his upcoming visit to the war torn region.

Let us not get two factors confused. The GOSL through its national army ended a terrorist movement that was targeting civilians as well as trying to separate the country. The legitimate concerns and aspirations of the Tamil people

18 May 2009 – European Union

The European Council met in Brussels issued a statement on “the Government of Sri Lanka urgently to proceed towards a comprehensive political process” and “the President of Sri Lanka to outline a clear process leading to a fully inclusive political solution, based on consent, equality and the rule of law”. The Council stated that such moves are the only way toward long-term security, post-conflict reconstruction and prosperity in Sri Lanka. The statement concluded: “The EU continues to call for appropriate action by the United Nations Human Rights Council.” 

18 May 2009 – Indian External Affairs Ministry

“In a telephone conversation with External Affairs Minister Shri Pranab Mukherjee earlier today, the President of Sri Lanka confirmed that armed resistance by the LTTE has come to an end and that LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran is dead. India will work with the people and Government of Sri Lanka to provide relief to those affected by the tragic conflict, and to rapidly rehabilitate all those who have been displaced, bringing their lives to normalcy as soon as possible. It is our view that as the conventional conflict in Sri Lanka comes to an end, this is the moment when the root causes of conflict in Sri Lanka can be addressed. This would include political steps towards the effective devolution of power within the Sri Lankan Constitution so that Sri Lankans of all communities, including the Tamils, can feel at home and lead lives of dignity of their own free will.”

19 May 2009 – Iran Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki telephoning Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister Rohitha Bogollagama

“Iran has maintained close relations with Sri Lanka and has always condemned terrorism and, consistently upheld the sovereignty and the territorial integrity of Sri Lanka”.  

19 May 2009 – Japan PM Taro Aso’s office

Japanese Prime Minister “welcomed the end of the civil war between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam”….”it is now important to help internally displaced people and their resettlement as well as to start showing improvement in the political process towards peace-building”. It also outlined that poverty was one of the factors that create fertile ground for terrorism and said he would like to see Sri Lanka build infrastructure, adding that Japan would support Sri Lanka’s efforts as much as possible.

19 May 2009 – Maldives

Both President Mohamed Nasheed and Vice-president Mohammed Waheed Hassan congratulated the government and people of Sri Lanka for their tremendous success in effecting an end to the decades-old conflict in their country. I take this opportunity to express on behalf of the Government and the people of Maldives our sincerest best wishes to Your Excellency and the people of Sri Lanka”……”This momentous occasion in Sri Lanka’s history will pave the way towards realising greater equality and justice for all Sri Lankans.”

19 May 2009 – Pakistan Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Nawabzada Malik Amad Khan

congratulating Sri Lanka’s “great victory over terrorism”. The Pakistani State Minister stated that Pakistan has always been a steadfast friend of Sri Lanka and strongly supported the country’s unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity and re-affirmed his government’s continued cooperation with Sri Lanka in countering terrorism.  

22 May 2009 – Philippines Foreign Affairs press release

Philippines “welcomes the return of law and order in northern Sri Lanka and supports the Government of Sri Lanka’s search for a comprehensive, fair, and lasting political solution to the problems faced by its Tamil minority. The Philippines hopes that a lasting political solution will be crafted in order that the Tamil minority share in the fruits of peace in their country.”

29 May 2009 Singapore Ministry of Foreign Affairs – Minister George Yeo

“Singapore is relieved to see an end to the long-standing conflict in Sri Lanka. The conflict had taken a great toll on the country. Not only have tens of thousands of lives been lost, but hundreds of thousands of Sri Lankan civilians have also been displaced from their homes. The final cessation of military operations by the Sri Lankan Government provides a short window of opportunity to close a sad chapter of history and quickly begin a process of genuine national healing and reconciliation. A long term agreement taking into full consideration the interests of all communities within Sri Lanka must be forged and implemented to ensure a lasting peace.”

21 May 2009 – South Africa Deputy International Relations and Cooperation Minister Ehrahim Ebrahim

“The South African government expresses grave regret at the manner in which the military offensive was conducted and urges the United Nations Human Rights Commission to urgently investigate possible violations of international human rights law and contraventions of the Geneva Convention.“,

“The South African government has noted the conciliatory tone in the speech of President Mahinda Rajapaksa on 19 May 2009 and express our hope that the end of the military campaign will result in a peaceful dialogue with all minorities to address their long standing grievances. We will continue to support any efforts aimed at bringing about peace and reconciliation between the parties.”

19 May 2009 – Norway Foreign Minister Jonas Gahr Store

“our thoughts go to all who have lost relatives and loved ones in the war. We must cooperate to aid the victims. People in the refugee camps must quickly be allowed to return home.” Store also said the situation in the refugee camps for internally displaced people must be improved, in line with demands made by the United Nations.

21 May 2009 Russia

“The government of Russia has extended warmest congratulations to the president and the government of Sri Lanka on the success achieved by the island nation in defeating LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) terrorism,” Russia has said that it supports the fight of the Sri Lankan government against terrorism and separatism. Russia hoped that the end to the bloody armed conflict that lasted in Sri Lanka for more than a quarter century will be a guarantee of the establishment of an enduring peace, security and stability in the country

19 May 2009 Switzerland

regrets that international humanitarian law has been violated and appeals to all parties to comply with and to ensure respect for international regulations and obligations in all circumstances. Switzerland calls on all parties to refrain from incitement to hatred and to work towards reconciliation by means of unilateral or jointly agreed measures. All parties and groupings as well as members of the diaspora should work openly and in conjunction with international institutions to initiate a reconciliation process and a sustainable solution in the framework of a political dialogue.”

19 May 2009 United Kingdom – Foreign Secretary David Miliband

“On 19 May, the Sri Lankan President formally announced that on 18 May military forces had retaken all the territory once held by the LTTE and that they had captured or killed the senior leadership of that organisation. Many Sri Lankans of all communities, Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslim, will be relieved that the long and brutal conflict may at last be over. Sri Lanka has before it an historic opportunity to resolve the underlying causes of the conflict and ensure a lasting peace. We must continue to work with Sri Lanka’s Government and all its communities to ensure that this opportunity is taken and that it leads to a sustainable end to the conflict. The continuing focus of this Government’s activity over the coming days and weeks, will be to work with international partners in encouraging the Sri Lankan Government to devote as much energy to winning the peace as it did to winning the war.”

20 May 2009 – Lord Malloch Brown, UK Minister of State Foreign and Commonwealth office & Lord Naseby

“Indeed, in our initial contacts with the president, we congratulated him on finishing of a brutal 26-year war, which was instigated by the Tamil Tigers-a terrorist group” replying to Lord Naseby who raised the matter in the House of Lords.

Agreeing with Lord Naseby, Lord Malloch Brown said, “the political solution to this must come from inside Sri Lanka from a process set up and led by President Rajapaksa.”

Brown said, “But we also made it extremely clear to him that, whether or not that victory would be seen as the opening of a new and happier chapter in Sri Lanka depended on whether he could now go that next step and show the statesmanship to find a political as well as humanitarian solution to this community’s issues.”

“On 17 May, the Prime Minister announced an additional œ5 million in humanitarian aid for Sri Lanka, taking the total to œ12.5 million since September 2008.”

Lord Naseby said, “My Lords, have Her Majesty’s Government congratulated the Sri Lankan Government on defeating the Tamil Tigers and bringing peace to the country? On the international front, is it Her Majesty’s Government’s policy primarily to tackle the resettlement of the 250,000 Tamils and the 100,000 Muslims who were ethnically cleansed from Jaffna, or is it to continue to lecture that there should be a constitutional settlement, which really rests with the Parliament of Sri Lanka?”

Canada – Minister of Foreign Affairs Lawrence Cannon

Canadians are very concerned about the aftermath of the military action in Sri Lanka and the appalling effect it has had on civilians. This terrible, decades-long war has inflicted untold devastation and heartbreak on Sri Lankans. The Government of Canada wishes to express its concerns about civilian casualties, and to convey its condolences to the people of Sri Lanka and those around the world who have lost friends and family members in this horrific conflict. Canada urges the Government of Sri Lanka to begin to find a long-term political solution that responds to the legitimate aspirations of all the people of Sri Lanka. Canada is prepared to assist Sri Lankan efforts to find political reconciliation and a lasting peace.”

18 May 2009 – United States Department of State spokesman Ian Kelly said

“The Department of State welcomes the fact that the fighting has ended, and we are relieved that the immense loss of life and killing of innocent civilians appears to be over. This is an opportunity for Sri Lanka to turn the page on its past and build a Sri Lanka rooted in democracy, tolerance, and respect for human rights. Now is the time for the government to engage the Tamils, Sinhalese, and other Sri Lankans to create a political arrangement that promotes and protects the rights of all Sri Lankans. It is also vital for the government to provide for the needs of the 280,000 civilians now living in relief camps. Providing food, water, shelter, basic health care, and sanitation, as well as expediting their return to their homes should be a top priority for the government.”

Commentary:

The UNSG is concerned about ‘loss of so many lives’ – what about all the lives LTTE nullified since 1980s are their killings by LTTE not important to UNSG?

What does the UNSG mean by ‘national reconciliation’ – Sri Lanka ended an internationally banned terrorist movement, by UNSG’s own statements he was well aware that LTTE was keeping civilians by force, LTTE was killing civilians trying to flee, LTTE was cutting hair of young girls & forcing them to engage in hostilities. What reconciliation with terrorists. The armed forces saved close to 300,000 Tamils that LTTE took by force. The mistake every government has made is its failure to clearly state to the world that LTTE was the enemy of Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims except for the Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims who were directly & indirectly supportive of LTTE. Since those supportive of LTTE should be investigated and charged for aiding & abetting terrorism, there is absolutely no requirement to reconcile with LTTE terrorists or their covert/overt supporters.

Let us not get two factors confused. The GOSL through its national army ended a terrorist movement that was targeting civilians as well as trying to separate the country. The confusing fact is that the terror element (LTTE) & separatism (LTTE & Tamil political demands) are interlinked. Now that the LTTE terror element has been removed the separatist quest via the political element remains which is why we cannot move forward without removing the separatist quest also from the equation as ordinary citizens of all communities do not wish to have the island divided for whatever reasons.

What are these legitimate concerns and aspirationsand it cannot be only that of a minority populace. One community cannot have anything that denies another community and exactly who are voicing these ‘aspirations’ in terms of numbers do they have any quantifiable reach? That is nullified by the fact that more Tamils live among the Sinhalese than they do among Tamils in North Sri Lanka.

The EU is referring to a ‘fully inclusive political solution’ again what everyone has ignored is that the GOSL and the armed forces ended a terrorist movement. Who reaches political solutions with terrorists? LTTE was never representative of Tamils, if so why would they kill Tamils. LTTE has killed more Tamils than they accuse Sinhalese of killing.

The Indian External Affairs Minister raises question of root causes of conflict” which is an excellent point and should cover the divide & rule policies of colonial invaders and the manner excessive privileges given to minorities purposely denying majority and creating an elite set of brown sahibs comprising Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims helped create the problem initially and made worse by the geopolitics of East-West allegiance and power politics that constituted using armed groups as political pressure triggers against foreign governments with NGOs and faith-based organizations justifying their presence to increase flocks via conversion while subtly aggravating the problem through foreign funding. Will these truths ever get put on the table – never, because the one’s doing the preaching are the one’s steering these destabilizing entities. The reason for India to demand ‘devolution of power’ is connected to India’s interference in 1987 via the Indo-Lanka Accord and forcing the 13th amendment which is promoting demands for unnecessary powers that does not necessarily trickle to do any service to the people. Over 30 years of provincial council system is enough proof to highlight the failure of devolution.

The Japanese PM raises ‘poverty’ as one of the root causes for the conflict, which is partly correct as statistics will reveal the rise in conversions to Christianity by Hindu Tamils is as a result of the subtle inducements given by faith-based NGOs that came to assist in ‘reconciliation’ & ‘peace-building’. Japan also stresses on development which was an area that the GOSL kickstarted immediately with the conclusion of the military operation and vast areas of the North where Tamils were living like in the cave-days enjoyed electricity for the 1st time and were able to see what the rest of the island looked like. They were virtual prisoners of the LTTE kept in the areas where LTTE controlled and had their children kidnapped and turned into child soldiers. In addition to poverty, no one raises the caste issue for which the hatred by a higher caste upon a lower caste Tamil is far more than his hatred for a Sinhalese.

Philippines has made the same mistake. Congratulating the armed forces victory over LTTE terrorists has nothing to do with the Tamil minority but it has part to do with the Tamil leadership connected to the LTTE which is why it is important & necessary to appoint a commission of inquiry and remove all linked to LTTE terror & separatism.

What the Governments past & present & future need to do is to clearly convey that Sri Lanka had a TERRORIST conflict and not an ETHNIC conflict. LTTE did kill Tamils and plenty of them too especially decent and socially accepted Tamil leaders. However, what is also true is that ALL LTTE were Tamil but all Tamils are not LTTE.

These are great failures of the Sri Lankan Foreign Ministry & its envoys and embassy staff who have not used their diplomatic status to convey the correct picture to the world. That LTTE were terrorists and Sri Lanka’s Armed Forces were fighting terrorists negates the notion that it was a Sinhala-Tamil conflict. The Armed Forces are not a Sinhala army and though the LTTE were all Tamils the LTTE also killed quite a lot of Tamils. There is no requirement to reconcile with terrorists and there is no need to reconcile with Tamils as both Sinhalese-Tamils live amicably. Like every household nothing is 100% perfect but no one is demanding separate states just because of some disagreement. How many times would people have to remarry if after every disagreement the solution was to separate!

The statement from South Africa is the most contentious primarily because South Africa endured apartheid where a handful of whites controlled Africa’s lands and treated blacks as nobodys for 43 years. However, even after the end of apartheid and the hyped up Truth & Reconciliation Commission – 20 years later what have Africans got which they can measure as being better than under apartheid rule? Yasmin Sooka who served on the SA T&R who is paid by EU to look into South African affairs is 24×7 intruding into Sri Lanka churning reports before every Geneva session.

Norway has very little credibility in Sri Lanka given its close ties to the LTTE leadership and therefore, not many citizens of Sri Lanka take seriously anything that Norway’s leaders issue.

Russia, Pakistan & China have been true friends of Sri Lanka in particular helping Sri Lanka providing military support as well as supporting Sri Lanka in Geneva. Citizens of Sri Lanka are and will forever be grateful to these 3 countries.

Switzerland’s statement claims Sri Lanka has violated IHL – can Switzerland be more specific and give what IHL have been violated and who their sources are.

UK statement delivered by then Foreign Secretary David Miliband speaks of resolving the ‘underlying causes of the conflict’ – we can do that as long as UK is ready to accept and account for its share of aggravating the problem. UK is the LTTE’s international headquarters, LTTE fronts openly operate in UK, Adele Balasingham the women who trained women and children to kill and commit suicide lives in UK, UK is also where LTTE fronts operate their illegal and legal enterprises and UK Govt is quite happy not to do anything against LTTE fronts involved in credit card scams, charity registration misuse & abuse, extortion, money laundering, hawala etc.

Lord Naseby a steadfast support for truth and sovereignty of nations in his address to the Lords claims rightfully that any solution must be determined by Sri Lanka’s Parliament not UK. Thank you Lord Naseby! Unfortunately there is only a handful of gentlemen & honorably parliamentarians around in politics!

Canada’s tone is no different to Switzerland. Well if the decades-long war was terrible, untold devastation and heartbreak was suffered mostly by LTTE the terror attacker not the army that was defending itself and the citizens. We hope Canada’s condolences are for the victims of LTTE terror and not the LTTE dead. As for aspirations, we all have aspirations – will Canada give native Indians its aspirations? Will Australia give Aboriginese its aspirations? Will New Zealand give Maoris its aspirations? Will US give Native Indians its aspirations? How about reconciling these first!

In May 2009 the US said Sri Lanka had an opportunity to turn the page on its past & build Sri Lanka … of course these nicely worded lines are only for paper because US has been drafting resolutions against Sri Lanka since 2012 coercing other nations to vote in favor of it.

What Sri Lanka’s government, foreign ministry & diplomats in particular as well as the state apparatus failed to do was to put the facts on the table

  • Sri Lanka’s conflict was terrorist not etnic
  • LTTE victims included Sinhalese, Muslims, Tamils & even foreigners
  • LTTE terrorism/separatism & Tamil separatism are inter-linked. If military ended LTTE terrorism & separatism what remains is Tamil political quest for separatism and the task is now to showcase how & which Tamil politicians are connected to the LTTE quest for separatism as well as terrorism. Unless anyone has given up both terrorism & separatism, they cannot be omitted from investigation.
  • The call for a Commission of Inquiry into individuals/groups and organizations indirectly/directly involved in terrorism/separatism is a must for 6th amendment clearly denies any form of separatism of Sri Lanka.

It is only after those involved in terrorism & separatism are legally charged for their crimes can Sri Lanka move forward and when true reconciliation will take place.

All the other initiatives claiming to be for peace & reconciliation are all bogus quests to advance other agendas and have nothing to do with bringing people together. Besides, no special effort is needed because the ordinary people live amongst each other it is a handful of people who claim they is a problem and beat the war drums but these are the very scoundrels who behind the scenes have very cordial relations with each other – have you seen how the Sinhala-Tamil-Muslim MPs in Parliament behave and these are the rascals trying to stir people’s emotions against each other.

Shenali D Waduge

Lanka denies war crimes, rejects foreign judges and picks holes in UNHRC report

March 20th, 2019

By P.K.Balachandran Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Tilak Marapana

Colombo, March 20 (newsin.asia): In his speech at the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Geneva on Wednesday, the Sri Lankan Foreign Minister, Tilak Marapana, categorically denied that the Sri Lankan armed forces had committed war crimes. He also clearly stated that it is not possible to establish a hybrid judicial mechanism with foreign and Sri Lankan judges to try cases of alleged war crimes as demanded by the UNHRC resolutions of 2015 and 2017.

Marapana went on to point out to inaccuracies and impermissible innuendos in the speech of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, and the double standards applied to the Sri Lankan government and its detractors.

War Crimes

On the allegation that war crimes had been committed by the Sri Lankan armed forces and the recommendation that Sri Lanka must be subjected to universal jurisdiction’, the Foreign Minister said: It must be asserted that there are no proven allegations against individuals on war crimes or crimes against humanity in the 2015 OHCHR Investigation on Sri Lanka (OISL) .or in any subsequent official document.”

It is an injustice to deprive any serving or retired officer of the Sri Lankan security forces or the police of their rights,” he added.

The Minister further said that the damaging assertions of the High Commissioner remain in direct contradiction to independent assessments sent by Colombo-based foreign missions, UN agencies as well as other international organizations, including the ICRC, some heavily redacted accounts of which have been presented not only in the House of Lords in the UK on 12 October 2017, and in writings by academics and journalists which are found in the public domain.”

No Room For Foreign Judges

Referring to the High Commissioner’s advocacy of a hybrid court with Sri Lankan and foreign judges to try alleged war crimes cases, Marapana said: I wish to make it clear that the Government of Sri Lanka at the highest political levels, has both publicly and in discussions with the present and former High Commissioners for Human Rights and other interlocutors, explained the constitutional and legal challenges that precludes it from including non-citizens in its judicial processes.”

It has been explained that if non-citizen judges are to be appointed in such a process, it will not be possible without an amendment to the Constitution by 2/3 of members of the Parliament voting in favor and also the approval of the people at a Referendum.”

Inaccurate Data on Return of Lands

On the charge that the Lankan government and the armed forces are still holding on to large tracts of land taken from the minority Tamils during the 30 year war against the Tamil militants, Marapana said: The data reflected in the High Commissioner’s report in Para 35, that only 75% of the land occupied by the security forces as at 2009 has been released, is at significant variance with the actual numbers.”

As on March 2019, 88.87% of State lands and 92.16% of private lands have been released.”

Giving details, he said: Of the 71,172.56 acres of State lands held by the Security Forces, since May 2009, 63,257.48 acres have been released, as on 12thMarch 2019, i.e. a release of 88.87% of land originally held.

Of the 28,215.29 acres of the private land held by the Security Forces since May 2009, 26,005.17 acres (92.16%) have been released.

The remaining lands, which are a necessity in the context of national security, would continue to be held by the security forces, with compensation being paid in respect of privately owned lands,” he added.

Innuendos on Mass Graves

On the discovery and dating of the skeletal remains in a mass grave in Mannar, and the innuendoes uttered by the High Commissioner in this regard, Marapana said: As for the mass graves in Mannar, referred to in para 23 of the High Commissioner’s Report, despite the fact that the test results obtained from a US laboratory have revealed that the said skeletal remains date back to 1499-1719 AD – a period when Sri Lanka was largely under European colonial rule – the report presupposes ‘other mass graves might be expected to be found in the future.’ An assumption of this nature in a public report, on a matter of this magnitude and seriousness, is not acceptable, and may even cast a doubt as regards other assertions in the report.”

Biased Approach To Facts

The Minister pointed to the considerable unevenness in the standards of proof applied to the Government of Sri Lanka, compared to those applied to the unsubstantiated allegations made by Sri Lanka’s detractors. This is problematic and confounding,” he remarked.

Expanding on this, Marapana said: Conventional wisdom teaches us that when facts do not fit a theory, the theory has to change. However, conventional wisdom does not seem to be applied to Sri Lanka’s case. It seems that even if the theory is disproved through hard evidence that absolves Sri Lanka, as in the case of the Mannar graves, a matter in which some sceptics sought to implicate the Government of Sri Lanka, such facts are cast aside for further inquiry.”

At the same time when evidence surfaces, which contests the culpability of the Sri Lankan security forces and police in having deliberately caused civilian casualties during the last phase of the conflict, this evidence is summarily disregarded,” he pointed out.

Lies About Infrastructure Nailed

With regard to the allegation that the former war zone is lacking in infrastructure”, the Minister said that 66,100 houses have been constructed and handed over in the North and East to civilians during the period 2009 to 2018.

In 2019, work commenced, on the construction of 4,750 houses on an owner driven model”. It is anticipated that this program would be completed by June 2019.

The Prime Minister has taken keen interest to see to the progress of the development in the North and East, Marapana said.

On the PM’s recommendation, a program to construct 10,000 houses has commenced.

Other infrastructure development projects that have taken place since 2015 are: Livelihood Assistance – 23,548 families (Rs. 100,000/- per family); No: of domestic common wells – 1,817 nos; No: of Water Connections – 10,245 families (Rs. 25,000/- per family); Electricity Supply – 14,374 families; Internal Roads – 254 no; No: of Sanitation facilities – 14,238 families (Rs.60,000/- per family); Hospitals/Health Centers – 56 nos, the Minister said.

Denies Colonization of Tamil Areas

On the charge that the government is encouraging the systematic colonization of the Tamil areas, Marapana said: The Government of Sri Lanka has no policy of colonization of either the Northern Province or Eastern Province, or as a matter of fact, of any province in the country.”

As regards the contention that land owners are deprived of their land by declaring their land as forest cover or as archeological projects, it must be clearly and categorically stated that the Government has not resorted to any such measures.”

However, it must be born in mind that the protection of forest land and archaeological projects are an obligation cast on any State in accordance with its international obligations that mandate protection and preservation of the environment and of the cultural heritage.”

Furthermore, in identifying the relevant forest land and the cultural heritage, respective provincial administrations are also consulted.”

Promises To Cooperate Within Set Parameters

In conclusion, the Lankan Foreign Minister assured the UNHRC that based on the above parameters, Sri Lanka will continue to work with the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, and other partners.

It is not clear as to what form the resolution to be passed on Thursday will take. What is abundantly clear is that Sri Lanka will only implement what it can taking into account political, legal and constitutional factors.


How can you expect a bunch of dishonest and self- seeking politicians, who cannot even name a Cabinet, to properly govern a Country?

March 20th, 2019

Sudath Gunasekara

3.20.2019.

The list of Cabinet Ministers of the Present Government

01.  Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesighe – Ministry of National Policies and Economic Affairs, Ministry of Rehabilitation and Prison reforms, Northern Development, Vocational Training, Skill Development and Youth Affairs.

02.    John Amaratunga – Minister of Tourism Development and Christian Religious Affairs.

03.    Gamini Jayawickrema Perera– Minister of Buddha Sasana & North Western Province Development.

04.    Mangala Samaraweera – Minister of Finances and Media

05.   Lakshman Kiriella– Minister of Public Enterprise Development, Upcountry Heritage and Kandy Development

06.    Rauff Hakeem – Minister of Town Planning, Water Supply and Higher Education

07.    Tilak Marapana – Minister of Foreign Affairs

08.    Rajitha Senarathne – Minister of Health, Nutrition and Indigenous Medicine

09.    Ravi Karunanayake– Minister of Power and Energy and Business Development

10.  Vajira Abeywardhane– Minister of Internal & Home Affairs, Provincial Councils and Local Government

11.   Rishad Bathiudeen– Ministry of Industry and Commerce and Resettlement and Cooperative Development

12.   Patali Champika Ranawaka– Ministry of Megapolis and Western Development

13.   Naveen Dissanayake– Minister of Plantation Industries

14.   P. Harrison- Minister of Agriculture, Rural Economic Affairs and Animal Husbandry Development.

15. Kabeer Hashim – Minister of Highways and Road Development and Petroleum Resources Development.

16.   Ranjith Maddumabandara – Minister of Public Administration and Disaster Management

17.   Gayantha Karunathilake – Minister of Lands and Parliamentary Reforms

18.   Sajith Premadasa – Minister of Housing, Construction and Cultural affairs.

19.    Arjuna Ranatunga – Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation

20.  Palani Digambaran – Minister of Upcountry New Villages, Infrastructure and Community Development

21.   Chandrani Bandara – Minister of Women and Child Affairs and Development of Dry Zones

22.    Thalatha Athukorale – Minister of justice and Prison Reforms

23.    Akila Viraj kariyawasam – Minister of Education

24.    Abdul Haleem Mohamed Hashim – Minister of Postal Services and Muslim religious Affairs

25.    Sagala Ratnayake – Minister of Ports, Maritime Affairs and Southern Development

26.   Harin Fernando – Minister of Telecommunication, Digital Infrastructure facilities, Foreign Employment and Sports

27.    Mano Ganeshan – Minister of National Integration, Official Languages, Social Progress and Hindu Religious Affairs

28.    Daya Gamage – Minister of Labour, Trade Union Relations and Social Empowerment

29.   Malik Samarawickrema – Minister of Development Strategies, International Trade, Science, Technology and Research

 My comments

It is common sense that certain basic principles have to be adhered to when you make a Cabinet. The first and foremost thing is a clear scientific and functional classification and separation of major functions of Government in an intelligent manner avoiding overlapping and inter-Ministerial clashes. Once the major functions of the government are identified inte- related subjects should be grouped under each Ministry.  Functional relationship between or among the subjects assigned to a Ministry is crucial for smooth coordination of related subjects for smooth and efficient Governance. To give few examples Land and Irrigation, Agriculture and Agrarian Services, Transport and Aviation, Education and Youth Affairs, Trade and Commerce, Finance and Public Administration, Home Affairs and Local Government and Industry and technology to name few major areas. Such clarity in allocating functions and correlation between allied subjects in naming the Ministries is a sine qua non for allocating government departments and other institutions firstly, for smooth and efficient delivery of services and secondly to fix responsibility and accountability on a specific ministry and officials for implementing governments’ policies and programs. Next to make annual budgetary allocations for better financial management and to fix accountability on public funds

The next critical step is to assign each Ministry to the best person who can handle that subject and command the institutions and personnel under that Ministry and earn their repsect.

 If these fundamental requirements are not met then there will be utter chaos and confusion, inefficiency, overlapping, waste and corruptions inefficiency and delays all over. There will be no one to take responsibility. Each Minister will pass the ball to the other’s court with impunity and they might start fighting among themselves putting the blame on another. The other will then deny. Then while the quarrelling among them will go on, the country will suffer resulting in complete brake down in governance. But still the Ministers and politicians will enjoy their fabulous privileges and perks with no benefit to the country in return. Then the question arises as to why we have Ministries and why we maintain a set of men and women called Minsters and public servants and finally why we maintain a government at all at public expense?         

Now look at the utterly unscientific and absurd naming and allocation of functions among different Ministries listed above.  If this is an answer for a question at a public examination for making a list of Ministries for a newly elected government’ I would not give more than 20 out of 100.

Overlapping, duplication, absurdity, absence of any correlation among subjects, stupidity, repetition, political hypocrisy, immaturity and lack of common sense in basic principles and ABCD of governance are some of the glaring features even an ordinary man can see in this classification.

At first sight as I saw this as a list of Ministries I thought it is a list of Departments allocated among 29  Ministers. Obviously first it is a list cleverly and tactfully prepared to deceive the MPP who got the Ministries. Second, to deceive the foolish voters of different ethnic and religious groups, just to collect their votes at the next election.  In this list there appears to be wheels within wheels and many an interlocking traps. Some functions are given to particular Ministers just to satisfy them. For example why Minister of Power and Energy is given  Business Development, why Rehabilitation, Prison reforms and Northern Development are retained by the Prime Minister, if not to deceive and attract the Tamil vote in the North and East, why Rishad Bathiudeen- Minister of Industry is given Commerce and Resettlement and Cooperative Development, a veritable jumble, unless for him to make money by illicitly importing pepper and dried Arica and export them as Sri Lankan products depriving the country colossal amounts of valuable foreign exchange and destroying the local pepper and Arica growers and remunerating him for Wilpattu devastation with possible Yala and Kumana encroachment in the offing.

Meanwhile some Ministries are given to some people without considering the long term serious national threats   to the Islands environment, hydrological stability, national security and territorial integrity and even posing a threat to national security leading to chain of political and social catastrophes. The best example is the Ministry of Upcountry New Villages (Tamil) and  Infrastructure and Community Development to Palani Digambaran, for him to go ahead with his plan for future Malayanadu an Indian enclave right at the center of the country that forms the pinnacle and the Heartland of the nation and forms the only watershed that provides water for the whole country and which sustains the entire life system and civilization of this Island nation without realizing the colossal damage and destruction he is doing to the geographical heartland of this Island nation by establishing thousands of houses with Indian aid at elevation going even above 7000 feet msl, that was never touched by ancient rulers, until finally  it was opened up by the colonial invaders after 1840.

The other example is Mano Ganeshan another extremist militant Estate Tamil MP who is appointed as the Minister of National Integration, Official Languages, Social Progress and Hindu Religious Affairs. What better betrayal of a Nation and a Language a government do more than this.  How can you expect a man who is fighting for Tamil rights only, do national integration and to do justice for Official languages. It is just like putting the chicken under the charge of a cunning fox.

Moreover most subjects allocated to them could have been easily listed as government Departments under Ministries. Actually looking at this list, at first sight, I thought it was a list of Departments. Most of the Ministries listed are definitely superfluous. This mad messy list could have been easily grouped in to about 15 Ministries and thereby cut down the overheads and colossal wastage of public funds particularly at a time when the National Budget deficit is running in to trillions and the masses are being taxed even for breathing.

Doesn’t this classification of Ministries look funny in the first place? Why should the Prime Minister who is called the Primus inter pare, first among equals, bags many other non-important flimsy seasonal subjects like rehabilitation, Prison Reforms unless he has something up his sleeves, as usual.  The other joke is the subject of Prison reforms. It is shared by him and Thalatha Athukorale – Minister of justice Prison reforms. One is lost to understand as to who is actually responsible for this subject.

 Again when a Minister is called the Minister of Northern, North Western, Southern, Eastern, Dry zone and Upcountry Development, does it mean other Ministers have nothing to do in those areas. Grey areas leading to confusion? When another is called Minister of Development Strategies does that mean he is handling development strategies of all Ministries? Then what are the other Ministers doing? Isn’t it interesting to find out?

 Now this Government has Ministers for all the four religions. Under this situation what has happened to Sec 5 of the Constitution which say Buddhism is given the foremost place. Isn’t it another violation of the Constitution? This clearly demonstrates the ignorance of those who made this list and proves Sec 5 has been cleverly put in to the dust bin of history by giving equal status to other religions. The architects of the conspiracy surely must have done this with an eye on the minority vote.

Lakshman Kiriella- is called the Minister of Public Enterprise Development (as if other Ministries are not Public enterprises), Upcountry Heritage and Kandy Development what does this mean. What are the other Ministers are doing in these regions. The whole country knows how he betrayed the Kandyans and their heritage by giving upcountry tea lands to Indian Estate Tamils as an election promise made in 2015 and bagged over  150 000 Tami votes at the 2015 polls.  

Rauff Hakeem – Minister of Town Planning, Water Supply and Higher Education. What is the relationship between Town and country planning and Higher Education?  Why can’t Higher Education, be given to the Minister of Education instead of Parliamentary Reforms for which you need not have a Ministry at all.

Gayantha Karunathilake –is Minister of Lands minus irrigation –water. What is more is this Cabinet has no Minister or Ministry for irrigation. Doesn’t this clearly demonstrate how much they know about this country and its civilization?

11.Rishad Bathiudeen- Ministry of Industry and Commerce and Resettlement and Cooperative Development. Why is resettlement given to this man? Is it for him to clear the other National reserve like Yala and Maduru oya also and settle Muslim people imported from other countries as he has already done to Wilpattu

20.Palani Digambaran – Minister of Upcountry New Villages, Infrastructure and Community Development This I believe is given to this man to catch the estate Tamil vote not realizing that he will carve out an Indian enclave right at the center of the Central Hill country

What does a Ministry of Internal Affairs given to Wajira Abewardhana when he is already appointed as Minister of Home Affairs? It must be just to show him a long list. Prime Minister and the President must be thinking he is a baby, in which case he should have been given a teat which could have been much cheaper to the country.

Overall other than Ministries 7, 8, 1 3, 19 and 23 all others are like jumble sale joints. They are meticulously designed for vote caching. These politicians have no idea of governance or development. Among this long list of 29 I don’t see even five fellows fit to be Ministers of State. It looks a conundrum par excellent for the general public to solve.

If the Prime Minister cannot prepare an intelligent list of Ministries or on the other hand he submits an inconsistent and childish list by design why couldn’t the President at least correct it? When both have failed that clearly and precisely shows the quality Heads of Government we have. Isn’t it a classic case in world political history where the blind is leading the blind at the peril of a nation?

I can go on. But now for brevity I leave for you to add your own comments for your own amusement.

Myths and Misinterpretations of the Kandyan Convention of 1815 

March 20th, 2019

Harindra Dunuwille

Much has been said and written about the Kandyan Convention of 1815 whereby the Kandyan Kingdom was ceded to the British. Historians and writers have over the years interpreted the events that led to the signing and the cessation of what was the last bastion of Sinhale”. The document itself, its drafting, its local signatories and their very signatures, whether it was actually signed on the 2nd of March 1815 or on subsequent days, whether there were some who did not sign the convention are questions  yet being debated. It has been called a betrayal of what was left of the island. To me this is the biggest myth in regard to the Kandyan Convention.

After 200 years since that historic event, this article is an attempt to put in perspective the circumstances and the factors that resulted in the signing of that treaty between the Lieutenant-General Robert Brownrigg, Governor and Commander in Chief in and over the British settlements and Territories in the Island of Ceylon, acting in the name and on behalf of His Majesty George the Third, King and his Royal Highness George, Prince of Wales, Regent of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, on the one part and the Adigars, Dissawas and other Principal Chiefs of the Kandyan Provinces on behalf of the inhabitants, in the presence of the Mohottales, Korales, Vidanes and other sub ordinate Headmen from several Provinces and of the people then and there assembled of the other part”. It seeks also to refer briefly to the impact and ramifications of that agreement.

The Kandyan kingdom was established in 1580 at a time when the maritime areas of the island had been captured and were held by Western colonial rulers. The Portugese came in 1505 and were followed by the Dutch in 1648, and then by the English who took control of the costal maritime areas of Ceylon (Sri Lanka) by 1796.

In 1802 the Treaty of Amiens formally ceded the Dutch occupied part of the island to the British, and thus the British colony of Ceylon was established. By the turn of the 19th century, of the 4 kingdoms in Ceylon, the kingdoms of Sitawaka, Kotte and Jaffna had fallen into foreign hands leaving only the Kandyan Kingdom as the only independent Sinhalese kingdom. This holding out, in the heat of continuous pressure, both military and economic was by fortitude and tact.

British expansionism and colonising began in the 16th century. By 1769, it had colonized America, Canada, and New Zealand and also included colonies in Africa and the West Indies. With these conquests, it had established the vast Empire, where it was said that the sun never set”. Replacing the Dutch with its East India Company,Britainfirmly established trading posts in India, with the periodic annexation of parts of India, namely, Madras in 1639, Bombay in 1661 and Calcutta in 1690. In 1770 the British orchestrated a famine that killed one third of the Indian population.

Despite the successful repulsion of invading troops for over 150 years by the Kandyans, the reality of the circumstances of the early 1800s was that the British had already annexed and conquered India and had established its writ there as it had in many parts of the world.  British troop reinforcements were available at hand across the Palk straits should a sustained military campaign was needed to capture the Kandyan kingdom. From all accounts such an exercise was on the cards at the time.

The saga of Kandy is a remarkable one. It is a record of how a small landlocked kingdom, with about half a million impoverished souls, politically disunited, not particularly warlike, economically strangled, continued a prolonged struggle for survival against three European foes at the height of their prowess. The Kandyan military resistance is a chapter worth recording” – (Lorna Dewaraja- The Kandyan Kingdom of Sri Lanka)

 It is a matter of record that the war tactics used included, what is now called guerilla warfare”, a strategy of hit and run, deliberate disengagement and withdrawal, employing a scorched earth” military strategy whilst inveigling the enemy in to unfamiliar and rough territory and lunching multi-pronged attacks, often from higher ground. The terrain, the adverse and unfamiliar weather conditions bringing with it leeches, mosquitos added to the misery of the invaders who often fell sick, ran out of food and ammunition.  There was a time when the retreating armies were chased far beyond the borders of the kingdom even up to Sitawaka in the in the West.

However, during these times of conflict, there was contact with the foreigners for purposes of trade and security. King Senerat entered in to a treaty with the Dutch in 1612 followed by what is called the first Kandyan Treaty of 1638 signed by King Rajasinha II with the Commander of the Dutch East India Company at Batticaloa to secure the defense of the kingdom from the Portugese. A fresh agreement was signed by the King with the Dutch in 1649. In 1766 another treaty was signed by King Keerthi Sri Rajasinha and the Dutch Governor of Colombo again at Batticaloa on 14th February 1766. By this agreement the ‘king conceded the Dutch possessions of Colombo, Matara, Galle, Kalpitiya, Trincomalee, Mannar and Batticaloa with a cost line of 4 miles inland. At this time the Dutch were an economic power with their cinnamon industry and trade.

The reign of the last King of Kandy, Sri Wickrema Rajasinha, the last of the four Indian Nayakkar kings, was a matter of consternation not only to his Ministers and Chiefs but to the Buddhist clergy led by the two Official custodians of the sacred Tooth relict of the Lord Buddha enshrined and housed at the Temple of the Tooth, namely, the High Priests of the Asgiriya and Malwatta monasteries (temples). The Nayakkar kings were never fully accepted. There was a general aversion to their foreign ancestry. Furthermore, there were doubts cast on the royal ancestry of the Nayakkar kings and their regal legitimacy. The combination of a doubtful royal ancestry and the foreignness of the Nayakkars justified the opposition of the nobles against their alien king  (Lorna Dewaraja- The Kandyan Kingdom).

Of the three preceding Nayakkar kings, who took advice from their Prime ministers in governing the country, Sri Wickrema Rajasinha, on the other hand, partly because of his autocratic nature and partly because of the strong influence of his Nayakkar relatives, was not inclined to follow his predecessors. When Pilimatalawe complained to him that he did not take his advice, the king rebuffed him by replying I am not to be directed by the Chiefs, but the Chiefs were are to take orders from me’ When Pilimatalawe objected to  numerous public works undertaken by the king as to imposed great hardship on the people, the King removed him from his position’ He continued his policy of undermining the power of the Chiefs by splitting the Dissawas (Provinces), shuffling the officers, appointing persons to high offices from outside the established ruling families, raising the fees payable by the Chiefs, revival of death duty on their properties. He punished Chiefs ruthlessly on the slightest pretext and often without trial; thus he executed many of them such as Arawwawala, Dangamuwa, Lewke, Puswella, Ratwatte, Kandepola and Mampitiya Bandara. Local Chiefs who protested at the forced labour in the construction of the Kandy Lake were impaled on the lake bed itself. Almost every ruling family had lost one or more of their members during this programme, some went into hiding or left the city. There were at least three unsuccessful attempts to assassinate him”. The King also antoganised the Buddhist Clergy not only by his halfhearted support of Buddhism but also by his attempts to shift the Malwatta Temple to enlarge the lake and to shift the Natha devale to build a new Palace for himself on its site. He imprisoned several monks and executed two Anunayakes, namely Ven. Sooriyagoda and Ven. Paranathala–( The Last days of the Kandyan Kingdom – Dr. J.B.Kelegama (1993))

Costal islanders, having survived the jack boot authority of the Portugese and the Dutch weary of another invading foreign force, the British, choose to leave their native places of abode and seek the sanctuary of the last Sinhala outpost in the hills known as the Sinhale’. These outsiders’ did not, at first, assimilate with the Kandyan inhabitants, and this marked the Up-country and Low-country Sinhalese divide. Of these some had stealthily woven their way in to the confidence of King Sri Wickrema Rajasinha. They introduced British Officers to the King, encouraging the establishment of trading arrangements. This was also the time when Muslim traders made their way into the Kandyan provinces.  A gradual cultural and social shift was creeping into the hitherto pristine Sinhala Buddhist way in the Kingdom that the nobles and the peasants had jealously nurtured and preserved.

Notwithstanding the conversion to Buddhism by these Nayakkar kings and building of temples by them, it has also been argued that with a growing ethnic consciousness of the Sinhala people in that part of the country, it triggered the rise of a Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism at the time.

Hardy mountaineers of the interior, preserved their independence enabling us to form an estimate of Sinhalese as a live and individual people, with a national character and a national art, an individuality and art which is more difficult and often impossible to trace in the low country districts, long subject to western influence.”

The people of the interior became the saviors of culture and history, the preservation of names, dresses and legal systems that derived much from their ancient heritage. Thus, it shall be to the eternal credit of the Kandyans that the Buddhist religion, the customs and culture including the arts, dances and rituals, unpolluted by foreign influence, subsists to this day, much of which is aped in the all parts of the country.

It was a time when those living in the maritime areas had succumbed to the invaders and capitulated, jettisoning whatever religion, culture and indigenous culture that they might have had. These people succeeded in repulsing all foreign invasions for over three hundred years and preserved their ancient line of monarchy and their unique culture for the posterity” – (Ananda Coomaraswamy (1912)

Historians have argued and differed on the tyrannical and oppressive character of the last King. Conversely he has been portrayed as a sympathetic and humane man by his captors. The brutal execution of the wife and small children of the renegade Ehelepola Adikaram who had defected to the British is described, as follows: After having first incarcerated the wife aged 34 years and 3 minor children, including an infant, on 1st May 1814 at a spot between the Natha devale (temple) and the Vishnu devale, a drunken king ordered and watched the execution of the entire family.  A distraught Kandyan populace, it is said did not cook any meals in their houses for a whole week. The wooden mortar used to crush the infant is said to have been in the possession of Dr. J.W.Attygalle as at 1929.  (Lesser Known Stories of the Kandyan Kingdom –Chamikara Pilapitiya, 2018.)

The wanton destruction of human life comprises or implies the existence of general oppression. In conjunction with that, no other proofs of the exercise of tyranny require to be specified; and one single instance, of no distant date, will be acknowledged to include every tiling which is barbarous and unprincipled in public rule, and to portray the last stage of individual depravity and wickedness, the obliteration of every trace of conscience, and the complete extinction of human feeling. Coupled with their growing resentment to the dilution of their cherished, indigenous religious and social norms and values and the danger thereto, the Kandyan chiefs looked to secure those norms and values. Undoubtedly two other strong motivating factors were the removal of an unreliable King and the diminishing of the influence that they hitherto enjoyed. Attempts to install a Sinhala king, in the form of the Pretender, Muttusamy had already ended in failure.

The Culavamsa (Part II) describes the King`s tyranny as follows: He had the chief councillors, the great dignitaries and many other officials gathered together and destroyed his subject like the devil. He had the people, many hundreds in number brought to different spots and had them impaled, merciless in death. Much wealth that had come to the people by inheritance, the king confiscated like a thief that robs villages”

Dr. Colvin R de Silva`s assessment of Pilimatalawe is as follows: If the Adigar`s methods were disloyal, his motives did not lack a semblance of patriotism. That, he a Sinhalese of royal descent, should long to depose a foreign dynasty is as understandable as his intention to implement that consummation to forward his personal ambitions was natural. At the same time there can be little doubt that, though he offered to become in some fashion a British tributary, he had no real intention to surrender Kandy. His policy was simply in line with a fateful Kandyan tradition – calling in a foreigner to settle domestic disputes but discarding him on attaining that object” – (Ceylon under the British Occupation – Vol I).

The chiefs had invited the British to depose of their despotic King, not to take over their kingdom. The unequivocal assurances of D`Oyly that the British had no plans of conquest and aggrandizement.  Marshall describes the feeling of the Kandyan chiefs thus: You have now deposed of the King and nothing more is required. You may leave us” They had been lulled into a false sense of security by D`Oyly and naively believed the British expressions of good intentions and sympathy with their plight allowing themselves to be duped.  It was Ehelepola who persuaded the Chiefs to support the British. It can be surmised that it was a reason for his brother-in-law, Keppetipola Dissawa to the patriotic freedom uprising three years later.

A precursor to the signing of the Kandyan Convention was the Official declaration of the Settlement of the Kandyan Provinces, the Proclamation of 10th January 1815 which stated that it is not against the Kandyan Nation that the arms of His Majesty are directed. His Excellency proclaims hostility against that tyrannical power alone, which has provoked aggravated outrages and indignities which has cut off the most ancient and noblest families deluged the land with blood and by the violation of every religious and moral law became an object of abhorrence to mankind.”

The role of the Chief Priests of the 2 Buddhist Temples, as the chief custodians of the sacred tooth relic of Lord Buddha, – recognised as the symbol of Buddhism, was significant as was the role of the Kandyan chiefs. The sacred relic had been taken from place to place during turbulent times of invasions and war, for it is the belief to this day that whoever rules should do so where the sacred relic is enshrined. Of the two, the Mahanayake – the Chief of the Malwatta Temple, Ven. Kobbekaduwa Thero who was an educated and knowledgeable person, made his own assessment of the British vis a vis the Dutch and the Portugese. In his view, the British were more qualified not only to administer the country but he perceived them as a more educated and a more reasonable and reliable people. The negotiations of the treaty were led by the MilleweDissawa, acting as spokesperson of the nobles where their concerns and questions were raised.

The role of John D`Oyly is very significant. This was a British Civil officer, who had been described an intelligence man, a mole, a master-spy, a manipulator, a shrewd and wily negotiator among other descriptions. Having learnt Sinhala, he befriended both the clergy and the King and his Ministers and Chiefs. Much of the drafting of the Convention is attributed to him.

In the initial discussions had with D’Oyly, thenobles andthe religious potentates of Kandy were adamant in including clause 5 concerning the protection of Buddhism. Later at the meeting with the governor, the heads of the two Buddhist monasteries of Asgiriya and Malwatta extracted a guarantee that Buddhism would not be compromised” – (The Kandyan Convention at the Audience Hall – Rootsweb.com)

The British Governor Brownrigg promised, in the name of His Majesty the King of Great Britain, to the Kandyan chiefs, the continuance of their respective ranks and dignities; to the people, relief from all arbitrary severities and oppressions, with the fullest protection of their persons and property; and to all classes, the inviolate maintenance of their religion and the preservation of their ancient laws and institutions, with the extension of the blessings resulting from the establishment of justice, security and peace, which are enjoyed by the most favoured nations living under the safeguard of the British crown.

After the capture of the last King of Kandy by the British in 1815, the indigenous ruling nobility of the Kandyan Kingdom entered into a solemn Convention with the British Colonial Government of that time with the fervent hope and expectation that, its conditions would be respected and honoured by the rulers of the British Empire.  The objective of this bi lateral international agreement, unprecedented as it was, was entered into whereby the people of the subject nation  were guaranteed rights, privileges and safe guards, specifically preserving the cultural and religious heritage if its people, a document which was to receive the endorsement of the British Parliament.

The questions that begs consideration is whether the Religious Leaders and the Chiefs negotiated from a position of strength or weakness? Why did the British negotiate if they were in an unassailable position, and why enter in to a treaty with guarantees to the conquered”? In such a situation, can the signing of this negotiated convention be said to be a betrayal?

The Kandyan Convention was a Treaty officially recognised as having been signed on the 2nd of March 1815, but it is said that some signatures were subsequently placed after further discussion among the Kandyan Chiefs. It marked the end of 2358 years of self-rule on the island.

On this day the 2nd of March 1815, it is recorded by Captain L.D.Bush, an English General, that governor Brownrigg arrived early at the Audience Hall. He had beengreetedby Molligoda Adigar and others and a discussion ensured. Thereafter, the Governor had called on the Chief High priest Ven. Kobbekaduwa at the Malwatta Temple. After lengthy discussion, attended by other senior priests and the Kandyan nobles, agreement had been reached, especially with regards to that part of the Convention which relates to Buddhism, its temples and places of worship.  It is reported that the High Priest addressed the Governor thus: We have heard of your virtues, of your piety and of your charity; and the great revolutions which have been affected among us, have had their source, not less in the admiration of your character and government, than the evils we have suffered”. This original transcript is said to be in the Library of the Malwatta temple. Thereafter the Governor left for the Audience Hall once again. He had been followed by the Kandyan chiefs and joined by the Mahanayake and his retinue. The signing of the Kandyan Convention is said to have taken place late on the night of the 2nd March 1815. (Chamikara Pilapitiya – Lesser Known Stories of the Kandyan kingdom – Vol II (2018)

The Sinhala translation of the Convention clearly says it was an agreement between the Kingdom of Britain and Sinhale, which meant the whole Island and its maritime territories and the ocean around. This historic Convention had only 12 clauses and it was issued in Kandy as a Royal Proclamation of the 2nd of March 1815.

As mentioned previously, Governor Robert Brownrigg, signed for the British Crown with John D’Oyly, designated as the chief Translator and another high ranking Official, James Sutherlandaswitnesses.

The Kandyan Chiefs who signed the convention were:-

Ehelepola Nilame

Molligoda Snr. – Maha Adigar & Dissawa of the Sath Korales

PilimaTalawuwe Snr. alias Kapuwatte – 2nd Adigar & Dissawa of Sabaragamuwa

PilimaTalawuwe Jnr. – Dissawa of Hathra Korales

Monarawila – Dissawa of Uva

Ratwatte – Dissawa of Matale

Molligoda Jnr. – Dissawa of Thun Korales

Dullewe – Dissawa of Walapane

Millewe – Dissawa of Wellassa & Bintenna

Galagama – Dissawa of Tamankaduwa

Galagoda – Dissawa of Nuwara Kalawiya

The clauses in the agreement were, briefly;

  1. ‘Sri Wickrema Rajasinha’, the ‘Malabari‘ king, to forfeit all claims to the throne of Kandy.
  2. The king is declared fallen and deposed and the hereditary claim of his dynasty, abolished and extinguished.
  3. All his male relatives are banished from the island.
  4. The dominion is vested in the sovereign of the British Empire, to be exercised through colonial governors, except in the case of the Adikarams, Dissawas, Mohottalas, Korales, Vidanes and other subordinate officers reserving the rights, privileges and powers within their respective ranks.
  5. The religion of Buddhism is declared inviolable and its rights to be maintained and protected.
  6. All forms of physical torture and mutilations are abolished.
  7. The governor alone can sentence a person to death and all capital punishments to take place in the presence of accredited agents of the government.
  8. All civil and criminal justice over Kandyan to be administered according to the established norms and customs of the country, the government reserving to itself the rights of interposition when and where necessary.
  9. Other non-Kandyan positions to remain according to British law.
  10. The proclamation annexing the Three and Four Korales and Sabaragamuwa is repealed.
  11. The dues and revenues to be collected for the King of England as well as for the maintenance of internal establishments in the island.
  12. The Governor alone can facilitate trade and commerce.

Of thesethe following clauses are of significance:

4th Clause

The dominion of the Kandyan provinces is vested in the Sovereign of the British empire and to be exercised through the Governors or Lieutenant Governors of Ceylon for the time being, and their accredited Agents, saving to the Adigars, Dissawas, Mohottalas, Korales,  Vidanes and all other chief and subordinate native Headmen lawfully appointed by authority of the British government, the rights, privileges and powers of their respective offices and to all classes of people the safety of their persons and property, with their civil rights and immunities, according to the laws, institutions and customs established and in force amongst them.

5thClause

The religion of Boodho (Buddha), professed by the Chiefs and inhabitants of these provinces, is declared inviolable, and its rites, ministers, and places of worship are to be maintained and protected.

8th Clause.

Subject to these conditions, the administration of civil and criminal justice and police over the Kandian inhabitants of the said provinces is to be exercised according to established forms, and by the ordinary authorities; saving always the inherent right of government to redress grievances and reform abuses in all in stances whatever, particular or general,and where such interposition shall become necessary.

At the time and to my knowledge even to date, never has a mighty, powerful invading foreign country entered in to an agreement with the subjugated State with guarantees and safe guards including provisions for the continued use of religious and administrative practices and saving unto the Chiefs and other state functionaries the powers of office with guarantees of the safety of person and property with civil rights and immunities. Surely, this cannot by any stretch of imagination be termed a betrayal.

Subsequently, there was a period of relative peace and tranquility during the first three years of British rule (1815-1818). However, the indigenous leaders increasingly witnessed an erosion and violation of the legally binding terms and conditions laid down in the Kandyan Convention, by the lawfully appointed authority of the British government. The rights, privileges and powers of their respective offices were usurped creating dissension.

A dispatch by Lord Bathurst from London on 30th August 1815 to Governor Brownrigg stated: His Royal Highness has commanded to signify to you his general approbation of the principles of liberal policy by which you have been guided in acceding to the convention for the annexation of the Kingdom of Kandy. I cannot conceal from you that  the satisfaction of His Royal Highness would have been more complete if the 5th Article of the Convention, which relates to the superstition of Boodho, had been couched in terms less liable to misconstruction……………….. The term inviolable’ in the Article 5, as I do not conceive it can have been, understood as precluding their efforts which are making to disseminate Christianity in Ceylon, by the propagation of the scriptures, or by the fair and discreet preaching of its ministers, it would be very much in variance with the principles upon which his Majesty`s Government have uniformly acted for guarding against so great an evil”.

There appeared re-appropriation and a resistance to the British rule. A very intrinsic part of the Kandyan politics and power was the critical relationship between the Buddhist clergy and the nobles of the time. A definitive usurpation of this was becoming evident. Colonial dispatches to London refer to many episodes of that time in religious ceremonies. Kandyan customs, legal practices and traditions were re-appropriated as a means of resistance. The Kandyan Sinhalese were described in these dispatches asa rebellious people with a subversive national culture’

A British Parliamentary report in 1849 stated that there are periodical manifestations of one abiding and continuous feeling in the minds of the Kandyan people to restore a Kandyan sovereign and an impatience with British supremacy which turned to outrage at the unilateral abrogation of the Convention and in blatant violation of its undertakings, paving the way for the historic uprising, the first freedom struggle for independence of 1818, which the British termed a rebellion – (The Historical Journal – James Wilson – Cambridge University Press)

Governor Brownrigg unilaterally abrogated this Convention by a Royal Proclamation in 1818. It declared the supremacy the British Crown, exercised through the Governor and his Agents and to which obedience of all citizens is due. The Board of Commissioners and the resident Agents of the Government were vested with the sole power over the affairs of the territory. This was issued on the wake of the so-called rebellion of 1818. The last section (56) stated “He (Governor) also reserves full power to alter the present provisions as may appear hereafter necessary and expedient: and he requires, in his Majesty’s name, all officers civil and military, all Adigars, Dissawas and other chiefs, and all other His Majesty’s subjects, to be obedient, aiding, and assisting in the execution of these or other his orders, as they shall answer the contrary at their peril”.

The reasons that led to the above state of affairs are narrated by different historians. Some of the more perceptive British rulers of the time detected the signs of the gathering storm well in advance. Without paying due heed to such prognoses, high colonial authorities continued their blatant display of the ‘right of conquest’.

Sir A.C. Lawrie, the District Judge of Kandy, writing a few years after the Rebellion had this to say: The story of British rule in the Kandyan country during the rebellion of 1818 cannot be related without shame….. By 1819, hardly a member of the leading families remained alive…… those whom the sword and the gun had spared, cholera and small pox and privations had slain by the hundreds….. any subsequent effort by the Government to develop Kandyan areas were only attempts begun and abandoned…. (Lawrie’s Gazetteer, 203p.).

In 1844 the British reneged on the commitment to safeguard Buddhism. The ferocity with which a betrayed people rose and fought was such that the armed struggle claimed many British lives until they were put down with brutish force. Governor Torrington`s response was the imposition of martial law and a brutish quelling of the uprising with troops brought from India. The leaders, and members of the Kandyan hierarchy were executed, including Buddhist Priests as stated in the debate in the House of Commons in their full robes’.  Torrington was recalled and a motion of censure on the colonial government in Ceylon was narrowly defeated by 282 to 202 in May 1851

The Proclamation has tightened the grip of the British authority over the Island and set the process of gradual erosion of power of the priests and the local aristocrats.

It took a hundred years and more for the country to achieve independence in 1948 with a constitution drafted and enacted by the British Parliament, referred to as the Soulbury constitution.

The 1972 Republican Constitution repealed the 1948 Soulbury Constitution and enshrined a provision for the protection and fostering of Buddhism, which was copied in to current constitution in 1978.

The Kandyan Convention finds a place in the Legislative Enactments of Ceylon and Brownrigg’s Proclamation ratified by the British Parliament also appears in the Sri Lankan statutes under the title Declaration of British Sovereignty, although it is in direct conflict and in contradiction with Kandyan Convention.

The question whether the unilateral abrogation of the Convention solemnly entered into by and between two states is valid remains an unanswered legal question. Rules of natural justice would undoubtedly say otherwise. Almost a hundred years later, the British Privy Council – the highest Appellate Court in the Commonwealth – was called upon to make a decision based upon the Kandyan Convention. It was the famous Gampola Wallahagoda Devale case, arising from an objection taken in 1879 to the conduct of an annual Perahera (Religious Procession)by the Buddhists. The District Judge of Kandy, Paul E. Peiris (later Sir Paul) held that the guarantees in the Convention allowed the Buddhists to conduct its religious rites.  The Supreme Court over turned that judgment and an appeal was preferred to the Privy Council in London.  At that time, the Governor Sir John Anderson intervened and settled the dispute allowing the conduct of the procession along the streets of Gampola. It can be safely assumed that the British Authorities got the Governor to do what he did, and thereby saving face.

Even now, it is open to the British to repent its violation of the treaty and the brutality that they unleashed and make reparation.The Kandyan peasantry and their descendants wait reparation by the way of the return of the land of their ancestors snatched  by  the façade of the Waste Lands Ordinance.

The Kandyan Convention as much as the subsequent struggles ensured the preservation not only ofthe pristine Theravada doctrine of Buddhism, but as importantly, the unpolluted indigenous Kandyan arts, culture and traditions which prevail to this day and are proudly displayed in all parts of the country by all Sri Lankans.

This is an English version of the Sinhala speech delivered by Harindra Dunuwille, on Saturday 9th March 2019 at the Arts Faculty Auditorium of the University of Peradeniya at the Public seminar under the theme The Kandyan Convention and the future of Sri Lanka” . Dunuwille is a Senior Attorney at Law  He  is a   former State Minister and Mayor of Kandy  and is  presently  Chairman of the Central Provincial Public Service Commission.

ලිහිණියාව හලවල්කැලේ, බුලත්සිංහල දොළ රක්ෂිතයේ රුක් රෝපණ වැඩසටහන

March 20th, 2019

පේශල පසන් කරුණාරත්න සභාපති සමනල යෞවන සමාජය නාවලකන්ද

ඉහල ජෛව විවිධත්වයකින් යුත් පහත රට තෙත් කලාපීය වැසි වනාන්තර ගණනාවක්ම කළුතර දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ  වලල්ලාවිට ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම් කොට්ඨාසට අයත් සීමාවේ  පිහිටා තිබෙන අතර මෙම වනාන්තර පද්ධති මෑත කාලයේදී නොයෙකුත් ආපදා තත්වයන් නිසා විශාල වශයෙන් විනාශ වෙමින් පවතී. මේ නිසා ප්‍රදේශයේ ජල මූලාශ සිඳි යාම, පරිසර සමතුලිතතාවය බිඳ වැටීම, ජන ජීවිත වලට තර්ජන එල්ල වීම ආදී ගැටළු ඇති වී ඇති අතර එම ගැටළු වලට  විසඳුම් වශයෙන් ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම් කොට්ඨාසයේ පවතින්නා වූ වනාන්තර පද්ධති තුළ පරිසර සංරක්ෂණ ව්‍යාපෘති රැසක් ආරම්භ කරන ලදී.

එහි එක් ව්‍යාපෘතියක් ලෙස වලල්ලාවිට ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම් කාර්යාලය, වලල්ලාවිට යෞවන සමාජ ප්‍රාදේශිය මණ්ඩලය සහ නාවලකන්ද සමනල යෞවන සමාජය එක්ව, අනවසර පදිංචි කරුවන්ගේ ග්‍රහණයට නතුව  විනාශ වී යාමේ තර්ජනයට ලක් වෙමින් පැවති  සංවේදී පරිසර පද්ධතියක් වන ලිහිණියාව, හලවල්කැලේ ග්‍රාමයේ පිහිටි  බුලත්සිංහල දොළ රක්ෂිතය” තුළ ආදර්ශ වන වගා කිරීමේ ව්‍යාපෘතියක් සාර්ථකව සංවිධානය කරන ලදි.  2019.03.20 වන මැදින් පුර පසලොස්වක පොහෝ දින පැවැත්වූ මෙම රැක් රෝපණ වැසටහන මගින් ප්‍රදේශයට පරිසර පද්ධතියට ගැලපෙන පැළ 200 කට අධික ප්‍රමාණයක් රෝපණය කරන ලදි.

මෙරට අති සංවේදී පරිසර පද්ධති සඳහා එල්ල වන මිනිස් බලපෑම් හේතුවෙන් එම පරිසර පද්ධති තුළ වෙසෙන්නා වූ වන ජීවීන්ගේ ජීවන පැවැත්මට බලපෑම් එල්ලවී ඇත. වාසස්ථාන, ආහාර වැනි ඔවුන්ට ජීවත් වීමට අත්‍යවශ දෑ අහිමි වීම හේතුවෙන් මෙම වනාන්තර වල වෙසෙන වනජීවීන් ඔවුන්ගේ අවශ්‍යතාවයන් සපුරා ගැනීම සඳහා වනාන්තර අවට ඇති ගම්මාන කරා පැමිණේ. මේ හේතුව නිසාවෙන් ගම්වාසීන් හා වනාන්තර තුල වෙසෙන සතුන් අතර ගැටම්කාරී තත්වයන් හට ගනී. 

වලල්ලාවිට ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම් කොට්ඨාසයේ පිහිටි මෙම ප්‍රදේශයද එවැනි වන සතුන්ගෙන් පීඩා විඳින ප්‍රදේශයක් වන නිසාවෙන් මෙම වැඩසටහන තුළදී  ප්‍රදේශයට ගැලපෙන්නා වූ පලතුරු පැල සිටවීමට කටයුතු කල අතර එමගින් ප්‍රදේශයේ ජෛව විවිධත්වයටත් ප්‍රදේශයේ වෙසෙන කුරුල්ලන්, දඩුලේනන්, වඳුරන්, රිලවන් වැනි වන ජීවීන්ටත් ප්‍රදේශයේ ජීවත්වන ගැමියන්ටත් විශාල වාසියක් අත් වේ. එමෙන්ම බුලත්සිංහල දොළ රක්ෂිතය” තුළ දොළට මායිව විශාල පුවක් පැළ ප්‍රමාණයක් රෝපණය කල අතර එමගින් දොල දෙපස ඛාදනය වීම අවම වන අතර ප්‍රදේශයේ ජනතාවට අමතර ආදායමක්ද උපයා ගැනීමට හැකියාව ලැබේ.

මෙම රුක් රෝපණ වැඩ සටහන සාර්ථකව සිදු කර ගැනීම සඳහා වලල්ලාවිට අතිරේක ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම්තුමිය සමගින් ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම් කාර්යාලයේ නිලධාරීන් සහ  වලල්ලාවිට යෞවන සමාජ ප්‍රාදේශීය මණ්ඩලයේ සාමාජිකයන් හා ප්‍රදේශවාසීන් විශාල පිරිසක් සහභාගී විය.

තමන්ව පෙළන ලද කුල පීඩනය ගැන නන්දන වඩුතන්තිරි අදහස් දක්වයි

March 20th, 2019

Dr Ruwan M Jayatunge M.D.

නන්දන වඩුතන්තිරි

කලුවා හකුරු දුරයලාගේ නන්දන වඩුතන්තිරි තමන්ව හඳුන්වා ගන්නේ කුල පීඩිතයෙකු ලෙසටය. ළමා කාලයේ සිටම කුල පීඩනය ඔහු අත් දකියි. නන්දන වඩුතන්තිරි පවසන අන්දමට ඔහු ජීවත්වූ ප්‍රදේශයේ ධනවත් සහ කුලවත් අසල්වැසියෝ ඔවුන් ගේ දරුවන් සමග කුඩා  නන්දන වඩුතන්තිරි සමග සෙල්ලම් කිරීමට අවසර නොදෙති. එසේම පාසලේදී ද ඔහුව ගුරුවරු මෙන්ම සිසුන් ද කොන් කරන්නේ නන්දන වඩුතන්තිරි අඩු කුලයේ ළමයෙකු බව පවසමිනි. තවද ඔහුට පාසලේදී ශිෂ්‍ය නායකයෙකු වීමට සුදුසුකම් තිබුනද ඔහුගේ කුලය නිසා විදුහල්පතිවරයා නන්දන වඩුතන්තිරිගේ නම කපා දමයි. 

යොවුන් වියේ ඔහු තම ප්‍රථම ප්‍රේමය අරඹන්නේ කුලවත් පවුලක තරුණියක සමගය. එහෙත් එම තරුණියගේ සොහොයුරන් ඔහුට නිර්දය ලෙස පහරදී තමන් ගේ කුලයට අයත් තරුණියක සොයා ගන්නා ලෙස පවසති. මේ නිසා ඔහු ප්‍රේමයෙන් පරාජය වෙයි. රැකියාවන් ගනනාවකටට ඉල්ලුම් කලද නන්දන වඩුතන්තිරි පවසන පරිදි ඔහුට සම්මුඛ පරීක්‍ෂණ වලට වත් කැඳවීම් නොලැබෙන්නේ ඔහුගේ කුලය නිසාය. මෙම කුල පීඩනය නිසා තමන් ද පෙරලා සමාජයට වයිර කල බව ඔහු සඳහන් කරයි. 

අවසානයේදී ලංකා සමාජයේ තමන්ට හිස එසවීමට ඉඩක් නොමැති නිසා විදේශ ගතවී රැැකියාවක් සොයා ගැනීමට ඔහු පිටරට යයි. 1971 සහ 1988 කාලයේදී කුල පීඩනය නිසා තමන් ගේ ඥාතීන් බොහෝ දෙනෙකු ජවිපෙ කැරලි වලට සහභාගී වූ බවත් බොහෝ දෙනෙකු මිය ගිය බවත් නන්දන පවසයි. තමන් අත් විඳි කුල පීඩනය තම දරුවන්ට උරුම කර නොදෙනු වස් විදේශ ගතවීම තමන්ට තිබූ විකල්පය බව ඔහු වැඩිදුරටත් සඳහන් කරයි.

පසුගිය වසර 4 තුළම වුනු අදක්ෂ පාලනය හොරකම නිසා වුනු දෙයක්. බැදුම්කර වංචාව නිසා ලොකු අවිනිශ්චිතතාවයක් හැදුනා.

March 20th, 2019

අද (20)පැවැති මාධ්‍ය හමුවට සහභාගි වු හිටපු මහ බැංකු අධිපති අජිත් නිවාඩ් කබ්රාල් මහතා 

පසුගිය දින කිහිපය තුල රජය පුන පුන කිව්වේ ඒ අය ඩොලර් බිලියන 2.4ක් ලබා ගත්ත බවයි. එය විශාල ජයක් විදියටයි පෙන්වා දුන්නේ. එයින් වුනු ප්‍රතිවිපාකයි මම පෙන්වා දෙන්නේ.පළමුව ජාත්‍යන්තර ස්වෛරීය බැදුම්කර කියන්නේ මොකක්ද කියන දේ අපි පැහැදිලි කර ගන්න වෙනවා. සාමාන්‍ය බැදුම්කර නිකුත් කරන්නේ රුපියල්වලින්. මාස තුනේ බිල්පත් නිකුත් කරනවා වගේ මේ වෙද්දි වසර තිහක් දක්වා අපි බැදුම්කර නිකුත් කරලා තියෙනවා. ඊට අමතරව රජය ජාත්‍යන්තර මුදල්වලින් බැදුම්කර නිකුත් කරනවා. ඒවා ඩොලර්වලින් නිකුත් කරද්දි ජාත්‍යන්තර ස්වෛරිය බැදුම්කර කියනවා. ඩොලර්වලින් පොලිය ගෙවන්නත් රජය බැදී සිටිනවා. මෙය 2007දියි පටන් ගත්තේ.

මුලින්ම 2007 ඔක්තොම්බර් මාසයේ පටන් ගත්තේ. යුද්ධයක් තිබුණා. ඒ අවස්ථාවේ තිබුණු තත්ත්වය අනුව ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් මිලියන 500ක් නිකුත් කරන්නයි බලාපොරොත්තු වුනේ. ඒ වෙලාවේ කට්ටියක් ගිහින් එච්. එස්. බි. සි බැංකුව වැටලුවා. අපේ රජයක් ආවොත් අපි මෙය ගෙවන්නේ නැහැ කියලා ලොකු අවිනිශ්චිතභාවයක් ඇති කළා. ඒ වෙලාවේ යුද්ධය මෙහෙයවිම සහ දැඩි මුල්‍ය අවශ්‍යතාවයක් තිබුණ බව දැන දැනත් රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ ඇතුළු පිරිස ලෝකයට ප්‍රකාශ කලේ අපි බලයට ආවම මේ බැදුම්කරය ගෙවන්නේ නැති බවයි. මේ නිසා ඒ බැදුම්කරය නිකුත් කිරිම දුෂ්කර කාර්යයක් වුනා. ඒ වෙලාවේ අපි බැදුම්කරය නිකුත් කලේ පොලී අනුපාතය සියයට 8.25ටයි නිකුත් කලේ. නැවතත් 2009දි 2010 දි 2011 දි 2012,2014 දි එවැනි බැදුම්කර නිකුත් කළා ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් මිලියන 5500ක් වෙනතුරු. ඒ සියලුම බැදුම්කර ඒ කාලයේ නිකුත් කරද්දි ඊට පෙර නිකුත් කළ බැදුම්කරයට වඩා අඩු පොලියකටයි අපි නිකුත් කලේ. රටේ ප්‍රගතිය, ආර්ථක ශක්තියේ වර්ධනය වගේම ජාත්‍යන්තරයේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ගැන තිබුණ අවිනිශෟචිතභාවය අඩු කර ගැනිම නිසයි අපිට එලෙස කරන්න හැකි වුනේ. මුලින්ම 8.25ට නිකුත් කළා. ඊළග පාර 7.4 දක්වාත්, නැවත 6ටත් ඊටත් පස්සේ 2014දි 5.125 පොලි අනුපාතයකට. එයින් පේන්නේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාව කෙරෙහි විශෟවාසය ගොඩනැගුණු ආකාරයයි. ජාත්‍යන්තරව අපේ රට ගැන තිබුණු විශ්වාසය වර්ධනය කර ගන්න පුලුවන් වුනා විතරක් නෙවෙයි. 2014දි එහි උපරිමයට පැමිණියා. අපේ ආන්ඩුව ඉවත් වෙන විට අවුරුදු 5ට නිකුත් කර තිබූ බැදුම්කර වල පොලී අනුපාතයට 5.125 දක්වා අඩු කර ගන්න හැකි වුනා. ඒ වගේම අවුරුදු 10 බැදුම්කර මුලින්ම 2010දි නිකුත් කළා. ඒ වෙලාවේ 6.25ක පොලියකටයි නිකුත් කලේ. 2011දිත් 6.25යි. 2012 වෙද්දි 5.875ට අඩු වුනා. අවුරුදු 7ක් තුලදි ඒ රජය ඩොලර් මිලියන 5500 බැදුම්කර නිකුත් කළත් ඒ සෑම බැදුම්කරයක්ම නිකුත් කලේ පෙර බැදුම්කරයේ පොලී අනුපාතයට වඩා අඩු පොලියකට විම විශේෂත්වයක්. 2015දි අලුත් රජයක් ආවා. ඒ රජය 2015 සිට 2019 දක්වා ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් මිලියන 10050ක බැදුම්කර නිකුත් කළා. අපේ රජය වසර 9ක කාලය තුල නිකුත් කළ බැදුම්කර වලට සාපේක්ෂව සියයට 71ක්. අපි ඉන්නේ ණය කන්දරාවක. අපි ආවම ණය ගන්නේ නැහැ. අපි ණය අඩු කර ගන්නයි බලයට එන්නේ කියලා බලයට ආපු රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ ආන්ඩුව මේ වෙද්දි ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් මිලියන 10050ක ණය අරන්.

2015 සිට සෛවරී බැදුම්කර තුනක් වසර 5 කාල සිමාවට නිකුත් කරලා තියෙනවා. අපේ කාලයේ තිබුණු 5.125 පොලී අනුපාතයෙන් පටන් අරන් ඒ අය 2016 වෙද්දි 5.750 දක්වා වැඩි කර ගත්තා. 2018දි 5.750යි. 2019 වෙද්දි 6.850 දක්වා වැඩි වෙලා. ජාත්‍යන්තරව පිළිගැනීම මෙයින් පෙනි යනවා. ලෝකයේ ඉන්න ආයෝජකයින් මේ ආර්ථික ඔස්තාර්ලා ගැන තියෙන පැහැදීමයි මෙයින් පෙන්නේ. අවධානම වැඩි වෙන්න වෙන්න පොලී අනුපාතය වැඩි වෙනවා. අවුරුදු 5 බැදුම්කර සදහා 6.85 දක්වා වැඩිවීම ක්‍රමක්‍රමයෙන් සිදුවෙලා.

2012 අපි අන්තිම වසර 10 බැදුම්කරය නිකුත් කලේ 5.875ට. දැන් නිකුත් කරන බැදුම්කරවල පොලී අනුපාතය වැඩියි. 2019දි වසර 10ක් සදහා වුනු සෛවරි බැදුම්කර නිකුත් කරන්නේ 7.850 ට. ඉතාම ඉහළ පොලියක්. මේ ප්‍රවණතාවය නිසා මුලු ලෝකයම ලංකාවේ පොලී අනුපාතය වැඩිවෙන බව පිළීගන්නවා. දුර්වල ආර්ථක කළමණාකරණය, අවධානම වැඩි වීම අනුව ජාත්‍යන්තරව වැඩි පොලී අනුපාතිකයන් ආයෝජකයින් ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා. 2015 සිට නිකුත් කළ බැදුම්කර නිකුත් කිරීමේදි පැවැති පොලී අනුපාතයමවත් තියා ගත්තා නම් මෙවැනි පැඩු වෙන්නේ නැහැ. පොලි අනුපාතය වැඩිවිම නිසා පමණක් ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් මිලියන 834ක් වෙලා. ඒ කියන්නේ රුපියල් බිලියන 151ක් අද වැඩිපුර ගෙවන්න වෙලා මේ අදක්ෂ පාලනය නිසා පමණක්. ආර්ථික ඔස්තාර්ලා අපේ රටේ ආර්ථිකයට කරලා තියෙන දේ පේනවානේ.

අපිට කොළඹ කටුනායක අධීවේගි මාර්ගය ගොඩනගන්න වියදම් වුනේ රුපියල් බිලියන 48යි. නොරොච්චෝලේ ගල් අගුරු තාප බලාගාරය හදන්න ගියේ බිලියන 103යි. ඒ දෙක එකතු කළාම බිලියන 151යි. රටේ දැවැන්ත ව්‍යාපෘති දෙකකට සමාන ගානක් මේ රජය පොලි අනුපාතයෙන් පමණක් ගෙවලා. ඒ ගානට සමාන ගානක් මේ රජය කාබාසිනායා කරලා බැදුම්කරවලට වැඩිපුර ගෙවලා තියෙනවා. රුපියලේ අගය රුපියල් 50කින් වැඩි කරගත්තා. පොලී අනුපතය වැඩිවිම නිසා බැදුම්කර හොරකමින් වුනු පාඩුව රුපියල් බිලියන 145ක්. වෙන වෙන පාඩුත් වුනා. ස්වෛරී බැදුම්කර හරහා බිලියන 151ක් . රැපියල අවප්‍රමාණ වීමෙන් හැම ඩොලරයටම වැඩිපුර ගෙවනවා. මේ දේවල් වලින් රටට දිනපතා පාඩුමයි වෙන්නේ.

අපිට සාපේක්ෂ රටවල් ගැනත් බලන්න වෙනවා. හිටපු මුදල් ඇමැති රවි කරුණානයක මහතාත් මේ ගැන කිව්වා. තායිලන්නය අවුරුදු 10ක බැදුම්කරයකට ගෙවන්නේ 2.5යි. වියට්නාමය ගෙවන්නේ 4.7යි. මැලේසියාව ගෙවන්නේ 3.8යි. ග්‍රිසිය ගෙවන්නේ 3.8යි. බොස්වානා ගෙවන්නේ 5.2යි අපි 7.8ක් ගෙවනවා. මොනතරම් විශාල අවපාතයකට අපේ ආර්ථිකය ඇදදාලාද කියලා පේනවා. එදා තිබුණු ප්‍රවණතාවය අනුව කටයුතු කළා නම් අද වෙද්දි පොලී අනුපාතය සියයට 4ට පොලී අනුපාතය හැදනෙවා. ඩොලර් වලට වැඩිපුර ගෙවලා රටක් ගෙනියන්න බැහැ.

මංගල සමරවිරගේ බජට් එක ඉලෙක්ෂන් බජට් එකක් නෙවේ. විනයක් ඇති බජට් එකක් කිව්වා. එහෙම වෙලා තියෙන්නේ එතනින් එහාට දෙයක් දෙන්න බැරි නිසයි. බිලියන 151ක් පොලි ගෙවනවා නම් ඒ රජයට ජනතාවට කිසිම දෙයක් දෙන්න බැහැ. මේ බැරිකම නිසා දැන් කියනවා විනයක් සහිතව කටයුතු කරනවාලු . විනයක් තිබුණා නම් මෙහෙම වෙන්නේ නැහැ. මේ යන ගමන දැන්වත් නැවතුවේ නැත්නම් රටට මොනවා වෙයිද දන්නේ නැහැ. තව ටික දවසින් ඇවිත් අපි සෛවරී බැදුම්කර සියයට 10කට නිකුත් කරනවා කිව්වත් අපිට කට පියාගෙන ඉන්න වෙනවා. ජාත්‍යන්තරය කෙරෙහි අපේ රට ගැන විශෟවාසයක් ගොඩනැගිය යුතුයි.

මාධ්‍ය – මංගල සමරවීර අයවැය කතාවෙදි කිව්වා ඔක්තෝම්බර් 26 ආන්ඩු පරිච්චේචය අදුරුතම කාලය කියනවා. ඒ කාලේ ආර්ථකමය වශයෙන් නුසුදුසු දේවල් වුනා. පොලිය වැඩියෙන් ගෙවන්න වුනා. කිව්වා.

අජිත් නිවාඩ් කබ්රාල්- එහෙම කියන බව දන්න නිසා තමයි සියලු බැදුම්කර ගැන මම පෙන්වා දෙන්නේ. දවස් 51 ප්‍රශ්නයක් නෙවෙයි මෙතන තියෙන්නේ. අවුරුදු 4ක ප්‍රශ්නයක්. මේ වසර 4 තුලම අපි දිගින් දිගටම පිරිහුනා. ඒ පිරිහිම දින ගණනකින් එහෙට මෙහෙට කරන්න බැහැ. ඒ අය කියනවා රේටින් එක අඩු කලාලු. ඒක දිගින් දිගටම තිබුණු තත්ත්වයක්. ණය ශේණිය දිගින් දිගටම අඩුවීමක් වුන ප්‍රවණතාවයිය වුනේ. අද වෙද්දි වර්ධන වේගය සියයට 2ටත් අඩු වෙනවා. උද්ධමනය වැඩි වෙනවා. දළ දේශිය නිෂෟපාදනයට සාපේක්ෂිතව ණය ප්‍රමාණය සියයට 91ක් වෙලා. කොටස් වෙලෙද පොලේ කිසියම් ඉහළ යාමක් නම් වුනා. උසාවියේ නඩු කියන කොට අවිනිශ්චිතභාවයක් නම් ආවා. මේක පසුගිය වසර 4 තුළම වුනු අදක්ෂ පාලනය හොරකම නිසා වුනු දෙයක්. බැදුම්කර වංචාව නිසා ලොකු අවිනිශ්චිතතාවයක් හැදුනා.

මාධ්‍ය – ජාත්‍යන්තර වෙලෙදපොලනේ ණයගනිද්දි පොලී අනුපාතය ඉහළ යාම දේශිය වෙලෙද පොලේ පොලි අනුපාතයට බලපානවාද

අජිත් නිවාඩ් කබ්රාල් – අනිවාර්යයෙන්ම.ආන්ඩුව පෙන්වලා තියෙනවා ජාත්‍යන්තරයට අපි ඩොලර්වලින් 7.85ක් ගෙවාලි ණය ගන්න සූදානම් බව. රුපියල්වලින් ණය දෙන අයත් මේක දකිනවා. ඒ අයත් වැඩිපොලියක් ගන්න බලනවා. ඊළග සති කිහිපය තුල අපිට ඒ දේ දකින්න පුලුවන්. ව්‍යාපාරිකයෙකුට ණයක් ගන්න පුලුවන් වෙන්නේත් මේ පොලී අනුපාතයට සාපේක්ෂවයි. රටේ අවදානම ගණණය වෙන්නේ 7.58 පොලි අනුපාතයක් නම් ඊට වැඩි ගාණක් දේශීය ව්‍යාපාරිකයාට ගෙවන්න  සිදුවෙනාව. රටක සාර්ව ආර්ථික සාධක මනා ලෙස කළමණාකරණය කරන්න වෙනවා. මෝටර් සයිකලයක් ලිස් කරද්දි එයටත් බලපානවා. ඒ ගැන කල්පනාකාරිව කටයුතු කරන්න වෙනවා.

මාධ්‍ය – මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් මහ බැංකුවටත් වගකිමක් තියෙනවා නේ

අජිත් නිවාඩ් කබ්රාල් – මහ බැංකුවේ මුලික කාර්යය රජයට උපදෙස් දීම. රජය අපදෙස් ගන්නේ නැත්නම් ඒක ප්‍රසිද්ධියේ කියන්න වෙනවා. අපේ කාලයේ රජය උපදෙස් අරන් ඒ උපදෙස් අනුව කටයුතු කළා. අපි ආර්ථකය කළමණාකරණය කලේ ඒ උපදෙස් අනුවයි. අද රජයේ අගමැති මැති ඇමැතිවරු ඔක්කොම හිතන් ඉන්නේ ඒ අය සියල්ල දන්න වා කියලයි. ඇයි අද 7.8ක් ගෙවන්න වෙලා තියෙන්නේ. මේ අය දිගින් දිගටම වුනු පරිහානියට වග කියන්න වෙනවා.මහ බැංකුවේ වගකිම ඉෂ්ඨ කරලාද නැද්ද දන්නේ නැහැ. මුදල් මණ්ඩලය හරහා මහ බැංකුවේ දක්ෂ නිලධාරින් උපදෙස් දෙන්න ඇති.

මාධය – මහ බැංකුවට උපදෙස් දෙන්න නෛතික බලයක් තියෙනවා වගේ, ඒ උපදෙස් පිළිපදින්න නෛතික බලයක් නැද්ද

අජිත් නිවාඩ් කබ්රාල් – නැහැ . එහෙම දෙයක් නැහැ. මහ බැංකුවට ආන්ඩුවට උපදෙස් දෙන්න පුලුවන්. මම දන්න විදියට මහ බැංකුව ඒ කාර්යය කළා. අපේ කාලයේ ආන්ඩුව අපි දුන්න උපදෙස් පිළීපදින්නේ නැහැ වගේ පෙනුනාම අපි කිහිප වතාවක් උපදෙස් දිලා නිවාරදි කරලා තියෙනවා. ඒ විදියට මහ බැංකුවඋපදෙස් දෙනවා ඇති. රජය උපදෙස් ගන්නේ නැත්නම් මහ බැජකුව අසරණ වෙනවා. රට අසරණ වෙන නිසා එවැනි අවස්ථාවක ප්‍රසිද්ධයේ ඒ උපදෙස් කිව්වාට ප්‍රශ්නයක් නැහැ කියලා මම හිතනවා. මේ අවස්ථාවේ වැඩි පොලියට ණය ගැනීම වෙනුවට වෙනත් විකල්පයක් තිබුණා නම් මහ බැංකුව කියන්න තිබුණා. මහ බැංකුව එවැනි කතිකාවක් පටන් ගැනීම රටට යහපතක් වෙයි.

මාධ්‍ය – සේවක අර්ථ සාධක අරමුදල හානි කරපු පුද්ගලයා සිංගප්පූරුවේ ඉන්නවා.

අජිත් නිවාඩ් කබ්රාල් – බැදුම්කර වංචාවෙන්ම පැහැදුලි වුනා මේ අයට අයුතු ලාභ ලබන්න උත්සාහ කරන බව. කරලා තියෙන දේවල් නිසා සැකයක් ඇති වෙනවා. ඇයි මේ තරම් ලොකු මුදලක් පොලියක් ලෙස ගෙවන්නේ.සේවක අර්ථ සාධක අරමුදලට ප්‍රාථමික වෙලෙද පොලට එන්නේ නැතිව ද්විතියික වෙලදපොලට එන්න කියලා අණ කළා. සාක්ෂි තිබුණා. බැදුම්කර කොමිෂමෙන් මේ සාක්ෂි එළියට ආවා. දඩුවම නිහඩයි. ඒවා හොයලා බලන එක හොදයි.

මාධ්‍ය – ග්‍රිසිය 3.8 නම් ආර්ථික නිති රෙගුලාසි වල මේ තරම් පරතරයකට යන්නේ කොහොමද

අජිත් නිවාඩ් කබ්රාල් – ග්‍රිසිය 3.8 නම් . අපි ඊට වඩා වැඩි නම් ආපේ ආර්ථික ඔස්තාර්ලා තමන්ගේ දුර්වල කම පිළීගන්න වෙනවා. එහෙම පිළිගන්නේ නැත්නම් අපි මේතරම් පොලියක් ගෙවන්න වෙන්නේ නැහැ. අපි දක්ෂයි කියලා පිළීගන්නවා නම් සැකයක් තියෙනවා.

මාධ්‍ය – ග්‍රිසිය සම්බන්ධයෙන්නේ ඔබට චෝදනාවක් ආවේ. අපි බොරුවට චෝදනා කරලාද

අජිත් නිවාඩ් කබ්රාල් – අපි ශ්‍රි ලංකා මහ බැංකුව ආයෝජනය කරද්දි ග්‍රිසියේ රේටින් එක දැන් තියෙනවා වගේ අධීයර 4කින් ඉහළ තිබුනේ. කවුරු හරි මට චෝදනා කරනවා නම් අද ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ආයෝජනය කරන හැම කෙනාටම හතර ගුණයකින් චෝදනා කරන්න වෙනවා. අද ලංකාවේ තියෙන්නේ එදා ග්‍රිසියේ තිබුණ ණය ශ්‍රේණියට වඩා පහළයි.  ඒ ඒ රටවල් වල ශ්‍රේණිය අනුවයි ජාත්‍යන්තරව ආයෝජනය කරන්නේ. ග්‍රීසියේ ඒ කාලේ තිබුණු ශේණිය අනුව පොලී අනුපාතය වැඩි වෙන්න තිබුණා. අපිට අවස්ථාව තිබුණා වැඩිපුර මුදල් හොයන්න. අපි අපේ සංචිතයෙන් කුඩා කොටසක් ආයෝජනය කරලා විශාල ලාභයක් මහ බැංකුවට හොයා ගත්තා. පාඩුවට මම වගකිය යුතුයි නම් ලාබයටත් මම නේ වගකියවන්න වෙන්නේ. මහ බැංකු ඉතිහාසයේ ඇමිරිකානු ඩොලර් 430ක් වැඩිපුර හෙව්වා.

මාධ්‍ය – අපේ ශ්‍රේණියට පහළින් තියෙන තවත් රටවල් තියෙනවද

අජිත් නිවාඩ් කබ්රාල් -තියෙනවා. හදිසියේ කියන එක හොද නැහැ. බලලා කියන්න වෙනවා. මම මහ බැංකු අධීපති කාලයේ ලංකාවේ හිටියේ හොදම ශ්‍රේණියමත් නෙවෙයි. ඒ වුනත් අපිට පුලුවන් වුනා හොද පොලියකට යන්න. ආයෝජකයෝ ලංකාව නැගී එන රටක් විදියටයි දැක්කේ. ඒ අය දන්නවා ශ්‍රේනියවර්ධනය වුනාම හොද ලාභයක් ගන්න පුලුවන් කියලා. ඒක තමයි මහ බැංකු වංචාවෙන් නැති කර ගත්තේ.

අපේ ආර්ථීකයට නිශ්චිතභාවයක් ලබා දෙන්න අපිට හැකිවුනා. මේ මේ දේවල් අපි කරනවා කිව්වාම ආයෝජකයෝ කැමැති වුනා. වසර අවසානයේ මේ මේ දේවල් අපි කළා කිව්වා. අපි ගැන විශ්වාසය වැඩිවුනා. අපි විශෟවාසයකින් වැඩකිරිම හරිම වැදගත්. ඒ විශෟවාසය හරහා අපිට හැකිවුනා රටේ ආර්ථකය යන දිසාව ගැන හොද ප්‍රවණතාවයක් ඇති වුනා.

මාධ්‍ය – අයවැයගැන වෙලද දැන්විම් යනවා. යෝජනා වලට මෙහෙම කිරිම සාධාරණද. තාම සම්මත නැහැනේ.

අජිත් නිවාඩ් කබ්රාල්- මමත් දැක්කා. අයවැය පුස්සක් බව දැනගෙන මාධ්‍ය හරහා ශක්තියක් දෙන්න හදනවා. එන්ටර්ප්‍රයිස් ශ්‍රී ලංකා කියන්නේ සාමාන්‍ය ණය ක්‍රමයක්. සුන්දර නමක් දාලා ණය ක්‍රමයක් හදුන්වා දෙනවා. අපේ මුදල් ඇමැතිගේ ණය යෝජනා ක්‍රම වගේ ණය ක්‍රම බැංකුවල තියෙනවා. ක්‍රෙඩිට් කාර්ඩ්වලින් විතරක් අපේ ජනතාව රුපියල් බිලියන 1300ක් ණය අරන්. මුද්ල ඇමැති එන්ටර්ප්‍රයිස් ශ්‍රී ලංකා කියලා බිලියන 48ක් දෙන්න හදනවා. ඒකෙන් ආර්ථීකයට ශක්තියක් එයි කියලා හිතනවා නම් ඒ අයට කවුරු හරි උපදෙස් දෙන්න වෙනවා.නැත්නම් ඔලුවට එන දේවල් කියනවාද මන්දා. ආර්ථ විද්‍යාව දන්නවා නම් මෙහෙම කියන්නේ නැහැ.

මාධ්‍ය – ජනාධිපතිවරයාත් කිව්වා අරුජ්න මහේන්ද්‍රන් ගෙන්වා ගැනීම ගැන සාකච්ඡා කරනවා කිව්වා. මේ ජනාධීපතිමයි කෝප් වාර්තාව පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කරන්න කලින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවා හැරියේ. පාස්පෝට් තහනම් කලානම් මෙහෙම කියන්න වෙන්නේ නැහැනේ.

අජිත් නිවාඩ් කබ්රාල් – අර්ජුන මහේන්ද්‍රන් චූදිතයෙක් වෙන බව පොඩි ළමයිත් දන්නවා. අගමැ ඇවිත් කිව්වා ඔහු වෙඩින් එකකට යනවා කියලා. බොරු කියලා යන්න ඇරලා ගෙන්න ගන්නවා කියන එක විශ්වාස කරන්න බැහැනේ. විශ්වාස කරන්න නම් මීට පෙර කටයුතු කරපු ආකාරය ගැන බලන්න වෙනවා. අනෙක් දේවල් සම්බන්ධයෙන් මොනතරම් කඩිනම්ද. ගෙන්වා ගන්න අපි මෙහෙම දෙයක් කළා කියලා පෙන්වපු සාක්ෂිය මොකක්ද. මේ කියන්නේ ඔහුට යන්න ඉඩ දුන්න අයමයි.

මාධ්‍ය – ඒ වෙලාවේ අගමැති පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදි සියලුම වගකීම් මම බාරගන්නවා කිව්වා. ජනාධීතිට අවශ්‍ය වුනත් අගමැතිව නතර කරන්න බැහැවගේ පෙන්නේ.

අජිත් නිවාඩ් කබ්රාල් – මටත් පේන්නේ අගමැතිවරයා ජනාධිපති කියන දේවල් තුට්ටුවකටවත් ගණන් ගන්නේ නැති බවයි. අපිට හැමදාම ජනාධිපති කියන කතා සහ හැසිරෙන විදිය දකිනවා.

මාධ්‍ය- අපි දින 51 ආන්ඩුවෙන් මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් පියවරක් ගන්න බැරිවුනා. වෙඩින් එකේ ප්‍රධාන අමුත්තා වුනේත් රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ. මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ ආවත් මොකුත් වෙන්නේ නැහැ කියලා මතයක් තියෙනවා.

අජිත් නිවාඩ් කබ්රාල් – මේක අපිට පැනලා යන්න පුලුවන් දෙයක් නෙවෙයි. ඔප්පු කරන්න පුලුවන් ප්‍රවණතාවක් තියෙනවා. නිතිමය පැත්තෙන් මේ තත්ත්වය විසදෙයි කියලා මම හිතනවා. දැනට කෙරිලා තියෙන දේවල් විශ්වාස කරන්න බැහැ. ඔය වාර්තා මම ගණන් ගන්නේ නැහැ. ලියකියවිලි තියෙන්නේ අවශ්‍ය පුද්ගලයින් රැහැනට හසු නොවන විදියටයි. අනාගත රජයක් තුලින් නිතිය ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙයි කියලා මම විශ්වාස කරනවා.

මාධ්‍ය – මහ බැංකු කතාවට දෙදෙනෙක් බන්ධනාගාර ගත වුනා. ඒ අය ප්‍රාථමික වෙලෙද පොලේ හිටපු අය. ඒ අය සිරගත වෙනවා නම් මහ බැංකුවේ දෙතුන් දෙනෙක්වත් සිරගත වෙන්න වෙනවානේ.

අජිත් නිවාඩ් කබ්රාල් – අනිවාර්යයෙන්ම. ඒ  අය ලන්සු ඉදිරිපත් කලා. ලන්සු බාර ගත්තේ කවුද. ලන්සු භාර දෙන්න අණ දුන්නේ කවුද. ඒවාට මුදල් වෙන් කරලා බැංකු හරහා මුදල් දුන්නේ කවුද. ඒවා කරපු අය ගැන කිසිම හෙවීමක් බැලීමක් නැහැ. ඒ අයගේ වරදත් හොයලා දඩුවම් කරන්න වෙනවා.ලංකා බැංකුවෙන් මිලයන 10ක් දුන්නා. මොකටද දුන්නේ. කවුද දුන්නේ. මේවාට කොමිෂමෙන් උත්තර ලැ‌බෙයි කියලා හිතුවත් ලැබුනේ නැහැ. ඒනිසා නැවතත් උත්තර හොයා ගන්න වෙනවා.

Spencer Eye Hospital gets three more corneas from Sri Lanka for transplants

March 20th, 2019

Courtesy The International News

The Lions of Pakistan (Lions Club Pakistan) on Tuesday handed over three more corneas donated by Sri Lankan Eye Donation Society to the administration of the Spencer Eye Hospital of Lyari for corneal transplants at a ceremony.

The ceremony was attended by Karachi Mayor Wasim Akhtar and Senior Director Health and Medical Services Dr Birbal Genani of the Karachi Metropolitan Corporation (KMC).

Corneal transplants resumed at the Spencer Eye Hospital after 15 years of suspension in February this year when a team of eye surgeons led by Dr Birbal Genani grafted four corneas to patients who had lost their eyes due to disease and accidents.

Today, we have received three more corneas from Sri Lanka, thanks to the Lions of Pakistan, who have helped the KMC to resume corneal grafting at this facility after years of suspension,” Mayor Akhtar said while speaking at the ceremony to receive the corneas from the Lions Club officials at the hospital.

Abukar Karim and Arshad Islam of the Lions Club handed over the three corneas to the hospital administration, vowing that their cooperation with the hospital would continue to help more people regain their eyesight.

Four patients who underwent corneal grafting at the hospital last month were also present on the occasion and thanked both the hospital’s management and the Lions Club for enabling them to see the world again.

Speaking at the ceremony, the mayor said it was a happy day for Karachiites that corneal grafting had been resumed at the Spencer Eye Hospital after 15 years and three more people would be able to regain eyesight tomorrow after four patients who underwent transplant surgery last month.

Lions Club is helping us in improving facilities at this hospital and, in the days to come, this hospital would once again be the best eye hospital in the city and country,” he maintained.

Speaking to media persons on the occasion, the mayor warned that the city could face water issues in the coming summer and urged the provincial government to take up this issue at the earliest before it got worse and went out of the control of authorities.

The people of Karachi are suffering, but the government is not paying any heed to the issues facing the masses. I would urge them to resolve the issues of Karachi, which are hurting everybody in the city,” he added.

Responding to the doctors’ protest at the Abbasi Shaheed Hospital over the non-payment of salaries, he said the KMC was facing an acute shortage of funds and as soon as they got money from the government, they would pay the salaries of the doctors.

Dr Genani said it was a glad moment for the people of Karachi as they were having the corneal transplant facility back at the Spencer’s Eye Hospital free of charge, saying they were now offering state of the art eye surgeries at the institution.

He said the hospital was one of the leading health facilities in the region where people from across Pakistan and even from Afghanistan used to come to avail medical services, but due to negligence it lost its importance and glory in the recent years.

But now we have revived the glory of this hospital by restarting corneal transplants and Phaco surgery. We are providing these services as well as medicines free of charge with the help of philanthropists, but we need government support to make it a world-class facility once again,” he maintained.

Terrorists know they have the upper hand on social media

March 20th, 2019

Sanjana Hattotuwa Courtesy Stuff

Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern says the live streaming of the Christchurch killings is an issue she will take up with Facebook, writes Sanjana Hattotuwa.
GETTY IMAGESPrime Minister Jacinda Ardern says the live streaming of the Christchurch killings is an issue she will take up with Facebook, writes Sanjana Hattotuwa.

OPINION: Coming out of a long meeting, the first I heard of the violence in Christchurch was from those in Sri Lanka who had got breaking news alerts. I was both very disturbed and extremely intrigued.

Terrorism as popular theatre or spectacle is not new, and some academics would argue is a central aim of terrorists, who want their acts recorded and relayed, not redacted or restrained.

The use of social media to promote and incite hate, violence and prejudice is also not new. From ISIS to politicians elected into office through populist, prejudiced campaigns, social media is foundational in contemporary terrorist recruitment and political propaganda.

What events in Christchurch last Friday brought to light was something entirely different, new and very unlikely to be resolved easily or quickly. The killer’s intentional use of the internet will have far-reaching implications, requiring significant, urgent reform around the governance of large social media platforms as well as oversight mechanisms, including regulations, on parent companies.

Though Facebook New Zealand, Google and Twitter all issued statements hours after the attack that they were working with the New Zealand Police to take down content associated with the attack, the content had by then spread far and wide across the web.

The video moved from platform to platform, edited, freeze-framed, downloaded off public streams which risked being taken down and then re-uploaded to private servers, which in turn served up the video to thousands more.

As Washington Post journalist Drew Harwell noted, The New Zealand massacre was live-streamed on Facebook, announced on 8chan, reposted on YouTube, commentated about
on Reddit, and mirrored around the world before the tech companies could even react”.

The challenge is significant because of the scale of the platforms, with billions of users each creating or consuming vast amounts of content every second. Managing the platforms is now largely algorithmic, meaning that only machines can cope with the scale and scope of content produced every second. There are serious limitations to this approach.

Terrorists know and now increasingly exploit it, weaponising the unending global popularity of social media to seed and spread their ideology in ways that no existing form of curtailment, containment or control can remotely compete with. And that’s partly because of the way algorithms tasked with oversight of content are trained, which is entirely opaque.

It is entirely probable that algorithms trained to detect signs of radical Islamic terrorism are incapable of flagging a similar violent ideology or intent promoted in English, anchored to the language and symbolism of white supremacism or fascism.

In March 2018, Facebook’s Chief Technology Officer (CTO) Mike Schroepfer noted that the company was using artificial intelligence (AI) to police its platform, and that it was fairly effective” in distinguishing and removing gore and graphic violence”.

Last Friday’s killings highlight the risible falsity of this claim. Hours after the killings, dozens of videos featuring the same grisly violence as the original live stream were on Facebook.

One had generated 23,000 views an hour, with nearly 240,000 seeing it. Though Facebook notes it blocked 1.5 million videos in the days after the killings from being uploaded, it has tellingly withheld statistics on how many the original live stream reached or why 300,000 related videos were not identified soon after upload, which means they too were viewed – even for a short time – by hundreds of thousands.

And this isn’t the first time graphic, wanton violence has resided on the platform for hours before it was taken down, by which time, the strategic aim and intention of producers has been met.

The use of social media to promote and incite hate, violence and prejudice is also not new, writes Sanjana Hattotuwa.
http://The use of social media to promote and incite hate, violence and prejudice is also not new, writes Sanjana Hattotuwa.

123RFThe use of social media to promote and incite hate, violence and prejudice is also not new, writes Sanjana Hattotuwa.

The problem doesn’t end there. Neal Mohan, YouTube’s Chief Product Officer, is on record saying how Christchurch brought the company’s moderation and oversight to its knees.

It was unable to deal with the tens of thousands of videos spawned across its platform that showed the grisly killings – one every second at its peak. In two unprecedented moves for the company based on the severity of the challenge, his team decided to block search functionality that allows users to search recent uploads and also completely bypass human moderation, trusting even with the possibility of false positives, content possibly linked to the violence in Christchurch flagged by its algorithmic agents.

Mohan has no final fix. The company just has no better way – even in the foreseeable future – to deal with another incident of this nature. Terrorists simply have the upper hand.

The Christchurch killer knew this and used it to his advantage. He won’t be the last. The appeal to internet subcultures, famous personalities, memes, the very choice of music, expressions, gestures and popular references are a new argot of communications intentionally designed to use online cultures as means to amplify and promote violent ideology (called red-pilling).

At the same time, malevolent producers can almost entirely bypass existing controls and checks on the distribution of such material. The scale of social media is the hook, with the inability to oversee and inadequacies around governance, weaponised. Academics call this a wicked problem – a challenge that is so hard that even partial responses to any single aspect or facet increase the levels of complexity, often exponentially.

Generating greater friction around the production, promotion and spread of content is not in the interests of social media companies, who will continue to maintain – not without some merit – that billions of users producing vast amounts of mundane yet popular content daily is what primarily drives research and development. Read: profits.

Not without some irony, Facebook’s Chief Operating Officer Sheryl Sandberg wrote in 2018 a glowing tribute to New Zealand’s Prime Minister in Time magazine’s list of 100 ‘Most Influential People’. After Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern noted that the live streaming of the grisly killings would be an issue she takes up with the company and perhaps mortified that this incident will strengthen calls around more robust regulation in the US, Sandberg had reached out after the violence, though it is unclear with what intent or assurances.

This rough sketch of the context I locate my doctoral studies in masks far greater complexity, anchored to community, culture, context and country. What is true of social media in Sri Lanka, my home and the central focus of my research, doesn’t always hold sway in New Zealand. There are however strange parallels.

Repeated warnings around the weaponisation of Facebook to incite hate and violence, since 2014, went entirely unacknowledged by the company until severe communal riots almost exactly a year ago.

In Myanmar, the company’s platforms were flagged by the United Nations as those that helped produce, normalise and spread violence against Muslims.

Till 2018, the company did little to nothing to address this, despite warnings and ample evidence from local organisations. YouTube’s recommendation engine – the crucial algorithm that presents content that may interest you – has long since and openly been flagged as extremely problematic, beguilingly guiding users towards far-right radicalisation.

The Christchurch killer’s release of a document before his rampage shows an acute understanding of how all this works, by transforming tired conspiracy into highly desirable material through strategic distribution just before an act that serves as the accelerant to infamy.

Alex Stamos, the former Chief Security Officer at Facebook, posted in the aftermath of
Christchurch a sobering reminder of just why this violence goes viral. He notes that the language used, links provided and even excerpts of the violent video broadcast by news media only served to pique interest in the killer’s original document and full video. This is a disturbing information ecology where content produced by terrorists cannot be taken down easily or quickly because the surge of interest generated around discovery and sharing will overwhelm attempts to delete and contain.

If this is the world we now inhabit and by using social media, contribute to cementing, the questions directed at companies and governments may be better directed at ourselves. How many of us searched for the video, and shared it?

How many of us, without having any reason to, searched for, read and shared the killer’s document? If we cannot control our baser instinct, then we become part of the problem.

The terrorists are counting on this, and us, to succeed. We should not let them win.

Sanjana Hattotuwa is a PhD student at the National Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (NCPACS), University of Otago.

Singapore rejects Sri Lankan leader’s allegation on trading scam suspect

March 20th, 2019

Courtesy Mailonline

Former Sri Lanka central bank governor Arjuna Mahendran is wanted by Colombo to face charges related to a $74 million insider trading scandal

Former Sri Lanka central bank governor Arjuna Mahendran is wanted by Colombo to face charges related to a $74 million insider trading scandal

Singapore rejected Wednesday Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena’s allegation it was sheltering a former central bank chief wanted for fraud, saying Colombo failed to provide documents to support its extradition request.

Sirisena on Monday accused Singapore of sheltering Arjuna Mahendran, one of his country’s former central bank chiefs wanted in connection with a high-profile $74 million insider trading scam.

Sirisena said he appealed to Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong in January to return Mahendran, who is believed to be in Singapore, but claimed nothing had been done.

Mahendran, a Singapore national of Sri Lankan origin, was accused in 2015 of passing sensitive information to his bond-dealer son-in-law to make millions.

The pair are accused of manipulating bond auctions in 2015 and 2016, causing losses of over $11 million to the state.

A spokesperson for Singapore’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said authorities in the city-state have been cooperating with their Sri Lankan counterparts on the case since January.

However, Sri Lanka’s request to return Mahendran “lacked certain information required under Singapore´s extradition laws” and the city-state has requested Colombo to provide them, the spokesperson told AFP.

“To date, Singapore has not yet received the requested supporting information and documents,” the spokesperson said.

“We look forward to receiving the requested information from Sri Lanka, so that we can consider the request further in accordance with our laws.”

Singapore can extradite fugitives to declared Commonwealth countries, which include Sri Lanka.

In February last year, Mahendran was named a key suspect in the multi-million dollar bond scam in Sri Lanka. He fled abroad, failing to appear in court to respond to charges.

A damning presidential report into the scandal accused Mahendran of insider trading and recommended the state recover its losses from Mahendran and his son-in-law.

Sri Lanka’s central bank also launched a forensic audit to ascertain the extent of insider trading during Mahendran’s tenure at the bank.

The fallout deepened acrimony between Sirisena and his coalition partner Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, who handpicked Mahendran to head the central bank in 2015.

The pair’s strained relationship collapsed entirely in late 2018, when Sirisena sacked Wickremesinghe, plunging the country into political chaos as both men competed for power.

Wickremesinghe was reappointed after months of limbo when the Supreme Court intervened and ruled that Sirisena had acted outside the constitution by dismissing the prime minister and parliament.

Oman denies it has agreed to invest in Sri Lanka oil refinery project

March 20th, 2019

Courtesy Reuters

NEW DELHI, March 20 (Reuters) – Oman’s oil ministry on Wednesday denied being part of a $3.85 billion plan to build an oil refinery in Sri Lanka, a day after the government in Colombo announced the Arab country’s participation.

Sri Lankan officials told a news conference on Tuesday that a joint venture between the Oman oil ministry and a Singapore investment vehicle owned by India’s Accord Group had agreed to build the 200,000 barrel per day refinery near Chinese-controlled Hambantota port on the island’s south coast.

The ministry was to take a 30 percent stake, the officials said, representing what would be Sri Lanka’s biggest single foreign direct investment.

No one on this side of the panel is aware of this investment in Sri Lanka,” Salim al-Aufi, undersecretary of Oman’s ministry of oil and gas, told a news conference on Wednesday.

It came as news to me, I don’t know who is signing the cheque for $3.8 billion.”

Sri Lankan officials could not be reached for immediate comment on the Oman denial. It was a public holiday in Sri Lanka on Wednesday.

Any big deal in Sri Lanka involving Indian investment will pose a challenge to China, which had until recently been on track to be the dominant foreign investor on the island.

India has become concerned in recent few years about China muscling into Sri Lanka and other countries in a region where India is the traditional power.

China is the biggest buyer of Omani oil, importing about 80 percent of the Middle Eastern nation’s overall crude exports in January, according to an Oman government website.

SL rejects two main proposals by UNHR Chief

March 20th, 2019

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Sri Lanka today rejected UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet’s proposals to establish an Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) in Sri Lanka and calling to implement a detailed and comprehensive strategy for the transitional process with a ‘fixed timeline’.

We all are eager to see results. However, pressing for time bound benchmarks to show quick results on decades old, sensitive and complex issues, is bound for failure,” Foreign minister Tilak Marapana in a statement to the 40th Session of the Human Rights Council said.

Sri Lanka also rejected calls for setting up an international judicial mechanism to probe alleged human rights violations during the final phase of the the war, claiming that non-citizen judges are not allowed according to country’s constitution.

He also said that as a sovereign state, Sri Lanka must set its priorities in addressing the well-being and sustainable peace for her people. Various historical, cultural, and religious sensitivities therefore need to be managed while pursuing the ultimate objective of upholding and protecting human rights.

In developing these transitional justice mechanisms, Sri Lanka does not believe there is justification for the setting up of an Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Sri Lanka,” the minister said.

Full statement:

Mr. President,

Madam High Commissioner/Deputy High Commissioner,
Members of the Council and Delegates to the 40th Session of HRC,
Ladies and Gentlemen.

I am pleased to be at the 40th Session of the HRC to share Sri Lanka’s significant progress on human rights since the last review in 2017. I am joined by my parliamentary colleague Hon. (Dr) Sarath Amunugama, the Governor of the Northern Province Hon (Dr) Suren Raghavan, senior government officials including Foreign Secretary Ravinatha Aryasinha and Deputy Solicitor General Nerin Pulle, and Permanent Representative Ambassador A.L.A. Azeez.

Sri Lanka’s engagement in these Council sessions is in keeping with our government’s vision for a country that embodies the universal values of human rights, justice, rule of law and good governance, while striving to eradicate poverty and ensure economic dividends to all – providing the people a fundamental assurance of security and a sustainable future.

Madam High Commissioner,

At the outset we thank you for the acknowledgement throughout your report of the open, constructive and cooperative approach adopted by the Government of Sri Lanka, towards all stakeholders, both within and outside the country, and with the processes and mechanisms of this Council. Our intention has been to engage comprehensively so that our deep-rooted commitment to achieving reconciliation is made evident. Sri Lanka remains committed to achieving reconciliation and has made steady progress in pursuit of that objective. We have reported to this Council at consecutive sessions on the substantial progress made among others, with regard to civil and political rights, including advances with respect to freedom of expression and assembly, civil society consultation, establishment of a robust right to information framework, the strengthening of independent commissions, including the Human Rights Commission, among others.

You would agree that the post-conflict milieu of each country is unique. There are no two post-conflict situations where similar prescriptive remedies can be applied. We can learn from others’ experiences but our own path to reconciliation will be primarily driven by the domestic context, in which we function. The basic tenet of a Transitional Justice process is the focus on its theoretical principles on State obligations. It is the State that must pursue Truth, Justice, Reparations and Guarantees of Non-Recurrence. Sri Lanka committed to such a process in 2015, and has been taking concrete action since, to move forward on these pillars.

In the area of Truth Seeking, an Office of Missing Persons (OMP) has been established by law and fully operationalised. The Cabinet of Ministers is currently considering draft legislation to establish a Truth and Reconciliation Commission. In the area of Justicereview of cases under the PTA have taken place and trials under the PTA have been expedited, while consultations are ongoing in Parliament to replace the PTA with proposed legislation for Counter Terrorism (CTA) ensuring its conformity to international standards and best practices. As for Reparations, the Office for Reparations Act passed by Parliament in October 2018 has provided for the establishment of an Office of Reparations in terms of the said law and three Commissioners have been recommended for appointment by the Constitutional Council. These institutions are empowered to look into, ascertain, acknowledge and address complaints made to the same. It must be noted that statutory duties performed by such bodies have to accord with a process of fairness and rules of natural justice, in achieving the objectives in respect to which such bodies are established. To ensure Non-recurrence of conflict, we are firmly resolved to fulfilling the agenda on reconciliation.

All these mechanisms and processes have been put in place within a short span. During this period, the Secretariat for Coordinating the Reconciliation Process and the Task Force also undertook a wide-ranging consultation process prior to operationalizing measures.  You would agree Madam High Commissioner that such a consultative approach was essential in order to ensure transparency and ownership of these mechanisms by the people of Sri Lanka.

While noting the contents in paragraphs 10-13 of the OHCHR report Madam High Commissioner, on the political developments of late 2018, it is also recalled that during the period in question, the Supreme Court embarked upon resolving the constitutional issues that had arisen, in an expeditious manner, giving credence to the independence of Sri Lanka’s judiciary. Furthermore, law and order was maintained by the security forces and the police, and the public service conducted itself in an exemplary manner. This clearly demonstrated Sri Lanka’s strong democratic credentials and institutional stability.

In the context of paragraph 15, the institutions already established to take the transitional justice measures forward would require that they adhere to the rule of law, and the results of the work carried out by such institutions should be able to withstand the test of any potential judicial process. Thus, while appreciating the acknowledgment in the report that steps have been taken for institution building, it may be recalled that the benefits arising from the functions of such institutions that accrue to individual rights holders should accord with the principles of natural justice as decisions made in haste compromise on principles of natural justice.

With regard to paragraph 17, contrary to the view that the Government of Sri Lanka has lagged in the actual implementation of the commitments beyond the establishment of coordinating bodies, it must be noted that the OMP has been fully operationalized and the Office for Reparations Act passed by Parliament has provided for the establishment of an Office forReparations in terms of the said law. These institutions are empowered to examine, ascertain, acknowledge and address complaints made to the same, and perform its statutory duties in accordance with a process of fairness and rules of natural justice. Funding for the Office for  Reparations has been allocated in the 2019 National Budget.

In the context of paragraph 19, it may be noted that under the Reparations Act which was passed into law in October 2018, three Commissioners have been recommended for appointment by the Constitutional Council and in the 2019 Budget, the Government has allocated Rs. 500 million to pay a monthly allowance for families of disappeared persons who have received the certificate of absence.

With reference to paragraph 23 of the Report with regard to the discovery of human skeletal remains in Mannar on 29th May 2018, this matter is a case in point for the need to exercise caution in approaching issues of this nature. Contrary to pre-conceived notions, it was scientifically established that the recovered skeletal remains had no nexus to the conflict. Having been facilitated through the Office of Missing Persons (OMP), the test results obtained from a USA laboratory have revealed that the said skeletal remains date back to 1499-1719 AD – a period when Sri Lanka was largely under European colonial rule. This is yet another instance that demonstrates that allegations and mere collection of data should not be pre-judged to cast unjustified aspersions. It also amply demonstrates the need for allegations to always be subject to the due process of investigation in accordance with established legal procedures and not be hastily credited to support unfounded assumptions.

With reference to paragraph 25 of the Report, the amendments suggested by the Supreme Court to the content of the Bill on the Office for Reparations” complies with the basic structure of our Constitution that recognizes a functional separation of powers pertaining to organs of government. The incorporation of amendments suggested by the Supreme Court, considered by the Parliament to make amendments to the Reparation Law, is a mandatory process that ensures the constitutionality of the said law.  Furthermore, contrary to your observation , it may be noted that the proposed amendments suggested by the Supreme Court broadens its applicability to  persons who could seek redress before the Office for Reparations, since complaints that can be received and considered, both individually and collectively by the Office, would no longer be limited to alleged violations of human rights or International Humanitarian Law, but would inter alia in terms of the definition provided in section 27 of the Act, include – persons who have suffered damage as a result of loss of life or damage to their person or property – such damage being in the nature of prolonged and grave damage suffered by individuals groups or communities of people of Sri Lanka.

Madam High Commissioner,

At a time the world is confronted with increasing acts of terrorism and violent extremism, as I stated before this Council last year, the action by the Sri Lankan security forces during the conflict was against a group designated as a terrorist organization by many countries, and not against any community. The  modus operandi of this terrorist group, which for the first time in recent history deliberately targeted civilians, have now been adopted by terrorist groups all over the world. All communities in Sri Lanka were united against terrorism, and now that terrorism has been defeated, all communities are working in unison towards reconciliation and economic progress.

Hence, in the context of paragraph 27 and 29, with reference to criminal accountability, it must be re-stated that Sri Lanka guarantees to all its citizens their rights in accordance with the constitutional and judicial process of Sri Lanka. However, the reference in the said paragraph to the abundant evidence that the ordinary criminal justice system is unable to deal with the nature of the allegations, and the complexity of the crimes is misconceived. On the contrary, the judicial system in Sri Lanka is adequately equipped to deal with complex crimes.. Criminal investigations pertaining to cases referred have been taken congnizance of  by the investigating agencies to be conducted under established legal procedures and are periodically being monitored in terms of the judicial process. Any complex criminal investigation is time consuming. The acknowledgement in paragraph 20 of the report that ‘victim tracing procedures’ require thorough assessments in multiple areas and takes time, is an indicator that establishes the said assertion. It also negates the alleged inability of the Sri Lankan criminal justice system to deal with the nature of allegations and complexity of crimes.

Further, it must be asserted that there are no proven allegations against individuals on war crimes or crimes against humanity in the OISL report of 2015 or in any subsequent official document. It is an injustice to deprive any serving or retired officer of the Sri Lankan security forces or the police their due rights.

There has been persistent and repeated reference in official documents of the OHCHR and this Council to exaggerated numbers as the alleged death toll during the last stages of the conflict. These assertions remain in direct contradiction to independent assessments sent by foreign missions, UN agencies as well as other international organizations, including the ICRC – and  some heavily redacted accounts of which have been presented not only in the House of Lords in the UK on 12 October 2017, citing dispatches by the UK Defence Attaché in Colombo during the last stages of the conflict, but also in writings by academics and journalists which is found in the public domain .

The Government of Sri Lanka believes that it is indeed erroneous that more attention has not been paid to the above mentioned information, by agencies including the OHCHR, which is required to seek the truth.

With reference to paragraph 31, it must be noted that constitutional reform is a continuing process conducted in accordance with the procedures of Parliament, which has moved forward unimpeded notwithstanding other political developments in the country. This process requires addressing all issues relevant to the diverse populace of Sri Lanka and is necessarily embarked upon taking cognizance of the concerns of all stakeholders.

Madam High Commissioner,

With reference to paragraph 32, it may be noted that the draft legislation with regard to the counter terrorism law had inputs from a multiplicity of stakeholders, as well as technical assistance from UN agencies, who were fully engaged in developing the proposed draft to ensure compliance with international norms and best practices. In this exercise, all stakeholders were afforded the opportunity to contest the contents of the proposed Bill before the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka, which was availed of by several parties. Accordingly, the contested sections have received consideration of the Supreme Court and its views on the contents of the Bill are now before the Sectoral Oversight Committee on International Relations in Parliament, where committed discussions have been held, including with civil society. It is also pertinent to note that certain segments of Sri Lanka’s civil society have advocated the repeal of the PTA and non-introduction of any further legislation to deal with terrorism-related issues.  These matters that have been placed before the Oversight Committee of Parliament, have resulted in a further prolonged deliberation process in enacting the CTA.

With reference to the paragraph 35, Sri Lanka appreciates the recognition by the Council of the considerable efforts taken by GOSL in releasing lands held by the security forces.

As I pointed out in the Sri Lanka Parliament on 14th March 2019, I would like to emphasize that the data reflected in the High Commissioner’s report that only 75% of the land held in 2009 by the security forces has been released is at significant variance with the actual numbers.  

–    Of the 71,172.56 acres of State lands held by the Security Forces, since May 2009, 63,257.48 acres have been released, as at 12th March 2019, i.e. a release of 88.87% of land originally held.

–    Of the 28,215.29 acres of the private land held by the Security Forces since May 2009, 26,005.17 acres (92.16%) have been released as at 12th March2019.

These significant figures highlight the utmost priority accorded by the Government to the incremental and expeditious release of lands held by the security forces.

However, the remaining lands, which are a necessity in the context of national security, would continue to be held by the security forces, with compensation being paid in respect of privately owned lands.

I wish to emphasize here that President Maithripala Sirisena’s pledge to complete the release of land and the appointment of a Presidential Task Force on Northern and Eastern Provinces Development through the Gazette Notification (No 2074/11 of 5 June 2018), considerably expedited the process over the past year. This Task Force which meets regularly to monitor and advice on development activities in the two Provinces, includes the Hon. Prime Minister, Cabinet Ministers, Governors of the Northern and Eastern Provinces, Chief Ministers, Chief Secretaries, all Heads of Departments and Members of Parliament representing the Northern and the Eastern Provinces, as well as the Secretaries of the Ministries of Defence, Finance and Foreign Affairs.

With regard to the issue of lack of Infrastructure”, 66,100 houses have been constructed and handed over in the North and East to civilians during the period of 2009 to 2018. In 2019, work commenced, on the construction of 4,750 houses on an owner driven model”.  It is anticipated that this programme would be completed by June 2019. The Hon. Prime Minister has taken keen interest to see to the progress of the development in the North and East. On his recommendation a programme to construct 10,000 houses has commenced.

Other infrastructure development projects that have taken place since 2015 – 2018 are as follows:  

1. Livelihood Assistance        –    23,548 families (Rs. 100,000/- per family)
2. No of domestic common wells     –    1,817 nos.
3. No of Water Connections         –    10,245 families (Rs. 25,000/- per family)
4. Electricity Supply             –    14,374 families
5. Internal Roads             –    254 nos.
6. No of Sanitation facilities                –    14,238 families (Rs.60,000/-  per family)
7. Hospitals/Health Centers         –    56 nos.

The above represent only a few of the many development projects launched by the Government of Sri Lanka for the economic well-being of the people of the Northern and Eastern Provinces.

With reference to the concern raised on the alleged destruction of property before return, it needs to be categorically stated that there is no such government policy. On the contrary, the security forces have dismantled military infrastructure before the handover in the interest of the safety and facilitation for civilians.

It must also be noted, Madam High Commissioner, that the Government of Sri Lanka has no policy of Colonization” of either the Northern Province or Eastern Province, or as a matter of fact, of any province in the country. As regards the contention that land owners are deprived their land by declaring their land as forest cover or as archeological projects, it must be clearly and categorically stated that the Government has not resorted to any such measures. However, it must be born in mind that the protection of forest land and archaeological projects is an obligation cast on any State in accordance with its international obligations that mandate protection and preservation of the environment and of cultural heritage. Furthermore, in identifying the relevant forest land and the cultural heritage, respective provincial administrations are also consulted.

While fully acknowledging the mandate of this Council in the prevention of human rights violations and responding promptly to human rights emergencies around the world, Sri Lanka believes that this Council knows only too well the comparative experiences of countries which have traversed the path of post-conflict transition and reconciliation. These countries have often made deliberate efforts to maintain a careful balance between the speed of the transitional justice process and the desired quality, inclusiveness, comprehensiveness and sustainability of the outcomes. This is particularly true for countries like Sri Lanka, where unlike in certain other post-conflict situations, the challenge is not one of ‘State building’, but of ‘peace building’. The Government of Sri Lanka is committed to finding effective and culturally sensitive and viable practices of healing and social co-existence.

However, the considerable unevenness in the standards of proof applied to the Government of Sri Lanka, compared to those applied to the unsubstantiated allegations made by Sri Lanka’s detractors is problematic and confounding. In this context, the Mannar graves referred to in para 23 of the High Commissioner’s Report and elaborated earlier is a case in point. While this report may have been compiled over several months ago, at the time of its release, a determination on the dating of the remains had already been made based on forensic evidence.  We do not see this important detail included in the report. Moreover, the report presupposes other mass graves might be expected to be found in the future”. An assumption of this nature in a public report, on a matter of this magnitude and seriousness, is not acceptable, and may even cast a doubt as regards other assertions in the report.

Conventional wisdom teaches us that when facts do not fit a theory, the theory has to change. However, conventional wisdom does not seem to be applied to Sri Lanka’s case. It seems that even if the theory is disproved through hard evidence that absolves Sri Lanka, as in the case of the Mannar graves, a matter in which some sceptics sought to implicate the Government of Sri Lanka, such facts are cast aside for further inquiry.

At the same time, as stated earlier, when evidence surfaces, which contests the culpability of the Sri Lankan security forces and police in having deliberately caused civilian casualties during the last phase of the conflict, this evidence is summarily disregarded.

Madam High Commissioner,

In referring to para 68 (C) of the OHCHR Report (A/HRC/40/23), which pertains to the Recommendations to GOSL, to ‘to adopt legislation establishing a hybrid court to investigate allegation of violating and abuses of international law and violations of international humanitarian law’, I wish to make it clear that our position on this matter is as follows’,

The Government of Sri Lanka at the highest political levels, has both publicly and in discussions with the present and former High Commissioner for Human Rights and other interlocutors, explained the constitutional and legal challenges that preclude it from including non-citizens in its judicial processes. It has been explained that if non-citizen judges are to be appointed in such a process, it will not be possible without an amendment to the Constitution by 2/3 of members of the Parliament voting in favour and also the approval of the people at a referendum.

In this backdrop, while countries including the co-sponsors acknowledge these ground realities in conversations, these incongruities should be corrected in letter as well, and Sri Lanka should be encouraged and assisted in finding innovative and viable local mechanisms and processes which incorporates international best practices, particularly at a time when as recently demonstrated our judicial, public service  and defence institutions have shown independence, resilience, robustness and resolve. It is only then, that we will be able to bring closure to these events, which would enjoy the confidence of victims and society at large”, as referred to in the High Commissioner’s Report.  

We all are eager to see results. However, pressing for time bound benchmarks to show quick results on decades old, sensitive and complex issues, is bound for failure. As a sovereign state, Sri Lanka must set its priorities in addressing the well-being and sustainable peace for her people. Various historical, cultural, and religious sensitivities therefore need to be managed while pursuing the ultimate objective of upholding and protecting human rights. Sri Lanka’s engagement and close cooperation with this Council and with all other human rights mechanisms derive indeed from political will and pledges by the Government in 2015 to the people of Sri Lanka, to build the nation’s future guaranteeing equal rights, justice and dignity for all citizens respecting and celebrating the diversity of the nation as a united and prosperous country.

Madam High Commissioner,

In developing these transitional justice mechanisms, Sri Lanka does not believe there is justification for the setting up of an Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Sri Lanka.

This said we welcome the benefit extended by the expertise and support of the UN and OHCHR, and in particular technical assistance from the technical advisers of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion of truth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non-recurrence. We also appreciate the understanding shown and the technical and financial assistance offered by other bilateral and multilateral partners. We would also welcome further capacity building, particularly training for judicial, prosecutorial, and investigation officers, in enhancing specialized skills in their respective areas and further improving the functions and credibility of the ongoing local processes.
The Government of Sri Lanka looks forward to continuing our engagement with the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, UN Human Rights mechanisms and procedures, and working in close cooperation with the international community in our journey towards achieving civil, political as well as socio-economic and cultural rights, and consolidating durable peace and reconciliation for our people.

I thank you.

Co-sponsoring Int’l agreement or not is President’s decision – Wijeyadasa

March 20th, 2019

GAGANI WEERAKOON Courtesy Ceylon Today

President Maithripala Sirisena has not given his consent to co-sponsor the United Nations Human Rights Council Resolution to extend the 2015 Resolution by another two years, Parliament was told today (19).

United National Front Parliamentarian Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe (PC) claimed that it is the President who has the powers to decide as to whether the country should co-sponsor an international agreement or not.

The MP, taking the floor during the Budget debate, said that co-sponsoring 2015 resolution was an ‘unwise act’, adding that he had told Minister Mangala Samaraweera, that the US, the UK and the European Union delegations were not in line with Sri Lanka’s Constitution.

Under the previous administration, MP Sajin Vaas Gunawardena, who oversaw the External Affairs Ministry, was above then External Affairs Minister Professor G.L. Peiris and he was allowed even to exert muscle power against anybody. That was how the previous Government handled the foreign policy. The same happens even today. Foreign Affairs Minister Thilak Marapana or Ministry Secretary Ravinatha Aryasinghe is not aware of most of the decisions. The decisions related to the foreign affairs are taken at the Finance Ministry. Some of those meetings were held at the official residence of the Finance Minister with the participation of his close associates and Non-Governmental Organizations-men. Today, Senior Advisor Mano Tittawela is the one who gives instructions to our Ambassador in Geneva. What authority does he have to decide the country’s foreign policy,” MP Dr. Rajapakshe questioned.

MP Rajapakshe further alleged that Singapore was covering former Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran because of the Free Trade Agreement with Singapore from which it reaped a host of benefits.

Sri Lanka wins record foreign investment in oil project

March 20th, 2019

Courtesy Adaderana

Sri Lanka announced Tuesday that an overseas joint venture had committed $3.85 billion to a new oil refinery – the single largest foreign investment in the country’s history.

The Board of Investment of Sri Lanka said construction would begin this weekend on the refinery and storage facility jointly financed by Oman’s Ministry of Oil and Gas and a Singapore-registered company.

Deputy international trade minister Nalin Bandara said he expected the refinery, which will eventually produce 200,000 barrels a day, to be fully operational within four years.

This is the biggest single foreign investment (in Sri Lanka’s history),” he told reporters in Colombo.
It is more than double the next largest foreign investment – a $1.4 billion land reclamation project next to Colombo port.

Oman will fund 30 percent of the new oil project while Singapore-based Silver Park International, which is majority owned by a business interest in India, will finance the rest.

It is being constructed near the port of Hambantota, which was leased to a Chinese state-owned enterprise in 2017 for 99 years after Sri Lanka was unable to service a loan from Beijing.

The circumstances surrounding China’s acquisition of that port, along one of the world’s busiest shipping lanes, generated concern in neighboring India and beyond over Beijing’s expanding presence in the Indian Ocean.
Bandara said new lines of cash pouring into the region showed foreign investors were not deterred by that experience.

The latest investment shows that companies in other countries too are interested in going to Hambantota,” Bandara said.

Sri Lanka attracted a record $2.37 billion last year in foreign direct investment, up 38 percent compared to the previous year, official figures show.

Several significant proposals were put on ice late last year as Sri Lanka reeled from a constitutional crisis, with rival factions of government claiming the right to rule the country.

Calm was restored after the Supreme Court ruled President Maithripala Sirisena illegally sacked his prime minister and parliament and called snap elections.

Sirisena’s opponents blamed the president for unnerving foreign investors at a time Sri Lanka desperately needs to spur its ailing economy.

Source: AFP

Huawei to introduce 5G in Sri Lanka this year

March 20th, 2019

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Colombo, March 19 (newsin.asia) – China’s global telecommunications giant Huawei, has reiterated its commitment to grow in the Sri Lankan market and introduce the 5G technology this year, the Daily FT reported here Tuesday.Huawei Technologies Lanka CEO Shunli Wang, quoted in local media reports said that Huawei had the potential to grow better in Sri Lanka with the government’s commitment and enterprises zeal to embrace digitization.Huawei, posted a global revenue of 102 billion dollars in 2018, with Sri Lanka being among its main markets.

In recent years it has launched MIMO (multiple input, multiple output) technology for home broadband service via wireless LANs, 3G mobile phone networks, and 4G mobile phone networks, as well as CloudAir, Huawei’s innovations in the field of radio air interfaces.Wang said following commercial success in Sri Lanka, Huawei had rolled out MIMO and CloudAir in other parts of the world including developed markets.Wang further said that in 2019, Huawei would focus on four areas in Sri Lanka.

Firstly, investment in knowledge transfer and human capital development, introduce latest technologies such as 5G, IOT, AI and Cloud to help widespread digital transformation, share and facilitate global expertise for ICT development; and offer Smart City solutions.All of these initiatives will create jobs, improve efficiency, reduce cost for businesses and enhance convenience to people,” Wang said.Whilst Huawei serves 70 percent of the population in Sri Lanka through the solutions and equipment via telecom operators, it helped Sri Lankan telecom carriers to become the first in South Asia to start commercial operations of 4G-LTE services, after introducing 3G in 2006.

Recently, Sri Lanka’s Minister of Digital Infrastructure and Information Technology Ajith P. Perera and Minister of Telecommunication, Foreign Employment and Sports, Harin Fernando had endorsed Huawei and confirmed no security concerns on Huawei or Chinese products being used in Sri Lanka.

‘How can we know the dancer from the dance?’ A comment on the recent dialogue about the anatta doctrine in Buddhism

March 20th, 2019

By Rohana R.Wasala

There was recently an exchange of views published in The Island newspaper between February 22 and March 14, 2019 and here in Lankaweb in the same period concerning the concept of ‘anatta’ in Buddhism (traditionally translated into English as soullessness, no-soul, non-self, etc). One of the most definitive responses, in my view, was from Ven. Bhante Dhammika of Australia (‘myself, yourself, no-self’/The Island, March 8, 2019). He has hinted that he might further elaborate his explanation in the future, which will definitely prove useful for all of us students of Buddhism. Except for Bhante Dhammika, all the others who contributed to this discussion in their own admirable ways, I think, are in the same category (of students of Buddhism).Of course, even learned monks including Bhante Dhammika, in my view, would prefer to describe themselves as students of Buddhism until they are ultimately ‘Awakened’.

Bhante Dhammika’s use of a billiard ball analogy to suggest how, probably, mental energy passes on at the death of a person to be reborn elsewhere would be quite attractive to those who think that the concept of rebirth is indispensable for Buddhism. Science teacher Bodhi Dhanapala from Canada (The Buddha’s ‘Anatta’ doctrine and mathematical thinking’ Lankaweb, March 12, 2019) has a thought provoking thesis relating to the same subject from a mathematical point of view (which I am still trying to grasp as a layman, though). He thinks that the cycle of rebirth in the Buddha’s teaching is a PROCESS or a becoming, and that the Buddha’s focus in his first sermon is the cycle of rebirth within one lifetime, which is SAMSARA; there is no reference to a next birth. This, I think, is not to say that belief in a cycle of deaths and births that goes beyond this life should be rejected. It’s only that such a belief, whether true or false, does not matter to Buddhism. We are dying and being born again all the time; cells in our bodies are replaced everyday and we change physically every moment; we change mentally even faster. The pali term ‘nama rupa’ (Name and Form, or physical and mental energies, as Ven. Dr W. Rahula translates the term – Pl. see below) refers to these two changing phenomena. The process of arising and dying (Samsara) exists whether there is a next life or not. I am among those who are attracted to Bodhi Dhanapala’s opinion. Bhante Dhammika’s view (expressed in the two concluding paragraphs of his article) is uncertain in this regard. Bhante Dhammika’s illustration of the changing nature of the physical identity of a person over time within their lifetime by comparing the current physical image of a grandmother to a childhood photograph of her is an effective way of explaining the illusion of continuity in flux (illusion of a fixed identity or self) that we experience everyday. He draws our attention to the Buddhist teaching’s insistence on the necessity of the experiential ‘realization’ of the ultimate truth as distinct from a mere intellectual grasp of the same.

With the exception of Bhante Dhammika and Bodhi Dhanapala, none tried to spell out their own understanding or interpretation of the term ‘anatta’ precisely or at all; nor did the others try to offer a/the commonly accepted definition of the anatta concept. Of course, this was not an omission on their part. It was probably because the initial focus of the dialogue was not ‘anatta’ itself, but the challenges the idea faced in history and still faces from religio-ideological rivals of what is considered pristine Buddhism.

Incidentally, Ven. Dr Walpola Rahula, an undisputed authority on Buddhism (including both the dominant sects of Theravada and Mahayana) explains Samsara as ‘continuity of existence, cycle of existence’. There is a very good explanation that touches on this subject in Chapter III of his classic treatise on Buddhism ‘What the Buddha Taught’(1959) under the heading The Second Noble Truth: Samudaya: ‘The Arising of Dukkha’.

Dr Asoka Weerakkody (‘Anatta’ – what’s in a name?’/The Island, February 27, 2019) wrote: Buddhism (or preferably, Dhamma) is a uniquely logical form of belief, compared to all others. But anatta is its Achilles’ heel. The basic triad of dhamma, anicca, dukkha is easy enough to comprehend. They are real; you see them and feel them. But anatta in contrast is a metaphysical concept, which does not sit easily with the rest of the concepts”. Logical or illogical mere unquestioning belief or faith has no place in Buddhism.  Bodhi (Awakened or Awakening) through one’s own effort without the help of an external agent is the goal of Buddhism. To talk about a ‘basic triad of dhamma, anicca, dukkha’ that excludes ‘anatta’ is unusual. The actual formula is ‘anicca, dukkha, anatma’. In what sense Dr Weerakkody used ‘dhamma’ here is not clear to me. (The term dhamma is applied in Theravada Buddhism in multiple senses as explained by Dr Walpola Rahula in ‘What the Buddha Taught’: the word has the meanings of ‘Truth, Teaching, righteousness, piety, morality, justice, nature, all things and states conditioned or unconditioned, etc.) Dr Rahula explains nibbana/nirvana as an unconditioned state. In this connection (that is, regarding the term ‘dhamma’), he refers to three verses in the Dhammapada  as ‘extremely important and essential in the Buddha’s teaching’. They are nos 277, 278 and 279. The three verses together enumerate the three characteristics of ‘anicca, dukka, anatta’ (transience, suffering, no-self). These traits are collectively called ‘Tilakkhana’ or the Three Characteristics (of Existence); all three are metaphysical concepts (i.e., philosophical ideas about the nature of reality or what we conventionally take to be reality). The three Dhammapada  verses state in turn: ‘All conditioned things (samkara) are anicca or impermanent’, ‘All conditioned things (samkara) are dukkha or suffering’, but ‘All states (dhamma) are without self or anatta’ (I have here marginally modified Dr Rahula’s English renderings of the opening lines of the three verses without altering their meaning.) He explains why the Buddha said ‘All states (dhamma) are without self’, instead of ‘All conditioned things (samkara) are without self’: That is because the Buddha wanted to categorically deny an unchanging eternal Soul or Atman either within an individual or outside. In order to do this, he replaced ‘samkara’ with ‘dhamma’ in the third verse. The term samkara (or conditioned things) means the Five Aggregates, all conditioned things and states, physical and mental. But ‘dhamma’ includes both conditioned and non-conditioned things, the Absolute, Nirvana; all are without self. So, the Buddha teaches that ‘All dhammas are without Self’, there is no Self, no Atman, not only in the Five Aggregates, but nowhere else too outside them or apart from them”, as Dr Rahula puts it.

The concept of anatta is of pivotal importance to  Buddhism; it is its lynchpin, not its Achilles’ heel.  Dr Rahula explains why anatta should be considered crucial to the Buddha’s teaching and how the anatma doctrine is unique to Buddhism. He also suggests how it distinguishes Buddhism from other religious teachings. This information is found in Chapter VI titled ‘The doctrine of no-soul: Anatta’ in ‘What the Buddha Taught’, where he writes:  

Two ideas are psychologically deep-rooted in man: self protection and self-preservation. For self-protection man has created God, on whom he depends for his own protection, safety and security, just as a child depends on its parent. For self-preservation man has conceived the idea of an immortal Soul or Atman, which will live eternally. In his ignorance, weakness, fear and desire, man needs these two things to console himself. Hence he clings to them deeply and fanatically. ……. …………………  According to Buddhism, our ideas of God and Soul, are false and empty. Though highly developed as theories, they are all the same extremely subtle mental projections, garbed in an intricate  metaphysical and philosophical phraseology. …………….. The Buddha knew this quite well. In fact, he said that his teaching was ‘against the current’ (patisotagami), against man’s selfish desires…..”.

Hence, the anatma doctrine separates the Buddhist teaching from other religious traditions that are based on the concept of Soul or Atman. Professor Carlo Fonseka’s gracefully lighthearted claim that he has formulated the aphorism that the anatta doctrine divides Buddhism from all other religions, and unites all forms of Buddhism” (The Island/February 22) is a well authenticated one.

Finally, a word about the verse line ‘How can we know the dancer from the dance?’ in the title of this essay. It is from Irish poet W.B. Yeats’ poem Among School Children (1926). This poem lends itself to a Buddhist interpretation. It can be read as a meditation on the impermanence, insubstantiality, and unsatisfactoriness of our existence. We know that, by his time, many English and other European intellectuals had long been taking a special interest in Eastern languages, cultures, religions, and philosophies, and had been deeply impressed by what they discovered. Yeats himself was interested  in Indian ‘mysticism’. In Buddhism, however, he came across something very different. Among School Children can be described as a reflection on Tilakkhana or the Three Characteristics (the subject of the three Dhammapada  verses referred to above): anicca, dukkha,and  anatma (impermanence, unsatisfactoriness, and soullessness), the realization of which is the Path to Purity. He relates these to his own sixty year old life and the unrequited love that he had in his youth for a very beautiful woman (Maude Gonne, Irish nationalist and fiery revolutionary). He himself was not bad looking as a young man; he too ‘had pretty plumage once’, he modestly claims. Though Yeats loved the woman passionately, she rejected his four times repeated marriage proposal, before marrying someone else. In the poem, Yeats (then a Senator, ‘a … public man’ at sixty years of age) makes an official visit to an elementary school in Dublin. He is shown around by a nun. Looking upon ‘one child or the other there’ he dreams of the Ledaean  beauty (Maude Gonne) whom he loved in the distant past. Her present image  (‘hollow of cheeks’, lean and haggard) ‘floats into the mind’. Thinking of his own similar decrepit condition, he muses whether a youthful mother, were she to visualize her sixty-year-old son, would think him

A compensation for the pang of his birth,
Or the uncertainty of his setting forth?

(i.e., whether he was worth the pain of bearing him and the anxieties involved in launching him into the world as a separate individual). Youth passes; beauty decays; love doesn’t last. We worship only images of our own making. There is no essence to them. The images that the nuns worship are not different. They also break hearts, because they are insubstantial. They are  products of their imagination, too. What we take to be substantial are only empty images, mere self-born mockers of man’s enterprise” (creations of our own imagination) as Yeats derisively describes them in this philosophical poem.

The four lines at the end of the poem deal with the theme of insubstantiality.

 O chestnut tree, great rooted blossomer,

Are you the leaf, the blossom or the bole?

In the above two lines, the poet addresses an imaginary chestnut tree and asks it what is its true identity, its substance or essence, or its ‘soul’ as it were: is it the leaf, the flower, or the trunk? We know it’s none of these. The name chestnut tree is applied to all of them together as a single living organism that ‘blossoms’. When the constituent parts are taken apart, the chestnut tree disappears, no essence is left. There is nothing by way of any ‘chestnuttreeness’. The metaphor here is from nature.

The last two lines use an image from the human world, that of the dancer. 

O body swayed to music, O brightening glance,

How can we know the dancer from the dance?

 ‘How can we know the dancer from the dance?’ presents another fine illustration of the anatma concept. The dancer is lost in her dancing. She is not conscious of herself during the dance. That is, in her complete absorption in her performance, she’s apparently got rid of even the illusion of  ‘Self’ that she normally experiences in life like all of us. (According to Ven. Rahula, getting absorbed in what one does, without having the consciousness ‘I am doing this’, is real Mindfulness.) As far as the spectators are concerned, the dancer ceases to exist when the dancing stops (you can’t separate the dancer from the dance). Yeats’ dancing figure helps one to make sense of the Buddhist teaching that there is doing, but no doer; there is suffering, but no sufferer, etc. That is, in the case of what we conventionally identify as an individual, suffering is a reality, a truth, but the ‘sufferer’ is an illusion, is non-self.

THE DANGER INHERENT IN CO-SPONSORING YET ANOTHER UNHRC RESOLUTION

March 20th, 2019

DHARSHAN WEERASEKERA, 19TH March 2017 

[Author’s note:  The present paper is part of a much longer paper being reviewed for publication in an international journal.  I am posting it here because of the urgency of the hour, given that the Government is planning on co-sponsoring yet another resolution at the UNHRC, a resolution that will reaffirm Sri Lanka’s commitment to resolution 30/1 of October 2015.  Very briefly, l think the co-sponsorship is a mistake, because it binds Sri Lanka to fulfilling the remaining provisions of resolution 30/1, the most dangerous of which is the recommendation to enact constitutional measures to facilitate a ‘political settlement’ for the problems of the minorities, especially the Tamils (Paragraph 16).  The recommendation in the way it is phrased in resolution 30/1 seems innocuous on the face of it, but can be exploited at a future date by Sri Lanka’s enemies to get the international community to endorse a referendum on secession for the Tamils.  Such a thing would be very useful if a pro-nationalist Government were to take over in Sri Lanka, say, starting in January 2020, and the international community needs a tool with which to destabilize the country and topple such Government.  So, it is crucial that the Sinhalayo prepare for the ‘worst-case’ scenario, namely, the moment a new Government is installed in Sri Lanka, the international community including the Tamil Diaspora starting the drumbeat for an international endorsement for a referendum on secession for the Tamils, claiming that the Government has failed to live up to its ‘commitments’ under the co-sponsored resolution.  If the ‘worse-case’ scenario does not materialize, that’s fine, because then the Sinhalayo will have won.  However, if it does, the Sinhalayo need a plan with which to fight it, and the sooner they start devising one the better.]

One of the key goals of the Constitutional Reformists in Sri Lanka has been to provide a political settlement” to the purported problems of the minorities, especially the Tamils.[1]  The international community especially the UNHRC has also been keen that such a ‘settlement’ be reached.[2]  Paragraph 16 of resolution 30/1 not only calls for a ‘political settlement’ in Sri Lanka, but sets out the Council’s view on what the settlement should be, that is, the form and substance of the settlement.   

In this section, I shall discuss how Paragraph 16 might be exploited by interested parties to do mischief to Sri Lanka, for instance, to encourage, incite or foment separatism or secessionism in the country in order to destabilize the country and thereby make it more amenable to control by outsiders, reminiscent of events in Kosovo and South Sudan. For now, I shall not discuss who might want to do this or why, and the probability or likelihood of it happening. (I shall turn to those issues in the next two sections.)

At the outset, it is necessary to address two crucial legal questions, the answers to which help highlight the advantage that Paragraph 16 gives to interested parties that for whatever reason might wish to destabilize Sri Lanka.  The two questions are:

  1. Does a resolution constitute interference for purposes of Article 2(7) of the U.N. Charter?
  • How is the term matters that fall within the domestic jurisdiction of states,” defined or understood for purposes of Article 2(7)?

I rely on the authoritative book, The Charter of the United Nations:  Commentary and Documents, by Leland M. Goodrich and Edward Hamro (1949) for the answers to these two questions.  The answer to the first question is that, a resolution could constitute interference for purposes of Article 2(7).  For instance, Leland and Goodrich state:

The practice of the United Nations makes it clear, as indeed does the phraseology of Article 2(7), that the word intervention” as used in the paragraph is not to be given a narrow technical interpretation.  While discussion does not amount to intervention, the creation of a commission of inquiry, the making of a recommendation of a procedural or substantive nature, or the taking of a binding decision constitutes intervention under the terms of the paragraph.[3]

A resolution of the U.N. or one of its subsidiary organs contains various recommendations of a procedural or substantive nature—for instance as Paragraph 16 does—that the target of that resolution is expected to carry out.  Therefore, in my view, a resolution would constitute an ‘intervention’ under Article 2(7).

The answer to the second question is that, a matter that falls within the domestic jurisdiction of a state,” is understood as any matter that has not been internationalized in some way or other.  The relevant passage from Goodrich and Hamro is as follows:

The rule of international law that a matter ceases to be within the domestic jurisdiction of a state if its substance is controlled by the provisions of international law, including international agreements, has been accepted [vide Advisory Opinion of the PCIJ in the case of the Nationality Decrees in Tunis and Morocco, PCIJ Publications, Series B.  No. 4][4]

There are two important points in the above that are relevant to Sri Lanka.  First, the form and substance of a political settlement in a country, which under normal circumstances would be up to the citizens of that country to decide and therefore essentially a matter within the domestic jurisdiction of that country, would cease to be so if it is internationalized in some way or the other by being brought under the purview of an international instrument or agreement. 

Second, by necessary inference, if a country were to co-sponsor a resolution, or a impose a resolution on itself, such a resolution would for all practical purposes constitute an agreement” between the country in question and the U.N. organ that ultimately adopts the resolution.  This because, by co-sponsoring, the country is question is voluntarily agreeing to carry out the conditions set out in the resolution.    The picture as to what exactly has happened to Sri Lanka by virtue of Paragraph 16 now becomes clear. 

Under normal circumstances, the UNHRC could not and should not have been able to make recommendations as to the form and substance of a ‘political settlement’ in Sri Lanka.  However, since Sri Lanka co-sponsored resolution 30/1, that bar has now been removed.  Furthermore, since the issue of the ‘political settlement’ is internationalized, the international community can continue to agitate the issue at the UNHRC and other U.N. venues, as long as the original co-sponsored resolution is legally valid. 

Therefore, the protection that Sri Lankans would normally be able to enjoy or claim under Article 2(7) of the U.N. Charter against attempts by the U.N. to intervene in the internal affairs of its members has arguably been removed, in respect of the very important issue of a political settlement” to solve the purported problems of the minorities.  

I shall now turn to the substance of Paragraph 16, and explain how an interested party can exploit it in order to destabilize Sri Lanka.  Admittedly, on the face of it, Paragraph 16 seems quite innocuous.  For instance, a skeptical reader might ask, All that Paragraph 16 seems to be saying is that Sri Lanka should go beyond the 13A  in devolving power to the Provinces, and furthermore, comply with the provisions of the 13A that have already been enacted.  So, what is wrong with that?”

(For those unfamiliar with the 13th Amendment to the Sri Lanka Constitution, it was enacted in 1987 and established a system of Provincial Councils.  Successive governments have avoided implementing two of the 13A’s clauses, the first authorizing a separate police force for each Province, and second giving the Provincial Councils power over State lands.  Whenever one sees a reference to full implementation” of the 13A it is a call to implement the two aforesaid clauses as well.)  

There is nothing wrong with Paragraph 16 if one forgets the lessons of Sri Lanka’s ordeal at the UNHRC over the past few years.  However, if one considers those lessons there is plenty to worry.  Recall that, the key component of the tactic that the U.S. perfected by experimenting with Sri Lanka is to first level a series of allegations against a country, and then, without ever substantiating those allegations, keep passing resolution after resolution in order to get the targeted country to do what the U.S. wants.

The genius of the tactic is that, no matter what the targeted country does to satisfy the terms of a particular resolution, as long as the U.S. and its allies get a majority of UNHRC members to back a vote on a resolution, they decide whether or not to pass yet another resolution against the targeted country, and what extra conditions to impose.  

Therefore, the conditions have now been created for an interested party operating through the UNHRC to dictate the content as well as pace of a political settlement” in Sri Lanka without reference to or independent of the practical realities that either the Sinhalese on the one hand or the Tamils on the other may be facing at any given time in the course of negations to make various concessions, and the merits of their arguments as to those difficulties.

It is reasonable to suppose that, a problem that led to a thirty-year civil war probably involves complexities that are not susceptible of quick solutions.  The various parties to the conflict are sure to have deep-seated prejudices and fears that need to be genuinely and thoroughly addressed if negotiations are to move forward.

I shall digress a moment at this stage to address an important question.  A curious reader might ask, Is there any particular reason for either the Sinhalese or the Tamils, or both, to suspect that the other is negotiating in bad faith?”  I cannot speak for others, but, as a Sinhalese at least from my point of view there certainly is. 

The constraints of time do not permit to dwell on this matter at length, but, I draw the reader’s attention to the following two remarks by R. Sampanthan, the Leader” of the Tamil National Alliance, the Tamil group that is demanding the political settlement.”  He makes these observations in the course of a seminal speech in March 2012 at an Annual Conference of the Illangai Tamil Arasu Kadchchi (ITAK) the political party under which members of the TNA contest elections.  He says:  

The softening of our stance concerning certain issues, and the compromise we show in other issues, are diplomatic strategies to ensure that we do not alienate the international community.  They are not indications that we have abandoned our fundamental objectives….Our expectation for a solution to the ethnic problem of the sovereignty of the Tamil people is based on a political structure outside that of a unitary government, in a united Sri Lanka in which Tamil people have all the powers of government to live with self-respect and dignity….Our acceptance of this position does not mean that we consider the 13th Amendment to be an acceptable solution, nor that, in the event of our right to internal self-determination is continuously denied, we will not claim our right under international law to external self-determination.  It only means that this is the only realistic solution today.’[5]

He also says:

The current practices of the international community may give us an opportunity to achieve, without the loss of life, the soaring aspirations we were unable to achieve by armed struggle.’[6]

To the best of my knowledge, no one from the TNA has publicly objected to or rejected Mr. Sampanthan’s sentiments above, which can be taken as evidence that he is expressing the general views of most members of the TNA.  Three things become clear from Mr. Sampanthan’s sentiments.  First, he is quite forthright in admitting that any concession the TNA is willing to make is only a ruse to placate the international community.  Naturally, a Sinhalese person would have a problem with this. 

Second, on the 13th Amendment, he is saying that his group does not consider the 13A an acceptable solution,” meaning that, even if the Sinhalese agree to implement the 13A completely (as for instance Paragraph 16 recommends) Mr. Sampanthan and his friends might still not be satisfied, and according to him, retain the right to move for external self-determination.”  In other words, no matter what the Sinhalese do to please the TNA, at the end of it they might still ask for a separate State. 

Finally, he is suggesting that his group should exploit the current practices of the international community”—by which he obviously means geopolitics—to gain what they could not gain through force of arms.  Again, a Sinhalese person might be forgiven for having a problem with such a sentiment. 

The following matters are also relevant.  The TNA is generally regarded as having been the political arm of the LTTE.[7]  The LTTE sought to create a separate State encompassing the Northern and Eastern Provinces.  This is exactly the area over which the TNA now wants full internal self-determination.”[8] 

Today, the Northern Province is completely denuded of the Sinhalese and Muslims. In October 1990, the LTTE gave 48 hours notice to the Muslims (the Sinhalese had by then been driven out) to vacate the province on pain of death.[9]  In the Jaffna Peninsula, they were given as little as two hours notice.[10]  But, in the Eastern Province, the three ethnic groups still live side by side in roughly equal proportions.[11]

I leave it to the reader to decide whether, given what happened in the Northern Province, a Sinhalese person would have a legitimate concern as to what might befall the Sinhalese and the Muslims in the East if a group that avowedly shares the soaring aspirations” of the LTTE were to take full control of the area.        

To return, Paragraph 16 permits an interested party, if they can muster enough votes at the UNHRC, to decide a priori what is the best political settlement” in Sri Lanka and the pace at which such settlement” should be pursued, and if at any given time they decide that it is not being pursued in the manner or at the pace they like, regardless of the reasons that the Sri Lankans may give as to why they are having difficulties with negotiations, impose further conditions.

Under the circumstances, just as the series of accountability” resolutions began with a two-paragraph resolution calling on the UNHRC to monitor” the situation in the country, an interested party could obtain a resolution calling on the Council to monitor” the progress of the political settlement,” and in subsequent resolutions ratchet-up the pressure until, claiming that the Government is shirking its responsibilities, adopt a resolution authorizing the Council to intervene in order to bring about the settlement.

In this situation, it is conceivable that an interested party might at some future date move a resolution calling on the Council to endorse a referendum on secession for the Tamils. And if this happens, in my view, it could potentially set up a repeat of the type of events that have transpired in Kosovo and South Sudan.  (I discuss the situations in those countries in Part Eight of this essay.)     

The important point is that, all of this could happen without a consideration of the merits of the arguments that the Government might present as to why the political settlement” has stalled if it has, or rather, in spite of them.   On the other hand, if Sri Lankans had been accorded the protection of Article 2(7) of the U.N. Charter, they would never have had to face this situation to begin with.  So, that is the danger in Paragraph 16.

I shall now turn to the question as to how probable or likely it would be that an interested party will exploit Paragraph 16.  For instance, a skeptical international reader might ask, Is there really an interested party with the means and the motive to do something like this?”  There are at least two:  The U.S. and the U.K.  I shall start with the latter.   

To be continued….


[1] See for instance, Ranil promises radical constitutional reforms to solve ‘national problem,’” Saman Indrajith, The Island, 21st January 2015

[2] See for instance, Report of the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, A/HRC/32/CRP.4, 28th July 2016, www.ohchr.org, paragraphs 8-9; also, Report of the U.N. High Commissioner, A/HRC/34/20, 10th February 2017, www.ohchr.org,  paragraphs 24-26; also Report of the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, A/HRC/37/23, 25th January 2018, www.ohchr.org, paragraph 21    

[3] Leland M. Goodrich and Edward Hamro, Charter of the United Nations:  Commentary and Documents, Stevens and Sons, London, 1949, page 120

[4] Ibid, page 120

[5] ‘Text of Presidential Address of R. Sampanthan at the 14th Annual National Convention of ITAK in Batticaloa,’ www.dbsjayaraj.com, 27 May 2012

[6] Ibid

[7] See for instance, TNA’s response disingenuous, selective and promotes polarization,” Arun Tambimuttu, The Island, 23rd March 2012, www.island.lk

[8] See for instance, TNA-Parliamentary Election Manifesto, 2015, Full Text,” 26th July 2015, www.colombotelegraph.com

[9] See for instance, The Quest for Redemption:  The Story of the Northern Muslims,”  The Final Report of the Citizens’ Commission on the Expulsion of the Muslims from the Northern Province by the LTTE in October 1990, Law and Society Trust, 2011 and 2012, www.lstlanka.org

[10] Ibid, Final Report

[11] The Sinhalese – 23%, Muslims – 37% and the Tamils – 34% (Eastern Province of Sri Lanka,” www.citypopulation.de


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