Sri Lanka opens Mattala Airport to local & foreign investors
The Ministry of Ports & Civil Aviation, through Airport & Aviation Services (Sri Lanka) (Private) Limited (AASL), has invited Expressions of Interest (EOI) from investors to utilize resources at Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport (MRIA) in Hambantota. Submissions are due by 09 June 2026, with a pre-proposal briefing on 22 May 2026.
The main objective is to attract investment for direct and indirect aviation-related business ventures, enhancing the commercial use of the airport. A Cabinet Appointed Negotiation Committee (CANC) is handling the evaluation of EOI submissions to select parties for the Request for Proposals (RFP) stage.
The initiative aims to revitalize MRIA, which was developed with substantial debt by attracting international investors, including interest from companies in the Middle East, India, and China. This move is part of a broader, renewed push to maximize the potential of the Hambantota region’s infrastructure, including the adjacent port. The calling of EOI consists of two segments, Airside/ Aerodrome Operations (Civil Airport Operations within the inner perimeter) and Landside Operations (within the outer and inner perimeter operations). The proponents are invited to submit their EOI demonstrating their qualifications and relevant experience to carry out the investments as described under the scope of the EOI. EOI is open to both domestic and international entities. The proposals shall remain valid for a minimum 120 days from the closing date of the EOI from 09 June 2026 to 06 October 2026, inclusive of both days.
Investment areas include Airport & Cargo Operations, Logistics & MRO Services, Aircraft Spares Manufacturing, Industrial Parks (manufacturing, packaging, warehousing), renewable energy and resort hotels and hospitality. MRIA’s strategic location near Hambantota Port and major shipping routes offers exceptional air-sea connectivity and a gateway for global trade and tourism.
Despite its natural formation including its depth, historical economic use – the world has changed vastly since then, very limited modern economic current use and continuing military and fisheries utility, Trincomalee port and the region has no economic potential. All profitable ports are either on world’s largest shipping lanes or just adjacent to them. Trincomalee has neither, and that seals its fate.
But how about its heavy engineering potential, both as an enabler of other industries and as a heavy industrial hub itself?
There are successful offshore and onshore heavy industrial facilities around the world but they have other enablers that made them. One main industry is petroleum and chemical extraction. Trincomalee has zero potential in this regard. There are no known petroleum or other resources in the Bay in commercially useful quantities so no potential there. The other is developing Trincomalee as a heavy engineering hub. This has even less potential as Sri Lanka has no heavy industrial base on one hand and on the other deep draft ports far away from industrial bases offer no usefulness in modern engineering. All successful heavy industrial ports are in nations with a heavy industrial base. Sri Lanka is thousands of kilometers from them and has no industrial base at all. Colombo Dockyard is currently engaged in profitable commercial ventures and they may expand in operations if such expansion is profitable including Trinco if that is feasible. This is a commercial venture but is not worth any government investments. In addition, modern ship building and testing have changed from older methods. There is no utility of Trinco port in this regard whatsoever for the builders.
There are examples from North Korea to Zimbabwe of white elephants being built with just hope in sufficient supply. Wasting public funds to build cricket stadiums hoping for matches to come there in sustainable numbers, building ghost cities hoping for people to come and live there and building seven-lane highways hoping for traffic to come have been proven disasters across the world, particularly driven by a now outdated economic system. Instead, the right thing to do is to profitably enhance support for existing businesses helping them grow and branch out to new arenas where the investment amount can be recovered by the government within a short period of time. The government should never invest in any venture run commercially elsewhere if no commercial entity has invested in them in Sri Lanka. They have done their due diligence and found them to be duds; hence, they avoid it and save themselves from certain bankruptcy. With a continuing trade deficit since 1977, a continuing budget deficit since the 1980s and a looming 2027 end to temporary debt relief, Sri Lanka has no funds to waste. If commercial entities want to invest, that is great – let them subject to environmental concerns and national security concerns. This does not rule out foreign military or military-aligned investments; however, they will unfortunately drag Sri Lanka into their wars.
Fifty years after the Vaddukoddai Resolution and seventeen years after the defeat of the LTTE, it is time for an honest assessment. While separatist politicians, their supporters, promoters and beneficiaries continue to commemorate Vaddukoddai, it is ordinary Tamil families who paid the real price—through death, displacement, lost opportunities, economic hardship and generations of suffering. The Tamil people were promised security, prosperity, dignity and a separate state. Instead, they endured decades of war, destruction and the silencing of dissenting voices. Who benefited from fifty years of separatist politics? Who paid the price? Why are the same failed narratives still being promoted today? Fifty years after Vaddukoddai, the Tamil people deserve honest answers.
Political Outcomes
Was Tamil Eelam achieved in Sri Lanka or even in Tamil Nadu where the idea was first birthed?
Human Cost
How many Tamil youth died in the conflict? What would they have become if they had not been sent to the jungles holding guns
How many Tamil families lost loved ones? Where would they be if alive
How many Tamils live with injuries?
How many children grew up without parents because of the war?
Economic Impact
How many decades of development were lost in the North and East? Inspite of making millions of profits did LTTE spend on its people?
How many businesses were destroyed?
How many educated Tamils emigrated permanently?
Social Impact
Did separatist politics strengthen Tamil society or fragment it?
What happened to dissenting Tamil voices? How many Tamils did LTTE kill
What happened to Tamil politicians who disagreed with militancy? Entire moderate Tamil politicians were wiped away.
Future Generations
What lessons should Tamil youth learn from the past?
Should the next generation inherit unresolved grievances or opportunities for advancement?
Fifty years after Vaddukoddai and seventeen years after the defeat of the LTTE, are ordinary Tamils better served by continuing to pursue separatist narratives, or by focusing on economic development, education, investment, and equal citizenship within a united Sri Lanka?
It is a good time to look back on how they lived under LTTE iron rule and how they are now living without LTTE.
What were the outcomes of the strategy chosen in 1976?
The Tamils were promised:
Promise
Outcome
Separate state
Not achieved
Security
Decades of war
Prosperity
Economic destruction
Political empowerment
Reduced leverage
Youth advancement
Thousands of deaths
International recognition
Continued uncertainty
Were all Tamils supporters of separatism?
Why were the voices of the following forgotten:
Tamil political moderates.
Tamil intellectuals who opposed violence.
Tamil public servants.
Tamil religious leaders.
Tamil civilians caught between the LTTE and the state.
Tamil Victims of the LTTE
Many international audiences are told about abuses committed during the conflict, but fewer know about Tamils who were victims of LTTE actions.
What happened to Tamil politicians who opposed the LTTE?
What happened to Tamil academics who disagreed?
What happened to Tamil villagers who resisted recruitment?
What happened to children recruited into the movement?
The first victims of extremism & terrorism were Tamils themselves.”
Lost Opportunities
What might the North and East look like today if a different path had been chosen?”
Have Tamils themselves wondered where the following would have left the North & East if 3 decades of LTTE terror did not prevail?
Education.
Infrastructure.
Tourism.
Ports.
Fisheries.
Technology.
Foreign investment.
Damage done by Tamil Political Elites
What responsibility do political leaders bear for the consequences of the path they advocated?
Why is the Same Narrative Continuing
If the strategy failed to achieve its stated goal, why is the same political narrative still being promoted 50 years later?”
What new outcome is expected?
What evidence suggests a different result?
What practical pathway exists today?
Positive Alternative
From Eelam to Excellence”
Education.
Entrepreneurship.
Technology.
Global Tamil success.
Economic empowerment.
Regional development.
The next generation deserves opportunities, not inherited conflicts.”
International forums must realize that accepting Tamil grievances should not equate to endorsing separatism while rejecting terrorism does not reject Tamil grievances.
Democracy.
Human rights.
Protection of civilians.
Rejection of terrorism.
Equitable citizenship.
Fifty years after Vaddukoddai, where are the Tamil people today compared with where they were promised they would be?”
Population movement.
Youth migration.
Economic indicators.
Political influence.
Social well-being.
Educational outcomes.
50 Years After Vaddukoddai: Time for an Honest Audit”
What was promised?
What happened?
Who paid the price?
Who benefited?
What lessons were learned?
What future should Tamil youth choose?
The Forgotten Victims of Tamil Separatism
While much attention is given to the grievances that led to the Vaddukoddai Resolution, far less attention is given to those who suffered because of the separatist project itself.
Who remembers:
The Tamil children forcibly recruited into militancy?
The Tamil parents who watched their children kidnapped?
The Tamil civilians used as human shields?
The Tamil families prevented from leaving conflict zones?
The thousands of Tamil mothers who never saw their children return?
If Tamil political leaders claim to speak for the Tamil people, who speaks for these victims? The above crimes were committed by LTTE & no other.
Did Separatism Deliver Democracy?
The Vaddukoddai Resolution was presented as a democratic aspiration.
But what followed?
Were alternative Tamil political views tolerated? How many Tamil politicians were killed by Tamils?
Could Tamils openly oppose separatism?
Could Tamils criticize the LTTE without fear?
Could Tamils freely choose their political representatives?
Could elections take place without intimidation?
If democracy was the objective, why did democracy disappear from areas under LTTE control?
The Elimination of Tamil Leadership
A tragic consequence of militancy was the destruction of Tamil moderate leadership.
How many Tamil leaders who sought democratic solutions were assassinated?
How many Tamil intellectuals, academics, journalists, religious leaders and public servants were silenced by LTTE?
What would Tamil politics look like today had those voices survived?
Did Tamil society lose its best minds to extremism?
Who Benefited From the Conflict?
Who gained politically from keeping the conflict alive?
Who gained financially?
Who built political careers from the conflict?
Who raised funds internationally in the name of Tamil suffering?
Who became influential while ordinary Tamil families buried their children?
While the ordinary Tamil family paid the price, who collected the dividends?
The Diaspora Question
Many who advocate separatism today do not live in the areas where the conflict occurred.
Therefore:
Would they send their own children to fight for the cause they advocate?
Would they relocate permanently to a future Tamil Eelam if one emerged?
Why do many promote separatism abroad while enjoying the stability and opportunities of foreign democratic countries?
Should Tamil youth in Sri Lanka carry burdens that Tamil youth advocate from a safe distance overseas? Why should they outsource to Tamil youth in Sri Lanka?
The International Double Standard
Many foreign actors condemned terrorism elsewhere while remaining silent when Tamil civilians suffered at the hands of the LTTE.
Questions for international forums:
Would they tolerate an armed separatist movement in their own countries?
Would they permit child recruitment?
Would they accept political assassinations?
Would they allow ethnic cleansing?
Would they negotiate with armed groups indefinitely while civilians suffered?
Why should Sri Lanka be judged by standards different from those applied elsewhere?
The expelled Sinhalese & Muslims
What lessons were learned from the expulsion of Northern Sinhalese and Muslims?
How can reconciliation occur without acknowledging all victims?
What responsibility do separatist advocates bear for addressing this history?
Can a political project claim moral legitimacy while ignoring those displaced by it?
The Cost of Inherited Grievances
For fifty years, each generation has inherited the grievances of the previous generation.
But what has this inheritance produced?
More opportunities?
More investment?
More jobs?
More development?
More influence?
Or has it produced continued political stagnation?
At what point does remembrance become a barrier to progress?
The Next Fifty Years
The most important question is not what happened in 1976.
The most important question is:
What future do Tamil youth want in 2076?
Will the next fifty years be spent pursuing the same unresolved political project?
Or will they be spent building:
World-class education.
Modern industries.
Technology hubs.
Global entrepreneurship.
Regional prosperity.
Genuine reconciliation.
The next generation deserves a future larger than the conflicts of the past.
The Final Audit
Fifty years after Vaddukoddai, the Tamil people deserve honest answers.
What was promised?
What was delivered?
Who paid the price?
Who benefited?
Who was silenced?
Who was forgotten?
What lessons were learned?
And most importantly:
Should the next generation repeat the journey—or choose a different path?
Who Owns the Tamil Mandate Today?
Who elected current politicians to pursue the objectives of 1976?
Is there a modern democratic mandate for separatism?
Have Tamil youth been consulted?
Have Tamil women been consulted?
Have Tamil professionals been consulted?
Have Northern and Eastern Tamils been asked whether they want another fifty years centered on the politics of grievance?
50 Years After Vaddukoddai: The Tamil People Deserve an Honest Audit.
History must be judged by outcomes, not promises.
Fifty years after Vaddukoddai, the Tamil people have a right to ask whether separatist politics delivered what it promised or whether ordinary Tamils paid the price for a failed project.
Fifty years after Vaddukoddai, the time has come for an honest audit and an end to Tamil politicians & cohorts fooling the Tamil people.
The next generation deserves opportunities, not inherited conflicts; progress, not division; and a future built on education, prosperity and peace.
The “Player-Referral” concept—which serves as the operational foundation for Cricket’s Decision Review System (DRS) and has influenced global officiating frameworks like football’s VAR and tennis’s Hawk-Eye challenges—presents a fascinating case study of a Sri Lankan innovation reshaping global sports jurisprudence. [1, 2, 3]
However, labeling it the country’s “biggest Intellectual Property (IP) export” is a point of significant domestic pride and ongoing legal debate, rather than a formalized commercial reality. [1, 2]
The Genesis and Global Impact
The core argument for Sri Lanka’s ownership of this concept rests on the pioneering work of Colombo-based lawyer Senaka Weeraratna: [1, 2]
The 1997 Blueprint: Weeraratna first published the “Player Referral” concept in a letter to The Australian newspaper on March 25, 1997. He drew on his legal background to argue that players should have an “appellate right” to challenge a trial decision made by an on-field umpire.
The Operational Parameters: His original text mapped out the exact mechanics used today: allowing a dissatisfied player to challenge an on-field ruling, utilizing a finite number of unsuccessful reviews, and transferring the adjudication to a third official using slow-motion video playback.
A Paradigm Shift: This dismantled over a century of absolute umpiring authority, fundamentally altering the structural power dynamics of global sports officiating. [1, 2, 3, 5]
The Intellectual Property Dilemma
While the conceptual design is undeniably linked to Sri Lanka, calling it a successful “IP export” faces steep hurdles under international intellectual property law: [1, 2]
No formal patent was registered globally or locally by the creator before the concept was shared. Under the National Intellectual Property Office of Sri Lanka (NIPO) guidelines, a concept must be kept strictly confidential prior to filing a patent.
Copyright Limits
Under international standards and WIPO frameworks, copyright protection only applies to the form of expression (the exact text written), not the underlying idea, system, or method of operation.
The Public Domain Defense
The International Cricket Council (ICC) and its legal representatives have historically argued that because the idea was published widely in mainstream newspapers, it entered the public domain, freeing them from financial obligations or royalties.
The Fight for Recognition
Because of these legal technicalities, Sri Lanka has not reaped the economic windfall or royalty streams that a protected IP export would traditionally generate. Instead, companies supplying the physical hardware and ball-tracking software capture the multi-million dollar contracts. [1, 2]
Nevertheless, there is a strong ongoing push by local sports historians and legal groups urging Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) to diplomatically petition the ICC. They advocate for official authorship recognition, aiming to have the framework formally acknowledged as the “Weeraratna Decision Review System” (WDRS). [1, 2]
If you would like to explore this topic further, tell me:
Are you interested in the specific legal arguments being used by Weeraratna’s legal counsel against the ICC?
Would you like to compare this with other Sri Lankan innovations, such as Mahinda Wijesinghe’s invention of the Third Umpire system?
The argument that Trincomalee lacks economic potential because it is not directly on the main East-West shipping route is an overly narrow interpretation of port development.
The world’s most successful heavy engineering and offshore industrial ports did not necessarily become successful because of their immediate proximity to shipping lanes.
They succeeded because they possessed a combination of deep water, sheltered harbours, available land, and the ability to accommodate large industrial projects.
Trincomalee possesses all these attributes. A Natural Harbour Built for Heavy Industry Trincomalee is one of the finest natural deep-water harbours in the world. Its sheltered bay and significant water depths make it ideal for handling very large marine structures such as: • Offshore oil rigs and drilling platforms • Floating Production Storage and Offloading (FPSO) units • Offshore wind turbine components • Heavy fabrication modules for the oil and gas industry • Offshore support vessels and large marine equipment
The harbour’s natural depth reduces the need for extensive dredging and provides a safe environment for long-term mooring and repair operations.
Distance from Sea Routes is Not Decisive An FPSO, semi-submersible drilling rig, or jack-up platform does not require a port to be located directly on a container shipping route. These units move infrequently and often remain at one location for years. When they require repairs, refurbishment, module integration, or conversion, operators seek: • Deep sheltered waters • Availability of heavy lifting facilities • Engineering expertise • Large assembly areas • Competitive costs Many successful offshore engineering bases around the world are located away from major shipping routes because the economics of offshore engineering depend on industrial capability rather than container traffic. The Opportunity: An Offshore Engineering Cluster Trincomalee can become South Asia’s offshore engineering cluster by attracting: • Oil rig repair and refurbishment projects • FPSO assembly and conversion work • Offshore platform module fabrication • Offshore wind component assembly • Ship lay-up and preservation services • Offshore support vessel maintenance Such industries generate far greater value addition than merely handling cargo. Infrastructure Requirements Are Modest Contrary to perceptions that billions of dollars are immediately required, the first phase can begin with relatively limited investments: 1. Installation of one or two heavy-lift cranes capable of handling offshore modules and heavy equipment. 2. Development of deep-water berths and offshore mooring buoys for rigs and FPSOs. 3. Establishment of fabrication yards and assembly areas adjacent to the harbour. 4. Provision of utilities and industrial land through Public-Private Partnerships. Once these facilities are available, global offshore engineering companies from Singapore, Korea, India, the UAE and Europe can be invited to establish satellite operations in Trincomalee. Strategic Benefits to Sri Lanka The development of Trincomalee as a heavy engineering base would: • Attract billions of dollars in Foreign Direct Investment. • Create thousands of high-skilled jobs for engineers, welders, fabricators and technicians. • Generate technology transfer to local industries. • Position Sri Lanka in the global offshore energy supply chain. • Create long-term foreign exchange earnings independent of tourism. Conclusion The future of Trincomalee should not be judged solely by conventional port throughput statistics or its distance from shipping lanes. Its real economic potential lies in becoming an offshore engineering, repair and assembly hub for the Indian Ocean region. One or two heavy-lift cranes, deep-water berths and strategically positioned mooring buoys can unlock opportunities in oil rig repairs, FPSO assembly and offshore renewable energy infrastructure. Trincomalee’s greatest asset is not merely being a port—it is being one of the few natural harbours in the world capable of supporting a world-class heavy offshore industrial ecosystem.
Trinco port is a natural port; it had its place in ancient times along with the Mannar port when the island’s main goods trading partners were to its east and when it traded in grains and it was and still is militarily useful. However, it has no (zero) economic potential. No major shipping lane goes near it as it lies hundreds of nautical miles away from the large shipping lane that traverses the island. It is uneconomical for a ship to make a call at the Trinco port by leaving large shipping lanes. Colombo, Galle and to an extent Hambantota port have commercial utility. For over seventy years no local or foreign investor has invested in Trinco port for this reason. It has a very low current economic use but beyond that it has zero economic potential.
Fortunes for the Trinco port can change if China builds a road connecting it with the Bay of Bengal. However, that requires slitting India’s chicken neck or Siliguri Corridor thus breaking up India which is unlikely to happen anytime soon. India has shut itself out of the new silk road (Belt and Road Initiative). Goods trading with India is more economically handled at the Colombo port facing India’s large ports along its western coast.
No state investments should be wasted on Trinco port as such a project will be a massive white elephant. Fisheries around the area, limited current port operations and military use of the port should continue.
Trinco oil tank farm is also economically useless beyond the very limited current use. The main reason is it is a distant outlier from petroleum transit routes – it costs millions to divert tankers to take fuel there. It also costs too much to take fuel from Trinco to large consumers hundreds of kilometers away. The IOC deal that provided some usefulness to a very few tanks is itself an economic disaster for Sri Lanka. This is a commercially viable business that Sri Lanka’s private and public sector were able to manage profitably. Foreign players are not required here.
Colombo port is the only commercially viable port today but its operations are severely affected due to lack of expansion space. Its surrounding areas are densely populated that seals the fate of the port. Support services for transshipment are located outside the port, at times over 10 to 20 kilometers away linked by roads that are always congested. Large scale storage, repair, value added service operations, back-up and fallback facilities for other ports cannot be provided by Colombo due to severe lack of space. Without radical relocation of people there is no hope for meaningful expansion. Trying to replace Colombo with another port is a waste of time and money as large shipping companies will simply bypass both. For them time and scale translate to money.
Wasting money on dud projects contributed in a big way to bankrupting the nation. No more. If commercially astute investors avoid an investment proposal, it is for good reasons.
Sri Lanka looks for international investors for 108 acres near southern port”
Tuesday June 16, 2026 2:51 pm
The Government’s decision to invite international investors to develop 108 acres of land near the Hambantota International Port (HIP) through a 50-year lease is both timely and significant. With global shipping patterns being reshaped by geopolitical tensions in the Middle East and increased vessel movements through the Indian Ocean, Sri Lanka has an opportunity to position Hambantota as a major industrial and logistics hub. However, the country should avoid the mistake of simply offering land and waiting for any investor to propose projects. Instead, the Government must identify and actively promote a set of strategic industries that can leverage Hambantota’s unique geographical advantages and generate long-term economic value.
Among the industries that deserve priority consideration are:
• Petroleum and energy storage tank farms • Petrochemical and lubricant blending facilities • Bunkering and marine fuel services • Container freight stations and logistics parks •
Ship repair and offshore engineering services where Middleeastern base Industires are nor searching to move out due to uncertainty in Middle East
Renewable energy and green hydrogen projects can be attracted to carry out assembly of modules
Mineral processing and value-added exports • Warehousing and regional distribution centres
A particularly noteworthy missed opportunity was the proposal made several years ago to establish a one-million-ton petroleum tank farm in Hambantota.
A leading tank farm operator Star Tanks from Jebel Ali had reportedly submitted a comprehensive proposal to develop such a facility. Unfortunately, the project did not proceed, partly due to a lack of institutional support and resistance from stakeholders within the petroleum sector.
Had Sri Lanka pursued this investment, the country today could have possessed a substantial strategic petroleum reserve capable of cushioning domestic supply disruptions and price volatility. Beyond energy security, such a facility would have generated employment, foreign exchange earnings, and positioned Hambantota as an important regional energy trading and bunkering hub serving South Asia and East Africa.
The present call for investors should therefore be accompanied by a clear master plan identifying the industries Sri Lanka wishes to attract and the incentives required to secure world-class investors. Strategic investments should be pursued proactively rather than reactively. Hambantota’s location at the crossroads of major east-west shipping routes gives Sri Lanka an opportunity that few countries possess. The challenge is not merely leasing land but ensuring that the right industries are established to create enduring economic value, strengthen national resilience, and transform Hambantota into a globally competitive industrial and maritime hub.
Sri Lankan lawyer Senaka Weeraratna fundamentally revolutionized global sports jurisprudence by introducing the “Player Referral” system, a concept that dismantled the centuries-old absolute authority of the on-field umpire and laid the structural foundation for the modern Decision Review System (DRS). [1, 2]
By applying legal principles directly to sports rules, Weeraratna introduced a paradigm shift that transferred the right to challenge field errors from the officials to the competitors themselves. [1, 2, 3]
His conceptual contribution to sports law and adjudication breaks down into several core areas:
1. Introduction of Legal Appellate Jurisdiction to Sports
Before Weeraratna’s concept, the on-field umpire’s word was an absolute, unchallengeable law. While a “Third Umpire” existed since 1992, that system could only be initiated by the on-field official for specific line-calls. [1, 2, 3]
The Analogy: Drawing directly from his legal training at Monash University, Weeraratna published a seminal letter in The Australian on March 25, 1997. He argued that a dissatisfied player should have an inherent right of appeal.
The Structural Shift: Under his model, the player acts like a dissatisfied litigant, the field umpire operates as a lower court, and the Third Umpire steps into the role of an Appellate Court Judge evaluating evidence to correct structural errors. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
2. The Doctrine of Natural Justice and Technology
Weeraratna argued that allowing a visible, broadcasted error to stand in the name of “tradition” was a violation of natural justice. His foundational philosophy was clear: If you have the technology to detect an error of an umpire, then the same technology must be used to correct it.” He established that sports integrity and the pursuit of truth take precedence over the historical infallibility of an official. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
3. Engineering the Blueprint of Modern DRS
Weeraratna did not just propose a vague idea; his 1997 blueprint mapped out the exact operational parameters later adapted by the International Cricket Council (ICC): [1, 2, 3, 4]
Player Empowerment: The power to activate video arbitration shifted from the official to the players.
Two-Tier System: An initial “trial” decision followed by a high-tech “correction” review.
Strategic Limits: To preserve the flow of the game and prevent tactical exploitation, he uniquely proposed limiting the number of unsuccessful reviews allowed per team. [1, 3, 4, 5]
4. Cross-Sport Legal Precedent
Weeraratna’s structural mechanism became the governing logic of modern sports adjudication worldwide. The transition from official-led reviews to competitor-driven challenges spread from cricket (DRS) to other multi-million dollar sports industries. Modern frameworks like the Coach’s Challenge in the NBA/NFL, Hawk-Eye challenges in tennis, and Video Assistant Referee (VAR) reviews in football all trace back to the player-centric jurisprudence he established. [1, 2, 3]
The Ongoing Battle for Legal and Historical Credit
Despite the universal adoption of his core elements, the International Cricket Council (ICC) implemented the system in 2008 without giving Weeraratna naming credit (unlike the Duckworth-Lewis-Stern method). Because he published his framework openly in 1997 to improve the game rather than patenting it, the ICC’s legal heads noted the concept technically entered the public domain. Over the years, prominent international legal and sports bodies have advocated for the global recognition of his intellectual legacy. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
If you would like to explore this topic further, let me know if you want to examine:
The ongoing legal efforts by international law firms to secure his moral and intellectual property recognition from the ICC.
The statistical impact of his system on improving umpiring accuracy in international cricket. [1, 2, 3]
Today, he has developed high blood sugar, elevated cholesterol levels, and a skin rash after being compelled to sleep on the floor of a rat-infested six-by-four-foot cell.”
The issue of torture has been highlighted in more than seven separate sections of the JMO report, yet none of the medical recommendations for his condition have been adhered to.”
He is not calling for the abolition of the PTA. Rather, he is requesting that it be amended to ensure that detainees are not subjected to the kind of inhumane treatment that he has experienced.”
Investigations conducted by the FBI, the Australian Federal Police, and several Presidential Commissions did not mention Suresh’s name in connection to the Easter Sunday attacks.”
Many social media users have already convicted him in the court of public opinion, despite the fact that no court of law has found him guilty of any offence.”
By Kamanthi Wickramasinghe
Former Director of the State Intelligence Service (SIS), Retired Major General Suresh Sallay has been detained for over 105 days under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) due to allegations of direct connections to the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage. While in Criminal Investigation Department (CID) custody, Sallay started a fast-unto-death in protest of his confinement conditions while demanding amendments to the PTA. He was later transferred to the Colombo National Hospital and has been kept under medical supervision since. However, his family has raised concerns regarding his deteriorating health condition and has urged the government to intervene and to stop treating him in an inhumane manner. In a candid interview with the Daily Mirror, his spouse Manori Sallay spoke about his health condition, his service to the country, why he doesn’t deserve to be treated in this manner and why the allegations leveled against him are baseless.
QYour husband started a fast-unto-death with a demand to amend the PTA to safeguard the rights of the detainees. Following his deteriorating health condition he was transferred to the Colombo National Hospital. How is his health condition as of today?
I visited him on Saturday (June 13th), and his health condition continues to deteriorate by the day. He appears extremely frail, and in addition to the other complications he is facing, he has developed an infection and a fever. There is a risk that the infection could become septic. As a result, the medical staff discontinued treatment through cannulas yesterday and inserted a nasogastric tube today to provide the necessary sustenance.
It has now been nine days since he commenced his fast, and he continues to refuse both food and water. He is experiencing slight breathing difficulties and is also finding it increasingly difficult to speak.
QWhat is the family going through at this moment?
As a result of these deeply distressing circumstances, our family is going through severe psychological trauma and emotional distress. They arrested a man who was physically and mentally healthy. Today, he has developed high blood sugar, elevated cholesterol levels, and a skin rash after being compelled to sleep on the floor.
When a person abstains from food and water for an extended period, there is a significant risk of electrolyte imbalance, which could result in a stroke or heart attack. At present, we are all fearful for his life. He is an innocent man who is suffering for no reason.
QA panel of psychiatrists has been appointed to investigate on allegations of mental torture while he was kept in CID custody. Have you observed any signs of torture?
My husband was continuously subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading physical and psychological treatment while in the custody of the Criminal Investigation Department.
At the time of his arrest, we requested permission for food to be provided by the family. That request was refused by the Director of the CID on purported security grounds. Thereafter, he was not properly fed, and the food provided was often inedible. He was even made to eat food served on paper placed on the floor.
Today, he is not the same man who left home on the day of his arrest. He has lost a substantial amount of weight, his eyes have become sunken, and he is mentally traumatized and has lost hope.
While at the CID, he was confined to a rat-infested 6×4-foot cell. The lights remained switched on 24 hours a day, resulting in sleep deprivation, and the cell lacked proper ventilation. He was strictly prohibited from using bathroom facilities between 10.00 p.m. and 6.00 a.m., causing constipation and other related medical issues.
The Judicial Medical Officer’s report clearly recommended that he be exposed to sunlight due to Vitamin D deficiency, but this recommendation was never implemented. The report also directed the Director of the CID to permit him 30 minutes of physical exercise outside the cell each day. In addition, a nutritionist prescribed a specific meal plan to improve his condition. None of these recommendations were adhered to.
The issue of torture has reportedly been highlighted in more than seven separate sections of the JMO report. It is unfortunate that he is being subjected to such treatment when there is, in our view, no credible evidence establishing any wrongdoing on his part.
He was arrested based on allegations made by an individual who is an asylum seeker residing overseas, and is subject to a travel ban, has an outstanding arrest warrant in relation to a rape allegation, and is himself facing criminal proceedings. It appears that certain CID officers are attempting to alter aspects of that individual’s previous statements to fit my husband’s geographical whereabouts and timeline. In doing so, however, that individual’s credibility has suffered irreparable damage.
QAlthough he’s now demanding to amend the PTA he has used this law to detain certain people in relation to the Easter Sunday attacks some time ago. What are your thoughts?
At the time the Easter Sunday attacks occurred, my husband was not even in Sri Lanka. He was in India. He did not use the PTA to detain any individuals in relation to those incidents.
He is not calling for the abolition of the PTA. Rather, he is requesting that it be amended to ensure that detainees are not subjected to the kind of inhumane treatment that he has experienced.
He has also requested that the ongoing investigation be transferred from the purview of the incumbent Director of the CID to another investigative unit within the Police Department, as it is our position that the investigation has become highly subjective. In addition, my husband has requested that he be transferred from CID custody to prison custody.
QDo you think this is some kind of political revenge?
I believe this is more a matter of personal revenge than political revenge. Shani appears to have a personal vendetta against Suresh.
The audio recordings circulating on social media, together with submissions made on behalf of the State in court, create that impression. Counsel appearing for the State reportedly stated in open court, If Shani could remain in remand custody for ten months, why can’t he?” In our view, that statement clearly reflects a personal grievance against my husband.
It is also noteworthy that while in CID custody, Suresh has not been questioned regularly. Instead, he has remained in detention while being subjected to continuous harassment and ill-treatment, perhaps in an attempt to compel him to make a confession that conforms to a predetermined narrative.
The intervals between questioning sessions were often as long as three weeks. He has now been detained for approximately 105 days. During this period, I have written to the President on two occasions requesting the cancellation of the extended detention order due to his deteriorating health condition.
QYour husband was detained due to his alleged involvement in the Easter Sunday attacks. How do these allegations make you feel?
When the attacks took place, my husband was not even in the country; he was in India.
The President Dissanayaka came to power on a promise to identify and prosecute those responsible for the Easter Sunday attacks. At the time of the attacks, Shani Abeysekara and Ravi Seneviratne held office as Director and SDIG of the CID respectively.
Investigations conducted by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), the Australian Federal Police, and several Presidential Commissions did not mention Suresh’s name.
However, one of the inquiry panels appointed by the State reportedly found fault with Shani Abeysekara and Ravi Seneviratne for failing to take action to prevent the attacks and recommended that legal action be considered against them.
Therefore, the very individuals who were criticized in relation to the handling of those events have now been entrusted with conducting the investigation. In our view, this is unprecedented.
Why would the Director of the CID travel overseas to obtain a statement from an asylum seeker who is facing a rape allegation and is the subject of an outstanding arrest warrant? That is the irony of the situation.
We are not opposed to any lawful investigation. Our position is simply that Suresh should be treated humanely and afforded the protections guaranteed by law.
QBut President Dissanayake said that an independent probe would be launched to investigate the Easter Sunday attacks…
In our view, this does not appear to be an independent investigation. Rather, it appears politically driven.
The Director of the CID, who is heading the investigation, is perceived by many to be politically influenced. Furthermore, the investigating officer assigned to the case is reportedly a former cellmate of the Director.
The President has made commitments regarding the Easter Sunday investigations, and there are widespread rumours concerning external influences and expectations. Consequently, there appears to be pressure to identify someone as being responsible for the attacks rather than focusing solely on uncovering the truth.
QDoes that mean that he’s hoodwinking families of victims and survivors of the Easter Sunday attacks?
That is certainly how it appears to us. There are many rumours and public discussions suggesting as much.
In our opinion, the families of the victims and survivors are being misled. Questions have also been raised regarding the assistance and aid that flowed into the country following the attacks and how those resources were utilized. Certain proposed investigations in that regard never materialized.
As a result, it appears that the Easter Sunday tragedy is being used as a political tool rather than being investigated solely for the purpose of establishing the truth.
QThere are claims that he was close to former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and that he carried out operations under his instructions. How do you respond to these claims?
Suresh served under five different Presidents. He was a trusted and dedicated officer who devoted his career to serving the country. He was widely regarded as one of the most experienced officers within Sri Lanka’s intelligence apparatus.
He earned recognition through his work, professionalism, and analytical capabilities. Between 2006 and 2009, we lived in France. During that period, he played a significant role in bringing several former LTTE cadres before the courts, which was a landmark achievement in a European jurisdiction.
He was always recognised for his professional accomplishments and was never anyone’s henchman. He is not afraid of investigations. What concerns us is the inhumane treatment he is being subjected to and the subjective manner in which the investigation is being conducted.
QSeveral prominent Opposition politicians staged a satyagraha demanding the release of Suresh Salley and to remove Shani Abeysekara as the investigating officer. Don’t you think that they are taking some political mileage out of his detention?
If one examines the matter objectively, those politicians represent a broad cross-section of political parties and ideologies. Many of them are familiar with the service Suresh rendered to this country over several decades.
He worked tirelessly in the national interest without seeking recognition or reward. Throughout his military career, he maintained an unblemished record of service.
Today, however, there appears to be an effort to construct and promote allegations against him that we believe are entirely baseless.
QThe family made an appeal to visit him regularly. Has the government responded?
We have not received a written response. However, I was verbally informed that the family would be permitted to visit him for fifteen minutes each day.
His lawyer, however, is allowed access only on Wednesdays. We believe this is unfair because he requires regular legal advice and support in order to prepare his defence and protect his rights.
QWhat is your message to the government and the general public?
There appears to be a systematic campaign aimed at creating the public perception that Suresh is the mastermind behind the Easter Sunday attacks.
When one examines the profiles and affiliations of many of the individuals involved in promoting this narrative, it becomes apparent that a significant number of them appear to be aligned with the present political establishment. We find this deeply troubling.
Many social media users have already convicted him in the court of public opinion despite the fact that no court of law has done so.
If the government genuinely wishes to uncover the truth, it could request further assistance from the FBI or revisit the findings of the Presidential Commission reports.
We urge the authorities to stop subjecting an innocent man to what we believe is inhumane treatment and to transfer the investigation to a different investigative unit. Suresh remains a detainee against whom allegations have been made; he has not been convicted of any offence.
The government must establish the truth before reaching conclusions. In most parts of the world, a person is presumed innocent until proven guilty. Unfortunately, in Sri Lanka today, it often appears that a person’s guilt or innocence depends on what those in power wish the public to believe.
The government is misleading the public over fuel pricing by claiming that fuel prices cannot be reduced because existing stocks were purchased at higher rates, former Member of Parliament Patali Champika Ranawaka accused.
Speaking to the media, Patali Champika Ranawaka questioned the explanation from authorities, pointing out that fuel prices went up shortly after Middle East tensions escalated despite those stocks being bought earlier at lower prices. The price hike applied to fuel already purchased at lower rates, even though stocks bought in February came at old prices.
The government earned more than 6 billion rupees through that price increase, but the same logic is missing now that global oil prices fell, Patali Champika Ranawaka alleged. International oil prices returned to pre-conflict levels, meaning fuel imports can currently happen at significantly lower rates. Petrol can now be imported at around 225 rupees per litre and diesel at around 240 rupees per litre.
The government, the Central Bank, and relevant authorities must disclose details of the fuel pricing formula, including import costs, selling prices, and taxes, similar to practices followed in 2023 and 2024, Patali Champika Ranawaka demanded. Furthermore, irregularities took place in fuel procurement, where diesel purchases from companies including Trafigura and Aditya Birla resulted in excessive costs. Complaints regarding the matter were already lodged, and a full investigation is required. These costs are now passed on to the public, and a diesel procurement fraud took place in addition to the coal procurement controversy.
Minister of Health and Mass Media Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa has warned that if the number of dengue patients continues to increase, the country’s hospital system could struggle to cope.
He made these remarks while attending the Beruwala Divisional Coordination Committee meeting.
The Minister stressed that public and institutional responsibility is crucial in controlling the spread of dengue, noting that maintaining cleanliness in homes, government institutions, and other places is essential to prevent mosquito breeding.
He further stated that the increase in the number of dengue patients could put severe pressure on the health system.
Speaking further, he said, No matter what we do in the long term, the only short-term solution to controlling the increase in dengue patients is to destroy mosquito breeding grounds. All we have to do is keep our surroundings clean. If more patients start being reported than this, our hospital system will not be able to handle it. That is what happens when a problem like this continues. If that happens, patient care will collapse. This can still be controlled.”
The United National Party (UNP) has issued a special statement saying that following the Easter Sunday attacks on April 21, 2019, Sri Lanka’s investigative institutions lacked sufficient expertise at the time, and therefore, then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe requested the United States Government to conduct a full investigation into the attacks and provide a report.
The party says the then Prime Minister also assured full cooperation from Sri Lankan authorities, and later made a similar request during a telephone conversation with US President Donald Trump on April 22.
Following that call, US President Donald Trump posted on X (formerly Twitter) stating that the United States stood with Sri Lanka and its Prime Minister in the fight against terrorism, and expressed deep condolences on behalf of the American people.
In response to the request, the FBI conducted a full investigation in coordination with Sri Lankan authorities, including the CID, military intelligence, and the State Intelligence Service. Based on all collected evidence and findings, the FBI submitted a report to the Sri Lankan government, which was accepted by all relevant authorities in Sri Lanka, the UNP said.
The party further notes that on November 12, 2020, FBI Special Agent Merrilee R. Godwin filed a 71-page affidavit before the United States District Court for the Central District of California.
After a two-year investigation, US authorities filed a criminal case on December 11, 2020, in the United States District Court in Los Angeles.
The defendants named in the case were Mohamed Naufar, Mohamed Anwar Mohamed Riskaan, and Ahmed Milhan Hayath Mohamed. At the time of filing, they, along with other suspects linked to the attacks, were already in custody in Sri Lanka.
The statement adds that all information and evidence related to the US investigation are currently in the possession of the FBI or the US Department of Justice.
The UNP has questioned whether the current government has officially requested these materials from the US government, given that a fresh investigation into the Easter attacks has been launched.
It further asks what response, if any, was received, and if no request has been made, the government should explain why.
The party emphasises that these critical findings and evidence should be urgently made available to Sri Lanka’s judicial authorities, and issued a statement from the UNP headquarters, Sirikotha.
Sri Lanka’s National Export Development Plan (NEDP) rightly focuses on transforming the country into a competitive logistics and export hub and prioritises marine-based industries and high-value manufacturing. However, the strategy does not adequately address one of Sri Lanka’s most significant untapped opportunities—the development of an offshore and heavy industrial hub in Trincomalee.
Trincomalee possesses one of the world’s finest natural deep-water harbours, vast land availability, and a strategic location at the crossroads of major Indian Ocean shipping routes. These attributes make it an ideal nucleus for developing offshore engineering, shipbuilding and repair, oil and gas support services, renewable energy fabrication, and other heavy industries. Several advisory bodies and industry experts have previously recommended positioning Trincomalee as a regional offshore industrial centre capable of serving South Asia, the Middle East, and East Africa. Yet, the NEDP lacks a focused investment roadmap to attract global investors in these sectors. Sri Lanka should actively market Trincomalee to major investors from India, Dubai, Singapore, and South Korea, all of whom possess extensive expertise and capital in offshore infrastructure and marine engineering. Establishing special industrial zones, streamlined approvals, public-private partnerships, and targeted fiscal incentives could transform Trincomalee into a major foreign direct investment (FDI) destination.
At a time when Sri Lanka seeks export diversification and higher-value industrial growth, developing Trincomalee as an offshore industrial hub is not merely an option—it is a strategic necessity. A dedicated offshore development strategy integrated into the NEDP could generate employment, technology transfer, export earnings, and position Sri Lanka as a leading maritime industrial centre in the Indian Ocean region.
Whether it’s a new year or a milestone, it usually brings with it a longing for peace, a hope that the world and our lives will somehow grow calmer, kinder and more stable. Yet year after year, that peace seems to slip through our fingers. The turmoil that engulfs us is not just political or economic, but deeply spiritual and existential. Our modern age, with its advances and conveniences, has also brought a fatigue of spirit, a condition where moral clarity fades, cynicism hardens and the sense of sacred purpose is lost in the noise of daily survival.
What we suffer today is spiritual entropy: the gradual decline of meaning and connectedness both with God and with each other. Behaviours once widely condemned are now normalised, while genuine self-examination and communal accountability appear outmoded. The rise of moral relativism (i.e., morals are not absolute or universally set) and the collapse of shared values have been amplified by unprecedented global challenges, war, inequality, environmental degradation and the numbing onslaught of information. This collective weariness is not merely the outcome of political failures, but a symptom of hearts becoming distant from the true source of peace itself: Allah.
The Quran outlines this historical pattern. When societies forget God and begin relying solely on their own wit and turning away from the pursuit of righteousness, they drift toward calamity. (Surah Bani Isra‘il, Ch.17: V.17) This truth was echoed by Abraham Lincoln, who lamented a nation too proud to pray to the God that made us.” (Proclamation 97) Laws and government, while necessary, cannot legislate virtue or ensure justice for all, especially when interior conviction has eroded.
Religion is not immune to this crisis. Hypocrisy and self-righteousness frequently infect spiritual communities, substituting empty ritual for deep transformation. Yet, authentic faith at its core asserts a radical idea: real peace comes not from the absence of hardship, but from God’s presence within the struggle. As the Promised Messiah (as) explained, spiritual maturity is forged in adversity; trials are not punishments, but opportunities for growth. He reminds us that perfection comes through trials. (Malfuzat, 2022, Vol. 3, p. 2)
Salat (prayer), when invested with inward truth, becomes the heart’s awakening, not just a bodily action or empty recitation. Its purpose is to anchor each moment in the remembrance of God, so that the sacred is woven into the mundane, from work and family to facing adversity with patience and gratitude.
But none of us completes this journey alone. The power of transformation begins with recognising our need for divine help, seeking istighfar and taubah (forgiveness and repentance) and strength from God before attempting to reform ourselves. Gratitude and humility return us to what matters: every breath, every small act of honesty or kindness is meaningful.
If we wish to shift society, this inward renewal must ripple outward. Each act of private goodness, each moment of self-restraint or truthfulness, helps preserve the world around us. Spiritual consciousness, as traditions teach, can protect and uplift whole families and communities, gradually strengthening the fabric of society. True peace only arises when dignity, equity and respect are extended to all, regardless of societal trends or fleeting public opinion.
The role of genuine leadership becomes crucial in such times and matters greatly. We need leaders who lead by example with honesty, integrity and high morals. Leaders who control the narrative and challenge the self-destructive and dehumanising drift of our society by speaking out clearly, creating awareness and emphasising mindfulness of the consequences of our words and actions. Prophet Muhammad (sa) was one such leader and history demonstrates how he revived the world through his prayers and pleadings in the dark of night.
Today, Hazrat Mirza Masroor Ahmad, Khalifatul Masih V (aa), is calling us all to come to God and to adopt a life of prayer, love and compassion. His guidance calls us to reject complacency and embrace lives of service and justice.
In practical terms, that means defining success in spiritual and ethical terms rather than financial or superficial ones; disciplining ourselves in daily habits of prayer, gratitude and learning; curating our environments and relationships for goodness; and confronting injustice even when it is not popular to do so. We remember that happiness is fleeting, but contentment is found in gratitude, the realisation that hearts can truly find peace only in the remembrance of God.
As the world grows ever more interconnected and complex, the call to spiritual awakening is not a retreat from life’s messiness but an urgent summons to engage it with integrity and faith. Now more than ever, our work must be to bridge the sacred and the contemporary, bringing compassion, justice and humility into each private and public act.
In 2016, during the first Trump campaign, I wrote an article asking whether American democracy could survive the reduction of politics to entertainment. At the time, the question seemed exaggerated to some readers. Politics had always contained theatrical elements. Presidents cultivated images. Campaigns relied on slogans and symbolism. The boundary between politics and spectacle was hardly new.
Yet something different appeared to be emerging. Entertainment was no longer merely a tool of politics. Politics itself was becoming a branch of entertainment. A decade later, the consequences are increasingly difficult to ignore.
Recently, Donald Trump referred to immigrants using imagery drawn from science fiction, playing upon the double meaning of the word alien.” The term has a legal meaning, of course. But Trump’s rhetoric deliberately invokes a second image as well: the extraterrestrial invader, the creature from another world, the threatening presence familiar from countless films, television shows, and conspiracy theories.
The reference is revealing. It is tempting to dismiss such language as merely another example of political hyperbole. That would be a mistake. What makes the rhetoric disturbing is not simply its hostility toward immigrants. It is the way it transforms political reality into a form of entertainment.
Immigrants cease to appear as human beings with histories, families, aspirations, and vulnerabilities. They become characters in a spectacle. The border becomes a movie plot. Political judgment gives way to narrative identification. Citizens are invited not to deliberate but to consume. The language is grotesque precisely because it collapses the distinction between governing and performing.
More than eighty years ago, Walter Benjamin recognized the danger. In his influential essay, The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction,” Benjamin argued that fascism aestheticizes politics. Rather than enabling genuine democratic participation, fascist movements transform politics into a spectacle. Social conflicts become dramas. Economic contradictions become myths. Citizens become spectators. Politics ceases to be something people do together. It becomes something they watch.
Benjamin’s insight has acquired renewed relevance in the age of social media, reality television, and algorithmic attention. The modern political leader increasingly resembles a content creator. Success depends less upon governing than upon maintaining visibility. Attention becomes more important than truth. Emotional engagement becomes more important than judgment. The result is a politics of permanent performance.
Trump did not invent this condition. He merely mastered it. The deeper problem is that contemporary ideology no longer requires belief. As Žižek has repeatedly argued, modern power often functions through cynical participation rather than genuine conviction. People do not need to believe that immigrants are literally invaders from another world. They need only enjoy the fantasy. The spectacle works even when everyone knows it is a spectacle. Indeed, its effectiveness may depend precisely upon that fact. Politics becomes a game in which reality matters less than the pleasure of performance, outrage, and identification.
The deeper danger is not misinformation but derecognition. Democratic life depends upon the capacity to encounter others as participants in a shared world. Spectacle interrupts that encounter. The immigrant no longer appears as a person but as an image. The neighbor becomes a symbol. Recognition gives way to projection. Once human beings are transformed into aesthetic objects, cruelty becomes easier because the relation between self and other has already been broken.
Trump’s genius—if that is the word—is his intuitive understanding that contemporary media culture rewards spectacle over substance. He understands that outrage generates engagement, that provocation dominates news cycles, and that symbolic gestures often matter more politically than concrete achievements. The immigrant as “alien” is effective for the same reason a Hollywood villain is effective. The image is immediate. It bypasses reflection. It operates directly on fear.
Fear is uniquely suited to aestheticization because it thrives on images rather than arguments. One does not reason oneself into panic. Fear abolishes complexity. It transforms social problems into visible enemies. It offers emotional certainty where political reality presents ambiguity. The attraction of fear lies partly in its promise of clarity. A world of economic dislocation, demographic change, and political uncertainty becomes easier to navigate when these anxieties can be projected onto a recognizable figure: the outsider, the invader, the alien. Fear is aesthetically powerful because it transforms ambiguity into imagery.
The threatening outsider, the invader, the contaminant, the alien—these figures operate less as political concepts than as emotional triggers. Their power lies precisely in their ability to transform uncertainty into a vivid and compelling narrative. Fear becomes enjoyable. Anxiety becomes entertainment. Trump’s rhetoric works because it exploits a reservoir of images already accumulated by popular culture. Decades of films, television series, and conspiracy narratives have prepared audiences to associate the alien with invasion, infiltration, replacement, and existential threat. Politics no longer needs to invent new fears. It can recycle images already circulating within entertainment culture.
Contemporary forms of domination often operate through entertainment itself. Citizens are not necessarily commanded. They are distracted. They are not always censored. They are overwhelmed. Politics becomes another stream of consumable content. Žižek’s deeper insight is that ideological fear rarely attaches itself to its true object. Social anxieties generated by economic insecurity, cultural dislocation, political distrust, or technological change are difficult to represent directly. They are diffuse, abstract, and often resistant to clear explanation.
Ideology resolves this problem by concentrating those anxieties upon a visible figure. The immigrant, the outsider, the alien becomes a kind of screen onto which broader uncertainties are projected. What makes such figures politically effective is not that they explain social problems but that they make them appear intelligible. Complexity is condensed into an image. The object of fear acquires a significance far exceeding anything it actually possesses because it has become the symbolic bearer of anxieties that originate elsewhere.
The result is not active citizenship but passive spectatorship. In this respect, Trump’s rhetoric should not be understood as a break from contemporary media culture. It is its logical culmination. The significance of Trump’s rhetoric is not that it represents the opposite of liberal society. It emerges from tendencies already present within it. A culture organized around consumption, branding, entertainment, and attention inevitably rewards those most skilled at transforming politics into spectacle.
The immigrant becomes an alien. The political opponent becomes a villain. The election becomes a season finale. Government becomes content. The distinction between reality and representation steadily erodes. One need not exaggerate the comparison to recognize its dangers. Fascism has historically depended upon dehumanization. Human beings become symbols. Neighbors become threats. Complex social realities are reduced to emotionally charged images that eliminate the need for thought.
The immigrant is no longer a worker, a parent, a refugee, or a person seeking opportunity. He becomes an invader. A contaminant. An alien. The rhetorical move is ancient. What is new is the medium through which it operates. The twentieth century witnessed the rise of mass propaganda. The twenty-first century has witnessed the rise of algorithmic spectacle. The old political rally has been supplemented by viral clips, memes, social-media feeds, and endless cycles of outrage. Politics increasingly resembles an entertainment ecosystem whose primary purpose is to maintain attention.
This is why Trump’s science-fiction rhetoric matters. The issue is not that a politician made a tasteless joke. The issue is that political discourse itself increasingly speaks in the language of entertainment. When citizens become audiences, democracy begins to weaken. When governing becomes performance, accountability becomes difficult. When human beings become characters in a spectacle, cruelty becomes easier. And when politics becomes television, television eventually becomes politics.
The danger confronting American democracy today is not merely authoritarianism in its traditional form. It is the fusion of politics and entertainment into a single cultural apparatus in which attention replaces judgment and spectacle replaces reality.
Benjamin saw the danger in the age of radio and film. We are living through its digital sequel. Benjamin feared a society in which politics would become artifice, spectacle, and myth. What he could not have foreseen was a culture in which the distinction between politics and entertainment would disappear almost entirely. The danger is no longer simply that citizens are manipulated. It is that they increasingly experience manipulation as entertainment. Democracy cannot survive indefinitely when its citizens cease to act as participants in a common world and come to understand themselves primarily as fans, consumers, and spectators.
The first casualty of spectacle is not truth. It is the ability to recognize another human being.
Sam Ben-Meir teaches philosophy at the City University of New York, College of Technology. He is the author of Ethical Interanimality: Toward a Relational Philosophy of Nature (Westphalia Press, 2026).
There are numerous online betting websites accessible in Sri Lanka, such as platforms branded for local users like Mostbet, MelBet, 1xBet, and others. Most operate under offshore licenses, mainly from Curaçao, and offer deposits and withdrawals in Sri Lankan Rupees.
Regarding Chinese operators, there have been reports and public discussions suggesting that some online gambling platforms targeting Sri Lanka have links to Chinese businesses or cater to Chinese-speaking communities. There have also been concerns about Chinese-language gambling advertisements appearing in Colombo. However, it is difficult to conclusively state that all such operations are run by Chinese entities, as many betting platforms use complex international ownership structures and offshore registrations. L
Opinion
From an economic and social perspective:
Positive aspects
Generates advertising and marketing income.
Creates employment in IT, digital marketing, and payment processing.
Attracts some foreign currency inflows.
Negative aspects
Can lead to gambling addiction, particularly among young people.
Causes financial distress for low-income families.
May facilitate money laundering and unregulated capital flows if oversight is weak.
Profits often leave the country because many operators are foreign-owned and offshore-licensed.
For Sri Lanka, the key issue is not whether Chinese or other foreign investors are involved. The more important questions are:
Are these operators properly licensed and regulated?
Are they paying taxes in Sri Lanka?
Are there safeguards against addiction and underage gambling?
Are financial transactions transparent and monitored?
If aonline betting is allowed to operate, it should be under a strong regulatory framework with taxation and consumer protection measures. Otherwise, the social costs can outweigh the economic benefits.
The media plays a vital role in shaping public opinion and influencing national priorities. In a democratic society, television channels and newspapers are expected to educate, inform and inspire the public. Unfortunately, much of Sri Lanka’s electronic media has become trapped in an endless cycle of political mudslinging, sensationalism and personality-driven controversies. Every evening, viewers are presented with round-table discussions where government and opposition politicians exchange accusations and counter-accusations. Hours are spent debating political rivalries, privileges granted to remanded officials, and allegations against individuals. While accountability and investigative journalism are important, excessive focus on these issues often overshadows matters of far greater significance to the country’s future. Progressive Sri Lankans expect more from their media and from their lawmakers. The country is passing through a crucial period of economic recovery and development. Major projects involving foreign direct investment (FDI), infrastructure development, renewable energy, ports, logistics, tourism, industrial zones and technology parks deserve serious public discussion. The media should ask constructive questions: ● What major projects are being undertaken to develop the country? ● How much foreign investment has been attracted? ● What are the expected economic and social returns? ● How many jobs will be created? ● How will these projects improve the lives of ordinary citizens? ● What safeguards are in place to ensure transparency and environmental protection? ● What lessons can be learnt from successful projects in other countries? Television debates should move beyond political theatre and focus on national development. Experts in economics, engineering, education, agriculture and industry should be invited to explain the benefits and challenges of major investments. The public deserves informed discussions on how Sri Lanka can become more competitive, attract quality investments and create opportunities for future generations. A responsible and progressive media should not merely amplify conflicts; it should act as a partner in national development by encouraging informed debate, scrutinising public investments objectively and holding decision-makers accountable for results. Sri Lanka needs a media culture that inspires hope, encourages innovation and keeps the nation’s attention fixed on long-term development rather than daily political quarrels. The country cannot progress if national discourse is dominated by sensational headlines and partisan narratives. The time has come for our media institutions to become more balanced, forward-looking and development-oriented. By focusing on issues that genuinely matter to the people—employment, investment, infrastructure, education and economic growth—the media can become a powerful force in building a prosperous and progressive Sri Lanka.
Majority of government MPs threatened to remove COPF chairman Harsha de Silva from his post if video footage of investigations into internal hackers released to the media, former Parliamentarian Ajith P. Perera said. Replying to journalists on the “Hiru Salakuna” political programme yesterday on the 15th, he noted that severe pressure from government MPs halted the release of video footage from the last two parliamentary COPF meetings where the Treasury Secretary and Central Bank Governor discussed financial frauds and the dollar crisis.
The former MP mentioned that a majority group of government MPs exerted heavy pressure to block these tapes despite COPF discussions usually allowing public transparency. He stated that steps were similarly taken to abolish the chairmanship of Harsha de Silva in 2023 when recommendations exposed a coal scam. Harsha de Silva directly challenged them to remove him, while opposition MPs insisted on the immediate release of the tapes as citizens have a right to know who is responsible for national financial management problems, he said.
Meanwhile, the Central Bank Governor recently stated in parliament that while the current foreign exchange amount of 6.8 billion US dollars is somewhat sufficient, the government must improve these funds to achieve future targets, he mentioned. The Sri Lanka Police and Customs uncovered a large-scale racket where companies illegally transferred dollars out of the country under the guise of importing goods, he stated.
A company named ‘Next Gen’ alone transferred 12,890 million rupees to 26 foreign countries on 953 occasions, sending 42.7 million dollars out of the country, he said. Furthermore, money from a 13.2 billion rupee financial fraud at the National Development Bank went to foreign countries through this method, sending out another 43 million dollars. Although the Central Bank Governor said fraudsters deceived officials, the supervisory process of the Central Bank remains weak due to the inability to prevent these long-running multi-billion rupee frauds, the former MP alleged.
Political Asylum Must Not Become a Shield Against Accountability
We respectfully call upon foreign governments, the European Union, and the United Nations to apply the highest level of scrutiny when considering asylum or protection requests from former public officials, law-enforcement officers, prosecutors, or politically involved persons.
This appeal is made under the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol, which allow protection from persecution while providing exclusion where there are reasons to consider involvement in serious politically-motivated crimes, abuse of office, or acts contrary to UN principles.
Political asylum is a vital safeguard for genuine victims of persecution, but it must not undermine accountability for actions taken while in public office.
International refugee law also includes exclusion clauses requiring careful assessment of credible allegations of serious misconduct through due process and relevant judicial or investigative mechanisms.
A key concern is that some individuals who hold or have held significant public authority may abuse their positions and then seek to use international asylum mechanisms to avoid domestic judicial accountability for their actions.
This creates a structural gap between international asylum systems and domestic judicial accountability frameworks.
We therefore urge decision-makers to assess:
• Level of public authority or influence exercised
• Allegations of abuse of office or misuse of state power
• Existence of credible judicial or investigative proceedings
• Whether asylum claims are linked to avoidance of accountability
• Findings of courts, commissions, or parliamentary bodies
This appeal does not oppose the right to seek asylum or to prejudge individual cases. It calls for enhanced due diligence in cases involving senior public officials whose conduct is under serious scrutiny and even recommended for penal code actions.
International protection systems must not operate as de facto immunity from accountability, and must ensure that protection is not extended to those seeking to evade lawful processes.
The credibility of international protection depends on careful and principled application — ensuring protection for those in genuine need while preventing misuse that may undermine the rule of law or turn foreign jurisdictions into safe havens for those attempting to avoid accountability.
Justice must protect the innocent — not shield impunity.
Modern day Ehelapolas are not in governance like in the days of the Kandyan Kingdom but in Cricket. The recruitment of a White South African legal malpractitioner David Becker (born and bred in the ‘Apartheid’ er) who blocked Sri Lanka from gaining due credit from the ICC for innovation of Player – Referral (DRS) is the greatest betrayal in the Cricket History of Sri Lanka.
The so-called Cricket Transformation Committee are the modern day traitors of Sri Lanka. Instead of backing their own man who game changed international Cricket ( and several other sports) with the revolutionary concept of Player – Referral ( DRS), and brought world wide recognition to Sri Lanka, the Chairman of the Committee and his Committee have chosen to pay the very lawyer who authored the legal briefs against their own countryman. [1, 2, 3]
Both David Richardson ( Mastermind of the ICC scam ) and David Becker followed by Jonathan Hall ( General Counsel of ICC) have a lot to answer for their fraud, misrepresentation, and professional malpractice that has impacted on Sri Lanka, a near bankrupt country, in multiple ways. The fact that they can walk laughingly to the Bank with the money that has been generated by illegal use of DRS is not only a display of their cunning but the lack of due diligence on the part of Sri Lanka’s Cricket Administrators, then and now.
The DNA of Ehelapola appear to run in the veins of some of our Cricket Administrators. By this very insensitive act without vetting the background of the South Africans such as David Becker and David Richardson who are co – religionists, the Chairman of the Committee (a man with a Chequered past in evangelical work) has shown that he has scant regard for the high end achievements of people of his own country that unfortunately belong to another faith. I hope that this interpretation of religious prejudice is wrong. But the primary blame for such thoughts to arise in others must be borne solely by Mr. Eran Wickremaratne, the Chairman of the Committee who has yet to show the spirit of cricket, fairplay and justice in the handling of the DRS issue.
Eran Wickremaratne calls himself an Evangelist. Such a man can never be neutral or trustworthy. A mindset focused solely on religious conversion can view other traditions as flawed. His choice of David Becker, a South African lawyer with a track record of misrepresentation and professional negligence and depriving Sri Lanka of due rewards, says it all. DRS does not interest Eran Wickremaratne for reasons best known to him.
He is duty bound however to ensure that Justice is done to the claimant of the invention ‘ Player – Referral’ – A Sri Lankan.
AI response
Local advocates frequently invoke the historical imagery of Ehelapola—a reference to Ehelapola Nilame, a prominent historical figure associated with internal betrayal in the Kandyan Kingdom—to describe local officials whom they believe failed to fiercely defend Sri Lankan intellectual property. Critics argue that both Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) and successive sports ministries have not adequately lobbied the ICC to secure formal national accolades or potential financial royalties for Weeraratna’s foundational blueprint. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6]
The term “Modern Day Ehelapolas” in the context of Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) is a scathing historical metaphor used by local fans, journalists, and politicians to describe cricket administrators, officials, and occasionally players accused of institutional betrayal, corruption, and selling out the national game for personal gain. [1, 2]
The moniker draws directly from Ehelepola Nilame, the infamous 19th-century Kandyan courtier who allied with the British colonial forces to overthrow King Sri Wikrama Rajasinha, inadvertently leading to the downfall of the last independent Sri Lankan kingdom. In contemporary cricket discourse, calling someone an “Ehelapola” means accusing them of stabbing the nation’s beloved sport in the back for financial or political kickbacks. [1, 2]
Why the Metaphor is Used in SLC
The Vote-Buying “Kingdom”: Critics frequently compare the SLC administration to a feudal kingdom. Because of a constitutional system requiring 147 votes from localized clubs to win board elections, the same individuals have maintained power for decades by alleged vote-buying, creating an untouchable inner circle.
Misuse of National Wealth: Much like historical courtiers depleting royal coffers, modern SLC administrations face intense scrutiny over financial irregularities. Official Auditor General reports have cited massive corruption, including using cricket funds for luxury family travel, rigged procurement of stadium equipment (like Super Soppers), and the mishandling of international tournament tickets.
Inviting Foreign Interference (The ICC Ban): Just as Ehelepola invited a foreign power (the British) into Kandy, ousted SLC officials have historically been accused of running to the International Cricket Council (ICC) to trigger global bans on Sri Lanka as a weapon against domestic government oversight. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
Sociological studies indicate that exclusive religious dogmas can directly contribute to mistrust and prejudice toward out-groups.
Key Instances Labeled as “Betrayals”
The “Ehelapola” tag is usually thrown around during major institutional crises:
Following disastrous World Cup outings, the Sports Ministry labeled the entrenched SLC board as “traitorous and corrupt.” Former President Shammi Silva and his committee faced fierce public backlash for defending their positions through courts rather than conceding to national interest.
The 2026 Government Takeover
In April 2026, under President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the government stepped in forcibly to dissolve the board over fresh corruption storms. This forced a structural reset, installing a Cricket Transforming Committee led by Eran Wickramaratne to purge the “modern day traitors” from management.
Domestic Match-Fixing Cartels
The title is heavily pinned on local match-fixers and bookmakers. The recent criminal convictions under Sri Lanka’s tough anti-corruption laws—such as the High Court sentencing local cricketers and Lanka Premier League (LPL) team associates—are viewed as modern instances of individuals trading national pride for illegal betting money.
The Pakistan Tour Pull-out Scare
In late 2025, a quiet crisis emerged where several senior players reportedly attempted to coax teammates into abandoning a high-profile tour of Pakistan due to sudden financial and security manipulation, nearly sabotaging crucial sports diplomacy.
The Moving Front: Cleansing the Game
Driven by public disgust, Sri Lanka has enacted rigid legislation that criminalizes sports corruption. The current trajectory involves handing the reins over to respected cricketing legends like Kumar Sangakkara, Roshan Mahanama, and Sidath Wettimuny under the 2026 interim reforms—an explicit attempt to rid the administration of its “Modern Day Ehelapolas” and restore public trust.
Embracing David Becker without a ‘ De- Nazification ‘ vetting process the ICC allowed a man later discovered to be intellectually dishonest, professionally negligent in giving flawed advice to the ICC and indulging in Malpractice to embarrass the ICC. The Sri Lanka Cricket ( SLC) ( Cricket Transformation Committee) has repeated that mistake. Unfortunately.
