Australian officers currently assisting investigations in SL

April 25th, 2026

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, April 25 (Daily Mirror) – Australian officers are currently assisting with Sri Lanka’s investigation into the incident in which cyber criminals stole US $ 2.5 million after breaching the computer systems of the Finance Ministry, according to Australian High Commissioner Matthew Duckworth.

The funds were part of a bilateral debt repayment to Australia, with a settlement due in September 2025. The diversion had taken place in January.

Finance Ministry Secretary Dr Harshana Suriyapperuma told a news conference that the cyber criminals had intervened and diverted the funds to other accounts after Sri Lanka made the due payment.

Asked for a comment in this regard, the Australian High Commissioner said, From our perspective, really, the two points I would make. Firstly, we are obviously aware of the incident and our officers in Canberra are assisting with Sri Lanka’s investigation. The second point I’d make is that this doesn’t otherwise undermine our ongoing commitment to supporting Sri Lanka’s return to debt sustainability.”

According to him, the main issues are really for Sri Lanka to resolve through the investigation already undertaken.

Sri Lanka has currently launched investigations into the incident with the involvement of multiple agencies.

IMF monitors $2.5 million cyber theft at Finance Ministry

April 25th, 2026

Courtesy Hiru News

The International Monetary Fund closely monitors the situation in Sri Lanka following a cybersecurity breach at the Finance Ministry.

Officials confirm that cybercriminals gained unauthorized access to the External Resources Department (ERD) computer systems, resulting in the theft of US$ 2.5 million.

These funds were intended for debt repayment to Australia.

An IMF spokesperson informed Hiru that the organization is aware of the Finance Ministry’s statement regarding the unauthorized access and considers this a significant development.

Deputy Minister of Digital Economy Eranga Weeraratne stated that an international firm volunteered to assist in tracing the destination of the stolen funds.

Meanwhile, Chairman of the Committee on Public Finance, Dr. Harsha de Silva, officially summoned the Secretary to the Ministry of Finance to appear before the committee.

Lead Information Security Engineer of the Sri Lanka Computer Emergency Readiness Team, Charuka Damunupola, noted that forensic analysis of the affected system continues and technical precautions were recommended.

International media highlighted the incident, which reports suggest is the first cyber breach of its kind in the nation’s history.

“හැකර් නෙමෙයි මෙතන ඉන්නේ පචයෙක්” – “හැකර් කියන කතාව මම පිළිගන්නේ නැහැ” – Hiru News

April 25th, 2026

අතුරුදහන් වූ ඩොලර් මිලියන 2.5 ගැන හිටපු ආණ්ඩුකාර රජිත් කීර්ති හෙළිදරව්වක් කරයි

April 25th, 2026

භාණ්ඩාගාරේ ඩොලර් මිලියන ගානකට ගේම දුන්නේ හැකර්ලා නෙවෙයි. ගනුදෙනුවේ Emails නිකන් love letters වගේ.

April 25th, 2026

Truth with Chamuditha and Chamuditha News Brief

Ven. Panakkara – World’s most influential Buddhist Monk

April 24th, 2026

Senaka Weeraratna

Venerable Bhikkhu Paññākāra (also known as Sư Tuệ Nhân) is a Vietnamese-born Buddhist monk who recently gained global recognition as a “Peace Monk” for his 2,300-mile “Walk for Peace” across the United States. While the title “world’s most influential” is subjective, his recent pilgrimages have made him one of the most visible modern figures in Vipassana meditation and engaged Buddhism

Key Facts and Achievements

  • Background: Before ordaining, he was a Motorola engineer with a degree in Information Technology from the University of Texas at Arlington.
  • The Walk for Peace (2025–2026): He led a 108-day journey from Fort Worth, Texas, to Washington, D.C., through 10 states. The walk was a silent meditation trek aimed at promoting inner peace and compassion.
  • International Presence: Following the U.S. walk, he traveled to Sri Lanka in April 2026 to lead a historic Peace Walk. He previously completed a 3,400-kilometer pilgrimage through India and Nepal in 2022.
  • “The Peace Dog” (Aloka): He is often accompanied by Aloka, a former stray dog from India who joined him during his pilgrimage and has become a symbol of loyalty and mindfulness.
  • Philosophy: His teachings emphasize that peace is a personal responsibility and an internal state rather than an external goal. He is based at the Hương Đạo Vipassana Bhāvana Center in Fort Worth, Texas. 

Comparison to Other Influential Monks

While Ven. Paññākāra is currently trending globally for his physical pilgrimages, other monks traditionally cited as among the most influential include: 

  • The 14th Dalai Lama: The highest spiritual leader of Tibetan Buddhism.
  • Thích Nhất Hạnh: Often called the “father of mindfulness,” his influence remains monumental in Western Buddhist practice despite his passing in 2022

………………………………………..

Venerable Bhikkhu Paññākāra (Sư Tuệ Nhân) is a Vietnamese-born Theravāda Buddhist monk known for leading the 2025–2026 “Walk for Peace,” a 2,300-mile barefoot,, meditative journey from Texas to Washington, D.C.. Based at the Hương Đạo Vipassana Bhāvana Center in Texas, he teaches Vipassana meditation to promote inner peace, mindfulness, and compassion. 

Key Aspects of Ven. Paññākāra’s Mission:

  • The Walk for Peace (2025–2026): He led a group of international monks and a rescued “peace dog” named Aloka on a 108-day journey to promote mindfulness, compassion, and peace within the United States.
  • Background: Formerly an IT engineer, Ven. Paññākāra is a Vietnamese-born monk who brings a logical and systematic approach to teaching Buddhism.
  • Focus on Mindfulness: His teachings emphasize “Inner Peace” and “mindfulness” for all human beings, regardless of religious belief.
  • Dhutanga Practice: He often leads long-distance walking meditations to train the mind and body, known as a form of ascetic practice.
  • Message of Compassion: He is recognized for advocating that peace comes from inner transformation and mindful action, not solely through words. 

Global Impact and Recognition:

  • Modern Day Messenger: He has been recognized as a modern-day reminder to practice mindfulness, particularly in Western societies, as seen in his 2026 interview in Sri Lanka and his 2026 peace walk.
  • Spiritual Leader: He is respected for leading by example, often walking through difficult weather conditions in the United States.
  • Supporter of Compassion: He serves as a role model for people who choose to act with compassion and kindness to make a positive impact in the world. 

Ven. Paññākāra continues to be a prominent figure in promoting mindfulness, compassion, and peace in modern society through his walking, teachings, and YouTube channel, which, as seen in this YouTube video, often focus on mindful living.

https://share.google/aimode/EyMX6Ju7GLr5m86Qb

Source:  AI Overview

Pepe Escobar : What to Expect From China

April 24th, 2026

Judge Napolitano – Judging Freedom

Against Preventive Detention: Recognition, Coercion, and Mental Health Policy

April 24th, 2026

Sam Ben-Meir

In recent years, jurisdictions such as New York City have expanded policies permitting the involuntary psychiatric evaluation—and in some cases detention—of individuals deemed to pose a potential risk to themselves or others, even in the absence of any criminal act. These policies are often defended as pragmatic responses to public safety concerns, homelessness, and untreated mental illness. Critics typically object on utilitarian grounds (questioning effectiveness or unintended harms) or deontological grounds (invoking individual rights and bodily autonomy).

While these objections are important, they do not reach the deepest ethical problem with preventive detention. What is at stake is not merely the balance of harms and benefits, nor the violation of abstract rights, but the very conception of the person presupposed by such policies. From a Fichtean standpoint—one grounded in mutual recognition as the condition of freedom—preventive psychiatric detention represents a profound ethical failure. It is not simply misguided policy; it is a structural denial of recognition that undermines the intelligibility of freedom, responsibility, and the state itself.

Utilitarian critiques of preventive detention emphasize its dubious empirical foundations: predictive assessments of dangerousness are notoriously unreliable, disproportionately target marginalized populations, and often exacerbate the very harms they purport to prevent. Deontological critiques, by contrast, stress that involuntary detention without wrongdoing violates fundamental rights to liberty, due process, and bodily integrity.

Fichte’s philosophy does not reject these concerns, but it reorders them. For Fichte, ethics does not begin with outcomes or rules; it begins with the social conditions under which a person can appear as a free being at all. The central question is not whether preventive detention maximizes welfare or violates a right, but whether it preserves or destroys the relation of recognition through which freedom becomes possible.

At the core of Johann Gottlieb Fichte’s moral and political philosophy lies a radical thesis: freedom is not a private inner possession, nor a metaphysical given. It is a practical achievement constituted through relations of mutual recognition. In the Foundations of Natural Right, Fichte argues that a rational being becomes conscious of itself as free only when it is recognized as such by another rational being. The self does not precede social relation; it emerges through it.

Recognition, for Fichte, is not merely a moral attitude or psychological acknowledgment. It is an embodied, institutional, and reciprocal relation enacted through law, social practices, and material conditions. To recognize another as free is to relate to them as a potential author of their actions—even when their capacities are impaired, fragile, or undeveloped.

This has decisive implications for how we understand mental illness. If freedom is constituted through recognition, then policies that suspend recognition in advance—on the basis of predicted incapacity or risk—do not protect freedom; they dissolve its very conditions.

Preventive psychiatric detention operates on a logic of preemption. Individuals are detained not for what they have done, but for what they might do. This shift is ethically catastrophic from a Fichtean perspective. It replaces recognition with suspicion, reciprocity with unilateral assessment, and responsibility with administrative control.

To detain someone preventively on the basis of mental illness is to declare, in advance, that they cannot be recognized as a responsible agent within the shared social world. The person is no longer addressed as a participant in the normative order, but as a site of risk to be managed. This is not a temporary limitation of freedom in response to wrongdoing; it is the suspension of freedom as such.

Fichte insists that coercion can be justified only as a response to an actual violation of right—an act that disrupts the conditions of reciprocal freedom. Preventive detention, by contrast, treats freedom itself as a liability. It transforms the possibility of agency into grounds for confinement. In doing so, it reverses the ethical order: instead of securing the conditions of freedom, the state preemptively nullifies them.

A common defense of preventive detention is that severe mental illness compromises agency to such an extent that recognition is no longer appropriate. From a Fichtean standpoint, this argument rests on a fatal confusion between empirical impairment and normative status.

Fichte grounds recognition not in actual capacities—such as rational deliberation, self-control, or coherence—but in the idea of the person as a bearer of freedom in principle. Recognition is owed not because someone currently exercises freedom well, but because freedom remains the horizon of their existence. To withdraw recognition on the basis of impairment is to make dignity conditional on performance.

Indeed, Fichte is clear that the demand for recognition becomes more acute precisely where freedom is threatened or fragile. To encounter vulnerability with derecognition is not realism; it is ethical abdication. Preventive detention communicates a devastating social message: that those who struggle with mental illness are not fellow participants in freedom, but latent dangers whose presence must be neutralized.

For Fichte, the state exists to secure the external conditions under which reciprocal freedom can flourish. This includes material support, legal protection, and institutional recognition. The state does not exist to optimize safety at all costs, nor to eliminate risk from social life. A world without risk is a world without freedom.

Preventive psychiatric detention represents a transformation of the state from guarantor of recognition into manager of danger. It substitutes administrative judgment for legal accountability and replaces the language of right with the language of risk. In doing so, it undermines its own legitimacy. A state that detains without offense ceases to relate to its citizens as co-legislators of freedom and instead treats them as objects of governance.

This is especially troubling when such policies are disproportionately applied to unhoused individuals, people of color, and those lacking access to voluntary mental healthcare. What appears as neutral concern for safety becomes, in practice, a mechanism for managing social disorder through coerced invisibility.

The strongest objection to a Fichtean critique of preventive detention appeals to public safety. Surely, it is argued, the state has an obligation to intervene when credible threats exist, even before harm occurs. A Fichtean response does not deny this obligation—but it sharply limits its scope. Intervention may be justified when there is an imminent and specific threat that cannot be addressed through recognition-preserving means. But such intervention must be narrowly tailored, temporally limited, and oriented toward restoring recognition, not suspending it indefinitely.

Preventive detention policies fail this test. They rely on vague criteria (appears mentally ill,” may pose a risk”), grant wide discretion to authorities, and often lack robust procedural safeguards. More importantly, they treat mental illness itself as a proxy for dangerousness, thereby collapsing vulnerability into threat.

From a Fichtean standpoint, the state may act to prevent harm only insofar as it continues to address the individual as a participant in the normative order—capable of response, entitled to justification, and oriented toward re-entry into reciprocal recognition. Policies that bypass this relation in the name of safety ultimately erode the very social trust they claim to protect.

Another common defense is that forced psychiatric evaluation is an act of care—an intervention on behalf of those who cannot recognize their own needs. Fichte’s philosophy allows for forms of assistance, but it draws a sharp distinction between aid that sustains recognition and coercion that replaces it. Care that treats the other as a passive object—even benevolently—undermines the conditions of freedom. Genuine care must be structured so that recognition is preserved, agency is addressed, and participation remains possible.

In practice, forced evaluation often functions less as care than as containment. It substitutes clinical authority for dialogical engagement and replaces trust with surveillance. Even when motivated by concern, such interventions risk entrenching the very alienation and mistrust that exacerbate mental distress.

The deepest problem with preventive psychiatric detention is not that it sometimes gets things wrong, but that it institutionalizes a logic in which recognition is conditional, revocable, and subordinated to risk management. This logic corrodes the ethical foundations of social life. A Fichtean ethics insists on a different threshold: recognition must come before risk assessment, not after. One must first encounter the other as a bearer of freedom—even fragile, compromised, or suffering—before any intervention can be justified. Where recognition is suspended, freedom cannot be restored; it can only be replaced by control.

Consider a middle-aged man encountered by outreach workers on a Manhattan subway platform late at night. He is disheveled, speaking to himself, and pacing erratically. He has committed no crime, threatened no one, and refuses assistance when approached. A passerby reports him as disturbing.” Under current policy, this constellation of behaviors may be sufficient to justify involuntary psychiatric evaluation on the grounds of potential risk.

From a Fichtean standpoint, the ethical question is not whether the man might one day harm himself or others, but how the state first encounters him: as a bearer of freedom whose agency is fragile yet still addressable, or as a latent danger to be neutralized. Preventive detention resolves this ambiguity in advance by suspending recognition itself—transforming uncertainty into justification for coercion. What is lost in this transition is not merely liberty, but the very relation through which responsibility, care, and ethical response could meaningfully arise.

Preventive detention of individuals with mental illness, especially in the absence of any criminal act, cannot be justified on Fichtean grounds. It represents a preemptive withdrawal of recognition that undermines freedom at its root. Unlike utilitarian critiques, which focus on outcomes, or deontological critiques, which appeal to rights, a Fichtean critique reveals something more fundamental: such policies distort the very meaning of ethical and political responsibility.

A society committed to freedom must resist the temptation to govern through fear, prediction, and preemption. It must instead invest in the difficult work of recognition—creating institutions that support agency, address vulnerability without erasing personhood, and preserve the fragile social conditions under which freedom remains possible.

Recognition before risk is not a moral preference. It is the condition under which freedom can appear at all. Where recognition is withdrawn in advance—on the basis of prediction, impairment, or fear—freedom is not protected but displaced by administration. A society that authorizes such practices does not merely misjudge particular cases; it reorganizes its relation to persons at the level of principle. What presents itself as prudence becomes a form of derecognition, and what is lost is not only liberty, but the very framework within which liberty could be meaningfully claimed.

Sam Ben-Meir is an assistant adjunct professor of philosophy at City University of New York, College of Technology.

‘වෛරයෙන් නොව ප්‍රේමයෙන් වෛරය නැති වේ’.

April 24th, 2026

රොහාන් අබේගුණවර්ධන

ශ්‍රී ජයවර්ධනපුර මහ රෝහලේ කතාව

අපගේ මතකය අතීතයට ගලා යන්නේ 1951 සැප්තැම්බර් මාසයේ පැවති ‘සැන් ෆ්රැන්සිස්කෝ සාම ගිවිසුම් සමුළුව’ දක්වා ය.

1945 අගෝස්තු 6 සහ 9 යන දිනවල හිරෝෂිමාවට සහ නාගසාකි යන නගරවලට එක්සත් ජනපදය විසින් පරමාණු බෝම්බ හෙළීමෙන් පසුව අගෝස්තු 15 වන දින ජපානය සිය යටත් වීම නිවේදනය කළේය. ඉන්පසු ජපානය එක්සත් ජනපද හමුදා  පරිපාලනය යටතේ පැවති අතර, එම කාලය තුළ  රට ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී කිරීමට සහ නිරායුධ කිරීමට කටයුතු කරන ලදී.

එක්සත් ජනපදය (බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය සහාය ඇතිව)1951 සැප්තැම්බර් මාසයේදී සැන් ෆ්‍රැන්සිස්කෝ හි සමුළුවක් සංවිධානය කරන ලද අතර එහි අරමුණ වූයේ ජපානය සමඟ සාම විසඳුමක් ඇති කර ගැනීම සහ දෙවන ලෝක යුද්ධයෙන් පසු නැගෙනහිර ආසියාව නැවත ගොඩනැගීම සඳහා  සහය ලබාදීමය. මෙම සාම සමුළුව සඳහා රටවල් 52 ක් සහභාගී විය.

ලංකාවේ පළමු අගමැති වූ ඩී.එස්. සේනානායක, තම තරුණ හා දක්ෂ මුදල් අමාත්‍ය ජේ.ආර්. ජයවර්ධන මහතා, ලංකාවෙන් සමුළුවට යන නියෝජිත පිරිසට නායකත්වය දීම සඳහා තෝරා ගත්තේය.

1951 සැප්තැම්බර් 6 වන දින, ඔහුගේ 45 වන උපන්දිනයට දින 11 කට පෙර ඔහු එම සමුළුවේදී තම ඓතිහාසික කතාව පැවැත්වීය.

දෙවන ලෝක යුද්ධයෙන් පසු ජපානයට ජාත්‍යන්තර සමාජයට නැවත පැමිණීමට ඉඩ සලසන ‘වෛරයෙන් නොව ප්‍රේමයෙන් වෛරය නැති වේ’ (නහි වේරේන වේරානි) යන බුදු රජාණන් වහන්සේගේ වචන උපුටා දක්වමින් මෙම ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨ දූරදර්ශී පුද්ගලයා ජපානයේ ස්වෛරී අයිතිවාසිකම් ආරක්ෂා කළේය.

බොහෝ ආසියානු රටවල් සමුළුවට සහභාගී වූයේ ජපානයෙන් වන්දි  ඉල්ලීම  සඳහා විශාල ලැයිස්තුද සූදානම් කරගෙන  බව කියැවිණි. දෙවන ලෝක යුද්ධයෙන් පසු ආර්ථික ස්ථාවරත්වයක් ලබා ගැනීමට ජපානය උත්සාහ කරමින් සිටි අතර එවැනි ගෙවීම් සිදු කළේ නම්, එය ඇගේ ආර්ථිකයට අහිතකර ලෙස බලපානු ඇත.

‘වෛරය නතර වන්නේ වෛරයෙන් නොව ප්‍රේමයෙන් (නහි වේරේන වේරානි)’ යන බුදුන් වහන්සේගේ ඉගැන්වීම උපුටා දක්වමින් ජයවර්ධන මහතා ඔහුගේ දේශනයේදී   ඉල්ලා සිටියේ වන්දි සඳහා වන ඉල්ලීම් අත්හැර, ජපානය ජාත්‍යන්තර ප්‍රජාවේ සාමාජිකයෙකු ලෙස  වැළඳ ගන්නා ලෙසයි.

තවද ඔහු වැටී සිටින  ජපන් ජනතාවට නැවත නැගී සිටීමට  අත දෙන  ලෙස ඉල්ලා සිටි විට, පැමිණ සිටි පිරිස ජපානයෙන් වන්දි ඉල්ලා සිටි ඔවුන්ගේ ලැයිස්තු ඉල්ලා අස්කර ගත් අතර එමඟින් ජපානය ආර්ථික ව්‍යසනයකින් බේරා ගත්හ.

එම කතාවෙන් වසර විසි හයකට පසු ඔහු ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ විධායක ජනාධිපති බවට පත් විය.

1977 ජූලි මාසයේදී J. R. ජයවර්ධනගේ නායකත්වයෙන් යුත් එක්සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂය (UNP) ජාතික රාජ්‍ය සභාවට 5/6 ක දැවැන්ත බහුතරයකින් තේරී පත් විය. (1972 මැයි මාසයේදී ජනරජ ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් හඳුන්වාදීමත් සමඟ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ නම වෙනස් කරන ලදී)

ශ්‍රී ලංකා ආර්ථිකය ඒවනවිට ඉතාම දුර්වල මට්ටමක තිබුණි. පසුගිය රජය අනුගමනය කරන ලද අභ්‍යන්තරික සමාජවාදී ප්‍රතිපත්ති ඊට ප්‍රධාන හේතුව විය.

ඒ වනවිට රටේ සංවර්ධන කටයුතු පහළ මට්ටමක තිබුණ අතර විරැකියා අනුපාතය 15% දක්වා ඉහළ ගොස් තිබුණි. එවකට පැවති ආනයන පාලනය සහ බලපත්‍ර ලබා දීමේ ක්‍රමය නොයකුත්‍ දුෂණයන්ට හේතුවිය.

1961දී වසර 30කට සැලසුම් කළ රජයේ ආර්ථික සංවර්ධන වැඩසටහනේ මූලිකම ව්‍යාපෘතිය ලෙස සැලකූ බහුකාර්‍ය මහවැලි විවිධාංගීකරණ වැඩසටහන ඉතාමත් මන්දගාමී ලෙස,   ගොළුබෙල්ලෙකුගේ වේගයකින් ඉදිරියට යමින් තිබුණි.

නව අගමැති J. R. ජයවර්ධන සහ ඔහුගේ රජය ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව වෙනස් කර ජනාධිපතිවරයා රාජ්‍ය නායකයා ලෙසද, ආණ්ඩුවේ ප්‍රධානියා ලෙසද කටයුතු කරන විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමයක් හඳුන්වා දුන්නේය.

ජේ ආර් ජයවර්ධන ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ප්‍රථම විධායක ජනාධිපතිවරයා ලෙස 1978 පෙබරවාරි 4 වැනිදින දිවුරුම් දුන්නේය.

ඇත්තටම ජේ.ආර්.ජයවර්ධන 1966 දී ‘ලංකා විද්‍යා අභිවෘද්ධිය සඳහා වූ සංගමයේ’ රැස්වීමක දී ජනතාව විසින් තෝරා ගන්නා ලද ශක්තිමත් විධායකයක් මුලින්ම යෝජනා කළේය. සිරිමාවෝ බණ්ඩාරනායක මැතිනිය සහ ඇගේ සමඟි පෙරමුණු රජය ‘1972 ජනරජ ව්‍යවස්ථාව සම්පාදනය කරන විට එම අදහස නැවතත් ඔහු විසින් යෝජනා කරන ලදී. නමුත් අවස්ථා දෙකේදීම එය නොසලකා හරින ලදී.

1977 දී තේරී පත් වූ අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා ලෙස ජේ.ආර්. ජයවර්ධන මහතා ප්‍රකාශ කළේ තමාගේ පළමු, දෙවන සහ තුන්වන ප්‍රමුඛතා වූයේ පොදුවේ ජනතාවට සහ විශේෂයෙන්ම තරුණයින්ට රැකියා අවස්ථා නිර්මාණය කිරීම බවයි.

නව රජය කාලය නාස්ති නොකර රට නවීකරණය කිරීමේ දැවැන්ත සංවර්ධන වැඩපිළිවෙළකට අවතීර්ණ විය.

කඩිනම් මහවැලි විවිධාංගීකරණ වැඩසටහන යුරෝපයේ සහ ජපානයේ දැවැන්ත මූල්‍ය හා තාක්ෂණික සහාය ඇතිව ආරම්භ කරන ලදී. කටුනායක අපනයන සැකසුම් කලාපය (EPZ) සහ නිදහස් වෙළඳ කලාපය (FTZ) පිහිටුවන ලද්දේ සෘජු විදේශ ආයෝජන (FDI) ගෙන ඒම සහ අපනයන නැඹුරු කර්මාන්ත ආකර්ෂණය කර ගැනීම සඳහා ය. මෙහි අනෙක් අරමුණ වූයේ නවීන කාර්මික හා තාක්ෂණික දැනුම ලබා ගැනීමයි. වෙළඳ කලාප පරිපාලනය සඳහා මහ කොළඹ ආර්ථික කොමිසම (GCEC) පිහිටුවන ලදී.

නිදහස්  හෝ විවෘත ආර්ථිකයකට අනුගතවන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ ආරම්භ කරන ලදී. නිෂ්පාදන අංශය වඩ වඩාත් අපනයනට-නැඹුරු වු අතර අවශ්‍ය ආනයනික යෙදවුම් ලබා ගැනීම සඳහා තිබූ සීමාවන් ඉවත් කරන ලදී.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පළමු විධායක ජනාධිපති ජේ. ආර්. ජයවර්ධන මහතාට 1979 දී ජපන් රජය විසින් රාජ්‍ය සංචාරයක් සඳහා ආරාධනා කරන ලදී. මෙය ශ්‍රී ලාංකික රාජ්‍ය නායකයෙකු ජපානයට කළ අද්විතීය සංචාරයක් විය. ජපන් සන්නද්ධ හමුදා විසින් ඔහුට ආචාර වෙඩි මුර විසි එකක්  පිරිනමා  හොඳින් පිළිගනු ලැබූ අතර, එය සාමාන්‍යයෙන් අධිරාජ්‍යයාට පමනක් පිරිනමන ආචාර සම්ප්‍රදායකි. මේ අනුව, 1951 සැප්තැම්බර් මාසයේ සැන් ෆ්‍රැන්සිස්කෝ සාම ගිවිසුම් සමුළුවේදී තම රට ආරක්‍ෂා කළ පුද්ගලයාට ජපානයේ කෘතඥතාව පළ කිරීමට අවස්ථාවක් කරගන්නා ලදී.

සංචාරය අවසානයේ ජනාධිපති ජයවර්ධන සහ ජපාන අගමැති ඔහිරා මසයෝෂි ඔවුන්ගේ අදාළ නිලධාරීන් සමඟ ද්විපාර්ශ්වික සාකච්ඡාවල නිරත වූහ. මෙම අවස්ථාවේදී,  ජපානය සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකාව අතර ශක්තිමත් මිත්‍රත්වයක් තහවුරු කළ සැන් ෆ්‍රැන්සිස්කෝ සමුළුවේදී ජනාධිපතිවරයා කළ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨ කතාව අගමැතිතුමා සඳහන් කළේය. ජයවර්ධන මහතාගේ සංචාරය සිහිපත් කිරීම සඳහා සහ සමුළුවේදී ඔහු කළ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨ කතාවට ගෞරවයක් වශයෙන් විශේෂ තෑග්ගක් ලබා දීමට තම රජය අදහස් කරන බව මසයෝෂි මහතා  ඉන්පසු ඇඟවීය.

ත්‍යාගය පිළිබඳව ජනාධිපති ජයවර්ධන සහ ජපාන අගමැති ඔහිරා මසයෝෂි අතර ඇති වූ සංවාදය, 2002 දී රෝහල නිරීක්‍ෂණ චාරිකාවකට පැමිනි ජපන් ජාත්‍යන්තර සහයෝගිතා ඒජන්සියේ (JICA) සභාපති ටකාඕ කවකාමි මහතා විසින් විස්තර කරන ලදී.

1979 දී ශ්‍රී ලංකා ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ ජපන් සංචාරයේදී ඔහු  ජපන් අගමැතිගේ ලේකම්වරයා විය. රෝහල් කළමනාකරණ කමිටුවේ සාමාජිකයින් විසින් JICA සභාපතිවරයාට උපහාර දක්වන ලද අතර මෙම ලේඛකයාද එම කමිටුවේ සාමාජිකයෙක් විය.  ඒ අනුව ඔහුගේ කතාවට සවන් දීමට අවස්ථාව ලැබුණි.

‘ඔබ කුමන ආකාරයේ තෑග්ගක් ගැනද සිතන්නේ?’ ජනාධිපතිවරයා ඇසුවේය.

‘ඔබේ නවීකරණ වැඩසටහනට උපකාර කිරීමට ප්‍රයෝජනවත් දෙයක්, සමහරවිට  ව්‍යාපෘති ප්‍රදානයක් ලෙස’ අගමැති පිළිතුරු දුන්නේය.

ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ ඊළඟ ප්‍රශ්නය  වූයේ  ‘ප්‍රදානය කොපමණ විශාලද?’ යන්නය.

‘එය වැදගත් නැහැ, ඔබට අවශ්‍ය කුමක්ද කියන්න’ අගමැතිතුමා ඉල්ලා සිටියේය.

ජනාධිපති ජයවර්ධන මහතා පැහැදිලි කළේ තම රජය ඓතිහාසික ශ්‍රී ජයවර්ධනපුර කෝට්ටේ නගරය, ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පරිපාලන අගනුවර ලෙස ස්ථාපිත කිරීමට සැලසුම් කර ඇති බවයි. එබැවින් එම නව නගරයට නවීන රෝහලක් ඉතා ප්‍රයෝජනවත් වන බව ඔහු ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.

ජපානය වෙනත් රටකට රෝහලක් තෑගි කර ඇත්දැයි අගමැති මසයෝෂි නිලධාරීන්ගෙන් විමසීය. තායිලන්තයට තෑගි කළ නවීන රෝහලක් ඇති බව ඔවුහු තහවුරු කළහ.

ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ ඊළඟ ප්‍රශ්නය වූයේ ‘ඒ රෝහල කෙතරම් විශාලද?’ යන්‍නය. එවිට නිලධාරියෙක් පැවසුවේ එය ඇඳන් 1000 කින් යුත් රෝහලක් බවයි.

එසේ නම් අප රෝහල  ‘ඇඳන් 1001 කින් යුත් රෝහලක් බවට පත් කරන්න’ ජනාධිපති ජයවර්ධන මහතා විහිළුවටමෙන් කීවේය.

විනෝදයට පත් අගමැති මසයෝෂි ‘ඒ අමතර ඇඳ කාටද?’ කියා ඇසුවේය.

ඒ ඇඳ ‘මට’ ජනාධිපතිවරයා පැවසීය.

ජපන් ජාතිකයින් වසර තුනක් ඇතුළත නුගේගොඩ, තලපත්පිටියේ ‘කූඹි කැලේ’ නම් අක්කර 24 ක ඉඩමක අලංකාර, නවතම වෛද්‍ය තාක්‍ෂණයන්ගෙන් සමන්විත නවීන රෝහලක් ඉදිකරන ලදී.

ඇඳන් 1001 කින් සමන්විත මෙම නවීන රෝහල 1984 සැප්තැම්බර් 17 වන දින ජපාන නියෝජිත ඉෂිමයිසු කිටගාවා සහ ජනාධිපති ජයවර්ධන මහතා විසින් උත්සවාකාරයෙන් විවෘත කරන ලද අතර එදින ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ 78 වන උපන්දිනය විය.

පරිපාලන ගොඩනැගිල්ලට ඇතුල් වන ස්ථානයේ ඉදිකර ඇති ඉඩකඩ සහිත සියලු පහසුකම් සහිත කාමරයක අමතර ඇඳ පිහිටා තිබුණි. මෙම ඇඳ එකල ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ කිසිදු රෝහලක නොතිබූ ඉතා සුවපහසු නවීන රෝහල් ඇඳක් ද විය.

ජනාධිපති ජේ.ආර්. ජයවර්ධන මහතා කිසිදිනක මෙම ඇඳ හෝ කාමරය භාවිතා කළේ නැත.

(මෙය මා විසින් ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් ලියන ලද, 2021 සැප්තැම්බර් 16 වන දින LankaWeb හි පළ කරන ලද ලිපියක් මත පදනම් වේ.)

රොහාන් අබේගුණවර්ධන

හොරාගේ අම්මගෙන් නෙවෙයි දැන් පේන අහන්නේ හොරාගෙන්..එළියට නොදා මේක වහගන්නද බැලුවේ?

April 24th, 2026

Dasatha News

ඩොලර් මිලියන 2.5ක හොරකම ගැන කරුණු රැසක් එළියට..ජනපති මුදල් ඇමතිකමින් ඉවත් වෙන්න

April 24th, 2026

Dasatha News

හැකර්ලට අපහාස කරන්නේ නැතුව ඉන්නවද ? දිලිත් ආණ්ඩුවට හැකර්ලා ගැන කියා දෙයි

April 24th, 2026

SRI LANKA: Silent shift from Sovereign Control to India-Centric System Dependence

April 23rd, 2026

Shenali D Waduge

Sri Lanka is not being taken over by force. No foreign troops. No invasion. No declaration of surrender. What is happening is far more dangerous. History has shown us that sovereignty was not lost in the battlefield. The 1815 Kandyan Convention is a grim reminder of how power shifted via agreement. Authority was ceded. The consequences were long term & irreversible. Fast forward to present century, Sri Lanka appears to have a penchant for repeating its mistakes. Strategic sectors are being interconnected to externally controlled systems. Many have not passed through form legal parliamentary approved & constitutionally defined processes. But the agreements are linking Sri Lanka’s energy, transport, finance, digital infrastructure, resources, and even its culture & workforce into externally dependent networks. A dangerous structural shift is taking place. Sri Lanka is moving from a nation that controls its own systems to a country that will have to operate within external systems that its govts will have no power to change. The dangers are not immediate but soon the Govt & people will realize they have no power to change policies, no power to control prices & no power to take decisions without facing consequences. Sri Lanka will remain sovereign in paper, may hold glamorous independence day parades but in reality control over how these assets operate is increasingly shaped by external system linkages arising from agreements already signed.

  1. WHAT IS BEING BUILT (NOT PROJECTS — SYSTEMS)

Sri Lanka is not signing isolated deals.

It is signing agreements that build externally-interconnected local systems across all of Sri Lanka’s strategic sectors:

  1. TRANSPORT & LOGISTICS SYSTEM

(Ports + Rail + Roads + Airports + Cargo)

Assets / Agreements

  • Colombo West Terminal (51%)
  • Dockyard (51%)
  • Trincomalee port & oil tanks
  • Port–rail–airport corridors
  • Freight & cargo hubs

How control works

  • Controls movement of imports/exports
  • Can influence pricing, access, priority
  • Sri Lanka’s entire supply chain becomes dependent
  • One disruption = national impact

Control of logistics = control of trade flow

AIRPORTS / TRANSPORT INFRASTRUCTURE)

Assets / Agreements
• Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA) – expansion & management partnerships
• Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport – operational partnerships / lease interest
• Domestic airport network upgrades
• Aviation fuel, cargo handling, and ground services integration
• Air cargo + logistics corridor alignment with ports and trade hubs

How control works
• Air cargo routes influence import/export priority flow
• Airport operations affect tourism, trade, and supply chain speed
• Strategic aviation assets become part of wider logistics network
• Coordination of air–sea–land transport reduces independent operational flexibility

Air transport becomes the aerial extension” of the logistics control system

  1. ENERGY SYSTEM

(Electricity + Fuel + Grid + Pipelines)

Assets / Agreements

  • Wind/solar (North, Mannar, Pooneryn)
  • Trincomalee energy hub
  • Grid interconnection
  • LNG + pipelines

How control works

  • Power linked externally
  • Fuel tied to long-term contracts
  • Pricing influenced externally
  • Sri Lanka cannot switch suppliers easily

Energy dependence = immediate national vulnerability

STRATEGIC MINERALS & SUBSURFACE RESOURCES

(Land + Seabed + Industrial Minerals)

Resources included
• Cobalt (emerging battery supply chain material)
• Graphite (Sri Lanka is already globally significant)
• Ilmenite, titanium sands
• Phosphate deposits
• Rare earth elements (exploration stage / potential reserves)
• Offshore seabed mineral zones
• Oil & gas exploration blocks
• Fisheries + deep-sea resources

How control works
• Long-term exploration and extraction agreements define access rights
• Value chains tied to external industrial demand (energy transition supply chains)
• Processing, pricing, and export routes influenced through contractual frameworks
• Strategic minerals become integrated into global supply networks

Resource control = long-term industrial leverage + future energy transition relevance

  1. DIGITAL & GOVERNANCE SYSTEM

(ID + Payments + Data + Public Services)

Assets / Agreements

  • Digital ID
  • UPI–LankaQR
  • DPI stack (ID + banking + welfare)

How control works

  • Transactions flow through integrated systems
  • Data becomes externally visible/influenced
  • System replacement becomes impossible
  • Control of Sri Lankan citizens private data / intellectual property

Control of payments + data = control of daily life

  1. FINANCIAL SYSTEM

(Credit + Currency + Trade Mechanisms)

Assets / Agreements

  • $4B support + swaps
  • Payment systems
  • Trade facilitation
  • Currency swap

How control works

  • Liquidity influenced externally
  • Currency stability linked to external support
  • Policy shaped by financial dependence

Finance control = macroeconomic leverage

  1. DEFENCE & SECURITY SYSTEM

(Surveillance + Maritime + Intelligence)

Assets / Agreements

  • Defence MoU
  • Radar systems
  • Maritime surveillance
  • Intelligence sharing

How control works

  • Shared monitoring limits independent visibility
  • Security decisions influenced externally
  • Maritime awareness interconnected

Note:

LTTE’s use of India as a hub and its initial training India show that national security concerns of both nations may not necessarily match.

Security integration = strategic dependence

  1. NATURAL RESOURCES & TERRITORIAL SPACE

(Land + Sea + Minerals + Fisheries)

Assets / Agreements

  • Offshore wind zones
  • Fisheries zones
  • Oil/gas exploration
  • Mineral extraction (land + seabed)

How control works

  • Long-term rights over resources
  • Control of extraction, pricing, access
  • Economic value tied externally

Resource control = long-term economic power

  1. LAND, URBAN & ECONOMIC ZONES

(Port City + Industrial Zones + Leases)

Assets / Agreements

  • Port City
  • Industrial zones
  • Long-term leased land

How control works

  • Functional control without ownership
  • Special regulatory zones
  • Future growth shaped externally

Land control = geographic influence

  1. WORKFORCE, EDUCATION & CULTURE SYSTEM

(People + Skills + Narrative) Even Sri Lanka’s 2500 history/heritage at risk

Assets / Agreements

  • ETCA (labour mobility)
  • Education alignment
  • Training systems
  • Tourism narratives as per external requirements

How control works

  • Talent pipelines shift outward
  • Decision-makers shaped by system
  • Cultural narratives influenced

Human + cultural alignment = long-term control

  1. WHAT THIS ACTUALLY CREATES

Not projects.

One integrated operating system

  • Transport → trade network
  • Energy → supply system
  • Digital → control layer
  • Finance → economic system
  • Workforce → cross-border pipeline

No sector stands alone anymore

  1. HOW CONTROL EMERGES (THE REAL MECHANISM)

This is not takeover.

This is structural lock-in.

STRATEGIC CHOKE POINTS (WHERE CONTROL CONCENTRATES)

  • Ports (entry/exit of goods)
    • Energy supply (fuel + electricity)
    • Payment systems (money flow)
    • Data systems (information control)
    • Logistics corridors (movement control)

If these are externally influenced → entire nation becomes system-dependent regardless of ownership

4 CORE DRIVERS:

  1. Dependence

Energy, finance, tech, supply chains

  1. Contracts

Long-term + penalties + legal enforcement

  1. Integration

Everything interconnected

  1. Networks

People, institutions, systems aligned

+ CRITICAL ADDITIONS

  • Land & spatial control
  • Resource control
  • Data control
  • Cultural influence

Together = irreversible system

  1. WHAT HAPPENS NEXT (TIMELINE)

0–5 YEARS → ENTRY

  • Projects begin
  • Contracts signed
  • Dependency starts

5–10 YEARS → DEPENDENCE

  • Systems interconnected
  • Policy flexibility reduces

10–15 YEARS → LOCK-IN

  • Exit becomes economically impossible
  • System defines national choices
  1. REALITY CHECK

Sri Lanka:

  • Keeps ownership
  • Keeps elections

BUT loses:

  • Policy freedom
  • Pricing control
  • Economic independence
  1. FINAL TRUTH

Control will NOT come from:

  • Military
  • Land ownership

Control WILL come from:

Who operates the systems Sri Lanka depends on

This is not loss of sovereignty in law

This is loss of freedom in practice

  1. CORE QUESTION

Sri Lanka will still vote.

But:

The elected government has to govern or manage systems they cannot change.

THE REAL QUESTION

What is the use in spending on elections after such integration has been signed off?

What good comes of voting for individuals or parties that India may even help come to power to in turn govern the nation on their behalf. Who will they serve?

  1. WAY FORWARD & SAFEGUARDS

If we have now understood the dangerous outcomes.

The question is do we want to stop becoming system controlled externally?

If yes, then we must demand:

  • Mandatory parliamentary approval for all strategic agreements
    • Full public disclosure (non-classified)
    • National impact + exit-cost assessment before signing
    • Time-bound contracts with review clauses
    • National control thresholds (energy, ports, digital, finance)
    • Data sovereignty law (data = national asset)
    • Multi-vendor tech systems (no lock-in)
    • Independent system audit body

LEGAL REALITY

If agreements bypass proper process: We must declare that all such agreements
• Can be challenged
• Can be delayed
• Can be renegotiated

They are NOT untouchable

This is not loss of sovereignty by force.

Control will NOT come from:
• Military presence
• Ownership of land

Control will come from:
• Who operates the critical systems Sri Lanka cannot function without
This is loss of flexibility by design.

This is handing over control of governance by Sri Lanka’s elected Govts to an external system not controlled by Sri Lanka’s elected government.

How foolish can a govt be?

Shenali D Waduge

මුදල් අමාත්‍යාංශ ලේකම් හර්ෂණ සුරියප්පෙරුම වහා ඉල්ලා අස්විය යුතුය.

April 23rd, 2026

ජනාධිපති නීතිඥ මෛත්‍රී ගුණරත්න නීතිඥ අතුල ද සිල්වා

ඩොලර් මිලියන 2.5 ක් තෙවන පාර්ශවය අතට පත්වීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් මුදල් අමාත්‍යාංශයේ ලේකම්වරයා වහා ඉල්ලා අස්විය යුතු බව ‘‍ෆී ලෝයර්ස්’ සංවිධානය අවධාරණය කරයි.

මුදල් අමාත්‍යංශ ලේකම්වරයා විසින් අද දින පැවැත්වූ පුවත්පත් සාකච්ඡාව කෙරෙහි අප සංවිධානයේ අවධානය යොමු විය.  2025 සැප්තෑම්බර් මස මුදල් අමාත්‍යාංශයේ පරිගණක සර්වරයේ ‘රූට් ඇස්කස්’ (Root Access) ලබාගැනීමට යම් පුද්ග‍ලයෙකු සමත්වී තිබුණි.  අමාත්‍යාංශ ලේකම්වරයා එම තොරතුර දැන සිටි නමුත්, ඒ පිළිබඳ කිසිදු විධිමත් ආරක්ෂක පියවරක් ගනු නොලැබීය.  මේ බව අද පුවත්පත් සාකච්ඡාවේ දී ද, ඔහු විසින් වසන් කරන ලදී.  එමගින් ඔහු රටත් ජාතියත් සියළු පාර්ශයන් ද රැවටීමට ලක් කරනු ලැබීය.

තව ද, ලේකම්වරයා අප විසින් මෙය අනාවරණය කරන තෙක්, මාස 7 ක් පුරා, අවම වශයෙන් මේ පිළිබඳ අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩලයට, පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට හෝ වෙනත් කිසිදු වගකිවයුතු පාර්ශවයක් වෙත දැනුම්දීමට පියවර ගෙන නැත. මෙය පැහැදිලි ලෙස ‘වගකීම් පැහැර හැරීමේ අපරාධයකි’. 

මුදල් අමාත්‍යාංශ ලේකම්වරයා මෙම සිද්ධිය හුදු ‘සයිබර් ප්‍රහාරයකට’ ලඝු කිරීමට උත්සහ දරමින් ඇත.  මුදල් අමාත්‍යාංශ ලේකම්වරයා ගේ ලිඛිත අනුමැතිය සහිතව මෙම ගෙවීමේ සියළු කටයුතු සිදුව ඇත.  විදේශ සම්පත් දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව සහ රාජ්‍ය ණය කළමනාකරණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ ඉහළ සිට පහලට සෑම මට්ටමකම නිලධාරීන් 16 කට ආසන්න පිරිසකගේ දායකත්වය මෙයට ලැබී ඇත. එබැවින් මෙම ඔවුන් පවසන පරිදි සයිබර් ප්‍රහාරයක් නොවන බවත් මෙය මුල්‍ය අපරාධයක් බව අපගේ විශ්වසයයි.

ලංකා භාණ්ඩාගාරයට ඩොලර් මිලියන 2.5 ක් අහිමිවීට හේතුව මුදල් අමාත්‍යාංශයේ හා භාණ්ඩාගාරයේ කටයුතු සම්බන්ධයෙන් කිසිදු අත්දැකීමක් හෝ පළපුරුද්දක් නොමැති හර්ෂ සුරියප්පෙරුම ලේකම්වරයා ලෙස කටයුතු කිරීමය.    ඔහු මෙම තනතුරට පත්වීමට පෙර ජාතික ජන බලවේගයේ පාර්ලමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙකු ලෙස පත්වී මුදල් නියෝජ්‍ය ඇමතිවරයා ලෙස කටයුතු කිරීමයි.  ඒ හැර මෙම තනතුර දැරීමට ඔහුට කිසිදු සුදුසුකමක් නැත. ඉතිහාසයේ කිසිදු අවස්ථාවක භාණ්ඩාගාර ලේකම්වරයා ලෙස අවම වශයෙන් ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම්, සහකාර ලේකම්, දෙපාර්තමේන්තු ප්‍රධානී, අතිරේක ලේකම් වැනි වගකීමක් දරනු නොලැබූ සහ රාජ්‍ය සේවයේ පරිපාලන අත්දැකීම් නොමැති ආධුනිකයෙකු පත් වී නැත.

ඕස්ට්‍රෙිලියානු ගෙවීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් සියළු මුලික අනුමැතීන් ලබාදුන් මුදල් අමාත්‍යාං‍ශ ලේකම්වරයා මෙම තනතුරේ තබාගනිමින් සිදු කරන කිසිදු විමර්ශනයකින් සාධාරණයක් ඉටුවිය නොහැකිය. එබැවින් මෙම වංචාව සම්බන්ධයෙන් පළමු අනුමැතිය ලබාදුන් මුදල් අමාත්‍යාංශයේ ලේකම් හර්ෂ සුරියප්පෙරුම මහතා එම ධූරයෙන් ඉවත් විය යුතුය.  ඔහු ඉවත් නොවන්නේ නම්, අමාත්‍යාංශ ලේකම්වරයෙකු පත් කිරීමේ බලය සහිත අතිගරු ජනාධිපතිතුමන් විසින් ඔහු එම ධූරයෙන් ඉවත් කර, පරිපාලන අත්දැකීම් සහිත වගකීම් දැරිය හැකි ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ නිලධාරියෙකු එම තනතුරට පත් කළ යුතු බව ‘‍ෆී ලෝයර්ස්’ සංවිධානය අවධාරණය කරයි.

 (ඇමුණුම නිල පුවත්පත් නිවේදනය අමුණා ඇත)

ජනාධිපති නීතිඥ මෛත්‍රී ගුණරත්න

නීතිඥ අතුල ද සිල්වා  

Origins and evolution of inhabitants in Sri Lanka

April 23rd, 2026

By Raj Gonsalkorale

Race is a social construct used to categorize humans into groups based on shared physical traits (such as skin colour, hair texture, or facial features) or ancestry. Modern science views race as a system created by society, not as a biological, genetic, or scientific fact. It often carries implications for social hierarchy and power, influencing cultural perceptions and systemic treatment – National Human Genome Research Institute

Sri Lanka’s ancient chronological history, particularly the Sinhala Buddhist history, has generally been taken from the literary records in the Mahavamsa, which recounts Sri Lanka’s history from time Prince Vijaya landed in the island some 2600 years ago, and these accounts then carried forward through an oral tradition for nearly 1000 years before a Buddhist Monk, Venerable Mahanama completed the first written account of the Mahavamsa in 400 AD. Archaeologists however have tended to arrive at historical timelines based on their research findings. To this extent, one could say theirs is a more scientific narrative rather than a literary narrative on the ancient history of the island.

While Archaeologists concur that the Mahavamsa has a high degree of accuracy for later periods based on research, they are of the opinion that its early accounts are more mythical and legendary in the absence of scientific research to support accounts of the early periods. For example, there is no direct archaeological evidence (coins or inscriptions) for a specific “King Vijaya” from the 6th century BCE.  Experts opine that timeline discrepancies exist between the Mahavamsa and Archaeological digs, particularly in the Citadel of Anuradhapura, where using carbon dating to test the timeline of early settlements, have revealed discrepancies. While the Mahāvaṃsa says the city was founded in the 5th or 6th century BCE by Prince Vijaya, carbon dating of pottery and charcoal shows that Anuradhapura was actually a thriving town as far back as 900–1000 BCE, some 500 years prior to Vijaya’s landing.

HISTORY OF HUMAN HABITATION ON SRI LANKA

Earliest possible history of human habitation – While subsequently updated based on advances in dating technology, Archaeologist Dr Siran Deraniyagala had established that the archaeological sites of Pathirajawela and Bundala are southern occurrences of the Iranamadu Formation (IFM), an extensive geological unit characterized by “red latosol” (red coastal sands) and basal gravels, a coastal geological unit that appears in the island’s North and Northwest going back around 125,000 to 200,000 years ago.The Department of Archaeology has noted that the IFM deposits in the North have yielded the “oldest evidence of human habitation,” with some speculative relative dates reaching as far back as 500,000 years. As mentioned, the revised chronology (25,000 BCE) has provided a more modern geochemical position based on the 2024 OSL (Optically Stimulated Luminescence) testing. It suggests the earlier dates were a result of “solar resetting” issues in the quartz and the more recent testing has contested the earlier findings. However, conclusions maybe drawn that some human inhabitations have been there despite the later conclusions as both methods had used non-human being material for testing purposes.

A geneticists view of ancient history – This the DNA Story (60,000–70,000 years ago)which basically takes a look at the blood of people living today and “count back” the mutations suggesting that the ancestors of everyone currently alive in Sri Lanka, left Africa about 60000–70,000 years ago.

History based on scientific testing of human skeletal remains– Done for the first time on human full skeletons and advanced tools found in caves have shown that humans inhabited the island some 38,000 Years Ago which period is referred to as the “Balangoda Man” Phase. 

THE BALANGODA MAN

Actual Archaeological evidence from human skeletal remains and cultural artifacts such as geometric microliths (stone tools) found in the Fa Hien Cave and  Batadombalena have have established that the Balangoda man (Homo sapiens balangodensis) inhabited the country some 30,000 years ago, and is described as the prehistoric original inhabitants of the country. Evidence also shows these ancestors were skilled hunters who used fire and crafted tools from bone and stone. Finds of marine shells in inland caves suggest they maintained active contact or trade routes with coastal regions as far as 40 km away. 

Origins and Migration

  • The Land Bridge: For much of the last 500,000 years, Sri Lanka was intermittently connected to India via a land bridge roughly 100 km wide. This connection, now largely submerged as the Adam’s Bridge shoals, allowed for the continuous movement of early human and faunal populations across the continental shelf.
  • Out of Africa Timeline: The Balangoda Man’s arrival aligns with major migratory patterns of modern humans departing Africa approximately 60,000 to 70,000 years ago. These early Homo sapiens moved through South Asia, with Sri Lanka serving as a critical point for understanding how they adapted to diverse tropical environments.
  • A “Hunters in Transition” Model: Professor Somadeva’s research project, “Hunters in Transition”, posits that the indigenous people didn’t just disappear or get replaced. Instead, the descendants of Mesolithic hunter-gatherers (Balangoda Man) gradually evolved into the structured “Hela” or indigenous society, which included the Yakkha, Naga and Deva tribes. 

Evolution of inhabitants

The main groups who evolved from the original inhabitants, the Balangoda man, are understood to be the Yakkha, Naga, Raksha and Deva groups (collectively referred to as the Hela group) and the Vedda group. The distinction between these groups is generally seen as socio-economic rather than biological:

  • The Hela (Yakkha/Naga/Raksha/Dewa):These were the descendants who transitioned into settled life. Professor Somadeva’s findings at sites like Ranchamadama show they developed a “Mountain (Hela) Civilization” with advanced iron-smelting, proto-writing, and complex burial rituals by the 1st millennium BCE.
  • The Vedda: These were the descendants who chose to remain in the forests, preserving the hunter-gatherer lifestyle of their Balangoda Man ancestors well into the historical period. 

There is actual archaeological evidence in the form of early Brahmi inscriptions (c. 3rd century BCE to 1st century CE) where individuals identify themselves using these names. For example, inscriptions mention donors named “Naga” and “Deva”.Geographic Names: Ancient names for regions, such as Nagadeepa (the Jaffna peninsula), have been used for nearly 2,000 years, suggesting a long-standing association between certain regions and these tribal identities. From a scientific standpoint, archaeologists generally view these names not as different “species” or biologically distinct races, but as socio-political or totemic tribes:

  • Naga: Likely a maritime and mercantile group that used the cobra as a symbol. Archaeological findings like “Naga stones” (cobra-guarded stones) near ancient reservoirs and ports support the idea of a group that held specific cultural and engineering roles. The Naga community habitation had been mainly the coastal areas of the Northwest of the country and closest in proximity to Southern India.
  • Yakka: Often associated with iron-smelting and mountain-dwelling. Archaeological evidence of advanced iron-smelting in areas like the Uva province (dating back to 2400 BCE) is sometimes linked to the “Yakka”.
  • Raksha and Deva: These are less clearly defined in the physical record. “Raksha” is often a pejorative term used by later chroniclers for forest-dwellers, while “Deva” may have referred to a clan that eventually took on administrative or “god-like” status in folklore. 

Connection between Balangoda Man and the Four Tribes

Archaeologists see a cultural and biological continuum rather than a clean “break” between these groups: 

  • The Evolutionary Link: The “Balangoda Man” represents the Mesolithic hunter-gatherer foundation (starting ~48,000 years ago). Over millennia, these populations transitioned into the Early Iron Age (c. 1000–800 BCE).
  • Transformation: The tribes known as Yakka and Naga are essentially the Iron Age descendants of the Balangoda Man. As the island’s original inhabitants adopted farming, metalworking, and seafaring, they likely organised into the tribal structures described in the chronicles.
  • The Vedda Position: The Vedda are those who maintained the original Balangoda hunter-gatherer lifestyle into modern times, whereas the Yakka and Naga groups were those who modernised and eventually assimilated into the broader Sinhalese and Tamil populations

The Deva (or Dewa) group was one of the four main indigenous clans of ancient Sri Lanka, alongside the Yakkha, Naga, and Raksha. Collectively, these four are often referred to in modern Hela tradition as the Siew Hela (Four Helas). After the arrival of Buddhism in the 3rd century BCE, the distinct tribal identities of the Deva, Yakkha, Naga, and Raksha began to fade. They were largely absorbed into the broader Sihala and later Sinhala identity. The Adivasi (Vedda) people are the indigenous, forest-dwelling, first inhabitants of Sri Lanka, known traditionally as hunters-gatherers with a history extending back to the prehistoric era, long before the 6th-century BCE arrival of the Indo-Aryans. They are closely linked to the island’s earliest human residents, sharing genetic ties with indigenous groups in southern India and Southeast Asia. Today, they are concentrated in regions like Dambana and are navigating the transition from a traditional forest lifestyle to modern society. 

Origin of the Sinhalese – A traditional point of view

Sihala (also spelled Sīhaa) is actually the original Pali and Prakrit name for the same community and island. While “Sinhala” is the modern Sanskritized form commonly used today, “Sihala” is the term found in ancient religious and historical texts. Professor Rajasoma, a well-known Sri Lankan Archaeologist whose work has fundamentally challenged the traditional timelines of Sri Lankan history, suggests that an advanced, indigenous civilization existed on the island long before the arrival of Prince Vijaya (c. 543 BCE). He mentions the “Hela” Theory – Often called the Siv-Hela (Four Helas), which suggests that before Prince Vijaya arrived, the island was home to four tribes—the Yaksha, Raksha, Naga, and Deva.

According to this view, these groups merged to form the Hela (later Sihala) people, long before North Indian influence became dominant. Professor Somadeva argues that the Yakkha, Naga, Deva, and Raksha clans mentioned in the Mahavamsa chronicles were not mythical beings, but actual indigenous human communities. 

He suggests the name “Sihala” (or Hela) evolved from these indigenous groups merging together. He discovered a cave inscription in Tamketiya containing the word Yagasha (belonging to Yakshas), which he uses to link historical chronicles with archaeological reality. 

Impact on History

His work shifts the “Sihala” origin story from a 2,500-year-old immigrant tale to a 4,000-to-6,000-year-old indigenous evolution. He focuses on the “cognitive advances” of these early people, showing they were a resilient, trading society with their own technological and religious practices before any external arrival. Archaeological evidence suggests that a significant prehistoric and proto-historic civilisation inhabited the Knuckles Mountain Range (historically known as Malaya Rata or Giri Divaina). Recent research, including surveys and excavations, supports the presence of an advanced community in this region long before the traditional historic period. Local residents have traditionally and historically called this area Dumbara Kanduvetiya (“Mist-laden Mountain Range”), while ancient texts refer to it as a stronghold for indigenous tribes. The modern name “Knuckles” was actually assigned much later by British surveyors who thought the peaks looked like a clenched fist. The area surrounding the Knuckles Mountain Range is indeed home to what researchers like Professor Raj Somadeva identify as a “Sihala” or Hela civilization dating back several millennia. His research posits that the Knuckles was a major hub for an advanced, mountain-dwelling civilization that existed long before the traditional dates of recorded history.

The Naga people and theories on ethnic roots

Dravidian Links: Some historians, such as H. Parker, suggest the Nagas were an offshoot of the Nayars of Kerala, sharing a common culture of serpent worship. Other researchers argue that the Nagas were a Tamil-speaking tribe that eventually assimilated into the broader population in the north and other parts of the island. The archaeological records in Northern Sri Lanka provides concrete evidence of the Naga people’s existence and their deep cultural ties to South India. These sites reveal a society that was not isolated but acted as a bridge for trade and religious exchange between the island and the mainland. Amongst these are, Kandarodai (Kadiramalai) located inland from Jaffna, this site was likely the ancient capital of Naka-Nadu. Excavations have revealed a cluster of small stupas and Black and Red Ware pottery, a hallmark of the South Indian megalithic culture. Roman and Chinese coins found here confirm its role as a major mercantile hub, Anaikoddai, a megalithic burial site in Jaffna where the famous Anaikoddai Seal was discovered in 1981. This 3rd-century BCE soapstone seal features a bilingual inscription with megalithic graffiti and Tamil-Brahmi script reading “Ko Veta” (King Veta). This find is critical as it provides firm proof of local chieftaincy and literacy during the Naga period, Nainativu (Nagadeepa), an island off the Jaffna peninsula mentioned in both the Mahavamsa and the Tamil epic Manimekalai. It is home to the Nagadeepa Vihara, marking where Buddha reportedly settled a dispute between Naga kings Chulodara and Mahodara. Artifacts like the Naga guard stones and idols found here showcase the fusion of serpent worship and Buddhism. It is very plausible that the Naga community and their descendants were the forebearers of the ethnic group that evolved as the Tamils of Sri Lanka.

Sinhala and Tamil genetic links

Recent genetic and archaeological studies have clarified the complex origins of Sri Lanka’s ethnic groups, confirming that the Sinhalese and Tamils are more genetically similar to each other than to any other South Asian population. Professor Raj Somadeva has co-authored and contributed to research that highlights these shared roots through several key lenses. Both groups share a significant common genetic foundation that differs from both North and South Indian populations, suggesting a unique Sri Lankan genetic identity developed over millennia of isolation and interaction on the island. 

Conclusion

The research information that is available on the origin and evolution of inhabitants of the island is extensive and cannot be covered in one article. There is clear evidence that the island was inhabited by civilised community groups for thousands of years, beginning with the scientifically established Balangoda man phase of history. From a contemporary point of view, the ethnic and religious divides that occurred are historically very recent, and from an ancient historical point of view, unfortunate and unnecessary. It is clear from an archaeological and scientific point of view that the island’s inhabitants had one primary lineage, the Balangoda man, while descendent community group mixing obviously occurred from within and from outside over time. In this respect, the genetic studies that have confirmed that the Sinhalese and Tamils are more genetically similar to each other than to any other South Asian population is an interesting unifying factor that could guide the future of the country.

Brutal treatment of Maj. Gen. Suresh Sallay in CID custody

April 23rd, 2026

Trump, Iran, And The Folly Of Demanding Surrender

April 23rd, 2026

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir

Trump’s threats and maximalist demands ignore Iran’s history, security fears, and distrust of Washington. A durable agreement requires time, restraint, and professional diplomacy—not bombast, coercion, and calls for unconditional surrender that guarantee only resistance

Trump, Iran, And The Folly Of Demanding Surrender

Iran is not a transient power that can be coerced into submission; it is a civilization with over 2,500 years of continuous history, shaped by a deep sense of identity, resilience, and pride. From the philosophical legacy of Avicenna to the poetic brilliance of Hafez and the scientific contributions of Al-Khwarizmi, Iran’s imprint on global civilization is profound. Coupled with vast human and natural resources and a commanding geostrategic position, this history informs a national mindset that equates capitulation with existential defeat. To demand unconditional surrender,” as Trump has, is not only diplomatically reckless but culturally tone-deaf—such a demand is inherently unacceptable to Iran and ensures resistance, rather than compliance.

This is not to suggest that the Islamic-led government is benevolent and deserves every consideration. The government has committed egregious human rights violations, systematically repressing its population. It has killed thousands during recent protests, carried out widespread arbitrary arrests, and imposed severe restrictions on women’s rights. Political dissent is routinely crushed through imprisonment, torture, and executions, reflecting a pattern of state-sanctioned brutality that continues unabated.

Negotiation Requires Mutual Understanding Nevertheless, effective negotiation does not require agreement with the other side’s behavior, ideology, or political posture, but it does require genuine effort, even by adversaries, to understand that their positions have been heard and seriously considered. When a counterpart senses dismissal or indifference, they become far less inclined to engage, let alone compromise. Listening, therefore, is not a concession; it is a strategic necessity. By acknowledging the legitimacy of the other side’s interests—even while contesting them—a negotiator creates the minimal trust required for negotiations to make progress.

The Absence of Trust

Iran’s deep distrust of the United States—particularly under Trump—stems from a pattern of actions that have steadily eroded credibility. The withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2018, the assassination of General Soleimani in January 2020, and twice striking Iran even in the midst of negotiations in June 2025 and February 2026, have reinforced Tehran’s belief that Trump cannot be trusted. No party will negotiate seriously when it anticipates duplicity at critical junctures.

Moreover, Trump’s pattern of threatening to annihilate” Iran, to bomb it back to the stone age,” and his repeated threats to attack civilian infrastructure—electric grids, bridges—as leverage to reach a deal in a day or two is absurd given the complexity and the far-reaching implications of the negotiations. Such coercion only deepens mistrust, hardens resistance, and effectively forecloses any realistic prospect of reaching a durable agreement.

Trump’s rhetoric does not project strength; it signals recklessness and contempt, confirming to Iran’s leadership that the US is willing to inflict indiscriminate harm. This reflects a fundamentally flawed approach to negotiation, as Iran sees little incentive to compromise with a counterpart it views as both hostile and untrustworthy, compounding its preexisting distrust.

Trust, however, cannot be demanded or negotiated; it must be carefully nurtured over time. For Iran to consider significant concessions, it must first feel secure. That requires credible assurances that the United States will refrain from military action and prevent Israeli strikes. Only within such a framework of guaranteed restraint can a fragile foundation of trust begin to emerge.

Iran’s National Security Concerns

Iran does not seek a usable nuclear arsenal so much as the capability to assemble one quickly, creating a powerful deterrent against adversaries. In Tehran’s strategic thinking, latent nuclear capability—rather than overt weaponization—offers insurance against regime-threatening attacks while avoiding the full international backlash that an open bomb program would trigger.

Iranian analysts also draw lessons from Ukraine, which surrendered the Soviet nuclear arsenal it inherited under the 1994 Budapest Memorandum. Russia likely would not have invaded had Ukraine retained its nuclear weapons. Iran likewise notes that Kim Jong Un’s growing arsenal has effectively shielded his regime from serious external threats or regime change efforts. India and Pakistan, after three major conventional wars, have since limited their confrontations to skirmishes under the shadow of mutual nuclear deterrence.

This experience reinforces Tehran’s belief that only a credible nuclear option, the clear ability to build one, can prevent similar aggression, and that relinquishing such deterrence would require far-reaching security guarantees that make Iran feel secure without the nuclear shadow.

Complex Negotiations Cannot be Rushed

Serious negotiations with Iran, involving layers of nuclear, regional, and security issues, cannot be rushed through in a matter of days or weeks. The JCPOA took nearly 2.5 years to finalize, precisely because of its complexity and the depth of mistrust on both sides. Any administration that genuinely seeks a durable, comprehensive agreement must accept that time is not a luxury but a prerequisite for success.

If Trump wants a credible accord, he must halt hostilities, maintain the ceasefire throughout the talks, and allow trust to grow incrementally as negotiations proceed. Trying to force a deal on a short schedule cannot be taken seriously in Tehran. An accord reached under duress and against the clock will lack both legitimacy and staying power, and will almost certainly collapse at the first crisis.

The concessions required of both the US and Iran are inherently difficult to negotiate and will take time, yet they are fundamental to any viable agreement. To reach a viable agreement, Iran and the US would need to take a series of concrete, verifiable steps that directly address the core security concerns of both sides.

Iran must immediately reopen the Strait of Hormuz to all commercial and military shipping and commit to sustained freedom of navigation. It must cease arming Hezbollah, the Houthis in Yemen, and allied militias in Iraq, and gradually scale back its offensive ballistic missile program under intrusive verification. Iran must also stop threatening Israel with genocidal rhetoric, which has been and continues to be the source of their intense hostility and one of the main sources of the region’s instability, and ship out or downgrade its 60 percent enriched uranium stockpile.

In return, the US must also remove its military blockade of the Strait of Hormuz and extend the ceasefire without stipulating an expiration date. It must recognize Iran’s right to a civilian nuclear program under the strictest safeguards, to ensure there is no diversion to weaponization. Washington should begin releasing Iran’s frozen funds and gradually lift sanctions, in a carefully calibrated manner tied to verified compliance. The United States must also formally pledge non interference in Iran’s domestic politics, renouncing regime change operations and covert destabilization while reserving the right to speak out on human rights.

If both sides fully adhere to this process over time, they can move toward structured discussions on the gradual normalization of relations, including the restoration of diplomatic representation and expanded economic and cultural ties.

Despite Trump’s claim of victory, Iran emerged as the de facto winner in its confrontation with the US and Israel, both of which failed to achieve regime change or spark a popular uprising. Instead, Iran’s leadership is now younger and more resolute. The conflict exposed the limits of US and Israeli military power, while Iran demonstrated resilience and its ability to disrupt global oil flows through the Strait of Hormuz. In doing so, Tehran signaled that it is no longer a marginal actor, but a power to be reckoned with.

To curb Iran’s extremism, the US must abandon fantasies of regime change and recognize Tehran’s security concerns and legitimate interests. Coercion and demands for capitulation only harden resistance. Stability requires reciprocal concessions and sustained diplomacy. Anything less will deepen confrontation, reinforce Iran’s deterrence, and drive the region back to the brink.

____________

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir is a retired professor of international relations, most recently at the Center for Global Affairs at NYU. He taught courses on international negotiation and Middle Eastern studies.

Smart Lighting Expo and Lighting Fair conclude successfully

April 23rd, 2026

ACN Newswire

– Attracting some 13,000 global buyers Industry expresses optimism regarding future sales prospects

HONG KONG, Apr 23, 2026 – (ACN Newswire) – The 3rd Smart Lighting Expo and the 17th Hong Kong International Lighting Fair (Spring Edition), organised by the Hong Kong Trade Development Council (HKTDC), successfully concluded today at the Hong Kong Convention and Exhibition Centre. The four-day fairs brought together some 900 exhibitors and attracted some 13,000 buyers from 114 countries and regions for on-site visits and sourcing. Buyer numbers recorded growth, including those from Asian markets such as Malaysia and the Philippines; European markets including France, Germany, the Netherlands, Russia and Türkiye; and North and South American markets, including Brazil, Canada and the US, highlighting Hong Kong’s role as a key global hub for lighting products and technology exchange.

Jenny Koo, Deputy Executive Director of the HKTDC, said: “This year’s two lighting fairs attracted industry-leading enterprises who showcased cutting-edge high-performance, smart lighting and sustainable products and solutions. The events also attracted quality buyers from global markets. This helps companies diversify supply chains, explore new markets, and underscores Hong Kong’s strength as an ‘International Exhibition Capital’ which boosts efficient business platforms. The fairs are the preferred platform for the industry to showcase innovation, connect with global buyer networks and accelerate business development.”

Survey findings: Respondents were most optimistic about the India and Australia markets

To keep abreast of the latest industry developments, the HKTDC conducted an on-site survey during the fairs, interviewing 450 exhibitors and buyers. The findings show that overall confidence among exhibitors and buyers in future business development has shown a general increase.

Key market outlook and product trend findings:

49.1% of respondents expect overall sales to increase in the next 12 to 24 months, while 47.6% expect sales to remain stable.Respondents consider India (73.4%), Australia (71%), ASEAN countries (70.4%), and Japan (68.1%) to be promising or very promising target sales markets for lighting products over the next two years in terms of growth.In terms of new market development, exhibitor respondents are actively exploring Middle East (31.8%), Europe (29.5%), ASEAN countries (23.9%), Latin America (17.6%) and North America (14.8%).In the smart lighting segment, respondents identified home automation and intelligent lighting control systems (48.2%), energy saving lighting control solutions (38.2%), and outdoor smart security lighting systems (31.1%) as having the greatest growth potential over the next two years.Compared with conventional lighting products, respondents indicated that consumers are willing to pay an average premium of 29% for lighting products equipped with smart functions.

Scenario-based displays and new zones enhance sourcing effectiveness, with positive trade outcomes

The newly launched Light Lab” features various scenario-based and immersive designs, integrating lighting products into landscape, sports, cultural and artistic application settings. Shanghai Sansi Electronic Engineering showcased plant clamp lights and compact downlights suitable for museum applications. Guoli Zhu, Deputy Chief Engineer of the company said: The Light Lab has effectively enhanced the presentation of our products, enabling buyers to more intuitively and swiftly grasp product features and their real-world application scenarios. This has successfully attracted buyers from Argentina, Canada, Germany, India, Japan and the US to visit our booth for in-depth discussions. We expect this to result in orders worth over US$1 million.”

The Smart Lighting Expo also debuted the Smart Display and Stage Lighting & Sound Zone” which displayed a wide range of intelligent display solutions. Industry leader Absen participated in the fair for the first time. Benjamin Tang, Senior Sales Engineer, said: The new zone has effectively enhanced product visibility, attracting buyers from Eastern Europe, Oceania, North America, South America, and South Asia to our booth. These inquiries came from new clients across key sectors such as cultural tourism and stage engineering. We have also successfully engaged in several promising collaboration discussions with potential clients from the Dominican Republic, Hong Kong and Thailand, further strengthening the company’s market expansion plan. We estimate the value of orders from the expo will amount to US$930,000. Riding on this momentum, we have decided to join the Hong Kong International Lighting Fair (Autumn Edition) this year.”

The newly launched Leisure Lighting Zone” has injected new momentum into the Spring Lighting Fair. Rebecca Seo, CFO of NIZ, a first-time exhibitor from Korea, said: The fair has provided us with an excellent platform to connect with international buyers. We have successfully connected with buyers from Denmark, Germany, Japan, and the US, and a well-known Japanese homeware retailer has already placed an on-site order. Thanks to the strong traffic generated by the new zone, we expect the fair to bring up to US$70 million in orders for our company this year.”

Supported by Zhongshan as the Special Partner City, the fairs featured the Zhongshan Guzhen Pavilion and Zhongshan Henglan Pavilion under the Zhongshan Smart Home Zone, presenting the manufacturing strength and competitiveness of the region’s lighting industry while supporting enterprises in going global”. Merry Liu, Manager of Bairan Lighting, an industrial enterprise above designated size in Henglan, Zhongshan, said: The two lighting fairs provide Zhongshan enterprises with an efficient ‘go-global’ gateway, enabling us to connect directly with buyers from Europe, the Middle East, South America, and Southeast Asia. This helps drive our products and brand onto the international stage. We expect to achieve US$2 million in sales.”

During the fair, the HKTDC organised a buying mission to Zhongshan for the first time, visiting several lighting factories and participating in business matching meetings. This initiative aimed to deepen exchange and cooperation within the Zhongshan lighting supply chain. The visit successfully facilitated several substantive business collaborations; New Zealand buyer Spark100 Ltd established a connection with a Zhongshan lighting supplier, with a potential order value estimated between US$100,000 and US$300,000.

This year’s exhibition also attracted buyers from the Middle East. Patrick Zhang, VP of sales of Tecnon Lighting Technology from the Shenzhen Pavilion, stated: At this year’s fair, a buyer from the United Arab Emirates and a US buyer from a leading women’s fashion brand are likely to become our cooperation partners. We expect to generate US$2 million in sales turnover for our company.”

As construction projects in the ASEAN region accelerate, market demand for smart lighting solutions continues to expand. Sambath HK, Manager of RS Decoration from Cambodia, stated, I travelled here specifically to source lighting products for 14 new commercial building and luxury residential projects. I have already met with over 20 new suppliers and identified two potential partners offering smart street lights, solar lights, and decorative lighting products. I will initially purchase US$100,000 worth of smart street lights.”

Driven by the Belt and Road Initiative, urban development in participating countries and regions are in full swing, fuelling a continuous surge in demand for high-efficiency and smart lighting products. Aigerim Beisekina, Supply Manager of Karelz.kz from Kazakhstan, said: This is our first time visiting the twin lighting fairs, to find reliable suppliers for a solar-powered stadium and sports lighting for three international schools currently under construction in Kazakhstan. Through the Click2Match business matching platform, we have identified three potential suppliers from the Chinese Mainland and plan to purchase lighting equipment valued between US$600,000 and US$900,000.”

During the fairs, multiple professional events were held, including the Asian Lighting Conference and the Smart Lighting Solutions Forum. Designers and industry representatives from different regions shared market trends, application cases and technological developments, providing forward-looking market insight for the industry.

EXHIBITION+ model sustains post-fair business opportunities

Under the hybrid EXHIBITION+ model, the twin lighting fairs combined in-person sourcing with online meetings via the HKTDC’s Click2Match smart business-matching platform and hktdc.com sourcing platform. Click2Match will be available until 30 April to facilitate discussions between exhibitors and buyers around the world.

What are the lessons we can learn from China and Vietnam being communist one party ruling parties  running those countries and how they develop quasi capitalist base for development and growth ?

April 23rd, 2026

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

What are the lessons we can learn in Sri Lanka now run by a extreme ex communist party 

It’s tempting to think the secret” is simply one-party rule, but that’s not what made China and Vietnam grow so fast. Many countries have had centralized political systems without achieving anything close to their economic transformation. The real lessons are more practical—and frankly, less ideological.

1. Ideology was bent to suit reality

Both China (since Deng Xiaoping’s reforms) and Vietnam (through Đổi Mới) quietly abandoned rigid state control of the economy while keeping political control intact.

They allowed:

  • Private enterprise
  • Foreign investment
  • Export-driven manufacturing

Lesson for Sri Lanka: Economic pragmatism must override political dogma. Whether a party is left” or right” matters less than whether it allows business to function efficiently.

2. Strong state, but not suffocating state

China and Vietnam didn’t disappear from the economy—they guided it strategically:

  • Built infrastructure ahead of demand
  • Directed credit to priority sectors
  • Created export zones with fewer restrictions

But they did not micromanage every enterprise.

Lesson: Sri Lanka doesn’t need a weak state—it needs a competent, disciplined state that sets direction but doesn’t choke private initiative.

3. Ruthless focus on production, not consumption

Both countries emphasized:

  • Manufacturing
  • Exports
  • Industrial zones and promoting FDI

They avoided the trap Sri Lanka often falls into: over-reliance on imports, services, and consumption-led growth.

Lesson: Without a strong production base (industry, logistics, energy), growth will always be fragile.

4. Policy consistency over decades

China and Vietnam maintained long-term economic direction regardless of internal political shifts.

Sri Lanka, by contrast, frequently changes:

  • Tax regimes
  • Investment rules
  • Trade policies

Lesson: Investors value predictability more than incentives. Stability is more powerful than slogans.

5. Meritocratic (though not perfect) administration

Both systems promoted technocrats who could deliver results—especially in economic zones and infrastructure.

Lesson: Party  loyalty alone cannot run an economy. Sri Lanka must:

  • Strengthen institutions
  • Appoint competent professionals
  • Reduce politicization of state enterprises

6. Openness to global capital—on their own terms

China and Vietnam invited foreign investors but:

  • Negotiated hard
  • Forced technology transfer
  • Linked FDI to exports

Lesson: Sri Lanka often swings between over-dependence and over-suspicion. A balanced approach is needed—strategic openness with clear national benefit.

7. Discipline and accountability

This is uncomfortable but important:

  • Corruption exists in both countries
  • But large-scale economic sabotage is punished swiftly

Lesson: Enforcement matters. Rules without consequences are meaningless.

Where the comparison can mislead

Sri Lanka is not China or Vietnam:

  • Smaller market
  • Democratic system
  • Different geopolitical position
  • Higher social expectations

Trying to copy their political model would likely backfire. But adapting their economic discipline is entirely possible.

About extreme ex-communist” governance in Sri Lanka

If a government comes from a leftist background, the real test is this:

Can it transition from ideological purity to economic delivery?

China and Vietnam succeeded because they abandoned economic rigidity, not because they enforced it.

If Sri Lanka goes the opposite way—more control, more suspicion of private capital, more policy unpredictability—it will stall regardless of ideology.

Bottom line

The lesson is not:

One-party rule creates growth.”

The real lesson is:

Consistent, pragmatic, production-focused economic management—backed by a capable state—creates growth.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

WORLD CONSUMER DAY 2026 THEME OF THE YEAR PRODUCT SAFTY AND SATISFIED CONSUMER

April 23rd, 2026

Sarath Wijesinghe President’s Counsel, Solicitor in England and Wales, former Chairman Consumer Affairs Authority Former Ambassador UAE and Israel and President Ambassador’s Forum.

WORLD CONSUMER DAY

World consumer day falls on 15th March every year celebrated by the Consumer International the main body for consumer – and others world over as the Consumers Day world over in order to show strength and be with citizens to air the needs and grievances of the consumer in a friendly atmosphere supposed to include all citizens as any average citizen is a consumer at any stage of the life from birth to death. For example, when a child is born parents become consumers in purchasing consumer items for the child and the process goes till his death and maturity and it is a need of every citizen to be a consumer at every moment of life circle. Consumer is defined in various ways simply professionally and academically as it is an important word and subject to the citizen during the complicated life circle. The main legal instrument in Sri Lanka (in addition to the civil and other laws connected to consumerism) is the Consumers Affairs Authority act no 9 of 2003 defines Consumer as S 75 as any actual or potential user of any goods or services made available for a consideration of trader or manufacture for the purpose of legislation when Oxford Dictionary defines consumer as a person who buys or uses goods or services. In academic and professional caraculs, it is defended in advanced forms but the consumer he needs quality consumer items at an affordable price maintaining good standards. Every citizen is a consumer and it is this group that needs redress and satisfaction that is in the hands of the trader and manufacture whose prime motive is profit making when the differences emerge among trader, consumer, manufacturer and the regulator-that is the government. The issues and challenges are common in any jurisdiction and this concept known as consumerism is universal issue common of developed mankind. It  is the day of the consumer who is mighty powerful yet unaware of his power and strength as John Kennady stated in 1960 that consumer is the most aggrieved part of the society neglected and not organized. It is he organized the consumer movement and consumer International that led to initiate the world consumer day celebrated worldwide today.

Historical significance

Consumerism as a concept goes back to long historical legacies especially in UK and west when the trade and commerce is in hay days with naval powers and world trade with colonies, trade law developed in the west with writers and great thinkers who mastered the principals and concepts  of consumerism that gave foundation to the modern trade and commercial law with series of case law in England that spread to the commonwealth and the west. Today EU, USA, and UK lead the operation of the legal process followed by west and commonwealth of Nations. EU directions are effective and covers UK and EU nations.

Is the consumer powerful or has been given the due place in the society?

They say consumer is a king as he can kneel down the trader and the public when organized. Unfortunately, the consumer was not organized and lived under the iron shoes of the trader and industrialist until recently when some concerned activists and leaders gave leadership to consumer as an aggrieved group needing assistance. It is President who stated in 1960, that consumer is a group not organized and weak left unnoticed as an aggrieved section of the society that needs to be promoted and helped formation of the consumer international an the world consumer day celebrated world over organizing and promoting advanced consumer regimes selecting different hems that needs promotions such as junk food defective consumer items that let the UN guidelines for consumerism to be implemented. In the west the consumer movement is powerful with media support and with the network of consumer organizations. The situation in Sri Lanka and less developed countries is underdeveloped due to the powerful trader and manufacturer who are financially and socially powerful. In UK when powerful Coco Kola used water from river Thames it is media who came forward with the consumer to kneel down the company to use purified water, though still cola has continued to be unhealthy yet flourish world over with the power of media money and strength. Consumer International that promotes world consumer day is an voluntary international organization assisting thr consumer to organize themselves and taking the side of the consumer for their rights for consumer items of quality for a reasonable prize. In Sri Lanka the consumer is suppressed neglected and cheated by the errant trader and it is time the governance intervenes and the consumer organized. CAA is expected to assist promote and set up consumer organizations but there are few or no consumer organizations in Sri Lanka and the governance, and public is equally blamed for not asserting their own rights misused and exploited by trader and those in power. In the United Kingdom the consumer is adequately protected by law and organizations whilst the trader is rich protected and organized therebetween is balance of power struggle.

Theme of the year 2026

Product Safety and satisfied consumer is the theme of this year, when many countries all over the world uses this date to organize the consumer to improve the quality of life and fight against exploration by the trader and allies. It is noted that on 15th March 2016 a seminar is scheduled at the organization of professionals association with inauguration of a consumers text book with 1000 pages to the nation with a detailed information to be used by the public, student and professional in  a country consumerism is less developed with a weak and inactive regulator CAA which needs changes as no changes or improvements have not taken since the introduction in year 2003 despite drastic  changes on consumerism in the door steps of the Artificial Interglacial era.

Celebrated in Sri Lanka on 15th of march at organization of professionals at Stanly Wijesundara Road Colombo organized by the Ambassador’s forum UK with the initial introduction and welcome speech by Mr Daminda Gunatilaka –  a Senior Solicitor and General Secretary of the forum. Agenda includes formation of the federation of professional organizations in Sri Lanka UK an Europe, appointment of consumer Ombudsman, formation of Lanka Consumer Organization, with speeches and presentations from Professor Prathiba Mahanamahewage, Dr Dayanath Prof Dushan Jayawickarama of Jayawardenspura University Jayasuriya Chairman CAA and many others. Theme and main speech will be delivered by Sarath Wijesinghe PC President Ambassadors forum and the event will be conducted by Mr Olitha Gunaratna and assistance on  refreshment will be borne by Jeff Gunawardena of Tilanka and media invitations and expenses will be borne by Buddhika and Hiran of Surado and reliance international.

Consumer transections

Any consumer transection is not simple. Consumer buying a loaf of bread from the corner shop comes under bread ordinance, Consumer regulation, price regulation and the local authority regulations. This applies to any compleacated transection on e- commerce and international platforms in our country today with 110% penetration of mobile phones and IT with educated society with modern knowledge on the finger tips, credit to our consumers.

Why WCD What are they going to achieve

It is an exercise to educate and organize consumer is a cordial and friendly atmosphere with no confrontation. May mini or major wars static shortages prices and the lust of the citizen that can be resolved on discussion and separating the rights and duties of parties concerned. It is the duty of the citizen to understand the realities in life and co-exist with the trader, regulate and other parties in q a cordial atmosphere for o existence with no major rivalries.

Steps taken by the ambassador’s forum is numerous. Main assignment is the setting of a consumer Ombudsman in line with the financial. Insurance and administrative ombudsman already function in Sri Lanka serving the citizen in various means in public life economy consumerism and the development of the nation. The other area is the formation of consumer organization which is the backbone of consumerism in any country. The function at OPA was well attended and public is in invited to take part at the Ombudsman group which is open to the public to take part at the consumer activism for your benefit and the benefit of the rest of the citizens who are still not organized to look after themselves through organized network of consumer organizations and it is a sorry affair the main resulted the Consumer affairs Authority is not active cooperative or innovative to meet the needs of the consumer – the citizen most powerful group not organized and totterer for the good and benefit of the rest of the citizens..

 Sarath Wijesinghe PC Solicitor in England and Wales wijesinghe sarath05@gmail.com

Don’t abandon banks—but be selective

April 23rd, 2026

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

1. Don’t abandon banks—but be selective

Licensed commercial banks supervised by theCentral Bank of Sri Lanka are  still far safer than most finance companies.

That said, don’t treat all banks as equal:

  • Prefer systemically important banks (large balance sheets, strong capital)
  • Look at published financials (capital adequacy, NPL ratios)
  • Avoid chasing unusually high deposit rates—it’s often a red flagged
  • Spread your risk (this is the single most important step)

Instead of asking which institution is safest,” assume none are risk-free.

  • Split deposits across 2–3 strong banks
  • Keep each deposit within the insured limit underSri Lanka Deposit Insurance and Liquidity Support Scheme
  • (currently LKR 1.1 million per depositor per institution)

This way, even if one fails, you’re not wiped out.

Be cautious with finance companies—don’t treat them like banks

Licensed finance companies are regulated, but:

  • They take higher risks
  • Governance has historically been weaker

If you must invest:

  • Stick only to CBSL-licensed finance companies
  • Limit exposure to a small percentage of your portfolio
  • Avoid long lock-in periods

Consider government securities

For capital safety:

  • Treasury bills and bonds issued by the Government of Sri Lanka are still considered low risk locally
  • These can be accessed through banks or primary dealers

Returns may be lower—but stability matters more at your stage.

 On digitisation—your point is valid, but incomplete

You’re correct: real-time monitoring and red-flag systems should catch fraud early.

But the reality:

  • Systems exist, but human override, collusion, or weak governance can bypass them
  • Digitisation doesn’t replace accountability and enforcement

The real failure is not just technology—it’s lack of consequences at senior levels

A practical allocation strategy (simple and conservative)

Given your concerns and experience:

  • 50–60% → Strong licensed banks (spread across 2–3)
  • 20–30% → Government securities
  • 10–20% → Liquid cash / savings Gold coins 
  • Minimal or zero → finance companies unless carefully selected

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

“India’s Selective Generosity vs Strategic Hesitation in Trincomalee”

April 23rd, 2026

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Please find response from EX Indian CEO of Lanka IOC  Indian oil company in Trinco 

Quote 

Beautifully articulated. Temples and schools are important but less capital intensive and hence easier to manage. For major investment like developing Trincomalee and to have India involved in it, Govt to Govt push is a must . Srilanka should strongly pitch. I would personally think that the experts in Sri lanka themselves or with the external consultants should prepare a master plan of developing the Trincomalee and start implementing in phases. I am sure there will be large number of investors, as you also have stated, will be available In order to attract more investors, it is neccessary that the the investors are assured of viability and guarantee of the return of their investment. SriLanka need to work on how to make it happen. India being a neighbour, its involvement is very essential but certainly a country cannot keep waiting for something to happen particularly in the area of energy and energy security. I recall, India in early 1960’s built its first refinery with the technology from the then USSR and all material supplied by them and paid by India in INR.Such an approcah is good but today we have many investors around the world including India and that need to be explored.

Unquote 

My article

Who Guards the Guardian? Sri Lanka’s Central Bank Must Answer”

April 23rd, 2026

By Dr. Sarath Obeysekera

Sri Lanka is no stranger to financial scandals. But what is truly alarming is not the scandals themselves—it is the complete absence of accountability at the highest level.

From the infamous Central Bank bond scandal to the quiet collapse of finance companies and the near-fatal instability of licensed institutions, one question refuses to go away:

Who regulates the regulator?

The Central Bank of Sri Lanka sits at the apex of financial authority in this country. It is the guardian of monetary stability, the watchdog of banks, and the supposed early warning system against financial disaster. Yet, time and again, crises erupt under its watch—only to be followed by silence, deflection, and selective accountability.

When finance companies collapsed, thousands of ordinary Sri Lankans lost their life savings. The powerful walked away. Some fled the country. Others quietly disappeared into the shadows of legal complexity.

When irregularities surfaced in the banking system, they were not discovered early—they were exposed late, often when the damage was already irreversible.

This is not mere oversight. This is systemic negligence—or worse, systemic complicity.

We are told that digitization” will solve these problems. That technology will bring transparency. That modern systems will detect irregularities in real time.

But let us ask a brutally honest question:

What is the use of digital systems if those in charge choose not to act?

A corrupt system does not become clean because it is computerized. It becomes faster, more sophisticated, and harder to detect.

Meanwhile, whispers grow louder about unregulated financial flows, including exposure to cryptocurrency channels that operate beyond the traditional regulatory net. Are these being monitored? Or are we once again waiting for a crisis before reacting?

Sri Lanka cannot afford another financial disaster.

There is a dangerous culture in this country:
Punish the small man. Protect the powerful. Move on.

This must end.

In some parts of the world, including places like Russia, there is a ruthless—if controversial—approach: when corruption is uncovered, the entire chain of command is investigated without fear or favour. While such extreme measures may not suit a democratic society, the underlying principle is worth noting:

Accountability must travel upward—not downward.

If a financial institution fails, it is not just the clerk or the manager who should answer.
It is the board.
It is the regulators.
And ultimately—it is the Central Bank.

Sri Lanka needs:

  • Independent forensic audits of all major financial failures
  • Public disclosure of findings—not buried reports
  • Personal liability for decision-makers who fail in their duty
  • A Central Bank that is not only independent—but also answerable

Sacking a few officials is not reform.
Replacing one chairman with another is not transformation.

What we need is a complete reset of accountability.

If the Central Bank cannot prevent financial misconduct, cannot detect risk in time, and cannot act decisively—then it must answer to the people of this country.

Not with statements.
Not with committees.
But with consequences.

Because if the guardian itself is compromised,
then the entire financial system stands exposed.

And the next collapse will not be a surprise—
it will be a certainty.

Hacking of USD 2.5 million – Public could lose trust on banks: Joint opposition

April 23rd, 2026

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, April 23 (Daily Mirror) – The people of Sri Lanka will lose trust on banks as a result of the hacking of the USD 2.5 million government funds, the Joint Opposition said today.

Former Minister Professor G.L. Peiris told a media conference that the last thing which Sri Lanka wants is the people losing their trust on banks in the wake of hacking.

Former Minister Patali Champika Ranawaka said the Sri Lankan government now faces a challenge to keep favorable credit ratings as a result of the hacking.

Maithri Gunaratne accuses President, Finance Secretary after hackers steal $2.5 mln

April 23rd, 2026

Courtesy Adaderana

The President of the Free Lawyers Organisation, President’s Counsel Maithri Gunaratne, has claimed that both the President and the Secretary to the Finance Ministry should be held responsible over the disappearance of a USD 2.5 million payment owed to Australia.

He further alleged that the incident would not have come to light if not for the intervention of his organisation, accusing the government of continuing to cover it up.

Addressing the media yesterday (22), the former MP had revealed that the USD 2.5 million, paid by the Treasury as part of a debt settlement linked to a USD 22.9 million loan, had not reached the intended recipient and had instead ended up with cybercriminals or a third party.

Gunaratne stated that both the President and the Finance Secretary should be held accountable, calling for their resignation and dismissal. 

He also questioned whether an impartial investigation could be conducted while the current Finance Secretary remains in office.

President’s Counsel Maithri Gunaratne further added:

Following this theft, the Treasury Secretary must first be held accountable, and the President must be held equally responsible. He cannot be exempted from this responsibility.

Treasury Secretary Dr. Harshana Suriyapperuma has worked in Australia for many years, which raises suspicions as to whether he may be connected to this incident. When such concerns arise, it is questionable whether a fair investigation can be conducted while he continues to serve in that position. What justice is there in such a situation?

Therefore, I call on the President to resign, and the Secretary must also be removed from his post. This investigation cannot be carried out properly without his dismissal.

A committee has already been appointed by the Ministry of Finance to investigate the matter, and they have acknowledged that the money was diverted to Australia. Incidents of this nature cannot be allowed to be forgotten.

This government has deceived the people of the country. It has been nearly three months since the incident occurred, and it only came to light after our organisation exposed it. Otherwise, this would not have been revealed to the public.

The government was prepared to conceal the matter entirely. Look at how this government is trying to deceive the people of the country. We must emphasize that there has been clear negligence on the part of the officials involved.”

The group has reportedly submitted a written request to Speaker of Parliament Dr. Jagath Wickramaratne, seeking a formal parliamentary investigation into the incident.

Meanwhile, the Ministry of Finance stated that it has already lodged complaints with law enforcement and other relevant institutions regarding the alleged cyber-attack.

The Ministry added that a preliminary internal investigation has been conducted, necessary actions have been taken, and disciplinary measures have been initiated against several officials connected to the incident.

බැරිම තැන ජනපතිටත් කිව්වා! | ඩොලර් කෝටි ගාණක් අතුරුදහන්ද? | හර්ෂ රටට ඇත්තම කියයි!

April 23rd, 2026

මහා භාණ්ඩාගාරයේ ඩොලර් මිලියන 2.5 ක මුදල් පරිගණක හැකර් කෙනෙකු අතට පත් වී තිබේදැයි පාර්ලිමේන්තුව හරහා විමර්ශනයක් සිදු කරන ලෙස ඉල්ලීමයි.

April 22nd, 2026

ජනාධිපති නීතිඥ මෛත්‍රී ගුණරත්න සභාපති / ‍ෆී ලෝයර්ස් සංවිධානය ‍

2026 අප්‍රේල් 22

ගරු කතානානයකතුමා,

ශ්‍රී ලංකා පාර්ලිමේන්තුව,

ශ්‍රී ජයවර්ධනපුර කෝට්ටේ,

කෝට්ටේ.

ගරු කතානායකතුමනි,

මහා භාණ්ඩාගාරයේ ඩොලර් මිලියන 2.5 ක මුදල් පරිගණක හැකර් කෙනෙකු අතට පත් වී තිබේදැයි පාර්ලිමේන්තුව හරහා විමර්ශනයක් සිදු කරන ලෙස ඉල්ලීමයි.  

ශ්‍රී ලංකා රජය 2025 සැප්තෑම්බර් මස අග වන විට  ඩොලර් මිලියන 22.9 ක ණය මුදලක් ගෙවීමට තිබු රටකට, ණය පියවීමක් ලෙස ඉන් කොටසක් එනම්, ඩොලර් මිලියන 2.5 ක මුදලක්, මහා භාණ්ඩාගාරය විසින් 2005 දෙසැම්බර් සිට 2026 ජනවාරි 31 දක්වා කාලය තුල විසින් පියවා ඇත. එම මුදල් අදාළ ණයකරු (රට) වෙත නොව, පරිගණක හැකර් කෙනෙකු (හෝ තුන්වන පාර්ශවයකට) වෙත හෝ යොමු කර ඇති බව දැනගන්නට ඇත.  

දැන්, මෙම සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් විමර්ශනය කිරීම සඳහා ‘තාක්ෂණික විමර්ශන කමිටුවක්’ 2026.03.24 ක්  හෝ ඒ ආසන්නයේ පත් කර ඇත.  මේ වන විටත් සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් භාණ්ඩාගාර නියෝජ්‍ය අධ්‍යක්ෂවරුන් දෙදෙනෙකු,  අධ්‍යක්ෂකවරුන් දෙදෙනෙකු හා පරිගණක අංශයේ ප්‍රධානියෙකු ගේ වැඩ තහනම් කර ඇත.  

ඔබතුමන් දන්නා පරිදි, මෑතක් වන තුරුම විදේශ ණය, ‍වාරික සහ පොලිය නැවත ගෙවීම් කටයුතු  සිදු කරනු ලැබූයේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා මහ බැංකුව විසිනි.  නව මුදල් පනත සම්මත වීමෙන් පසුව එම වගකීම විදේශ සම්පත් දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව හා රාජ්‍ය ණය කළමනාකරණ කාර්යාලය වෙත පැවරුණි. ඒ අනුව මෙම ගෙවීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් ලේඛන සකස් කර ඇත්තේ ද, ගෙවීම් සිදු කර ඇත්තේ එම ආයතන විසිනි.

ඩොලර් මිලියන 2.5 ක ගෙවීම් සිදු කිරීමට නියෝජ්‍ය භාණ්ඩගාර ලේකම්වරයෙකුට, ගණකාධිකාරිවරියට හා පරිගණ අං‍‍ශයේ නිලධාරියෙකුට පමණක් හැකියාව නැත. ඒ සඳහා අනිවාර්යයෙන්ම නියෝජ්‍ය භාණ්ඩාගාර ලේකම් (DST) සහ භාණ්ඩාගාර ලේකම්වරයා ද සම්බන්ධ විය යුතුය.

රාජ්‍ය මුල්‍ය සම්බන්ධයෙන් අවසන් වගකීම පැවරෙන්නේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව වෙත ය.  දැනට මෙම විමර්ශනය සිදු කරමින් ඇත්තේ ණය ගෙවීම පිළිබඳ අවසන් වගකීම දරණ අතිරේක භාණ්ඩාගාර ලේකම්වරයෙකු යටතේය. ඔහු මෙම විමර්ශනය කරන අතරම තවදුරටත් අදාල දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ මෙහෙයුම් කටයුතු මෙහෙයවයි.   

මහා භාණ්ඩාගාරය සම්බන්ධයෙන් වන වගකීම දරණ මුදල් අමාත්‍යාංශයේ ලේකම්වරයා මහා භාණ්ඩාගාරයේ ලේකම්වරයා ද වන බැවින් මේ පිළිබඳව වන විමර්ශනය මුදල් අමාත්‍යාංශ/භාණ්ඩාගාරයෙන් පරිබාහිර කණ්ඩායම් විසින් සිදු කළ යුතුව ඇති බව අපගේ විශ්වාසයයි.

එබැවින්, රාජ්‍ය මුල්‍ය වගකීම දරණ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසින් සුදුසු ක්‍රමවේදයක් හරහා මෙම සිද්ධිය පිළිබඳ පූර්ණ විමර්ශනයක් සිදු කිරීමට සුදුසු පියවර ගන්නා ලෙස ඉතා කාරුණිකව ඉල්ලා සිටිමි.

(ඇමුණුම – අත්සන සහිත පීඩීඑෆ් පිටපත අමුණා ඇත)

මෙයට විශ්වාසී,

ජනාධිපති නීතිඥ මෛත්‍රී ගුණරත්න

සභාපති / ‍ෆී ලෝයර්ස් සංවිධානය ‍

පිටපත්

1.      ශ්‍රී ලංකා පාර්ලිමේන්තුව නියෝජනය කරන සියළුම දේශපාලන පක්ෂ නායකවරුන්/මහලේකම්වරු

2.      පාර්ලිමේන්තු මුදල් කාරක සභාව

3.      විගණකාධිපති, ජාතික විගණන කොමිෂන් සභාව

4.    ගරු පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී හර්ෂ ද සිල්වා – සභාපති, පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ රාජ්‍ය මුදල් පිළිබඳ කමිටුව

Sunk Costs and Lost Vision: Rethinking Sri Lanka’s Megaproject Strategy”

April 22nd, 2026

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

  • Sunk Costs and Lost Vision: Rethinking Sri Lanka’s Megaproject Strategy”
  • When Infrastructure Outruns Strategy: Lessons from Port City and Hambantota

1. Stop thinking like a builder — start thinking like a dealmaker

Sri Lanka’s mistake has been engineering-led development without parallel commercial strategy. What’s missing is aggressive anchor investor targeting.

  • For Port City: attract regional HQs, fintech firms, family offices, arbitration centers. Compete with Dubai and Singapore—not Galle Face restaurants.
  • Offer time-bound, non-bureaucratic incentives (fast-track visas, tax certainty, dollar accounts).

Without 5–10 global anchor tenants, the skyline will remain empty.

2. Re-negotiate utilization—not ownership

The narrative that Sri Lanka lost” Hambantota Port is politically attractive but economically shallow. The real issue is underutilization.

  • Position Hambantota as a specialized industrial-port hub:
    • Vehicle transshipment (already some success)
    • LNG / energy hub
    • Ship repair & bunkering (competing with Fujairah)
  • Push for revenue-sharing upgrades tied to throughput, not fixed lease optics.

If ships don’t come, ownership debates are meaningless.

3. Link both projects into a single economic corridor

Right now, they operate as isolated assets. That’s a strategic error.

  • Create a Colombo–Hambantota logistics & industrial corridor
  • High-speed freight, bonded zones, and unified customs
  • Port City = finance & services
  • Hambantota = industry & logistics

This is how China itself scaled its coastal zones—integration, not fragmentation.

4. Bring in third-country players (balance the China factor)

Overdependence creates both political and commercial hesitation.

  • Invite India, Japan, Middle East funds into specific verticals
  • Example:
    • India → energy, logistics
    • Japan → industrial zones
    • Gulf → real estate, finance

This reduces geopolitical risk perception, which is currently scaring off Western investors.

5. Radical regulatory clarity (this is the real bottleneck)

Investors are not avoiding Sri Lanka because of lack of land—they avoid policy unpredictability.

For Colombo Port City:

  • Guarantee independent commercial law framework
  • No retrospective tax changes
  • Full capital repatriation

Without this, even free land won’t attract serious capital.

6. Monetize what already exists (quick wins)

Instead of waiting for mega investors:

  • Turn idle land into temporary revenue generators
    • Events, exhibitions, F1-style circuits, cruise tourism
  • Aggressively market as a regional MICE hub (Meetings, Incentives, Conferences, Exhibitions)

Cash flow—even small—is better than prestige emptiness.

7. Professionalize project governance

These projects cannot be run like ministries.

  • Independent, performance-based boards
  • Global talent in management
  • KPIs tied to occupancy, throughput, and revenue—not ribbon-cutting

Hard truth

Sri Lanka’s issue is not that China built these projects. It’s that Sri Lanka did not build the ecosystem around them.

Infrastructure without policy, marketing, and investor confidence is like building a harbor with no ships.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

How Millions of Refugees Dug Water-Retention Pits to Turn 100,000 Hectares of Desert into Farmland

April 22nd, 2026

Top Discoveries

India’s Selective Generosity vs Strategic Hesitation in Trincomalee

April 22nd, 2026

By Dr. Sarath Obeysekera

The recent visit of Jagdeep Dhankhar to Sri Lanka has once again exposed a familiar pattern in India’s engagement with its southern neighbour—symbolism over substance, visibility over viability, and soft diplomacy masking strategic hesitation.

Let me be clear at the outset: Sri Lanka must welcome goodwill. Assistance for schools, temples, and hospitals—particularly for vulnerable communities such as estate Tamils—is commendable. No reasonable person would oppose humanitarian support. But the uncomfortable truth is this: Sri Lanka today does not suffer from a shortage of temples or classrooms. It suffers from a shortage of serious, transformative investment.

And nowhere is this contradiction more glaring than in the long-delayed development of Trincomalee.

Trincomalee: The Sleeping Giant in Strategic Chains

Trincomalee is not just another port. It is one of the finest natural harbours in the world—deep, sheltered, and strategically located at the crossroads of major shipping lanes. For decades, it has been spoken of as Sri Lanka’s gateway to becoming a regional energy and maritime hub.

Yet, despite its potential, Trincomalee remains largely underdeveloped.

Why?

Because of a web of historical agreements, geopolitical sensitivities, and—let us say it plainly—India’s cautious, often obstructive posture when it comes to allowing Sri Lanka full autonomy over its development.

The oil tank farm—built during the British era—has become a symbol of this stagnation. Discussions drag on for years. Agreements are revised, diluted, and reinterpreted. Meanwhile, opportunities evaporate.

Tokenism vs Transformation

During his visit, the Indian Vice President made a passing reference to foreign direct investment and Trincomalee. But where is the roadmap? Where is the financing structure? Where are the timelines?

Sri Lanka does not need passing remarks—it needs bankable commitments.

Contrast this with India’s swift and decisive involvement in strategic assets elsewhere. When India sees value aligned with its own interests, it moves with remarkable speed. Yet in Trincomalee, where Sri Lanka seeks genuine partnership, the response has been hesitant, conditional, and slow.

This raises a legitimate question:

Is India interested in developing Trincomalee—or merely in ensuring that others do not?

The Hegemony Question

India often speaks of partnership, neighbourhood-first policies, and shared prosperity under the leadership of Narendra Modi. These are admirable principles. But partnership cannot exist without mutual respect and economic empowerment.

When Sri Lanka is subtly discouraged from independently developing its own strategic assets, while being offered piecemeal assistance in social sectors, it creates the perception—rightly or wrongly—of a hegemonic approach.

Helping build a school earns headlines.
Helping build an energy hub transforms a nation.

Which one truly reflects long-term friendship?

Sri Lanka Must Recalibrate

This is not merely about India. This is about Sri Lanka’s own strategic clarity—or lack thereof.

If India is unwilling or unable to move decisively on Trincomalee, Sri Lanka must explore alternatives. The world is not short of investors. Energy companies, sovereign funds, and maritime operators are all seeking strategic footholds in the Indian Ocean.

Why should Sri Lanka wait indefinitely?

A nation that cannot leverage its greatest natural asset risks remaining perpetually dependent on external goodwill.

A Call for Serious Engagement

India must decide: does it want to be remembered as a partner that helped Sri Lanka rise—or as a gatekeeper that slowed its progress?

If the answer is partnership, then the path is clear:

  • Commit to a comprehensive Trincomalee development plan
  • Provide transparent financing and timelines
  • Treat Sri Lanka as an equal stakeholder, not a junior partner

Anything less will only deepen mistrust and push Sri Lanka to seek alternatives elsewhere.

Conclusion

Sri Lanka does not need symbolic gestures—it needs strategic transformation.

Temples and schools may win hearts.
But ports, energy hubs, and industrial zones build nations.

The time for polite diplomacy is over.
What is needed now is bold action—before Trincomalee becomes yet another missed opportunity in Sri Lanka’s long history of unrealized potential.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera


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