Will not go: Wijedasa

August 20th, 2017

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Justice and Buddha Sasana Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe said the he did not have any intention of resigning from the Ministerial post just because some people made allegations against him on various issues.

Speaking to journalists after meeting the Mahanayake of the Asgiriya Chapter the Most Ven. Warakagoda Sri Gnanarathana Thera and Mahanayake of the Malwatte Chapter the Most Ven. Thibbotuwawe Sri Siddhartha Sumangala Thera, he said that he had responded to all the allegations levelled against him

Explaining what happened at the UNP Working Committee meeting last week where he was said o have been criticised by many Ministers, Mr. Rajapakshe told the Asgiriya Prelate that many people behaved and shouted for about two hours compelling him to wonder whether this was the political party founded by the late Prime Minister D.S. Senanayake.

“All what I have to say is that I cannot agree with the selling of national assets whether it is done under the name of selling or leasing. Ninety nine year lease period means four generations,” the Minister exclaimed.

He added when the Central, Sabaragamuwa and Western Regional Transport Boards were privatised in 2003 for Rs. 860 million he retrieved them for the State through a legal action in the Supreme Court arguing with many Presidential Counsels.

“Presidential Counsels appeared for money but I fought for the country. It was a great victory for me,” he said.

He observed that he had come under mud-slinging and vindictive attacks these days but he patiently watched the situation.

The journalists were not allowed to cover minster’s meeting with Malwatte Prelate.

Speaking to the media after his audience with the two Mahanayake Theras, Mr. Rajapakshe stated that he never told that he would resign and neither would he do so.

It was up to the President to take a decision,” he said.

When asked about the remarks made by the members of the Joint Opposition supporting him he said that they might be speaking according to their conscience.

Responding to a question as to whether he would join the Joint Opposition the Minister stated that he was still a UNP Minister.

Recalling the recent opposition by the SLFP MPs against the proposed 20th Amendment to the Constitution just 48 hours after the Cabinet agreed upon it, he said these were the occasions of breach of collective responsibility of the Cabinet.

“But some people accuse that I have breached the collective responsibility of the Cabinet, when I said that national assets should not be sold to foreigners,” he charged. (L.B.Senarathna and J.A.L.Jayasinghe)

එජාපය මාළු කඩේ වගේ.. රට විකුණන්න මං එකග නෑමයි..- විජේදාස අස්ගිරි නාහිමි වැදපුදාගෙන අලුත් ගමනක් අරඹයි..[Video]

August 20th, 2017

lanka C news

අධිකරණ හා බුද්ධ ශාසන ඇමති විජේදාස රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා තමන් සම්බන්ධයෙන් මේ දිනවල මතුව තිබෙන මතබේදාත්මක තත්වය ගැන කරුණු පැහැදිල කිරීමට අස්ගිරි මහ නාහිමියන් බැහැ දැකීමට ගොස් එහිදී මාධ්‍ය හමුවේ මෙම අදහස් පල කලේය.

යතුරුපැදි මිල අඩු කර රජය තරුණයන් බිල්ලට දීලා – ගැමුණු විඡේරත්න

August 20th, 2017

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

මේ වනවිට දිනකට රිය අනතුරුවලින් 08 දෙනකු මියයන බවත් ඉන් වැඩි ප්රමාණයක්යතුරු පැදි අනතුරුවලින් සිදුවන බව පොලිස්වාර්තා අනුව පෙනී යන බවත් මහතා කීය.

2015 වසරේදී මෙරටට යතුරු පැදි 3,80,000 ක් 2016 වසරේදී යතුරු පැදි 3,60,000 ක්ගෙන්වා ඇතැයි පැවසූ විඡේරත්න මහතා රජය ජපන් යතුරුපැදි සඳහා බදු අඩුකිරීම නිසා යතුරු පැදියක මිල රුපියල් 50,000 සිට ලක්ෂය දක්වා අඩුවීමක්සිදුවන බවත් මෙම මිල අඩුකිරීමට සාපේක්ෂව ඉන්දියන් යතුරු පැදි මිලද අඩුවිය හැකි බවත් පැවැසීය. මුදල් ඇමැතිවරයා මෙවැනි තීරණයකට එළඹීමට පෙර ප්රවාහන අමාත්යාංශය, පොලිසිය, පරිසර අමාත්යාංශය ඇතුළු පාර්ශ්ව කිහිපයක්සමඟ සාකච්ඡා කළ යුතුව තිබූ බවද හෙතෙම කීය. කෙසේ වෙතත් රජය ගත් මෙම තීරණය නිසා ඉදිරියේදී මාර්ග තදබදය අධික වීම මෙන්ම මාරක රිය අනතුරු වැඩිවීමද අනිවාර්යයෙන්ම සිදුවන බව ගැමුණු විඡේරත්න මහතා වැඩිදුරටත් පැවැසීය.

Obviously Gamunu is worried .

Private bus drivers are the worst killers on the roads .Motor  cycle can kill their business if Sri Lanka starts Motorcycle taxi service like in Rwanda

It will be cheaper and faster as long as the drivers are trained to drive carefully They should be given uniforms as shown above in Rwanda and enforce taking insurance for the passengers as well .Reducing motor cycle prices will make more and more youngsters buying them and three wheelers will slowly go out of business.

With its possible  relentless expansion, you’d be forgiven for thinking that Uber is an indomitable force. But there’s another transport market, African motorcycle taxis (‘motos’), where Uber will have to go a long way to beat the leaders in the field — Safemotos — a fast moving startup based in Kigali, who were recognised in the 2015 NT100.

Uber has become quite popular and Under on bikes can also be successful venture is one wants to start new business

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Three wheel drivers are the worse culprits on the road second to private bus drivers 

වීරයා මරලා!

August 20th, 2017

වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති

තා-ඡිං නගරය තියෙන්නේ චීනයේ හෙයි-ලුං-චියං (කළු මකර ගංගා) පළාතේ. ඒ ප්‍රදේශයේ තමයි චීනයේ විශාලතම ඛනිජ තෙල් නිධි පිහිටලා තියෙන්නේ. චීනයේ ඊසාන පැත්තේ තියෙන මේ පළාත්වල ශීත කාලය ඉතාමත් දිග එකක්. දෙසැම්බර්, ජනවාරි, පෙබරවාරි මාසවල උෂ්ණත්වය සෙල්සියස් අංශක බිංදුවෙන් පහළ විස්සක් තිහක් විතර වෙනවා. ඉතින් 2015 ජනවාරි මාසය මුල දී මේ ලේඛකයා හෙයි-ලුං-චියං පළාතේ අගනුවරට ගියේ ඉතාමත් අලංකාර විදිහට ඉදිකරලා තියෙන හිම මාළිගා බලන අදහසින්. ඒ විසිතුරු බැලුවාට පස්සේ තා-ඡිං නගරයට යන්නත් තීරණය කළා. ඒ, තෙල් බිම් බලන්න ම නම් නෙවෙයි. තා-ඡීංවල අයෝමය පුරුෂයාට සම්බන්ධ ස්ථාන ගැන විස්තර ටිකක් හොයලා බලන්න ඕන කියලා හිතාගෙන.

මේ අයෝමය පුරුෂයා තමයි වං චින්-ශි. 1923 අවුරුද්දේ චීනයේ කන්-සු පළාතේ ඉපැදුණු වං චින්-ශි තමන් ගේ අන්ධ පියාත් එක්ක හිඟමනේත් ගිහිල්ලා තියෙනවා. වයස අවුරුදු 8 දී ඔහු වැඩ කළේ ගොපල්ලෙක් විදිහට. තවත් අවුරුදු 7 ක් ගතවුනාට පස්සේ ඔහු තෙල් කොම්පැණියක වැඩට ගියා. වං චින්-ශි ගේ වීරක්‍රියා ගැන කතා පටන්ගන්නේ ඒත් එක්ක. පස්සේ කාලෙක තා-ඡීං ප්‍රදේශයේ තෙල් කැණීමට ගිය කණ්ඩායමක නායකයා බවට පත්වෙන ඔහුට 1969 වෙද්දී කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්‍ෂයේ මධ්‍යම කාරක සභාවට පත්වෙන්නත් පුළුවන් වුනා. 1970 අවුරුද්දේ දී – ඒ කියන්නේ වයස අවුරුදු 47 ක් වෙද්දි; ඔහු මියගියා.

වං චින්-ශී ව හැඳින්වෙන්නේ චීනයේ අයෝමය පුරුෂයා කියලා. ඔහු ගේ වීරත්වය නංවන්න චීන ජනතාව විසින් – විශේෂයෙන් ම තා-ඡීං නගරයේ ජනතාව විසින්; කරලා තියෙන දේ මෙච්චරයි කියලා කියන්න බෑ. ඔහු ගේ දැවැන්ත ප්‍රතිමා ඉදිකරලා තියෙනවා. ඔහු වෙනුවෙන් අනුස්මරණ කෞතුකාගාර ඉදිකරලා තියෙනවා. ඔහු ගේ නමින් මාර්ග, ක්‍රීඩාංගන, පාසල් නම් කරලා තියෙනවා. ඔහු ගේ චරිතය නිරූපණය කෙරෙන චිත්‍රපට නිර්මාණය කරලා තියෙනවා. ඔහු ගේ චරිතයෙන් ගන්න පුළුවන් ආදර්ශ ගැන පාසල් දරුවන්ටත් කියලා දෙනවා. ඊට අමතර ව, බිස්නස් වැඩට දක්‍ෂ චීන්නු මේ කටයුතු හරහා යමක් හම්බ කරගන්නත් කටයුතු කරනවා.

මේවා කොමියුනිස්ට් ආණ්ඩුවේ ප්‍රොපගැන්ඩා (පම්පෝරි, බොරු ප්‍රචාර) කියලා කාට හරි කියන්න පුළුවන්. ඒත් චීනය කියන්නේ අවුරුදු තුන් හාරදාහක අඛණ්ඩ ඉතිහාසයකට උරුමකම් කියන රටක් බව අපි අමතක කරන්න හොඳ නෑ. ඉතින් චීනය කියන්නේ වීරයෝ ලක්‍ෂ ගණනක් ඉන්න රටක්. ඒ ඈත කාලයේ දී වගේ ම අදත් ඒ රටේ වීරයෝ බිහිවෙනවා. ඒ අයට හිමි තැන චීන සමාජය විසින් අඩුවක් නැතිව ලබාදෙනවා.

වීරයන්ට අදාළ වැදගත් කාරණයක් අපි තේරුම්ගන්න ඕන. වීරයෝ කියන්නේ අංගසම්පූර්ණ මිනිස්සුන්ට නෙවෙයි. ඒ අයත් අපි වගේ ම පෘථග්ජනයෝ. ඉතින් වීරයෙක් ගේ ඇදයක් කුදයක් හොයන එක මහ වැඩක් නෙවෙයි. නැපෝලියන් ගේ පවා කොච්චරක් නම් ඇදකුද තියෙන්න ඇති ද? ඒත් අපි මුල් තැන දීලා තියෙන්නේ වීරයෝ කියලා හඳුනගත්ත අය ගේ අඩුපාඩු හොයන්න. හැම දේ ම සැක කරන පුරුද්දකුත් අපිට බෝවෙලා. බුදුහාමුදුරුවෝ අපේ රටට වැඩම කළා කියලා අපේ ඉතිහාසයේ සඳහන් කතාව පවා දැන් ඉන්න අපේ සමහර අය සැක කරනවා. මෙහෙම දෙයක් ගැන සන්සන්දනයෙන් හිතන්නවත් අපි දන්නේ නෑ. ෆා ෂියැන් හාමුදුරුවෝ චීනයෙන් පිටත්වුනේ වයස අවුරුදු 67 දී. අපේ රටට එද්දී උන්වහන්සේ ගේ වයස අවුරුදු 80 ක් වෙලා. ෆා ෂියෑන් හාමුදුරුවෝ කියන්නේ බුදුවෙච්ච කෙනෙක් නෙවෙයිනේ. ඉතින් ඒ වගේ සාමාන්‍ය පුද්ගලයෙක් ඒ තරම් වයස ගිහිල්ලා කරපු වික්‍රමය ගැනයි අපි පුදුමවෙන්න ඕන. ඉතින් ඒ වගේ කාරණා ගැන හිතද්දි බුදුහාමුදුරුවෝ අපේ රටට වැඩම කළා කියලා කියන වාර්තා ගැන සැක හිතන්නේ කොහොම ද?

අද අපේ රටේ වීරයෝ බිහිවෙන්නේ නැති තරම්. යම් කෙනෙක් ගේ අඩුපාඩු උලුප්පලා පෙන්නුවා ම ඒ මනුස්සයා වීරයෙක් බවට පත්වෙන්නේ කොහොම ද? මෑත කාලයේ දී අපි අතර බිහිවෙච්ච වීරයෙක් තමයි ගාමිණි කුලරත්න. තරුණ කාලයේ දී ම තමන් ගේ ජීවිතය පූජාකරපු හින්දා ඔහු ගේ ඇදයක් හොයාගන්න එක අපිට අමාරු වැඩක්. ඉතින් ඔහු ගේ වීරත්වයක් ගැන අපි වාද විවාද කරන්නේ නෑ. ඒත් ඔහුට ලැබෙන්න ඕන තැන අපේ සමාජය විසින් ප්‍රමාණවත් ව පිරිනමලා තියෙනවා ද කියන එක ගැන නම් සැක සහිතයි. හසලකත් අලිමංකඩත් ඔහු වෙනුවෙන් ඉදිකරලා තියෙන ස්මාරකවලින් ඒ දේ සිද්ද වෙනවා ද?

ඕනෑ ම සමාජයකට වීරයෝ උවමනා කරනවා. පොඩි ළමයෙක්ට වුනත් යම් හොඳ දෙයක්, ආදර්ශමත් දෙයක් පහසුවෙන් ම කියලා දෙන්න පුළුවන් වීරයෙක් ගේ චරිත කතාවක් හරහා. තර්ක, න්‍යාය හරහා විතරක් මිනිස්සුන් ව දැනුම්වත් කරන්න අමාරුයි. ඉතින් මිනිස්සුන්ට මග පෙන්වන වැඩේ පහසු කරගන්න නම් වීරයන්ටත් ඔවුන් හා සම්බන්ධ කතාවලටත් නිසි තැනැක් ලබාදෙන්න සමාජය කටයුතු කරන්න ඕන. ඒත් වීරයන් විදිහට යම් පමණකින් හරි හඳුනගත්ත අයට පවා සුදුසු තැන සුදුසු විදිහට ලබාදෙන්න අපි අසමත් වෙලා තියෙනවා. කොටි උවදුර දුරු කළාට පස්සේ ඒ වෙනුවෙන් දිවිදුන් රණවිරුවන් සිහිකරලා ස්මාරක හදන එක රට පුරා ම යම් යම් ආකාරවලින් සිද්දකරලා තියෙන බව ඇත්ත. ඒත් ඒ කටයුතු කිසියම් සැලැස්මකට අනුව සිද්ද කළා කියලා කියන්න අමාරුයි.

මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් පෙන්නන්න පුළුවන් හොඳ ම උදාහරණය තමයි වැලිසර නාවික හමුදා කඳවුර මායිමේ මීගමු පාරට මායිම් ව ඉදිකරලා තියෙන මහා ස්මාරකය. මෙහෙම එකක් තියෙන බව දන්නේ ඒ පාරේ යන එන අය විතරයි. ඒ වෙනුවෙන් මහා මුදලකුත් වියදම් කරලා තියෙන බවට සැකයක් නෑ. ඒත් ඒ කළ දෙයින් ලැබිලා තියෙන ප්‍රතිඵලය මොකක් ද? ඒ මහා ස්මාරකය දැන් තියෙන විදිහට ඉන්ධන පිරවුම් හලක් අසළ ඉදි නො කර වැල්ලවත්ත පැත්තේ මුහුදේ පීඨිකාවක් හදලා ඒ මත්තේ නිර්මාණය කළා නම් මොකද වෙන්නේ කියලා පොඩ්ඩක් හිතලා බලන්න. එහෙම කළා නම් ඒ විදිහේ ඉදිකිරීමක් ඉබේ ම මේ රටේ මිනිස්සුන් ගේ මනසේ රජවෙන ස්මාරකයක් බවට පත්වෙනවා. ඒ හරහා තවත් විවිධ කාර්යයන් රැසකුත් නිර්මාණය වෙනවා. ඒත් අපේ අය එහෙම හිතන්නේ නෑ.

වීරයෙක් කියලා කියන්නේ අපි හැමෝ ගේ ම උසස් අපේක්‍ෂාවන් නිරූපනය කරන දැවැන්ත චරිතයකට. ඉතින් ඒ වෙනුවෙන් ඉදිකෙරෙන ස්මාරකයක ඒ දැවැන්ත බව ගැබ්වෙලා තියෙන්න ඕන. මේ කාරණය අමතක කරලා හදන අඟුටුමිටි ස්මාරක දවසෙන් දෙකන් මිනිස්සුන් ගේ මතකයෙන් ඈත්වෙලා යනවා. මෑත කාලයේ පවා දැවැන්ත බුද්ධ රූප ඉදිකරලා තියෙන අපේ මිනිස්සුන්ට සංවිධානාත්මක ව මේ වගේ වැඩකරන්න බැරිකමක් නෑ. කලින් ලිපියකිනුත් කියපු විදිහට උඩරට මහ කැරැල්ලට අවුරුදු දෙසීයක් පිරෙන මේ අවුරුද්දේ ඒ වෙනුවෙන් යමක් කරන්න අපේ මිනිස්සුන්ට පුළුවන්. අවශ්‍ය වෙන්නේ ඒ වෙනුවෙන් උවමනා කරන සැලසුම් හා නායකත්වය විධිමත් විදිහට අපේ මිනිස්සුන්ට ලබාදීම විතරයි.

වීර චරිත ගැන විවිධ ඇගැයීම් තියෙන්න පුළුවන්. අපි වීරයෝ කියලා කියන්නේ ඉපැදිච්ච දවසේ ඉඳලා මැරෙන කල් හැම දවසක ම දවල් රෑ නැතිව වීරක්‍රියා කරපු අයට නෙවෙයි. යම් මනුස්සයෙක් වීරයෙක් කියලා අපි හඳුනගන්නේ ඒ මනුස්සයා තමන් ගේ ජීවිත කාලයේ යම් විශේෂ අවස්ථාවක හරි යම් කාල වකවානුවක හරි කරපු කියපු දේ සළකලා. වීරක්‍රියා නො කරන වෙලාවට ඔහු හැසිරෙන්නේ අනිත් මිනිස්සු වගේ ම තමයි. යුද්ධයක දී අභිත ව ඉදිරියට යන කෙනෙක් එදිනෙදා සාමාන්‍ය ජීවිතයේ දී උපාසකයෙක් විදිහට කටයුතු කරන කෙනෙක් නොවෙන්නත් පුළුවන්. ඒ වගේ සමහර අය ගේ හැසිරීම අපිට සාපේක්‍ෂ ව තරමක් රෞද්‍ර වෙන්නත් පුළුවන්. ඉතින් මේ වගේ කරුණු ගැන සාධාරණ විදිහට හිතලා මතලා තීරණ ගන්න පුළුවන්කමක් අපිට තියෙන්න ඕන.

කර්නල් හෙන්රි ස්ටීල් ඕල්කොට්තුමා කරපු කියපු දේ ගැන ඉස්මතු වෙලා තියෙන ආරවුල ගැනත් යමක් කියන්න ඕන. විදේශකයකු වෙච්ච එතුමාට අපේ සම්ප්‍රදායන් ගැන ප්‍රමාණවත් දැනුමක් තිබුණා කියලා හිතන්න බෑ. ඉතින් ඒ හින්දා එතුමා මුල්වෙලා කරපු කියපු දේවල්වලත් අඩුපාඩු තිබීම ස්වභාවිකයි. උදාහරණයක් විදිහට එතුමා මුල්වෙලා ආරම්භ කරපු පාසල් ගැන අපිට හිතන්න පුළුවන්. ඒ පාසල් ඒ විදිහට ම පවත්වා ගෙන යෑමෙන් අපේ අවශ්‍යතා ඉෂ්ටවෙන්නේ නැති බවට මතයක් තියෙනවා. ඉතින් අපි කරන්න ඕන අපිට උවමනා විදිහට ක්‍රම ක්‍රමයෙන් ඒ පාසල් වෙනස් කරගන්න උවමනා කරන වැඩපිළිවෙලක් විධිමත්ව සකස් කරගන්න එක. ඒ පාසල් එතුමා මුල්වෙලා ආරම්භ කළාට ඒවා පවත්වගෙන යන්නේ අපිනේ. ඉතින් අපිට පුළුවන් නම් ඒ පාසල්වල ඉගැන්විය යුතු දේ ගැනත් ඒවා ඉගැන්විය යුතු ක්‍රමය ගැනත් විධිමත් අදහස් සමුදායක් අපේ සමාජයට ලබාදෙන්න ඒවා යම් දවසක අපිට උවමනා කරන අධ්‍යාපනික ආයතන බවට පත්වේවි. මේවා දවසකින් දෙකකින් කරන්න බැරි බව අමුතුවෙන් කියන්න උවමනා නෑ.

වීරයෝ කියලා සම්මත අය ගේ අඩුපාඩු ගැන වචනයක්වත් නොකියන ප්‍රතිපදාවක් අපි අනුගමනය කරන්න ඕන කියලා මේ කියන කතාවෙන් අදහස් කරන්නේ නෑ. ඒ අඩුපාඩු ගැන අපි කතාකරන්න ඕන. එහෙම නොවුනොත් අඩුපාඩු හදාගැනීමේ අවස්ථාව අපේ සමාජයට ලැබෙන්නේ නෑ. ඒත් වැඩියෙන් කියන්න ඕන, වැඩියෙන් හුවා දක්වන්න ඕන ඒ අය කරපු යහපත් දේ කියන එක අපි තේරුම්ගන්න ඕන. මෙයට පෙර ලියපු හොඳ වඩන සූත්‍රය” ලිපියේ කරුණු පවා මේ වැඩේට අදාළ කරගන්න පුළුවන්. ඕල්කොට්තුමා කරපු කියපු දේවල්වල ගැටලු නො ගැලපෙන තැන් තියෙනවා නම් ඒවා වුනත් මේ ක්‍රමයට හදාගන්න පුළුවන්. ඉතින් මොන අඩුපාඩු තිබුණත් වීරයන් ව මරන එක වීරකමක් නෙවෙයි.

වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති

පොලිස්පතිට ඉල්ලා අස්වෙන්නැයි දන්වයි.. අස්වෙන්න පොලිස්පති සූදානම්..?

August 20th, 2017

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

IGP ASKED TO RESIGN –IGP READY TO RESIGN    news item

Most OF  the Buddhist in all over the world do solemnly declare during the day to refrain from Killing. Stealing ,sexual misbehaving  ,from lying and consuming liquor .Then furthermore there is ,and has been a trend to practice meditation in order to reach initial step of Sotapana and achieving further steps to reach Nibbana .

Stream-enterer (Sotapanna) is free from:

  • Identity view
  • Attachment to rites and rituals
  • Doubt about the teachings

Once-returner (Sakadagami) has greatly attenuated:

  • Sensual desire
  • Ill will

Non-returner (Anāgāmi) is free from:

  • Sensual desire
  • Ill will

An Arahant is free from all of the five lower fetters and the five higher fetters, which are:

  • Craving for prosperity in the material world
  • Craving for existence in the ideal world (heaven)
  • Conceit
  • Restlessness
  • Ignorance

In nowhere it says that a person cannot reprimand ( with ill will and hatred ) a subordinate for not following rules .I personally know of Chief prelates in temples punch/punish  young monks for misbehaving  and some time they even use a cane .

In the event of this lift operator who has not obeyed the ruling of the Pujitha” IGP  who  has the right to punish .Even after meditation you can be of high temper ( until you reach state of Anangami ).

A person who may have purposely disobeyed  the chief police prelate  has to face the  punishment .

When I was listening a sermon of a young Bangladeshi monk ,he reiterated that even after reaching first step of enlightenment even Visakha was running a home and going on with day to day family life .

As per the story of Visakha ,she was accused of insulting her father in law who ignored a  a monk who came to the house for Pindapatha ( with begging bawl)  and kept eating porridge.

She has told the monk please ignore him ,he is eating stale food

She was lying but it was in good faith”

Pujitha in a different context was misbehaving but in good faith”

http://www.buddhanet.net/e-learning/buddhism/lifebuddha/2_4lbud.htm

People go for 10 day meditation of the Indian Guru Goenka and come out feeling enlightened after vigorous Anapanasathi a Vippassana meditation ,and after going home he/she is supposed to practice at least 2 hours  per day  .Goenka advocates that you should at least try to adhere to  Seela ( following five precepts at least, for  the day .He teaches you to be calmer and tolerant  but it takes time .

In the case of IGP he has the full right to bash the person who did not heed to instruction of doing a morning meditation ( he may have tried to emulate Prison Chief Mrs Kiran Bedi of India) .If a police shall  maintain discipline and be firm .

  Actually Kiran Bedi was riding a motor bike incognito to ensure that prevailing rules are followed ( only violation is that both riders were not wearing helmets!)

In the case of IGP. I have a gut feeling that provocation was intentional and premeditated ( in legal jargon) as  the culprit was ready  to film the episode to tarnish Pujitha .

I fully endorse what Pujitha  did to the lift operator for not following orders and it is good lesson for all his subordinates.

Once retired we should appoint him as a governor like Kiran Bedi !

With Metta and Karuna

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Wijeyadasa hits at Rajitha, Good Governance

August 20th, 2017

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Health Minister Rajitha Senaratne was trying to interfere with the functions of the Attorney General’s Department and Justice Ministry, Minister of Justice Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe said.

Dengue is spreading all the country pushing people into risk of their lives and university system is on the verge of collapse, which would result in a break of producing educated youth, but the Health Minister is only concerned with the interest of the SAITM and seeking ways to exert revenge against others,” Minister said attending a ceremony in Rambawa.

He said Senaratne’s involvement in non-relevant activities had left no time for him to engage in the functions of the Health Ministry.

The Minister said the objectives of the National Unity Government formed after 70 years, was to usher good Governance but had so far failed to achieve its objectives.

People of the country and the Maha Sangha should decide about an alternative way. However, we are not scared and would not retreat in our effort to bring the country on the correct tract,” he said.

Meanwhile, attending another event in Trincomalee, the Minister said some politicians had branded him as a tribesman when he tried to protect Judiciary and war heroes.

When we protect our war heroes and secure the independence of the Judicial System from political interferences, some are trying to interrupt and we are branded as tribesmen, when we speak about the rights of the Sinhala people and when involve in activities for the protection of Buddha Sasana,” he said

He said those make such accusations seem to have no race or a religion.

However we will continue to work for the country. We have confidence in the Lichchavi System of guidance to arrive at solutions to the problems,” he said.

Do countries have right to protect their majority demography against growing Muslim fertility?

August 19th, 2017

Shenali D Waduge

All majority populace in any country take pride in their history, heritage, culture, values and desire to preserve that national identity. Japanese would not want anyone other than Japanese to be the majority in Japan, same with Chinese, Germans, British, French want to maintain their white Christian/Catholic status, even Hindu India. The rising Muslim population is a global concern and countries are realizing the need to address this. The traditional identity, culture, values are all at the risk of being replaced. It is not so much the fault with general Muslims but the extremist factions that are their leaders who pose the problem. The Sinhalese are also sharing the same concern in particular to preserve its Buddhist status realizing how Buddhism that spread across the world without the sword or forced conversions is now targeted to be annihilated. Myanmar has directly addressed these existential threats.

Many countries are discovering that the moment Muslim populace passes a certain percentage the bargaining increases as do the demands and assimilation becomes difficult. Muslims themselves, become victims to various forms of extremes all of which they are not in control over. They are helpless and become victims of both Muslim extremists as well as the rest of the non-Muslim community who are angered by these unfair demands.

It is not so much the rise in Muslim populace that is the concern but the rise in radicalism and extremism creating ghetto areas and self-isolation making assimilation difficult. The emergence of parallel societies is not healthy to a nation. This creates parallel cultures not assimilating with the dominant culture and then creates rifts as population increases.

With the rise of Muslim populace, their bargaining power also increases and they influence political decision making. Extremist Muslim leaders emerge using the Muslim bloc vote to make unfair demands that secure their political careers.

The demands for mosques, madrassas, playing of azan, new dress claiming to be religious, ghetto areas, special labeling for foods has turned into a lucrative business venture with certificates being issued for a fee to exporters/importers to majority Muslim countries, Shariah/Islamic banking systems forced upon countries even where Muslims are less than 9% of the total populace – these are just a handful of examples that have contributed to apprehensions across the globe especially in the West where white populations are declining and Muslim populations are rising with the guestimates that one day eventually Islam would prevail over them. It is that same concern that people of the East also have taken cognizance of.

Global Muslim populace is 1.8billion or 24% of the world’s populace. Coincidentally, where Islam originated – Middle East-North Africa region has only 20% Muslims while 62% Muslims live in the Asia-Pacific region with Indonesia having the world’s largest Muslim populace.

Like Christianity, it was as a result of Islamic invasions & through the sword that non-Muslim territories became Islamized and communities of Muslims were created by forcibly converting those natives. A trail of the Islamic invasions will portray this reality. As will a trail of how Christianity spread.

The disproportionate birth rate is the cause for the alarm by non-Muslims with justification. In comparison to the 7 other major religious groups Muslim women have an average of 2.9children as against 2.2children of non-Muslims. While world population is projected to grow at 32% the number of Muslims is expected to increase by 70% – from 1.8b in 2015 to nearly 3b in 2060 according to Pew Research.

India’s Muslims are growing faster than the country’s majority Hindu population and is projected to rise from 14.9% (2015) to 19.4% by 2060 (333million people).

It is projected that 10% of Europe will be Muslim by 2050.

In the US, the Muslim populace is 3.35 million or 1% of the US population. Pew Research estimates that Muslims will become 2.1% of the U.S. population by the year 2050

There are 1,053,945 Muslims in Canada or 3.2% of the populace. 11 Muslims have got elected during the Federal elections in 2015. Hate crimes against Muslims are rising too http://globalnews.ca/news/3523535/hate-crimes-canada-muslim/ The expanding influence of Wahhabi/Salafism in Canada is contributing to a wave of extremism & influencing Muslims through the mosques. http://mackenzieinstitute.com/rise-islamic-extremism-canada/ And these are the fears that other countries are now waking up to.

Islam is the second largest religion in the United Kingdom – 3m Muslims in England & Wales – 5.4% of the total population. In 2011, 2.71 million Muslims lived in England and Wales, compared with 1.55 million in 2001. There were also 77,000 Muslims in Scotland and 3,800 in Northern Ireland.

Germany has 4.8 million Muslims in Germany (5.8% of the country’s population) There are 4.7 million Muslims in France (7.5%).

Russia has 14 million Muslims (10%) In Russia, Moscow had only 1 mosque in the 1980s now there are 4 mosques. Russia’s Muslim populace has increased b 40% since 1989 to about 25million.

As of 2010, the European Union was home to about 13 million Muslim immigrants. Total Muslims in Europe is said to number 52million.


While Muslims are increasing in non-Majority Muslim countries the non-Muslims in Muslim-majority countries are decreasing or disappearing!

Iraq had 1.4m Christians at the time of Saddam Hussein’s reign. It is now less than 800,000. In Pakistan religious minorities have dropped from 23% in 1947 to 3-4% in 2012 (Farahnaz Ispahani)

In the 1920s Christians are said to have been 30% of Syria’s population. It has dropped to 22% of Syria’s 22m populace now.

Lebanese Christian population has shrunken from 78% to only 34% over the last century.

“Christianity is under an existential threat,” Anna Eshoo, a Democrat member of the US House of Representatives from California, and an advocate of Mideast Christians

http://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/1.668174

While it is politically correct for Europeans to claim Muslims clash with fundamental precepts of Western secular beliefs Europeans claim it is politically incorrect for Asians to claim that Muslims clash with non-Muslim beliefs in their countries! Why this hypocrisy & double standards?

Examples of Muslim population increase in Sri Lanka

Gampaha

Muslim population in 1981 was 37,826

Muslim population in 2012 was 97,621

Kalutara

Muslim population in 1981 was 33,659

Muslim population in 2012 was 113,320

Kandy

Muslim population in 1981 was 98,436

Muslim population in 2012 was 191,570

Colombo

Muslim population in 1981 was 139,743

Muslim population in 2012 was 249,609

Batticoloa

Muslim population in 1981 was 78,829

Muslim population in 2012 was 133,854

Ampara

Muslim population in 1981 was 161,568

Muslim population in 2012 was 281,702

Kurunegala

Muslim population in 1981 was 60,791

Muslim population in 2012 was 115,302

Puttalam

Muslim population in 1981 was 49,000

Muslim population in 2012 was 147,546

Trincomalee

Muslim population in 1981 was 75,039

Muslim population in 2012 was 158,771

Meeting these existential threats directly has been Myanmar which brought Race and Religion Protection Laws in 2014.

  1. Monogamy Law

Criminal offence to have more than one spouse or to live with an unmarried partner who is not a spouse. The law is applicable to all living in Myanmar (Myanmar citizens who live outside as well as foreigners who marry Myanmar citizens while living in Myanmar)

  1. Religious Conversion Law

Myanmar citizens who wish to change his/her religion must obtain approval from Registration Board for Religious Conversion. There is also laws for forced conversion as well as for converting with intent to harm a religion.

  1. Interfaith Marriage Law

The Myanmar Buddhist Women’s Special Marriage Law regulates marriages of Buddhist women to non-Buddhist men.

  1. Population Control Law

The laws provides the governments of divisions and states ‘to request a presidential order limiting reproductive rates if it is determined that population growth, accelerating birth rates, or rising infant or maternal mortality rates are negatively impacting regional development’ or that an ‘imbalance between population and resources, low socio-economic indicators and regional food insufficiency because of internal migration’ exists.

India too recently banned polygamy.

Roman Catholicism is the state religion and protected by State laws in Costa Rica, Liechtenstein, Malta, Monaco, Italy, the Vatican City. Andorra, Argentina, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Panama, Paraquay, Peru & Poland.

Eastern Orthodoxy is state religion in Greece, Georgia & Bulgaria. England, Scotland & Wales are Anglican, Protestant, while Lutheran church is state religion in Norway, Denmark, Greenland, Iceland, Finland, Sweden. The Hungarian constitution describes Hungary as ‘part of Christian Europe’ and acknowledges the ‘role of Christianity in preserving nationhood’. Samoa’s constitution makes Christianity the state religion while Zambia’s constitution declares it a Christian nation’. No one seems to be objecting to these countries very clearly demarcating Christian faith as state religion while giving others religious freedom! However, these countries all take measures to ensure Christian faith remains protected whatever freedoms are given to others.

In Muslim majority countries the state place for Islam is non-negotiable and often non-Islamic faiths have hardly any freedom.

In Singapore 75% of population are Chinese. Article 152 of the Singapore Constitution says

(2) The Government shall exercise its functions in such manner as to recognise the special position of the Malays, who are the indigenous people of Singapore, and accordingly it shall be the responsibility of the Government to protect, safeguard, support, foster and promote their political, educational, religious, economic, social and cultural interests and the Malay language.”

Lee Kuan Yew himself has hinted at the need to maintain this ‘racial balance’

By race, the fertility rate is 1.91 for Malays, 1.19 for Indians and 1.14 for Chinese. If we continue this way without the new immigrants and PRs and their children doing national service, the composition of our SAF (Singapore armed forces) will change. So please remember that”.

Singapore has also introduced the Ethnic Integration Policy that by law decides the ethnic percentage living in a neighborhood. This is to ensure no ethnic ghetto areas arise.

Malaysia follows the Bhoomiputra policy (sons of the land) Special position is given to the Malays in its constitution (Article 153) Article 160 defines a Malay as being one who “professes the religion of Islam, habitually speaks the Malay language, conforms to Malay customs and is the child of at least one parent who was born within the Federation of Malaysia before independence of Malaya on 31 August 1957, or the issue (off-spring) of such a person.”

All Bumiputra, regardless of their financial standing, are entitled 7 percent discount on houses or property, including luxurious units; whilst a low-income non-Bumiputra receives no such financial assistance. Companies listed on the Kuala Lumpur Stock Exchange (Bursa Saham Kuala Lumpur) must have 30% bumiputra ownership of equity to satisfy listing requirements. Malaysia requires citizens to carry a national identification card called MyKad. Smart Cards identify citizens as Muslims or Non-Muslims

If fundamental rights for all must be equal then the laws applicable must be equal too. There cannot be special laws for a community especially if that law becomes detrimental for demography. In Sri Lanka polygamy is legal for only Muslims, that will definitely pose population problems in the future. Polygamy should thus be banned for all. Similarly, the proposed Anti-Conversion bill must also be passed.

Countries have realized the dangers & have taken measures to protect their heritage. There is no reason Sri Lanka shouldn’t either no matter the objections that come. While both Islam and Christianity have spread from its origins using the sword & forced conversions, presently replacing the sword has been the power of bloc nations, diplomatic pressures and the monopoly they hold via international trade & across various international forums. Nevertheless, we cannot forget that there is a 2600 history to preserve and it is our duty to do so for those that cry foul belong to faiths that have been targeting to change the demography and religious landscape of Sri Lanka.

Shenali D Waduge

A luxury residence to Ravi Karunanayake as a bribe for the Batticaloa Arrack Factory and not as a bribe for Treasury Bonds. – Wimal Weerawansa

August 19th, 2017

(Translated by : A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA)

Nothing happens in this country on a planned basis except robberies.  It is the duty and responsibility of everyone who love and are dear to this country to prevent this country becoming a prey to the government of thieves.  This was stated by the leader of the National Freedom Front Parliamentarian Mr. Wimal Weerawansa delivering his address at the people’s seminar held at the auditorium of the ‘Sambuddha Jayanthi Mandiraya’ in Colombo under the caption On whose shoulders is the Treasury Bond Scam?”.(Bedumkare Kaage Kare?)

Speaking further he said that we are holding this seminar at a time the government by making Ravi Karunanayake as the sole accused of the Treasury Bonds Scam, and making him agreeable to temporarily resign from the Minister post and thereby attempting to conceal the gravity of this theft and in order to defeat and reverse this attempt.”

For the first time in the history of this country the Central Bank was brought under the subjects assigned to the Prime Minister.after 8th January 2015.  Prior to that, the Central Bank was under the Ministry of Finance.  It was under the Minister of Finance despite whoever who became the Prime Minister. The Governor of the Central Bank should be appointed by the President on the recommendation of the Minister of Finance.  If that is so, why the Prime Minister got the Central Bank under his purview? Was it not done under a pre-planned mechanism?

Just look at how the Prime Minister’s crooked and cunning brain has worked?  The person he got appointed was a foreigner. He is a Singaporean national who was an intimate friend of the Prime Minister.  Under whose signature this Governor of the Central Bank has been appointed.  Was it under the signature of the Prime Minister? No. Was it under the rcommendation of the Prime Minister? No – in respect of that also. He has been appointed under the signature of the President on the recommendation of the then Minister of Finance Mr. Ravi Karunanayake.

The Presidential Commission that investigates about the Treasury Bonds Scam has found the tail end of this theft.  It is the Prime Minister’s intimate friend, the former Governor of the Central Bank who stays at the end is Mr. Arjun Mahendran..  Then who appointed this Arjun Mahendran as the Governor of the Central Bank.  That was the President who has appointed him.  Then what about the Prime Minister?  He is a baby.  He does not know anything.  (Laughter from the audience)

Btillions and Trillions were exchanged then….

This shows that the Central Bank was taken under the Prime Minister as a pre-planned exercise. After that the intimte friend who was in Singapore was brought down for the post of the Governor.  You remember that all the Ministers who crossed over from the previous government went on pilgrimage to Singapore prior to January 8th   They went there and held discussions at the residences of Arjun Mahendran.  It was there that billions and trillions changed hands. My colleagues who spoke earlier clearly explained on how the Treasury Bonds thefts were carried out and its process.  Therefore I am not going to remind about it again.

The Canard spread by Pacha Ranawaka.

Normally a government get an allegation saying that it robbed while making expenditures.  These people made allegations against the previous government saying that they are building express ways and getting commissions from that work.  There were allegations like that.  Just see that Pacha Ranawaka said recently that under the previous government there were excessive developments, more than what were needed and there were opinions built up among the people that there were large scale misappropriations through these developments. He attempts to show that such opinions got created voluntarily.  Or the people have created such opinions.  Isn’t it that this opinion was spread by Pacha Ranawaka through his book titled ‘Mega Deals’.  This gang of scounderals who made allegations against the previous government appearing as faultless pure people now robbed not only from the expenditure of the government but from the income of thee country as well.  Obtaining loans through Treasury Bonds is an avenue of earning income for the country.  This is a theft carried out during obtaining State loans.  If theft of this nature was done when obtaining loans what type of colossal thefts they would carried out when development work is carried out from those loaned funds?

The biggest financial crime committed in Sri Lanka.

As per the Dentist Rajitha Senaratne the question about Mr. Ravindra Sandrais Karunanayake is a question of an ‘onion peel’.  If we proceed on enquiring as to how Rajitha Senaratnes acquired 07 – 08 ships it would become a question of ‘two or three onion peels.  If the State Minister for Finance Mr. Lakshman Yapa Abeywardene says that the loss incurred by the country from this Bonds Scam was more than One Trillion (1000 Billion) rupees what else we need to say.  Isn’t it the largest ever financial crime committed in the history of Sri Lanka? Dr. Nalaka Godahewa clearly explained earlier the impact created by this great robbery.  As a country today we have to obtain loans on high interest rates.  The fiscal sector of the country has crashed.  The economy has dwindled.  The trust on the state fiscal activities has been lost.  In addition to the aforesaid damage of a trillion rupees other damages have been caused to the country because of this large scale financial crime.

Sending the gang of robbers to the Commission without sending them to Courts!

Although some people thought that it was the emergence of a yahapalanaa that took place on 8th Januart 2015 what actually happened on that day was the emergence of a gang of robbers.  This government came to power preaching anti-corruption wild sermons.  All thefts that had taken place have been revealed by 2 COPE reports and from the report of the Auditor General. When one COPE report was to be released the President dissolved the Parliament.   As it was not possible to remain silent when another COPE report was published the President has appointed a Commission and it is conducting investigayions. As per details given in the COPE report and the report of the Auditor General this case should have now been heard in the Courts.  It is to prevent that this gang of robbers has now been sent to the Commission.  This Commission is not a place where punishments will be meted out to these thieves.  It is only a ‘talk shop’. Despite that this Commission has still not summoned persons like Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe, Minister Maalik Samarawickrema and the people of that ilk.  Similarly none of the UNP Ministers who wemt to the Finance Milistry to make necessary arrangements before this infamous transaction took place have noy been summoned by the Commission yet. All these blue robbers have not yet been summoned to the Commission yet.

Batticaloa Arrack Factory and Ravi

What got fired at Ravi Karunanayake in the midst was a misfiring.  Here it was shot at the bush but it got hit at the hare.  The deal by which a residence was given to Ravi Karunanayake was a separate deal.  It was given by Arjun Aloysius as a gratification for giving concessions through the Budget to Arjun Aloysius’ Arrack Factory in Batticaloa.  It is Aloysiuses who run Arrack Companies in Sri Lanka.  If someone takes a ‘Shot’ Aloysiuses get a cut from it.  (Laughter from the audience).

Here we have to think about something.  If the gratification provided for establishing the Arrack Factory in Batticaloa was an ‘onion peel’  as per Rajitha Senaratne, how many ‘onion peels’ would have got those who planned the Bonds scam and by the ‘footnote gang’?

This gang of thieves who plunges this country to the abyss day by day is similar to a group of people who have got caught in a rain of Murugasan.  If the Joint Opposition did not bring forth a No Confidence Motion it would not have become necessary for Ravi Karunanayake to resign.  When we brought the No Confidence Motion a group of UNP MPs said that they cannot go against the No Confidence Motion.  Similarly a group of Ministers were also ready to vote in favour of the No Confidence Motion. Because of all this Ravi Karunanayake was forced to rsign.  If it was not done so it is the Ravi Karunanayake who lost the Confidence of Members would have been compelled to resign. (niz)

YAHAPALANA AND INDIA Part 5

August 19th, 2017

KAMALIKA PIERIS

India sees itself as a future world power. But unfortunately, the world does not see India in the same way. The world considers India to be a badly run, badly divided country. India appears to be a country that is unable to fulfill the just demand of its citizens, said one critic. Kuldip Nayar notes that that India has many fissiparous tendencies. Its diversities are solidifying into separate entities and threatening to become permanent compartments. Consensus is becoming difficult, so that even basics cannot get the approval of parliament. Also its politicians are corrupt.

India is jam packed with 1.3 billion people occupying a land area a tenth the size of Africa which has a population of 1.2 billion, said observers. India’s infrastructure is poor, India’s air pollution is the world’s deadliest and India has 400 million people who notoriously do not have any sanitation at all. In 2015, more than half of the rural population still defecated in the open.

The world rankings do not favor India either. World Bank ranking placed US first with GDP of USD 17.4 trillion for the year 2014.  China came next with USD 10.3 trillion. India was in 10th position with 2.5 trillion. World Economic Forum ranking for 2017 was USA first with a GDP of 18 trillion USD, followed by China with $11 trillion. India was in seventh place with USD 2.83 trillion. US held 24.3% of the world economy and China had 14.8%.

In Higher Education too, India does not lead. Times Higher Education, Asia Universities ranking for 2017 placed Singapore National University first, Beijing University second and Tsinghua University, third. The first mention of India is Indian Institute of Technology, Bangalore at position 27, Indian Institute of Technology, Bombay at 42 and University of Delhi at 131.

India plans to actively resist any attempt by any other power to establish its dominance over South Asia. India’s immediate rival is China. India has no intention of giving in to China.  India is prepared to battle it out. Apart from its money, China is still far behind the U.S. whether in terms of military capabilities, scientific and technological advancement and innovative economy, said India. The Chinese economy is slowing down. It has an ageing population, an ecologically ravaged landscape and mounting debt, said India.

China was not the most important country in the Silk route either, continued India. China was just one of the countries which participated in the   network of caravan and shipping routes which criss-crossed the Silk route. Chinese silk was certainly prized across the world as were its ceramics. But so were Indian cotton, spices and precious gems. Much of the Silk Road trade was actually in the hands of the Sogdians who inhabited the oasis towns leading from India in the east and Persia in the west into western China.

India says that ancient China was never at the centre of the Asian universe and it never commanded respect from the states around it. China was never a major trading nation and remained relatively insular through most of its history, as well. It never developed the cosmopolitan spirit which has been a hallmark of the Indian temperament, said India proudly.

India acknowledges that China has considerable achievements. China’s contemporary rise is indeed remarkable, admits India. It is on the basis of its economic and military capabilities, its accumulation of knowledge, capital and mastery of science and technology and, above all, its ‘contribution to the global commons ‘that it must claim its rightful place in the emerging world order.

China may continue to expand its economic and military capabilities and may even become the most powerful country in the world. But the world, including Asia, will, in the future be ruled by a cluster of major powers. We are not even in a China-centric Asia let alone a China-centric world, announced India.

A study by Harvard’s Center for International Development released in 2017, has projected a dramatic fall in China’s economic growth to 4.41 per cent in the coming years until 2025. On the other hand, India would perform extremely well growing at 7.72 per cent during the period. Indonesia, Vietnam, Uganda, Kenya and Mexico are expected to perform a lot better than China according to the report. However, India and Pakistan became full members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) in 2017. This China-dominated security grouping is increasingly seen as a counterweight to the United States-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).

India is updating its Soviet-era military hardware to counter long-standing tensions with regional rivals China and Pakistan. India not only wants to modernize its armed forces but it wants to manufacture the items locally. Indian companies will tie up with foreign organizations to manufacture fighter jets, armored vehicles, helicopters and submarines locally, on a Make in India’ venture. British defence giant BAE Systems said it had chosen India’s Mahindra group to build a plant for assembling howitzer artillery guns in the country. India is now modernizing its nuclear arsenal as well. However at present China’s army is superior to that of India. China has 57   ballistic missile submarines of all types.  India has 15.

India cannot fight China alone, therefore, In order to combat China, India has forged a military alliance with USA.  US-India economic relations are also poised to grow, said observers. India has entered into a civilian nuclear program with USA as well. The Trump administration shows every sign of continuing the momentum toward a closer relationship with India.  India is also moving closer to Israel, another state which is loyal to US.   Indian Prime Minister Modi visited Israel in 2017.

It was not always like that between India and USA. In the late 1970s, the state-owned Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) called for worldwide offers to develop the Trincomalee   tank farm as a commercial venture. Multinational oil giants like Shell and Chevron did not respond. An offer arrived from Coastal Corporation, a US firm that was actively trading in oil in Singapore. The CPC and the Coastal Corporation signed an agreement to develop the tank farm. There were immediate protests from India. New Delhi was apprehensive of any US access to Trincomalee that would pose security threats to them at a time when the Cold War was at its height between the US and the former Soviet Union.

The then Indian Foreign Secretary Romesh Bhandari was dispatched to Colombo by Premier Indira Gandhi as special envoy for a meeting with   President J.R. Jayewardene. After discussions, Jayewardene directed that fresh offers be called. A three-member Tender Board once again recommended that Coastal Corporation be awarded the tank farm project. Amidst mounting Indian protests, Jayewardene sent Finance Minister Ronnie de Mel and CPC Chairman Daham Wimalasena to New Delhi. They met Premier Gandhi and the Indian Defence Minister Jagjivan Ram. However, an apprehensive New Delhi opposed any American presence in Trincomalee.

But in 2007 when the Hambantota project started with Chinese assistance, the once again apprehensive India turned to US. They wanted US help to ascertain the status of Chinese involvement in the Hambantota port project, even before actual construction commenced in January 2008. This came to light when WikiLeaks released classified US diplomatic cables,

India has decided to match China’s OBOR with an Indian one. In May 2017, India announced the creation of Asia-Africa Growth Corridor (AAGC) with Japan’s support   as a counter to China’s ambitious One Belt One Road. This was first mentioned in the joint declaration issued by Prime Ministers Modi and Shinzo Abe in November 2016.  

The document was prepared by three think tanks,  the New Delhi based Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS) linked to the Ministry of External Affairs; the Jakarta-based Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia (ERIA) and  Japan’s Institute of Developing Economies of the Japan External Trade Organization (IDE-JETRO). Research institutions and individuals from Africa were also invited for detailed consultations. South Africa, Mozambique, Indonesia, Singapore, and Australia sent representatives for the consultation process. The African Development Bank welcomed the AAGC vision document. Unlike OBOR which entails development of a land corridor, AAGC will essentially be a sea corridor linking Africa with India and other countries of South-East Asia and Oceania. It is presented as an initiative arising out of a consultative process, unlike the “government-funded model” of OBOR project.

In its first phase, the corridor will link Africa with India and countries in South-Asia including Bangladesh, Myanmar, Cambodia and Laos. There is a plan to connect ports in Jamnagar (Gujarat) with Djibouti in the Gulf of Eden. Similarly, ports of Mombasa and Zanzibar will be connected to ports near Madurai in Tamil Nadu. Kolkata in West Bengal will be linked to Sittwe port in Myanmar. Apart from developing sea corridors, the AAGC also proposes to build a robust institutional, industrial and transport infrastructure among countries in Asia and Africa. .

AAGC is intended to increase growth and investment in Africa by curtailing the ever increasing presence of China on the African continent. African Economic Outlook 2017, showed that China is still the major consumer of African goods, accounting for 27 per cent of Africa’s total global exports. China is also a leader in investment in Africa. In 2015-16, the country invested a whopping US$ 38.4 billion. In comparison, India during the same year, invested just US$ 2.2 billion across 64 projects. Japanese investments in Africa were minuscule.

India wants full control of the South Asian region as the first step towards becoming a global power. India thinks that it is the leading sovereign state of South Asia, by right, because of its geographic position and superior size. Smaller South Asian states such as Sri Lanka, Nepal, Maldives and Bhutan should bow to India. India also thinks that the foreign policies of these countries must take India into account. They must consult India regarding all internal matters which affected India’s security. If a neighboring state adopts an independent foreign policy disregarding India’s concerns, or ignores India’s advice on how an internal problem such as a civil war should be managed, then India can intervene.

Unfortunately for India, India’s neighbors do not agree with any of this.  South Asia does not see India as its natural leader. They see India as haughty, arrogant, interfering and a very poor example of what a modern Asian state should be. Sri Lanka for example is ahead of India in certain matters. Sri Lanka’s life expectancy in 2017 was   76.8 years and global rank was 90. India’s was 68.8 years and rank was 123.   India’s infant mortality is 5 times more than Sri Lanka. Though India boasts of having a GDP of $4.9 trillion its per capita income is about half that of Sri Lanka, said critics.

India expected Sri Lanka to behave like a little baby sister once they both got independence in the 1940s. But there was nothing baby-like about Sri Lanka. Unlike India, Sri Lanka was at least 2000 years old, when it regained independence in 1948.  Sri Lanka had had a long, unbroken history   as a sovereign state, and had no intention of ever forgetting it.  Sri Lanka  also had   centuries of diplomatic relations with neighboring  countries  such as  India,  China, Iran, Burma,  Thailand and  was not going to forget that either.

Further, Sri Lanka has no land border with India and is strategically located in the Indian Ocean, making it more independent of India than most other South Asian countries. Once it gained independence, Sri Lanka entered into diplomatic relations with many countries, including Russia, China and Pakistan. We need not be intimidated by India, said K Godage in 2010, when the Eelam war was going on, because we have other friends. China, Iran and even Libya would give us aid without humiliating conditions.

India wanted Sri Lanka to remain exclusively within the sphere of influence of India  but set about it the wrong way, by antagonizing Sri Lanka and withholding assistance when Sri Lanka asked for it. Both these were amply seen in the Eelam war.  Despite this, Sri Lanka had offered Hambantota port to India and USA first. They were not interested. Then along came China, well ahead of schedule. Not only did it help in the Eelam war, but provided aid, investment and generously funded major projects in post-Eelam Sri Lanka. India simply did not have the money to take China’s place as Sri Lanka’s main financial backer.

Now that China has entered the picture, India has suddenly become affectionate. Prime Minister Modi of India, speaking at the 14th UN International Vesak Celebrations, in Sri Lanka said that the strong cultural bond and affinity between the peoples of India and Sri Lanka make the peoples in these two countries inseparable. We see a future for us together where we both flourish. All of us, particularly Sri Lanka and India, should grow together. We cannot prosper in isolation, said India. There is a moral obligation on the part of India to support Sri Lanka’s economic development efforts.

The Indian Prime Minister also said that India is committed to the economic prosperity of Sri Lanka’s citizens because whether it is on land or in the waters of the Indian Ocean, the security of our societies is indivisible”. Sri Lanka was not impressed. What he means by stating that the security of our societies is indivisible is that India opposes Sri Lanka permitting China or any other outside power to come in and involve itself in strategically significant development projects which pose a threat to India, said critics.

India also took the position that Sri Lanka loves India. Indian MP Sashi Tharoor said I witnessed at first hand the welcoming atmosphere in Colombo when the International Indian Film Awards (IIFA) took place here in  2010, shortly after the end of the civil war.  This cannot be accepted. USA holds it Oscars and Britain it’s Bafta in their own countries, but India holds its festival in different capitals.  IIFA says this is to promote Indian cinema all round the world but it could also be considered an attention getting device.

IIFA 2010 has resulted in vast tourist publicity for Sri Lanka which no advertising campaign could have bought. Event had an 80 million audience said   India supporters. Critics took the opposite view. They complained about the cost. In other countries India spends, here, critics alleged that Sri Lanka had spent around 840 million per event. Some money had come as a loan from a state bank.

India took the very  acceptable position that it must continuously watch Sri Lanka’s actions, because they could have security implications for India. Sri Lanka is like an aircraft carrier parked fourteen miles off the India coast, India said. In this situation, foreign relations with India have to be ‘managed’ by Sri Lanka, not bungled.  The Rajapaksa government was good at this.

After Eelam IV the war-winning Rajapaksa government had been under heavy Indian pressure to acquire Sri Lanka’s defence ‘needs’, including training and intelligence from India   in 2014,Sri Lanka accepted    the Indian offer to build two AOPVs  (Advanced Offshore Patrol Vessel.  Gotabhaya Rajapaksa then Defence Secretary had signed the agreement on behalf of Sri Lanka. It was part of the overall project meant to enhance Sri Lanka-India relationship, observed Shamindra Ferdinando.

Former Indian National Security Advisor Shivshankar Menon said in his memoirs “I found that as the Defence Secretary, Gotabhaya, had a clear view of Sri Lanka’s interests, one that was compatible with ours. Immediately after the war, he reassured Indian troika about the nature of Sri Lanka’s defence relationship with China, and helped Indian companies reenter the reconstruction of Colombo. Security was Gotabhaya’s preoccupation, which made him sensitive to India’s concerns, while his brother Mahinda was much more compliant with Chinese demands, having built a political machine on Chinese money.’

India has had a special interest in Trincomalee, because of the military potential of its harbor and its proximity to India. For years we were told that nothing could be done to develop Trincomalee because ‘India will not like it.’  India’s interest in the oil tank farm in Trincomalee was primarily for security reasons.

Yahapalana, probably under orders from its western handlers, now plans to hand over the development of Trincomalee, port and all, to India. We have now initiated action to develop a port centered larger Trincomalee   development zone, said Yahapalana   this will be a joint venture between India and Sri Lanka with benefits to both parties. Memorandum of Understanding with India was worked out to jointly for investments to develop the Trincomalee Port, establish a petroleum refinery and other industries there. The Singapore firm of Subana Jurong will draw up the master plan for Trincomalee. There will also be a   Colombo Trincomalee economic corridor.

The present day Yahapalana government was created to kick China out and bring India into Sri Lanka. A pro-India group was formed in Sri Lanka to praise India. India is in the forefront of world geo politics, this group said.  India has the most powerful military in the Indian Ocean. India is the 7th highest economy in the world. We need India, they said. We must alleviate fears of India, they concluded.  Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe put it bluntly. Apita indiyawath oney, Oi. Apita Indiyawa tharaha karaganna behe” he said.  We need India. We cannot antagonize them. Therefore Yahapalana took every opportunity to make a fuss of India. For Vesak, we did not invite any leaders from Buddhist countries. Our invitations went to two Hindu leaders, BJP’s Modi from India and Bhandari from Nepal, observed amused critics.

INS Vikramaditya, India’s aircraft carrier, and India’s newest and largest ship made its maiden overseas port call to Colombo in January 2016.  Sri Lankan President  Maithripala Sirisena was the first foreign head of State onboard the ship. Sri Lanka had planned acquire 12 JF-17 fighter aircraft built in Pakistan in collaboration with China. India quickly offered its new Tejas fighter, still in its trial period, as an alternative.

Sri Lanka Navy (SLN) on July 22, 2017, took delivery of an Advanced Offshore Patrol Vessel (AOPV) built by the Government of India owned Goa Shipyard Limited (GSL) Sri Lankan military personnel received training in two Dornier aircraft, belonging to the Indian Navy. The training exercises were carried out in the West and Southwest Coast of the Sri Lankan Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) in June 2017.

Yahapalana is favoring India at the expense of Sri Lanka, critics charged. 800 Maruti cars were imported to Sri Lanka in 2015, facilitated by a substantial slash in import duty and simultaneous increase in import duty for hybrid vehicles by a grateful government assisted by India to win the election.  India has gifted a high class emergency ambulance service with state of the art medical equipment inside 88 fully equipped ambulances supported by a USD 7.55 million grant from India. This is viewed with suspicion by Sri Lanka health professionals.

India wants Sri Lanka to purchase Indian helicopters ‘and other such items’, when more suitable and cost effective alternatives are available elsewhere, complained critics. Yahapalana government would like to see an investor from India take a stake in the building of a container terminal in Colombo port. More than 60% of Colombo transship comes from India.

Yahapalana handlers are well aware that India will balkanize and the south Indian states will separate from north India. There must be an economic link between Sri Lanka and Tamilnadu,    Gujarat and other Indian states, said Yahapalana.  The total GDP of the five southern States, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Kerala, is over USD 500 billion with the possibility of doubling to a trillion dollars within a decade or so.

Sri Lanka has offered 500 acres of land to the Government of Andhra Pradesh to develop an industrial park. President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe made separate phone calls to Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu to tell him this. This was in response to a proposal submitted by Naidu to the Sri Lanka government when he visited Colombo in 2016 to participate as Chief Guest  when Yahapalana celebrated completing two years in office.

Andhra Pradesh is one of the fastest developing states in India, and Naidu is rated as one of the most dynamic, proactive and forward-looking chief ministers in India. And this may possibly be the first time that the Sri Lankan Government is inviting the government of a state in India to develop an industrial park in the island, babbled Yahapalana.

The geopolitics of Sri Lanka’s location in the Indian Ocean close to India and India’s resulting  security concerns are important factors that foreign policy decision makers in Sri Lanka should take into consideration, when Sri Lankan leaders seek the involvement of any outside power in Sri Lanka’s development activities, said S.W. Premaratne . They should have India’s security concerns uppermost in their minds. Therefore, when Sri Lanka enters into agreements with other states seeking their involvement in strategically significant development projects, there should be very clear provisions in such agreements prohibiting such states from using Sri Lanka for military purposes. .

The China factor could lead to serious problems with India, said analysts. China is building a port in Sri Lanka and their submarines visit Sri Lanka.  This will create new difficulties with India.” India will not be agreeable to Sri Lanka giving China access to ports for military purposes.  Yahapalana’s transfer of   ‘a lot of property’ to China would also incense India. India will want to counterbalance it. Sri Lanka should not depend mainly on Chinese development assistance. Sri Lanka must craft a balanced foreign policy with India and the West, observers said. However this is good advice  if we have a friendly, independent India, not a weak dependant India acting as a cat’s paw for the United States of America. (CONCLUDED)

The case of Medical education in Srilanka

August 19th, 2017

Dhanasiri

The demand of medical students is the medical education should not privatized.Private sector mainly looking for profit, quality of the education is secondary. So doctors coming out from it under qualified, as a results.ultimately poor patients would have to pay by  their lives.

GMOA or the government medical officers association is a main stakeholder of this issue

But they are some extent responsible, conduct media forums,take part in rallies,issue press notices to show their protest against the issue while warning but not striking .

But students continuously seven months boycotting lectures, my opinion is students too show the protest while attending their lectures so it will not hamper their educations.

Due to corruption, internal power struggle and poor performance will not allow this government to go beyond 2019. so I would repeat again my request start your education.

Sigmund Freud on PTSD

August 19th, 2017

Dr Ruwan M Jayatunge

Post-traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) is an anxiety syndrome that develops after exposure to traumatic life events (Pervanidou & Chrousos, 2007). Although   PTSD  is sometimes considered to be a relatively new diagnosis, as the name first appeared in 1980, the concept of the disorder has a very long history (Andreasen, 2010) and psychological reactions to traumatic incidents have been frequently described for more than 100 years (Thomann & Rauschmann, 2004).

In the 19th century ungovernable emotional excess or else hysteria became a major focus in the medical field. The physicians noticed that hysteria symptoms usually appear with emotional conflicts and symptoms were linked to psychological factors. Hysteria was regarded as a multi-symptomatic syndrome. During the First World War many soldiers suffered hysteria type of reactions that were called Shell Shock. Shell shock resulted from psychological trauma experienced on the battlefield. Decisive discussions and descriptions of shell shock and hysteria laid the foundation for the modern notions of dissociation and PTSD (Dayan & Olliac, 2010).

The French clinicians mainly Charcot and Janet were the first to connect traumatic events and symptoms of hysteria (Schestatsky et al., 2003). Charcot regarded traumatic hysteria as stemming not from the physical effects of the traumatic accident but rather from the idea his patients had formed of it (Pitman, 2013). Pierre Janet (1889) first described how the central issue in trauma is dissociation (van der Kolk, van der Hart, & Burbridge, 1995).  

Sigmund Freud (1856-1936) developed a specific interest in hysteria after his stay with Professor Jean-Martin Charcot during the winter of 1885-1886 (Bogousslavsky & Dieguez, 2014). Freud had learned a great deal about the epistemological status of the knowledge he was deriving from hysterical patients in the years since 1895 (Pletsch, 1982). In 1895 Sigmund Freud and Josef Breuer published their book -Studies on Hysteria.  Freud and Breuer concluded that the hysteric suffers mainly from reminiscences (Luckhurst, 2004).   As described by Freud hysteria was not anything physical at all but an emotional, internal affliction that could affect both males and females, which was caused by previous trauma (Maines, 1999). Freud expressed the belief that many cases of hysteria had a basis in childhood incest (Stone, 1992) and he investigated the aetiology of hysteria(Löwe et al., 2006).

The concept of dissociation was proposed by Janet in 1889. According to Janet dissociation is a disruption in the normally integrated functions of memory, identity, perception and/or consciousness (Perry & Laurence, 1984). However Freud renounced the concept of dissociation (Gurevich ,2014). After visiting Janet, Freud adopted many of these concepts of dissociation as a splitting of consciousness, often associated with bizarre physical symptoms and manifestations, and ultimately attributed such symptoms in his hysterical patients to a history of childhood sexual abuse (Scaer,  2001).

In the nineteenth-century post-traumatic symptoms were described as Railway spine. The railroad accidents at the beginning of the industrial age cased a large number of PTSD victims.  In 1866 Surgeon Eric Erichsen developed the influential hypotheses that psychological symptoms after railway accidents were caused by a concussion of the spine followed by “molecular changes” in the spinal cord -“railway spine syndrome” (Löwe et al.,2006). After 1900, the symptoms were generally diagnosed as a functional neurosis (Siemerink-Hermans, 1988). Sigmund Freud was interested in the   nineteenth-century medical condition railway spine syndrome. Freud thought that symptoms of railway-spine lay in a deeply rooted facet of infantile sexual life.

Freud’s Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality is one of the grounding texts of 20th century European thinking (Van Haute & Westerink, 2016).  Freud placed sexuality at the centre of psychic development, psychoanalytic theory and clinical work (Green, 1995).  He found sexual aetiology in neuroses. Hence Freud introduced new categories of pathology.

The diagnosis of Neurasthenia appeared in 1869 and the concept was introduced by George Miller Beard.  Some experts saw similarities between shell shock and neurasthenia. Neurasthenia rapidly became fashionable and highly prevalent (Taylor, 2001). At the end of the 19th century, neurasthenia and hysteria were considered distinct diseases. Specifically, neurasthenia was regarded as a disease of the body, whereas hysteria was regarded as a disease of the psyche (Paciaroni & Bogousslavsky, 2014).

The Common psychological symptoms of Neurasthenia were insomnia, lack of concentration, depression, fears and irritability (Gosling, 1987). Freud thought that neurasthenia is resulting from sexual excess, and anxiety neuroses. However in 1895 Freud removed anxiety neurosis from neurasthenia (Taylor, 2001).

Freud used the term trauma to describe abrupt events in which an individual is overwhelmed by stimuli, particularly noxious stimuli such as loss or threat to life (Witztum & Kotler, 2000). He studied the link between sexual trauma and hysterical illness (Chu, 1991). Freud hypothesized that traumatic memories unconsciously converted into the somatic manifestations of hysteria.Furthermore Freud described dissociation as a reaction to trauma (Bacciagaluppi, 2011).

Freud had characterized the memory of trauma as a foreign body which long after its entry must continue to be regarded as an agent that is still at work ( Smelser,  2004).  In Beyond the Pleasure Principle (1920) Freud described how patients suffering from traumatic neuroses often experienced a lack of conscious preoccupation with the memories of their accident (van der Kolk, 2000). Moreover Freud thought that inability to put traumatic experiences into words repression occurs (van der Kolk & Ducey, 1989).

The symptoms of PTSD fall into three clusters: reenactment of the traumatic event: avoidance of cues associated with the event or general withdrawal; and physiological hyperreactivity (Perry & Azad ,1999). Sigmund Freud observed that early memory traces can be activated by later events that cause partial reliving of earlier traumas in the form of affect states, anxiety, or re-enactments (van der Kolk, 1989).

Freud stated that that neurosis derives from deeply traumatic experiences and it is rooted in ego defense mechanisms. In 1888 Freud declared that a neurosis in the strictest sense of the word; based wholly and entirely on physiological modifications of the nervous system” In 1896 Freud wrote that sexually abused children display hysteria later in life. This concept helped him to develop his seduction theory. Freud’s seduction theory asserts that psychoneuroses in adults are caused by reactivation of forgotten recollections of gross sexual abuse (involving the genitals) that had taken place prior to the age of 8 to 10 years (Figueroa, 2014).  In the Dora (Ida Bauer) paper Freud first publicized a new theory of the etiology of neurosis that made fantasy and repression central (Ahbel-Rappe, 2009). For Freud anxiety is the basis of neurosis (Freud, 1936) and repression causes anxiety (Erwin, 2002).

Furthermore Freud wrote about phobic anxiety. Freud analyzed the phobia in a five-year-old boy-Little Hans in 1909. Little Hans’ is one of the most highly commented cases in the psychoanalytic literature (Vives, 2012).  Freud put the case as a clinical confirmation of the relative theory of infantile sexuality and the existence of an infantile neurosis based on the castration complex and oedipal conflict (Ferrara, 1982). According to Freud in phobias the id has been repressed by the ego.He further stated that the object of the phobia was not the original source of the anxiety.  Moreover Freud considered agoraphobia as a defensive organization to avoid anxiety, not bound to the original conflict, but to substitutive formation(Manfredi de Poderoso & Linetzky, 2003). Freud believed that people are motivated towards tension reduction, in order to reduce feelings of anxiety.

In his writings especially, Mourning & Melancholia (1917), Beyond the Pleasure Principle (1920), and Symptoms, Inhibitions & Anxiety (1926) Freud vibrantly describes the effects of psychological trauma on psyche. Freud discovered the psychodynamic conflicts following psychological trauma. In his 1920 essay Beyond the Pleasure Principle Freud indicated trauma and its destructive effect on human psyche.  Freud metaphorically defined trauma as the breaching of the ‘protective shield” by an external stimulus, its overwhelming affects pushing the individual into a state of helplessness (Dayan & Olliac, 2010).

Freud observed neuroses caused by the trauma of war. During the First World War, military physicians from the belligerent countries were faced with soldiers suffering from psychotrauma with often unheard of clinical signs (Tatu & Bogousslavsky, 2014) and there was a new surge of interest in hysteria associated with war psycho-neuroses (Bogousslavsky, 2011). The soldiers in the trenches, undergoing unrelenting artillery bombardment, suffered from similar symptoms, designated at the time as shell shock (Shively & Perl, 2012). The shell-shock experience helped to break down the distinction between the sane and the insane (Howorth, 2000). Freud treated several soldiers who returned from the WW1. Freud understood the ill effect of combat trauma on human psyche.

In 1918 at the Fifth International Psycho-Analytical Congress that was held at Budapest Freud read a paper on The Psycho-Analysis of War Neuroses. War neuroses can be addressed as an early model of traumatic stress disorder, such as acute stress disorder or post-traumatic stress disorder. (Tölle, 2005).  Just before and after the end of World War I, Sigmund Freud took on an activist role and in his writings and speeches, redirected the concept of war trauma from individual failure to a larger issue of community responsibility (Danto, 2016).

In 1919 Freud wrote; “In traumatic and war neuroses the human ego is defending itself from a danger which threatens it from without or which is embodied in a shape assumed by the ego itself. In the transference neuroses of peace the enemy from which the ego is defending itself is actually the libido, whose demands seem to it to be menacing. In both cases the ego is afraid of being damaged – in the latter case by the libido and in the former by external violence. It might, indeed, be said that in the case of the war neuroses, in contrast to the pure traumatic neuroses and in approximation to the transference neuroses, what is feared is nevertheless an internal enemy. The theoretical difficulties standing in the way of a unifying hypothesis of this kind do not seem insuperable: after all, we have a perfect right to describe repression, which lies at the basis of every neurosis, as a reaction to a trauma- as an elementary traumatic neurosis.” (SE17, p210). Freud considered that fixation at the moment of the traumatic experience is the basis of a traumatic neurosis.

Freud observed somatization reactions in many of his patients. The concept of somatization takes its origin from the work of Freud who proposed the idea of conversion as a main defense mechanism (Tsukui &, Ebana, 2009). In psychodynamic theory, somatization is conceptualized as an ego defense, the unconscious re-channeling of repressed emotions into somatic symptoms as a form of symbolic communication (Sutker, & Adams, 2001). His famous case study of Fräulein Anna O (Bertha Pappenheim) had a number of somatization symptoms.

Sigmund Freud used the term Traumatic Neurosis that resembles the present day PTSD (Young, 2002). The term traumatic neurosis designates a psycho-pathological state characterized by various disturbances arising soon or long after an intense emotional shock (Gale, 2005). Freud too regarded traumatic neurosis as a fright-induced psychological phenomenon, in contrast to psychoneurosis, which he believed was caused by repressed sexual desires (Pitman, 2013).However the nosologic designation of traumatic neurosis was not consensually accepted until after World War II (Modlin, 1986).

Freud believed that neuroses arise from intrapsychic conflict and he stated that in neurosis the ego suppresses part of the id out of allegiance to reality. Freud’s original model of neurosis, known as Seduction Theory, was a post-traumatic paradigm which placed emphasis on external stressor events. In 1897, due to a confluence of factors, he shifted his paradigm to stress intrapsychic fantasy as the focus of analytic treatment for traumatic neurosis (Wilson, 1994). In Freud’s words, The symptomatic picture presented by traumatic neurosis approaches that of hysteria in the wealth of its similar motor symptoms, but surpasses it as a rule in its strongly marked signs of subjective  ailment   . . . , as well as in the evidence it gives of a far more general enfeeblement and disturbance of the mental capacities” (1920g, p. 12).

Freud wrote about Seduction trauma. Seduction trauma refers to a range of phenomena currently described under the rubric of child abuse. Freud elucidated the fantasy distortion and elaboration of traumatic experience and retained the importance of actual trauma (Blum, 1996). Freud’s pre-analytic concept of seduction trauma was interwoven with the emerging concepts of an unconscious pathogenic past, repression, and reconstruction (Blum, 2008). Freud’s Oedipus complex is about the incesttaboo, guilt, and aggression (Kilborne 2003). Freud’s seduction theory asserts that psychoneuroses in adults are caused by reactivation of forgotten recollections of gross sexual abuse (involving the genitals) that had taken place prior to the age of 8 to 10 years (Figueroa, 2014).

Freud knew the ill effects of childhood trauma. Childhood maltreatment increases the risk for PTSD (Price et al., 2017). Freud revealed the horrors of incest.  Incest is emotionally devastating to a child as it involves betrayal, and the irretrievable loss of trust in the adults in the child’s life (Godbey & Hutchinson, 1996). Post traumatic stress disorder, dissociative disorders, major depression and borderline personality disorder can be seen in the victims of childhood sexual abuse ( Erdinç et al.,2004). Freud pointed out that childhood sexual abuse could cause psychic damage in the later years.

Freud introduced the concept of repetition compulsion (Freud, 1920). The concept of the repetition compulsion appears as early as in 1914, in ‘Remembering, repeating and working-through’, but is not clearly specified as a characteristic of instinctual functioning until 1919 and 1920, in ‘The “Uncanny” and ‘Beyond the pleasure principle’ (Ladame, 1991).

Repetition compulsion is a maladaptive behavior (Bowins, 2010). The tendency of victims of physical or sexual childhood abuse to become re-victimized in later life has well been documented empirically (Wöller  2005). Freud saw Repetition as a means of abreacting the trauma by seeking to bind the enormous quantity of excitations that cannot find discharge (Casoni 2002). Modern empirical findings confirm Freud’s clinical hypotheses regarding the repetition compulsion (Slipp, 2000). According to Van der Kolk repetition compulsion is a re-enactment or re-victimization of past traumatic experiences (Shoda & Kato, 2007).  Compulsion to repeat can be viewed as a posttraumatic stress response (Levy, 2000).

In Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality (1905) Freud introduced the term –Fixation. According to Freud fixation is the manifestation of very early linkages. Fixation has been compared to psychological imprinting (Malcolm, 1988).

In 1909 Freud came to the Clark University USA and delivered several lectures. In these lectures Freud   eloquently described the broad clinical picture of PTSD.  In one of his famous lectures- Fixation upon trauma – the unconscious   Freud states thus…..

…..The closest analogy to this behavior in our nervous patients is provided by the forms of illness recently made so common by the war – the so-called traumatic neurosis. Of courses, similar cases have occurred before the war, after railway accidents and other terrifying experiences involving danger to life. The traumatic neurosis are not fundamentally the same as those which occur spontaneously…..

….. The traumatic neurosis demonstrates very clearly that a fixation to the moment of the traumatic occurrence lies at their root. These patients regularly produce the traumatic situation in their dreams, in case showing attacks of a hysterical type in which analysis is possible; it appears that the attack constitutes a complete reproduction of this situation. It is as though these persons had not yet been able to deal adequately with the situation, as if this task were still actually before them unaccomplished……….

……. a person is brought so completely to a stop by a traumatic event which shatters the foundations of

his life that he abandons all interest in the present and future and remains permanently absorbed in mental concentration upon the past……..

Freud treated a number of patients who had traumatic neurosis or modern day PTSD. For instance his Hungarian patient Anton von Freund had persistent neurosis. The soldier of Dardanelles had war neurosis. In the Studies on Hysteria (1895) Freud describes Frälein Elisabeth von R‘s (Ilona Weiss) traumatic memories. Freud wiped out her traumatic memories under hypnosis (Hurst, 1983).

Freud used psychoanalysis to treat Traumatic Neurosis (PTSD). He made an attempt through psychoanalysis to recover repressed traumatic memories through free association (freie Einfalle) with introspection to the patient. The method Freud contributed to Medicine is the interpretative listening to discourse on two planes (simultaneous and superimposed) with which this divided subject expresses the intra-psychic conflict (Sanchez Lazaro ,1993).  This method helped his patens with psychological trauma.

Although some of Freud’s theories are obsolete today, many parts of his work appear to be astonishingly modern, even in the light of current neurobiological research (Hartmann, 2009). He eloquently wrote about psychological trauma.  Freud’s thinking influenced both the DSM-I and II classification of stress response syndromes as transient reactive processes (Wilson, 1994). Freud’s concept of the anxiety neurosis was used as a major organizing principle in DSM-I and DSM-II (Frances et al., 1993).He was able to recognize not only the importance of implicit unconscious learning but also the way it currently impacts on the patient in psychoanalytic therapy (Slipp, 2000).  There is much suggestive evidence to prove that Sigmund Freud knew the spacious clinical picture of PTSD.

Acknowledgements

  • Prof. Richard A A Kanaan Chair of Psychiatry, Austin Health University of Melbourne
  • Prof. Dr. Paul Verhaeghe Department of psychoanalysis and clinical consulting Ghent University  Henri Dunantlaan     Ghent Belgium
  • Dr. Tom Dalzell School of Psychotherapy, St Vincent’s University Hospital, Elm Park, Dublin 4, Republic of Ireland
  • Dr. Thomas Lepoutre -Centre for Research on Psychoanalysis, Medicine and Society     University at Sorbonne Paris

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දුෂිත කෙරවලපිටිය විදුලි බලගාරය ටෙන්ඩරය තවත් නොරච්චෝලයක්! විදුලිබල ප්‍ර‍සම්පාදන කමිටු සභාපති, සාමාජිකයා ඉල්ලා අස්වෙයි.

August 19th, 2017

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රය

විදුලිබල ස්ථාවර ප්‍ර‍සම්පාදන කමිටුවේ සභාපති ජී.එස්.විතානගේ මහතා සහ සාමාජික ජේ.ආර්.එල්.වසන්ත මහත්වරුන් ඉල්ලා අස්වී ඇත. විදුලිබල හා පුණර්ජනණීය බලශක්ති අමාත්‍යාංශයේ රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය අජිත් පී.පෙරේරා හොරු අල්ලන්නට යැයි කියා හැට දෙලක්ෂයක් ව්‍යාපෘතිය වෙනුවෙන් බිම ඉදගෙන දින දෙකක් ගතවීමටත් පෙර මෙම ඉල්ලා අස්වීම විශේෂයක් බව ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රයේ සහ කැෆේ සංවිධානයේ විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් මහතා පවසයි.

සාමාජිකයින් 5 දෙනෙකුගෙන් යුතු ‘විදුලිබ ප්‍ර‍සම්පාදන කමිටුව‘ ඩීසල් විදුලි මාෆියාව පවත්වාගෙන යාමත්, ගල්අගුරු වංචාව, එක් විදුලි ඒකකයකින් රු. 14 ක් රජයට පාඩු කරන ඉංජිනේරු මාෆියාව පවත්වා ගැනීම, ජෙනරේටර් මිලදී ගැනීම පමණක් නොව මේ විට කැබිනට් මණ්ඩලය විසින් නවතා දමා ඇති කෙරවලපිටිය LNG ටෙන්ඩරයට සම්බන්ධ යාන්ත්‍ර‍ණය යි.

කෙරවලපිටිය ගණුදෙණුව

මෙ.වෝ. 300 ක ඩීසල් විදුලි බලගාරයක් ඉදි කොට වසර 3 කින් LNG බලාගාරයක් බවට පරිවර්ථනය කිරීමට විදුලි බල මණ්ඩලය ටෙන්ඩර් කැදවීය. මෙම දුෂිත ගණුදෙනුවේ 2017 පෙබ. 6 දින පුවත් පත් නිවේදනයක් මගින් කැෆේ විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් විසින් හෙළි කළේය. එවකට ශ්‍රී ලංකා ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලයේ සභාපති උපුල් ජයසූරිය මහතා ද එම ගණුදෙනුව අන්ත දුෂිත බවත්, විදුලිබල ලේකම් සුරේන් බටගොඩ එම ගණුදෙණුව පිටුපස සිටින බවත් හෙළි කළේය. ජනාධිපති නීතිඥ උපුල් ජයසූරිය මහතාට ඉල්ලා අස්විමට සිදු වූයේ එම අනාවරණය හේතුවෙනි.

ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලය ලංකාවේ මුදල් නොමැතිව විදේශීය ආයෝජන ලෙස LNG බලාගාර 6 ක් ඉදිකිරීම සදහා ආයෝජකයින් සොයා ගෙන තිබුණි.

ලංකා භාණ්ඩාගාරයෙන් අති දැවැන්ත මුදලක් වැය කරමින් ඉදි කිරීමට යෝජිත කෙරවලපිටිය ප්‍ර‍තිචක්‍රීය බලාගාරය ටෙන්ඩර් කැදවීමේ සිටම අන්ත දුෂිත ගණුදෙනුවකි.

සමාගම් 8 ක් ටෙන්ඩර් ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමෙන් පසුව තාක්ෂණික හේතු මත එයින් 2 ක් ඉවත් කරන ලදී. ඉතිරි සමාගම් 6 අතුරින් සුරේන් බටගොඩ ලේකම්වරයාට අවශ්‍ය සමාගමේ ටෙන්ඩරය පමණක් විවෘත විය. එය තාක්ෂණික කමිටු නිර්දේශයට පටහැනිය. තාක්ෂණික ඇගයීමට අනුව අඩුම සුදුසුකම් සහිත සමාගමේ ටෙන්ඩරය පමණක් විවෘත වූයේ ‘දේශපාලන-නිලධාරි‘ අවශ්‍යතාව මත ය.

විදුලි මාෆියාවට අවශ්‍යව ඇත්තේ මෙම බලාගාරය ඉදිකිරීම වලකා පුද්ගලික අංශයෙන් විදුලිය මිලදී ගැනීමය. ප්‍ර‍බල දේශපාලනඥයෙකුට අවශ්‍යව ඇත්තේ තමාට සම්බන්ධ රජයේ විදුලිබල මණ්ඩලයට අනුබද්ධ ආයතනයකට මෙම ටෙන්ඩරය ලබාගැනීමය. ප්‍ර‍සම්පාදන කමිටු සභාපති හා සාමාජිකයාගේ ඉල්ලා අස්වීම එහි ප්‍ර‍තිඑලයකි.

ඩීසල් විදුලි උත්පාදන ටෙන්ඩරය

රුපියල් මිලියන 5000 ක් වැය කරමින් මෙගාවෝට් 60 ක විදුලිය උත්පාදනය සදහා ඩීසල් විදුලි උත්පාදන යන්ත්‍රගෙන ඒවේ කැබිනට් පත්‍රිකාව සියඹලාපිටිය-බටගොඩ සුසංයෝගය විසින් ඉදිරිපත් කරනු ලැබූවේ 2016 දෙසැම්බර්ය මසය. ‘විවෘත ජාත්‍යන්තර තරගකාරී ලංසු කැදවීම මගින් තෝරා ගැනීමට’ යෝජනා වූ නමුත් අන්ත දුෂිත ගණුදෙණුවක් ලෙස සැකසි මේ ගණුදෙනුවට එදා මුදල් අමාත්‍ය රවී කරුණානායක, අමාත්‍ය චම්පික රණවක විරෝධය පළ කළේය.

ජී.එස්.විතානගේ, ආචාර්ය සුරේන් බටගොඩ සහ විදුලිබල මණ්ඩලයේ සාමාන්‍යධිකාරිවරයා ඇතුළු කණ්ඩායමක ප්‍රසම්පාදන කමිටුවක් හරහා මිලදී ගැනීම සිදුවූ අයුරු මෙසේය.

  • ජෙනරේටර් මිල දී ගැනීමට 2016.12.28 දින රැස්වීමක් පවත්වා, තාක්ෂණික නිර්ණායක සකසා දිනකට පසුව 2016.12.29 අදාළ මිලදී ගැනීමට පුවත්පත් දැන්වීමක් පළ විය.
  • පසු දින, 2016.12.30 දින අංක 16/2774/727/056 දරණ කැබිනට් මණ්ඩල පත්‍රිකාව ඉදිරිපත් කරනු ලබයි. (සාමාන්‍යයෙන් කැබිනට් පත්‍රිකාවක් දින 7 කට පෙර කැබිනට් කාර්යාලයට බාරදිය යුතුය)
  • තාක්ෂණික ඇගයීම් කමිටුව 2017.01.16 දින අවසන් වන ටෙන්ඩරයට ඇගයීමට ලක් කරන අතර ඇග්රිකෝ, ලක්දනවි, පවර් සොලූෂන් එන්වී, The consortium of Ceylex (Pvt) and Aifaris (LLC) යන ආයතන වෙතින් ඉදිරිපත් වූ මිල ගණන් එම කමිටුව විසින් ඇගයීමට ලක් කරයි. තාක්ෂණික ඇගයීම් කමිටුව තීරණය කරන්නේ අදාළ මිලදී ගැනීමේ වටිනාකම රු. මිලියන 6,268 ක් බවයි.
  • අදාළ කැබිනට් පත්‍රිකාවට කැබිනට් මණ්ඩලය ‘ජාත්‍යන්තර තරගකාරී ලංසු කැදවන්න’ 2017 ජනවාරී 10 දා අවසර ලැබෙන විට ඩීසල් ජෙනරේටර් මිල දී ගැනීම සදහා 2016 දෙසැම්බර් 29 වන දා පුවත්පත් දැන්වීම් පළ කර තිබුණි.
  • 2017 ජනවාරි 16 උදේ 10 ට දක්වා ටෙන්ඩරය බාර ගැනිම සිදු කොට එදිනම මෙය අගයීමකට ලක් කොට, 2017 ජනවාරි 17 ප්‍රසම්පාදන මණ්ඩලය අනුමැතිය දී ඇත.
  • 2017 ජනවාරි 18 දින විදුලි ලේකම් සුරේන් බටගොඩ පෙබරවාරි 06ට පෙර ‘ඇග්රිකෝ ඉන්ටර්නැෂල් සමාගම හරහා විදුලිය ජනනය ආරම්භ කිරීමට‘ විදුලි බල මන්ඩලයට දැනුම් දී ඇත.
  • ඇමති රංජිත් සියඹලාපිටිය හා අමාත්‍යාංශ ලේකම් ආචාර්ය සුරේන් බටගොඩ ඒ වන විට මිල දී ගැනීම අවසන් කොට ඇති දුෂිත, ක්‍රම විරෝධී ගණුදෙනුව සදහා කැබිනට් අනුමැතිය ව්‍යාජ කරුණු මත පදනම්ව 2017 ජනවාරි 26 දින අනුමැතිය ලැබීය.

ගල් අගුරු වංචාව

ශේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ අංක SC FR NO. 394/2015 දරණ නඩු තීන්දුව හා විගණකාධිපතිවරයාගේ 2016 මැයි 02 දිනැති විගණන විමසුම මගින් තහවුරු වූ කුප්‍ර‍කට ගල් අගුරු වංචාව මෙසේය.

  • POE/C/CEB/Coal-sport/2016/2 දරණ විගණන විමසුම මගින් ලංකා රජයට ගල් අගුරු මිලදී ගැනීමක දී රුපියල් මිලියන 1803 ක පාඩුවක් සිදුවීම ඇත.
  • ගල් අගුරු මිලදී ගැනීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් SC FR NO. 394/2015 දරණ නඩු තීන්දුවේ [Shocks the conscience of the Court, especially when the awarding of the tender involves Public Funds”] ලෙස ද දැක්වේ. ඉහත නඩුවේ වගඋත්තරකරුවන් වූයේ ද, සුරේන් බටගොඩ, විදුලි සාමාන්‍යධිකාරිවරයා සහ ඊයේ ටෙන්ඩර් කමිටුවෙන් ඉවත් වූ ජී.එස්.විතානගේ සහ ජේ.ආර්.එල්.වසන්ත යන අය යි.
  • ගල් අගුරු ටෙඩන්ඩර් මගඩිය මගින් මෙරටට අහිමි කොට ඇති මුදල (විගණාකාධිපතිවරයාට අනුව රු. මිලියන 4135 කි.) ඩොලර් 78 ක විවෘත වෙළෙදපොල වටිනාකමක් සහිත ගල් අගුරු මෙටික් ටොන් එකක් ඩොලර් 90 බැගින් ලබා ගැනීම නිසා ආසන්න වශයෙන් එක් නැවකින් ශ්‍රී ලංකා රජයට කෝටි 12 කට ආසන්න මුදලක් පාඩු විය.

විදුලිබල මාෆියාව සම්බන්ධයෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රයේ නිරීක්ෂණ

  • විදුලිබල හා පුණර්ජණනීය බලශක්ති අමාත්‍යාංශය යටතේ ක්‍රියාත්මක ටෙන්ඩර් බහුතරයක් අන්ත දුෂිත ගණුදෙනු වේ. එය මුල්‍ය වටිනාකම දෙවැනි වන්නේ බැදුම්කර වංචාවට පමණී. ඩීසල් විදුලි ජනනය හේතුවෙන් රටට ඒකකයින් රු. 14 කට ආසන්න මුල්‍ය පාඩුවක් සිදුවේ.
  • මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ රජය සමයේ විදුලිබල කේෂ්ත්‍රයේ සිදු වූ දැවැන්ත දුෂණ වංචා එලෙසින්ම වෙනත් දේශපාලනඥයින් හා නිලධාරීන්ගේ සහභාගීත්වයෙන් සිදු වෙමින් පවතී.
  • විදුලි මාෆියාවට රජයේ ඉහළම දේශපාලන නායකත්වයේ ආරක්ෂාව හා රැකවරණය ලැබී ඇත.
  • විදුලිබල අමාත්‍යාංශයට සම්බන්ධ නිලධාරි හා තාක්ෂණික කමිටු කිහිපයක් මගින් ටෙන්ඩර් අවුල් කිරීම, දුෂිත මිලදී ගැනීම්, රටට වාසිදායක ආයෝජන අඩාල කිරීම, දිගින් දිගටම සිදු කරනු ලබන අතර ටෙන්ඩර් ක්‍රියාවලිය අවුල් කිරීම සිදු කරනු ලබයි. ඒ සදහා ද දේශපාලනික හා ඉහළ නිලධාරි ආරක්ෂාව සහිත කණ්ඩායමක රැකවරණය ලැබී ඇත.

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්

විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ

ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රය

President Maithri trapped between his commitment to Yahapalanaya and Maha Sangha

August 19th, 2017

BY GAGANI WEERAKOON Courtesy Ceylon Today

As the Unity Government of President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe completed reaching its second milepost without much ado, accusation and resignation seem to be the only options left with the two leaders to keep the unity within.

In the aftermath of ‘forced’ resignation of Ravi Karunanayake from his post as Foreign Minister due to alleged links with the main suspect of Central Bank Treasury Bonds Scam, Arjun Aloysius at the time Karunanayake functioned as the Finance Minister, next in line to be sacked, resign or be relieved of his duties is the Minister of Justice and Buddha Sasana Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe.

Rajapakshe came under attack by his own colleagues in the United National Party, for allegedly criticizing government decisions and violating collective responsibilty of the Cabinet.

With Karunanayake’s resignation, President Sirisena was in trouble finding a suitable, yet untainted candidate to hold the position of country’s Foreign Minister, as he was hesitant to appoint Minister of Development Strategies Tilak Marapana to the post as was suggested to him by some. Marapana was the first to resign, under the Unity Government, from his earlier post as the Minister of Law and Order for defending the controversial Avant Garde floating armoury.

Both Marapana and Rajapakshe defended the establishment stating there was nothing illegal about the formation of Avant Garde.

It became quite evident that the UNP was rounding up Minister Wijeyadasa when a group of UNF backbenchers asked President Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe to clarify their stand on specifically named senior officials of the Attorney General’s Department.

The group handed over a letter of demand to this effect, to the office of the Prime Minister. This comes after the conduct of two senior most officials of the Attorney General’s Department, who are on the Presidential Commission inquiring into the Treasury Bonds affair, were criticised and their conduct questioned by many Government MPs and Ministers after former Minister of Foreign Affairs Ravi Karunanayake gave evidence before the Commission.

Soon after Karunanayake announced his resignation in Parliament, several Government MPs started accusing these senior officials of being arrogant and biased.

This group of government MPs met the Prime Minister the previous week at the Parliament complex and complained about the conduct of the AG’s Department alleging that it is acting in a biased manner. Karunanayake, in his speech also directly and indirectly attacked the representatives of the AG’s Department.

Matters turned from bad to worse when, Justice Minister Rajapakshe came under fire at the United National Party’s Parliamentary Group meeting last week.

The UNP Working Committee and its parliamentary group unanimously decided to hold Rajapakshe responsible for violating the collective responsibility of the Cabinet.They have also given the Prime Minister the authority to make a decision on what action should be taken against Rajapakshe by Monday (21).

Rajapakshe however, remained unbowed and did not tender any apology for any of the allegations levelled against him.

Meanwhile, it has been discussed at length in the Cabinet about setting up a special court to expedite corruption and murder cases against the former administration. However, President Sirisena at this point sought the opinion of Minister Marapana as he was a former Attorney General.

Marapana has pointed out that the government is not in a position to do so without going for a Constitutional amendment.

President Sirisena was under pressure since last year by civil society activists to remove Rajapakshe stating that it was him who delays any prosecution against the members of the former First Family.

While this is only an accusation, former President Mahinda Rajapaksa openly said he will not support any move against Rajapakshe.

While, President Sirisena had voiced his concerns about Karunanayake and, in fact, had requested the latter to resign in the name of good governance, he seems to have opted to remain silent on the matter of Rajapakshe. Many view the President’s stance was due to massive support Rajapakshe is getting from the Sinhala Buddhist community and the Maha Sangha.

The Asgiri Sangha Sabhawa, meanwhile, is opposed to any move by some politicians to bring a No-Faith Motion against a minister actively engaged in Buddhist activities.

Issuing a statement, the Asgiriya Chapter said Minister Rajapakshe has already done a great service to the Buddha Sasana organizing the World Buddhist Congress.

The prelate said in consideration of his service to the Buddhism the honorary title of ‘Dharma Neethi Visarada’ was conferred on him by the Asgiri Viharaya.

“The views expressed by the minister and safeguarding the natural resources of the country have displeased some individuals and they are attempting to victimize him,” they said, adding that the minister could not be blamed for the delay by the Attorney General’s Department to file action, against corrupt politicians.

“Some MPs are unhappy about his views on leasing the Hambantota Harbour to a Chinese Company.

Rajapakshe meanwhile, did comeback hard on those who are opposing him – mainly Minister Rajitha Senaratne and Deputy Minister Ajith P. Perera.

Rajapakshe, responding to remarks made by Deputy Minister Ajith P. Perera, said that neither the President, Prime Minister nor the Justice Minister had powers to intervene in judicial matters.

He said the possibility of appointing a special court had been discussed in the Cabinet and added that the Attorney General had also given written advice to the government on the matter.

“We are acting on the advice of the Attorney General,” the minister said.

He said the government was given a mandate in January 2015 to ensure an independent judicial system in the country and added that Independent Commissions were set up under the 19th Amendment to the Constitution to uphold the independence of the judiciary under Yahapalanaya principles.

“The judiciary and the Attorney General’s Department act as independent institutions, today. The Attorney General’s Department has the complete independence to act on the reports given by the Police on their investigations based on the principles accepted by the world,” he said.

Minister Rajapakshe said in a video posted on his Facebook that, according to the Constitution, the judiciary and the AG’s Department were functioning on two basic principles such as equality before law and the accused is considered not guilty until he is convicted by a court of law.

The Minister said no one who had read the Constitution at least once would make allegations against him and added that if someone doing so was only exhibiting his ignorance before the world.

“We can do nothing other than pity the people who make such allegations. Some politicians who come before the media and television cameras try to show they are Mahaushadas but the viewers know they are actually playing the role of Kewattayas, he said.
Taking a dig at Health Minister Rajitha Senaratne while addressing a public gathering in Rambewa, Minister Rajapakshe said that Health Minister is more concerned about controlling the Attorney General’s Department despite not being able to control Chronic Kidney Disease and Dengue taking lives of hundreds of innocent people.

While, political sources are confident that Rajapakshe will only be relieved from his ministerial portfolio and will be given another, in the event the President and Prime Minister come under pressure, sources close to Rajapashe said that he is determined not to give in.

Solheim breaks silence

Controversial Norwegian Peace Broker Erik Solheim, in what appeared to be a ‘long awaited explanation’ on Norway’s involvement in Sri Lankan conflict has said that they were invited to Sri Lanka in absolute secrecy by the then President Chandrika Kumaratunga.
“At the time, only two people in Colombo knew, she and Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar. It stayed like that for one-and-a-half years. Only later, it became public,” Solheim said while noting that even then Prime Minister was unaware of his first meeting with the LTTE Leader.

In an exclusive interview with Senior Foreign Editor at WION Padma Rao Sundarji, Solheim said they regret not being able to spend more time with LTTE Leader V. Prabhakaran at the time.

“If we had spent more time with him, we would probably been able to influence him more. We did try to establish a more personal relationship with him by speaking about issues he really cared about — he was interested in films for sure, in food, he was known to be a good cook himself, he took some interest in nature. But it was hard to build a personal relationship, because we had limited time and were not allowed to go up to the warring North by the Sri Lankan Government too often. Then there was also a language barrier — his speaking in Tamil meant we needed an interpreter. And finally, he was the kind of a character who was not obviously open. Charismatic but more closed and cautious,” he added.

He also said that even though New Delhi was sceptical about Norway’s involvement at the beginning, it turned out well later as he went to India to report about Norway’s achievements.

“There was a lot of scepticism in Delhi. What will these pink, Christian Europeans with no real knowledge of South Asia make of problems on this continent? But at the end, we were not only acceptable to India, we had the closest relationship. After every visit to Sri Lanka, I went to New Delhi to inform the political leadership and the Indian intelligence about what I’ve achieved or not achieved,” he added.

Following are some interesting questions and answers:

PRS: Take us back to your first and earliest effort at peace mediation in Sri Lanka. When was that and what was the result?

Solheim: It was when I went to meet Prabhakaran for the first time. Again, that was not known to anyone in Sri Lanka; not even the PM was aware that we were allowed to go there by the President. We met him in an area controlled by the Tigers. We went by helicopter. Flying low over the fields and up again if it was mountains, it was kind of scary. Because neither the Army nor the LTTE cadres on the ground knew we were there, they could have easily shot us down. Then we met with Prabhakaran. It was a good meeting. They confirmed their interest in the peace process. But it was a little bit difficult to understand how Prabhakaran got this enormous standing among Tamils, how he could be seen as their god, creator and saviour at the time. He had this huge following.

But we couldn’t really understand why people were following him like that.

PRS: What proved to be the biggest hurdles during all the years of peace mediation?

Solheim: The first of two main hurdles was the fact that the Sinhala community was divided into two main parties, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the United National Party (UNP). Through independence, these two parties fought for power and both were much more consumed by the power struggle than with outreach to the Tamil community. Whenever one party was in power, the other party would oppose whatever the rival party did. Then the power would shift and so would positions. That was a huge problem.

The Tamil community couldn’t really place any confidence in any single offer from the Sinhala leaders because they didn’t know whether it would last. And then the more important issue: Everyone knew that the only solution would be not a separate State but a federal organization of Sri Lanka; in which the Tamils would have a lot of say and self-rule in the Tamil-dominated area but within one Sri Lankan State. And then, was Prabhakaran really ready for anything but a separate State? Could he embrace federalism? The LTTE did that in one meeting in Oslo in 2002. But Prabhakaran was not consistent on acceptance of federalism. Still we do not know whether he would have later accepted it. So, working with that was difficult. These were the two main difficulties.

PRS: There are a lot of allegations against the Norwegian mediators. One is that even though the LTTE, within years of the struggle, were acknowledged to be an armed separatist group, the Norwegians turned a blind eye to that fact. And that the Norwegians to date maintain connections with many overseas ex-LTTE groups like the ‘Transnational government of Tamil Eelam’ that sprung up even after the war ended. Could you address some of those allegations?

Solheim: Remember that during our many years in Sri Lanka, we never ever did anything which we were not asked to do by the Government of Sri Lanka. We worked with the government and the Tamil Tigers. We did not come with a lot of Norwegian opinion, because we realized that our knowledge of Sri Lanka is limited. I don’t speak Tamil, I don’t speak Sinhala. I am not a Buddhist, I am not a Hindu, how can I really understand Sri Lanka? So what we could do is to see what the government wants, what the Tigers want and — bring that together. That was our role.

PRS: I remember speaking to your successor, Jon Hanssen-Bauer, the evening the Norwegians decided to pack their bags and leave the peace process. What was the last straw for the Norwegians? When you finally threw up your hands and said look we’re not touching this anymore…

Solheim: We actually never did that. We said till the last day that if we can be useful to the Government of Sri Lanka, to the Tamil Tigers, we are there for you. And we were being criticized for that attitude. People were telling us: You should have stayed, you should have done more and that we had the wrong attitude. Here is a small nation, trying to assist two communities — the Tamils and the Sinhalese, in a country where thousands are dying every month and every year, there is no way you can give up, you mustn’t give up — as long as they want your support, you should support them. That was the one constant message from Delhi and from Washington (but Delhi was more important to us): please don’t give up, please continue, never give up. Even if you can’t do anything big, if you can do something small, please continue. I remember during my first visit to Delhi. Jaswant Singh was the Foreign Minister. After a long chat he said: I have only one question. Are you patient? I said, no, no, I’m not patient, how can we be, when people are dying in Sri Lanka every month? Mothers are crying, children are dying, how can we be patient? To that, Singh said:

do you know the way to Indira Gandhi International Airport? Go. Buy a ticket — making sure it’s a one-way ticket — to Europe.

Because if you’re not patient, you’ll only run into problems here. If you take a 10-15- year perspective on the Sri Lankan conflict, then you may do something good. Of course, he was right, I was wrong. We learned our lessons and became patient. But still, the fundamental issues in Sri Lanka — the status of Tamils, and the influence of Tamils within the State of Sri Lanka are not resolved.

PRS: Tell us more about your relationship with LTTE Chief Velupillai Prabhakaran. I remember you told me once that you went fishing together. Was it a friendship or more of a business relationship?

Solheim: What I regret with the benefit of hindsight is that we could not spend more time with him. I met him more often than any other foreigner did in the world because basically he just met Tamils, only once met a Muslim delegation in Sri Lanka, met with a few Sinhalese but nearly always just met with Tamils. If we had spent more time with him, we would probably been able to influence him more. We did try to establish a more personal relationship with him by speaking about issues he really cared about — he was interested in films for sure, in food, he was known to be a good cook himself, he took some interest in nature. But it was hard to build a personal relationship because we had limited time and were not allowed to go up to the warring North by the Sri Lankan government too often. Then there was also a language barrier — his speaking in Tamil meant we needed an interpreter. And finally, he was the kind of a character who was not obviously open. Charismatic but more closed and cautious.

Why jo remained in CA

August 19th, 2017

By Udaya P. Gammanpila Courtesy Ceylon Today

I began to explain the motives of the Joint Opposition’s (JO) participation in the Constitutional Assembly (CA) in my column of 30 July. I write the balance of it today as I had been extremely busy with political storms during the past several weeks. I explained two ulterior motives of the JO’s participation in the CA in the previous column. The first motive is to delay the presentation of the new Constitution as much as possible.

Popularity of any government deteriorates with time. Hence, the new Constitution will lose its capacity to win the people’s mandate with the delay. The JO achieved this to a great extent as explained in the previous column with evidence.

The government is in its 19th month after tabling the resolution for establishment of the CA. However, it has so far failed to produce its first draft of the Constitution mainly because of the disruptions caused by the JO in the Steering Committee of the CA. Meanwhile,popularity of the government is rapidly deteriorating. Any government loses its popularity after its first 100 days. However, sliding speed of the present government is unprecedented. Hence, more it delays the Constitution, less it has the potential of getting the people’s approval.

6.2 million votes

When the political parties which support the new Constitution received 6.2 million votes at the last parliamentary election, the protesting parties received only 4.7 million votes. In that backdrop, if the new Constitution was placed before the people during the last year, it would have been easily approved by the people. Although the government’s popularity has slid, nobody can quantify it.

Hence, further delaying the presentation of the new Constitution is in favour of the protesters.

The second motive of the participation in the CA is to generate anti-Constitution momentum among the people by educating them about the ongoing Constitution making process. The JO has very successfully achieved this goal. The country was in the darkness with regard to the new Constitution until the JO leaked six subcommittee reports and the interim report of the Steering Committee. The subcommittee reports had laid the foundation for a federal structure, while the interim report had proposed to remove the foremost place given to Buddhism from the Constitution along with the unitary character. When the government leaders repeatedly pledged not to remove the unitary character and the foremost place to Buddhism, these are the only documents available to prove the government’s sinister moves. Unless the JO was in the CA, the entire country would have been kept in the darkness about the new Constitution.

Constitutional experts insist on the importance of the JO’s participation in the CA because of their own experience with Constitution making. Former President Chandrika Kumaratunga opted for drafting the 2000 Federal Constitution secretly. Instead of publishing it in the Gazette, she decided to refer it to the Supreme Court directly as an emergency Bill. When the Bill was under the consideration of the Supreme Court, no anti-federalist lawyer knew its contents. Hence, they had to prepare their arguments without studying the Bill.

The provisions for emergency Bills were repealed from the Constitution by the 19th Amendment. However, the risk of hiding the constitutional drafts from anti-federalists is still there.

Referendum

The people’s approval at a referendum is essential for a new Constitution. However, it is not the case with a constitutional amendment as long as it is not inconsistent with entrenched articles of the Constitution. Such amendment needs only two-thirds majority in Parliament. Hence, if the government fails to enact a new Constitution, its fallback position will be devolution through a constitutional amendment.

Such a devolutionary constitutional amendment will cause an irreparable damage to the unitary character. The separatists have already said they were only interested in the substance, not the labels. Hence, the Constitutional amendment may introduce federal provisions to the Constitution without removing the provision for unitary character. In such a scenario, it is very difficult to convince the Court that the Amendment is federal in nature. A deep study and an articulate presentation are essential for such a conviction. The two weeks between the publication in the Gazette and the presentation to Parliament are not sufficient for such a preparation. Hence, participation in the CA is the only option available to closely monitor the Constitution making process.

The third motive of the JO’s participation in the CA is to create a rift between the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the United National Party (UNP) with a view to denying the required two thirds majority in Parliament for the new Constitution. The UNP, Tamil National Alliance (TNA), Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) collectively have 129 Parliamentarians. They further need 21 Parliamentarians to form the two-thirds majority. Hence, the JO should compel at least 21 SLFPers to vote against the Constitution unless they can win the entire SLFP group.

Consensus

The JO representatives in the CA have reported that the JO and the SLFP have reached consensus on many issues. The role played by Minister Susil Premajayantha is commendable in this regard.

The JO should not have discussed its ulterior motives in public in this manner. Unfortunately, baseless criticism forced us to do so.

Anyway, the UNP has now realized the motives. That is why both Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and the Leader of the House Lakshman Kiriella sarcastically refer to the JO’s participation in the CA to embarrass our representatives. They badly need JO’s exit. If the JO’s participation was in their favour, they would not attempt to embarrass the JO’s representatives.

Wijayadasa makes waves, govt. on tricky wicket in NCP & Sabaragamuwa

August 19th, 2017

Courtesy The Island

It was evident from the time the present government came into power that the UNP as a collective entity was not in its proper senses. In 2001, when much the same individuals in the UNP came into power, they were a stabilising force which doused the flames that had been ignited by Chandrika Kumaratunga in during her blighted seven years in power from 1994 to 2001. At that time, it was the UNP that put an end to the cycle of political reprisals and revenge taking between the UNP and the SLFP and also nursed the devastated economy back to some degree of stability after CBK had run it to the ground. After 2015 however, the old cycle of persecution and reprisals that we thought we had seen the last of after 2001 has resumed with a vengeance under the very UNP that put a temporary stop to it in 2001. We have to assume that the UNP which was a sane and stabilising force in 2001 has taken leave of their senses after 2015.

The clearest sign of this was the stormy joint session of the UNP working committee and the parliamentary group last Thursday which was held to discuss the conduct of Justice Minister Wijayadasa Rajapakshe. It had been akin to a feeding frenzy – no less, with virtually every one who spoke, tearing into Rajapakshe and no one rising to his defence. There was no let up even in the ‘voice cuts’ given by UNP Ministers and parliamentarians after the meeting. They were all out for Minister Rajapakshe’s blood and wanted him out of the Justice Minister’s job. The events that took place in this Joint session of the UNP working committee and parliamentary group was best summed up by SLFP deputy minister Nimal Lanza who used the phrase ‘gon relak’ (herd of bovines)  to describe those baying for Rajapakshe’s blood. And indeed that was the most appropriate way to describe the collective conduct of today’s UNP.

Both the SLFP and the Joint Opposition have already said that they will not be supporting any motion of no confidence brought by the UNP against Wijayadasa Rajapakshe. The draft resolution that was unanimously accepted expressed a lack of confidence in Rajapakshe for five reasons the gist of which was as follows:

1.      Inability to fulfill the responsibilities of the Minister of Justice

2.      Failure to bring in new laws to curb corruption as pledged in the UNF manifesto

3.      Failure to introduce laws to nationalize the proceeds of crime

4.      The displeasure expressed by the people due to the inordinate delays in concluding criminal cases.

5.      The fact that the UNP has been brought into disrepute among the people due to the conduct of the Justice Minister.

What we are now seeing are events that never took place in the UNP or indeed any political party before. But then there is nothing strange in that because from the time that this government came into power, we have been seeing things that we had never experienced under any previous government. Having just lost one party stalwart to a corruption scandal, the UNP is trying to rid itself of yet another party stalwart of their own accord. And this party stalwart has the complete support of the Bhikku community which for the UNP, should be a factor that overrides every other consideration. In fact the UNP parliamentary group and working committee passed a unanimous resolution of no confidence against Rajapakshe in a situation where the bhikku community was unanimously expressing confidence in him.  He’s the only politician in the UNP with that kind of backing from the Buddhist establishment.

A final decision about his fate is to be announced tomorrow and Rajapakshe is also expected to make a public statement. Whether the UNP leader will be able to resist the moves being made to remove Rajapakshe is yet to be seen. Even though Rajapakshe does not have the support of the persons deputy minister Lanza described as ‘bovines’, he has the unstinted support of the SLFP, the Joint Opposution and the Buddhist establishment. In fact Rajapakshe has never been in as high demand as he is at present and this controversy has not brought him down but actually taken him to new heights. Even if his colleagues in the UNP want him out, will the President who is obviously aware of the unstinted support that Rajapakshe has from the Buddhist establishment, consent to remove him from the cabinet?

UNP’s self-destructive impulse

The reason why the UNP is out for his blood is because he has not been expediting legal proceedings against the Rajapaksas and their followers. Obviously, what the UNP expects him to do is to direct the affairs of the AG’s Dept and even the judiciary in such a manner as to give priority to the cases against the political opponents of the UNP. No senior lawyer with any sense of responsibility will ever try to do anything like that as that will undermine the very foundations of the law. Minister Rajapakshe has explained that trying to single out cases pertaining to the Rajapaksas and their followers will go against the principles of the equal application of the law and the presumption of innocence – both  of which have been enshrined in our constitution. What is quite surprising is that there is virtually nobody in the UNP who seems to be willing to take a rational approach to things.

During the first days of this government, only the UNP was acting rationally while the JVP and JHU were running amok. Only a handful of UNP politicians went on ‘raids’ in the first couple of days and that too stopped quite quickly. Usually, after an election, there are a few days of disturbances. Under this government, things were never allowed to settle down and normalize. The UNP started playing ducks and drakes after the JVP and JHU had quietened down. Where the UNP started losing its marbles was when the FCID was set up with a committee made up of politicians and political activists to direct complaints to it. This committee was made up of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe as its head, with Ministers Mangala Samaraweera, Champika Ranawaka, Rauff Hakeem, and parliamentarians Anura Kumara Dissanayake, R. Sampanthan, M. A. Sumanthiran, Sarath Fonseka, Dr. Jayampathy Wickramaratne, J. C. Weliamuna and Malik Samarawickrema. The Urgent Response unit of this committee was made up of MP Anura Kumara Dissanayake as its Coordinator the urgent response team comprised of financial specialists and officers of the CID among others.

We saw this insanity at its height last Thursday. Even though the UNP has been collectively gnawing at its own backside because of the lack of progress with regard to any of the cases against the Rajapaksas, there are cogent reasons for why this has happened. Firstly, there is the issue that virtually all allegations of corruption made against the Rajapaksas during the elections were completely false. Most, if not all the allegations they are being investigated on now are new accusations that came up after the elections. Even with regard to these allegations, evidence is in short supply which is why these cases are not making much headway either at the level of police investigations or court cases. Quite a few cases have been filed without a snowflake’s chance in hell of succeeding and there is no point in flogging the AG’s Dept. or the police investigative bodies for that.

In the meantime, the water seems to be closing over Ravi Karunanayeke. A new minister of foreign affairs has been appointed and the two lotteries institutions that were attached to the Foreign Ministry at his request have been given back to the Finance Ministry. Even though some speculated that Ravi K’s removal from the cabinet would only be temporary, it seems to be working out into a permanent situation. Ravi K’s main problem is that he has this scandal simply hanging over him with no likelihood of resolution any time soon. If it had been subject to court proceedings, he could have expected to be either declared guilty or acquitted. As it is, there are no legal proceedings against him and no way that he can shake off the allegations against him either.

The IGP has literally been in hiding since a video showing him threatening and manhandling an employee of police headquarters was leaked to the media. With the whole government having collectively taken leave of their senses, one cannot really expect the IGP have his wits about him. We have an IGP that suits the government he serves under. The whole apparatus of the Constitutional Council with representatives from the government as well as the opposition was set up with the expectation that the best candidate for high positions would be appointed. Yet on appointing this IGP, everything seems to have gone horribly wrong. From the very beginning, it was obvious that he was not suited for the position of IGP. When the IGP was appointed by presidential fiat in the past, there were no jokers like this holding such a high position because he would have been removed by presidential fiat. The mere fact that the IGP is still holding office, and that the police spokesman has had to trot out lame excuses on his behalf, is an indictment of the whole system.

Govt. will need miracle to win Sabaragamuwa, NCP

The reduction of taxes on mobile data usage, on Japanese made motorcycles and on single cabs and mini-trucks is an indication that the government is gearing up for the inevitable elections. There’s less that six weeks to go for the automatic dissolution of the Sabaragamuwa, North Central and Eastern provinces. The desperation of this government to avoid holding elections was made evident by the fact that the 20th Amendment to the Costitution was gazetted to amend article 154E of the constitution so as to be able to extend the terms of the existing provincial councils until October 2019. This article 154E is the constitutional provision that brings about the automatic dissolution of the provincial councils once their five years is up. The mere fact that such an amendment was even contemplated shows how desperate the government is because there is such little chance of this Bill making it through the Supreme Court without a referendum being deemed to be necessary since the amendment impinges on Article 3.

The Thursday before last, the 20th Amendment was shot down by the SLFP central committee owing to an internal rebellion against it. That was not very surprising because a good part of the SLFP now serving in the government has openly announced their intention of decamping and joining the opposition and they would not do that after having voted to postpone an election. There is a good reason why the government is worried about these elections. At the presidential as well as the parliamentary elections in 2015, the UPFA won both the Sabaragamuwa and North Central Provinces. At the Presidential elections, Mahinda Rajapaksa obtained 281,161 votes to Maithripala Sirisena’s 238,407 in the Anuradhapura district. MR’s majority in that district was 42,754. In the Polonnaruwa district, MS got 147,974 votes to MR’s 105,640 and MS won the district with a majority of 42,334 votes. Overall, MR won the North Central province at the last presidential elections with a slim majority of 420 votes. With regard to the Sabaragamuwa Province, MR got 379,053 votes to 292,514 for MS in the Ratnapura district and won the district with a majority of 86,539 votes and in Kegalle MR got 278,130 votes to 252,533 for MS and the former won the district by 25,597 votes. MR thus won the Sabaragamuwa province with a majority of 112,136 votes.

At the Parliamentary election of August 2015, the UPFA won the Anuradhapura district with a majority of 16,793 with the UPFA getting 229,856 votes to the UNP’s 213,072. The Polonnaruwa district was won by the UNP with 118,845 votes to the UPFA’s 103,172, the majority being 15,673.Thus the province was won by the UPFA with a slim majority of 1,120 votes. In the Sabaragamuwa province, the UPFA got 323,636 votes to the UNP’s 284,117 in the Ratnapura district – the majority being 39, 519 votes. The Kegalle district was won by the UNP with 247,467 votes to the UPFA’s 227,208 which gave the UNP a majority of 20,259 votes. However, the UPFA won the Sabaragamuwa province with an overall majority of 19,260 votes. This was at the lowest point ever reached by MR and the UPFA. If after all the water that has flowed under the bridge since then, if the yahapalana government is able to win the Sabaragamuwa and NCP provincial councils, that will be nothing short of a miracle.

RW’s pitch for 2019

Many people viewed the various events held to mark Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s unbroken 40 years in parliament as his pitch for the presidential elections in 2019. Last week a photo exhibition depicting milestones in RW’s life was opened to the public. Ironically, any hope he may have of contesting the presidential elections in 2019 or ever enjoying unfettered power in this country, depends entirely on the elections to the three provincial councils to be held after October this year. Unless he turns Maithripala Sirisena into a cipher before Maithripala Sirisena turns him into a cipher, there’s going to be no presidential election for RW. The executive presidency itself may not be abolished as was promised by the yahapalanites unless Maithripala Sirisena’s group is trounced at an election and loses all bargaining power. So this election is in many respects as important for RW as it is for the JO.

The photo exhibition to mark his 40 years in parliament was ironically titled ‘Heta dakina Ranil’. This is a way of trying to establish the view that RW has a futuristic vision. There is no doubt that RW is a well read individual which cannot be said of many politicians these days. However it is also true that he is not in touch with ground realities in this country. And as far as political strategy is concerned, ‘heta’ is exactly what he has never been able to see – or even if he did see it, the very elements seem to conspire against him to ensure that he cannot capitalize on what he sees. He wanted to contest the 2015 presidential elections but allowed himself to be cajoled and blackmailed into not contesting even when it was very clear that the UNP was on an upward trend through the results of the Uva and Western PC elections in 2014. And now he is saddled with Maithripala Sirisena whose catchers are gobbling up everything that should rightfully have belonged to the UNP.

If RW is now trying to gear up for the next presidential elections with his 40 years in parliament celebrations, just imagine in what an unassailable position he would have been in today if he had contested the 2015 presidential elections even to lose. Even if MR had won that election, by now his government would be clearly on its way out and RW would have been the clear winner even before the next presidential election is declared. As for the next presidential elections, RW need not even bother because if he goes into 2019 in the present circumstances it is he who will be facing defeat even before the contest is announced. He will have not have even a fighting chance at a future presidential election unless he manages to abolish the executive presidency and forms a government with himself as its leader at least a year before the next presidential poll is due. Going for such a move too close to the elections will not yield results because then it will be seen as a break up of the government, not a case of the UNP asserting itself.

JHU’s amnesia

This is a period in which all the partners in the yahapalana coalition are groping their way around trying to map out survival strategies. The JHU had sent its special agent Ven Hedigalle Wimalasara thera to infiltrate the anti-government movement that has been taking shape by joining the anti-SAITM protests. Ven Wimalasara in fact is now a familiar presence at such protests. The JHU has also once again started talking about the Sinhalese. Last Friday, they put out a statement saying that this government does not have any mechanism in place to look after the interests of the majority community. The JHU was making public its reaction to the US State Department’s latest report on religious freedom where it had been claimed that this government (of which the JHU is a part) does not have any mechanism to safeguard the rights of minority religious communities.

This reports is said to have stated that the law had not been implemented in relation to bhikkus who are responsible for attacks on Muslim and Christian minorities. The JHU claims that in the past two years there had not been any serious attacks on minorities resulting in deaths or the destruction of property even though a few minor incidents had taken place. The JHU alleged that the State Dept. report had been based on false information provided by NGOs.  The statement said that in the North and East, the rights of Buddhists were being violated. They have even claimed that nobody is looking into the discontent within the majority Buddhist community and that it has become fashionable to label organizations that talk of the rights of the Buddhists as religious extremists or chauvinists.

This statement is a clear case of trying to make political capital out of a situation they themselves created. Last week’s statement said nothing about the JHU’s own responsibility for bringing the present government into power and creating a situation where Buddhists in particular and the Sinhalese in general are being discriminated against. They criticize the US State Depatment for publishing reports tilted against the majority community. Yet they have said nothing about the way they knowingly or unknowingly fulfilled the wishes of the US government in 2014/15. The US Ambassador in Colombo at that time Michelle Sisson was one of those who was adamant that the 2015 presidential candidate should not be RW but a common candidate. Stalwarts of the JHU have publicly claimed that it was they who played the major role in getting Maithripala Sirisena to defect to the opposition. If such is the case, then the JHU has lent itself as an instrument of US policy in Sri Lanka wittingly or unwittingly. One would assume that if they had been only unwitting collaborators, they would by now have admitted their guilt.

Unity government a failure– Justice Minister

August 19th, 2017

by Amal Jayasinghe Courtesy The Island

Embattled Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe criticised President Maithripala Sirisena’s coalition government yesterday saying it had failed the nation and urged Buddhists monks to lead a campaign for political change.

Rajapakshe, who faces possible expulsion from the cabinet, took Health Minister Rajitha Senaratne head on accusing him of interfering in the affairs of the justice ministry and took thinly veiled swipes at Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe too.

Speaking at a public meeting at Rambawe in the Anuradhapura district, the Justice Minister said his cabinet colleague Senaratne was not worried about the spread of chronic kidney disease and dengue and instead poked his nose in the affairs of others.

.”Even if everyone in the country is affected by kidney failure and everyone dies of dengue, our health minister has more important things to worry about, such as the AG’s department and the justice system…,” he said.

He was referring to Senaratne’s comments last week as cabinet spokesman that the government wanted speedy prosecutions in the high profile corruption cases. Minister Senaratne had said the Attorney-General’s department which initiates prosecutions should function more efficiently. The cabinet was also seeking the establishment of more High Courts to reduce laws delays.

Rajapakshe said a political slogan made popular by the late Junius Jayewardene in 1982 and subsequently borrowed by his nephew, Ranil Wickremesinghe, had become a “curse” on the nation.

“I have no clan to protect, I have no children to crown,” both UNP leaders had said in their election campaigns to demonstrate that they were opposed to family rule, but Rajapakshe saw it as the bane of Sri Lanka’s society.

“This slogan and the mind set it created is the curse of our nation. There is a clan of millions to protect and hundreds of thousands of princes and princesses in this country to crown,” Rajapakshe said.

“The country is being ruined because we have leaders who do not feel for the country.”

He posted the video of his speech at Rambawe on his verified facebook page www.facebook.com/wijeyadasarajapakshe

The minister said the two-party system dominated by his own UNP and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) of President Sirisena had failed the country for the past 70 years.

“We tried a unity government with the UNP and the SLFP coming together and that too has proved to be a failure,” he said. “The Buddhist leaders and others should decide on an alternative political leadership.”

He did not spell out what that leadership should be, but sources close to him said Rajapakshe calculated that he may be booted from the cabinet soon and should carve a place for himself to face future elections.

He indicated that he was championing Sinhala Buddhist nationalism.

“When I speak about the problems faced by the Sinhala Buddhist majority, they call me a racist, they say I am a ‘gothrikaya’ (a tribal), but when minorities talk about their issues, they are patriots.”

Prime Minister Wickremesinghe had been empowered by the UNP working committee to decide on Rajapakshe’s fate amid calls for his immediate sacking from the cabinet.

UNP members had accused the justice minister of dragging his feet and not prosecuting high profile individuals of the former regime despite pledges of the new government to swiftly bring them to justice.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී හෙළිවූ රාජ් රාජරත්නම් කවුද?

August 19th, 2017

උපුටා ගැන්ම දිවයින

දෙවියකුගේ වෙස්‌ගත් කොටි යක්‍ෂයා

පසුගිය 12 වැනිදා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී රාජ් රාජරත්නම් නමැත්තකු ගැන ප්‍රකාශයට පත්විය. රාජරත්නම් ළඟ සේවය කළ ඉන්ද්‍රජිත් කුමාරස්‌වාමි අද මහ බැංකුවේ අධිපති ලෙස ක්‍රියාකරන බවද පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී හෙළිදරව් කෙරුණි.

එහෙත් කවුද මේ රාජ් රාජරත්නම්? ව්‍යාපාරිකයෙක්‌ද, එසේත් නැත්නම් අහිංසකයෙක්‌ද, එසේ නොවේ නම් තක්‌කඩියෙක්‌ද යන්න මෙරට ජනතාව නොදනී.

අද අපි හෙළිදරව් කරන්නේ රාජ් රාජරත්නම් කවුද යන්නයි. මෙයට වසර කිහිපයකට පෙර ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ආර්ථිකය නැංවීමට යෑයි කියමින් රාජ් රාජරත්නම් මෙරටට පැමිණියේ දෙවියකු ලෙසිනි.

එහෙත් ඔහු මිනීමරු කොටි ත්‍රස්‌තවාදී සංවිධානයට උදව් කළ යක්‍ෂයෙකි. ඇමරිකාවේ 236 වැනි කෝටිපතියා ලෙස හැඳින්වූ රාජ් රාජරත්නම්ට මෙරට සමාගම්වල ආයෝජන කරන ලෙස කොළඹ ව්‍යාපාරිකයකු විසින් ඉල්ලා තිබුණි. එම ව්‍යාපාරිකයා එකළ කොටස්‌ වෙළෙඳපොළේ අධ්‍යක්‍ෂවරයකු ලෙස කටයුතු කළේය. එහි ප්‍රතිඵලයක්‌ වූයේ 2009 ඔක්‌තෝබර් 19 දා වන විට රාජ් රාජරත්නම් ඔහුගේ ගැලියන් පන්ඩ් නමැති සමාගම මගින් රුපියල් බිලියන 13.5 ක අති විශාල මුදලක්‌ දේශීය සමාගම්වල ආයෝජනය කිරීමයි.

එහෙත් රාජ් රාජරත්නම් ගැන රහස්‌ පොලිසිය හෝ ත්‍රස්‌ත මර්දන පොලිසිය විමර්ශනය නොකළේ රාජරත්නම් දේශපාලන බලවතකු නිසාය. රාජරත්නම් එතරම් විශාල මුදලක්‌ මෙරට සමාගම්වල ආයෝජන කළේ මන්ද යන්න ගැනද නිරීක්‍ෂණය වූයේ නැත. එහෙත් රාජරත්නම් ජාතියේ පිනට පහළ වූ දෙවියකු ලෙසට ඇතැම් දේශපාලනඥයන් විසින්ද, ඉංග්‍රීසි මාධ්‍යයන් ද හඳුන්වනු ලැබීය. එහෙත් එකවරම රාජ රාජරත්නම් පැළඳ සිටි වෙස්‌ මුහුණ ගැලවී බිමට වැටුණි. ඇමරිකානු එෆ්. බී. අයි. පොලිසිය කනෙක්‌ට්‌කාර් විසින් යොදවා තිබූ රුද්රා නමින් හඳුන්වනු ලැබූ ද්‍රවිඩයකු රාජරත්නම් පිළිබඳ සියලු තොරතුරු එෆ්. බී. අයි. පොලිසියට හෙළිකිරීමෙන් මේ දෙවියාගේ සැබෑ තත්ත්වය හෙළිවිය.

වන්නියේ සිට ඇමරිකාවට පැමිණි රුද්රා එෆ්. බී. අයි. ඒජන්ත කනෙක්‌ට්‌කාර් වෙත හෙළිකළේ ගැලියොන් අරමුදල සඳහා කොටි සංවිධානය රාජරත්නම්ට අති විශාල මුදලක්‌ ලබාදුන් බවයි.

Rudra told us that LTTE Had given raj a very Large Sum of money for him to luvest in the Galleon fund – F.B.I. report

එසේම 2002 නොවැම්බර් මස රාජරත්නම් ඇමරිකාවේ නිව්ජර්සි ප්‍රාන්තයේ සමර්සෙට්‌ නමැති සුපිරි හෝටලයේදී 400 කට අධික පිරිසක්‌ වෙනුවෙන් රාත්‍රි භෝජන සංග්‍රහයක්‌ පවත්වනු ලැබීය. එම අවස්‌ථාවට සවන්දීමට හැකි සූක්‌ෂම උපාංග පැළඳි රුද්රාද සහභාගි විය.

ඇමරිකාවේ සිට ක්‍රියාත්මක වූ ඉලංගයි තමිල් සංගම් නමැති කොටි හිතවාදී සංගමයේ 25 වැනි සමරුව නිමිත්තෙන් මෙම රාත්‍රි සාදය සංවිධානය කර තිබුණි. එහිදී රාජරත්නම් රැස්‌ව සිටි පිරිස අමතමින් මෙලෙස ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.

“අපි කොටින්ගේ අරමුණු වෙනුවෙන් සහය දැක්‌විය යුතුයි. ඔවුන්ව ත්‍රස්‌තවාදීන් යෑයි හඳුන්වනවා. ඔව්.” අපි ත්‍රස්‌තවාදීන් තමයි. කොටි අපේ ත්‍රස්‌තවාදීන් යෑයි රාජරත්නම් කියා සිටියේය. එහිදී අත්පොළසන් හඬ නැඟුණි.

මේ සමයේ රුද්රා නමැත්තා රජරත්නම්ට ඉතා ලෙන්ගතු ලෙස කටයුතු කළේය. ඇමරිකානු රජය කොටි සංවිධානය තහනම් කිරීම නිසා ඇමරිකානු රාජ්‍ය දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ නිලධාරීන් දෙදෙනකුට ඩොලර් මිලියනයක පගාවක්‌ දීමෙන් මෙම තහනම අහෝසි කළ හැකි බව රුද්රා තවදුරටත් රජරත්නම්ට කීවේය. ඊට ප්‍රතිචාර දැක්‌වූ රාජරත්නම් පගාව දීමට යොදවා ගත හැකි කොටි දෙදෙනා සිය නිවසට කැඳවාගෙන එන ලෙස රුද්රාට දැනුම් දුන්නේය. රුද්රා ඇමරිකාවේ කොටි ක්‍රියාකාරිකයකු වූ චන්ද්රD සමඟද සමීපව ක්‍රියාකළේය.

දිනක්‌ රුද්රා සහ චන්ද්රD අතර සාකච්ඡාවක්‌ පැවැති අවස්‌ථාවේ රාද්රාගේ පපුවේ සිරකර තිබූ පටිගත කිරීමේ උපාංගයක්‌ බිමට වැටුණි. එහිදී චන්ද්රD කලබලයට පත්විය.

එහෙත් එය පේජර් යන්ත්‍රයක්‌ බව පවසමින් රුද්රා විසින් චන්ද්රDව නොමග යවනු ලැබීය.

2003 අගෝස්‌තු මස දිනෙක රුද්රා සහ චන්ද්රD ඇමරිකාවේ සිට වන්නියට පැමිණ ඇත. ඒ වනවිටත් ඇමරිකානු එෆ්.බී.අයි. පොලිසිය රුද්රාගේ පපුවේ සියුම් පටිගත කිරීමේ උපාංගයක්‌ සවිකර තිබුණි.

ඒ වන විට රාජ් රාජරත්නම් විසින් ටී.ආර්.ඒ. හෙවත් ද්‍රවිඩ පුනරුත්ථාපන සංවිධානය හරහා කොටි සංවිධානයට ඩොලර් මිලියන පහක්‌ ලබාදී තිබූ බව එෆ්.බී.අයි. පොලිසිය සොයාගෙන තිබුණි.

රාජරත්නම් විසින් සිය බැංකු ගිණුම්වලින් එම මුදල් ටී.ආර්.ඒ. සංවිධානයට බැරකර තිබුණේ මිස්‌ටර් “බී” යන අන්වර්ථ නාමයෙනි.

එහෙත් මිස්‌ටර් “බී” යනු රාජරත්නම් බව එෆ්.බී.අයි. පොලිසිය සොයාගෙන තිබුණි. එෆ්.බී.අයි. පොලිසියට මේ තොරතුරු හෙළිවූයේ ඇමරිකානු කොටස්‌ වෙළෙඳපොළ තුළ රාජරත්නම් ජාවාරම් සිදුකිරීම ගැන විමර්ශනය කරන අවස්‌ථාවේදීය.

2009 ඔක්‌තෝබර් 16 දා එෆ්.බී.අයි. පොලිසිය රාජරත්නම්ව අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීමත් සමඟම කොටි ඩයස්‌පෝරාව දැඩි කම්පනයට පත්විය. ඇප මත නිදහස්‌ වූ රාජරත්නම් මාධ්‍ය හමුවේ ප්‍රකාශයක්‌ කරමින් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ අධිකරණයද අවමානයට ලක්‌කළේය. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ නම් මම විනිසුරුවරයෙක්‌ව රුපියල් 50,000 ක මුදලකට ගන්නවා. විනිසුරු සමඟ භෝජන සංග්‍රහයකටද සහභාගි වෙනවා යෑයි රාජරත්නම් කියා සිටියේය.

එසේම ඔහු සිය මිතුරෙක්‌ කොළඹට එවා ශාස්‌ත්‍රකරුවකුගෙන් ඔහුගේ අනාගතය කෙසේ දැයි විමර්ශනය කර ඇත. එහිදී ශාස්‌ත්‍රකාරයා රාජරත්නම් සහ ඔහුගේ බිරිය උපන් වේලාවන් බලා පවසා ඇත්තේ සියලුම චෝදනාවලින් නිදහස්‌ වන බවය.

එහෙත් ශාස්‌ත්‍රකාරයාට හා රාජරත්නම්ටද වැරදුනි.

ඇමරිකානු එෆ්.බී.අයි. පොලිසිය රාජරත්නම් පිළිබඳව වැඩිදුරටත් කළ විමර්ශනයේදී හෙළිවූයේ අලිමංකඩ හමුදා කඳවුර අල්ලා ගැනීම නිසා ප්‍රීතියට පත් රාජරත්නම් හෙවත් මිස්‌ටර් බී ඩොලර් මිලියනයක්‌ කොටි සංවිධානයට තෑගි කළ බවය.

එසේම දූෂණ චෝදනා මත රාජරත්නම් අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීමට එෆ්.බී.අයි. පොලිසිය ක්‍රියා කිරීමෙන් පසු ඔහුගේ මෙරට තිබූ රුපියල් බිලියන 1.3 ක වත්කම් තහනම් කිරීමට ශ්‍රී ලංකා මහ බැංකුව ක්‍රියා කළේ නැත.

ඊට හේතුවූයේ තම මිතුරන් ඉහළ තැන්වල සිටින බව රාජරත්නම් ප්‍රකාශ කිරීමයි.

මිස්‌ටර් බී හෙවත් රාජ රාජරත්නම් සතු රුපියල් බිලියන 1.3 ක මුදලට සිදුවූයේ කුමක්‌දැයි මහබැංකු බලධාරීන් පවා හෙළිකළේ නැත.

ඊට හේතුව වූයේ රාජරත්නම්ට අත තැබීමට රහස්‌ පොලිසිය, ත්‍රස්‌ත මර්දන ඒකකය මෙන් එවකට සිටි මහ බැංකු බලධාරීන්ද බිය වීමයි.

2003 අග භාගයේදී රාජරත්නම් ඇමරිකාවේ සිට කොළඹට පැමිණ කිලිනොච්චියට ගියේය. එහිදී ඔහු දුටුවේ බිම් බෝම්බවලට ගොදුරු වූ ද්‍රවිඩ තරුණයන්ය. මේ නිසා කම්පාවට පත්වූ බව කියන රාජරත්නම් ඇමරිකාවේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා තානාපති කාර්යාලයේ බලධාරීන්ද ගොනාට ඇන්දවීමට ක්‍රියා කළේය.

2004 ජනවාරි 14 දා ඇමරිකාවේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා තානාපති කාර්යාලයේ පැවැති උත්සවයකට ඔහු සහභාගි විය. ඔහු එම උත්සවයේදී බිම් බෝම්බ සෙවීමේ යෙදෙන සුනඛයන් හය දෙනෙක්‌ තානාපති කාර්යාල බලධාරීන්ට බාර දුන්නේය.

එහිදී ඇමරිකාවේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා තානාපතිවරයා රාජරත්නම්ව ඇගයීමකට ලක්‌කළේය. මේ සමයේ ඊනියා සටන් විරාම ගිවිසුම ක්‍රියාත්මක විය.

මෙවන් පසුබිමක්‌ මැද 2007 නොවැම්බර් මස ඇමරිකානු භාණ්‌ඩාගාරය රාජරත්නම්ගේ වත්කම් තහනම් කෙරුණි.

එහෙත් ශ්‍රී ලංකා රජය ඔහුට එරෙහිව කිසිදු පියවරක්‌ ගත්තේ නැත.

2011 මැයි මස ඇමරිකානු අධිකරණය එරට කොටස්‌ වෙළෙඳපොළේ සිදුවූ දූෂණ ක්‍රියා 14 කට රාජරත්නම් වැරදිකරු බව තීරණය කළේය. එහෙත් ඊට පෙර රාජරත්නම්ට තවත් බරපතළ චෝදනාවක්‌ එල්ල විය.

ඒ මරාගෙන මැරෙන බෝම්බවලට ගොදුරු වූ ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයන් රැසකගේ ඥතීන් රාජරත්නම්ගෙන් වන්දි ඉල්ලා නිව්යෝර්ක්‌ අධිකරණය හමුවේ නඩුවක්‌ ගොනු කිරීමයි.

මේ නඩුවේ පැමිණිලිකාරිය වූයේ කරුණාමුණිගේ චමිලා ක්‍රිශාන්තිනීයි. ඇය සහ පැමිණිලිකරුවන් 27 කට අධික පිරිසක්‌ වෙනුවෙන් ඇමරිකානු අධිකරණය හමුවේ නඩුව ගොනු කළේ නීතිවේදී මයිකල් එල්ස්‌නර්ය.

ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයන් වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටි එල්ස්‌නර් අධිකරණය හමුවේ පැවසුවේ පැමිණිලිකරුවන් විසින් කොටින්ට සහය වූ රාජරත්නම්ගෙන් යුක්‌තිය ඉල්ලා සිටින බවය.

එහිදී රාජරත්නම් වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටි ජිම් වෝල්ඩන් නමැති නීතිවේදියා ප්‍රතිචාර දක්‌වමින් රාජරත්නම් පුණ්‍ය සංවිධානවලට උපකාර කර ඇති බවත් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සෑම වාර්ගික ජන ප්‍රජාවකටම අරමුදල් ලබාදී ඇති බවත් කියා සිටියේය.

මේ නිසා ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයන්ගේ නඩුව ප්‍රතික්‌ෂේප කරන ලෙස නීතිවේදී වෝල්ටර් ඉල්ලා සිටියේය.

එහෙත් ඒ වන විට නීතිවේදී එල්ස්‌තර් ඇමරිකානු එෆ්.බී.අයි. පොලිසියෙන් රාජරත්නම්ගේ පැටිකිරිය පමණක්‌ නොව කොටින්ට අරමුදල් යෑවූ චෙක්‌පත් අංක පවා සොයාගෙන තිබුණි.

මම සියලු කරුණු අධිකරණයට යොමුකළා යෑයි එල්ස්‌නර් “ඉරිදා දිවයින” කළ විමසීමට ප්‍රතිචාර දක්‌වමින් හෙළිකළේය.

එල්ස්‌නර් එම කරුණු ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට පෙර මෙරටට පැමිණියේය. ඔහුට කොළඹදී හමුවූයේ රහස්‌ පොලිසියේ හිටපු පරීක්‍ෂක ලයනල් මුණසිංහයි.

මේ හිටපු රහස්‌ පොලිස්‌ නිලධාරියා කොටි සංවිධානය සිදුකළ අපරාධ රැසක තොරතුරු සහ සාක්‍ෂි රැසක්‌ද සොයාගෙන තිබුණි.

ඔහු එම සාක්‍ෂි සහ කොටි ඝාතනවල තොරතුරු එල්ස්‌නර්ට බාරදීමට ක්‍රියාකළේය.

මයිකල් එල්ස්‌නර්¨ තමාට එරෙහිව සියලු සාක්‍ෂි ගොනුකර ඇති බව රාජරත්නම්ට අනාවරණය විය.

එල්ස්‌නර්¨ දිනක්‌ කොළඹ සිටින අවස්‌ථාවේ ලයනල් මුණසිංහ සමගද සාකච්ඡාවකට යොමුවිය. එම සාකච්ඡාව පැවැත්වෙන සමයේ රාජරත්නම්ට ඇමරිකානු අධිකරණය හමුවේ නඩුව ගොනුකර නොතිබුණි.

මේ සාකච්ඡාව පැවැත්වූ ස්‌ථානයට යුද මහාචාර්යවරයකු ලෙසට හඳුන්වාගත් අයෙක්‌ද පැමිණීමෙන් ලයනල් මුණසිංහ පුදුමයට පත්විය. සිංගප්පූරු ව්‍යාජ යුද මහාචාර්ය ලෙස හඳුන්වනු ලැබූ මොහු පසුගිය මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ රජය සමයේදී ආරක්‍ෂක අමාත්‍යාංශය මෙන්ම යුද හමුදාවටද රැවටීමට ක්‍රියාකළේය.

රාජරත්නම්ට එරෙහිව පවරන නඩුවේ සාක්‍ෂි පිටපතක්‌ තමාට දෙන ලෙස මොහු කළ ඉල්ලීම ලයනල් මුණසිංහ ප්‍රතික්‌ෂේප කළේය. එහෙත් නඩුවේ පැමිණිලිකරුවන් කවුදැයි හෙළිවී තිබුණි.

මයිකල් එල්ස්‌නර් විසින් නඩුවේ පැමිණිලිකරුවන් ලෙස පහත දැක්‌වෙන පිරිස නම්කර තිබුණි.

ප්‍රියන්ත පෙරේරා, පුන්‍යශීලි ධම්මිකා රාජපක්‍ෂ, සදීශ ජයසිංහ ගුණසේකර, මියුරින් සිල්වා, අනුෂා කුමාරි ප්‍රනාන්දු, කුසුමාවතී දාබරේ, සුදර්ශනී ගමගේ, සරත් චන්ද්‍රසෝම, මොනිකා කීර්තිලතා, සාගරිකා ප්‍රියදර්ශනී, කේ. පියරත්න පත්මසිරි තෙවරජපෙරුම, රමණි පීරිස්‌, වී. බුලරත්න, වයි. සුමනාරාණි, කේ. ගුණවතී, පත්මිණී මහමුදලිගේ, ටි්‍රක්‌සි පෙරේරා, මනෝහරී මෙන්ඩිස්‌, විජයරත්නම් රාජරත්නම්, ඩී. දයාවතී ඇතුළු පිරිස පැවරූ නඩුව ඉවතට දමන ලෙස රාජරත්නම්ගේ නීතිවේදියා කළ ඉල්ලීම ඇමරිකානු විනිසුරු ඩෙනිස්‌ කැවන්හොග් විසින් ප්‍රතික්‌ෂේප කෙරුණි.

එහෙත් රාජරත්නම් ඉන් සැලුනේ නැත. ඔහු මෙරට නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ සිටි හිටපු සොලිසටර් ජනරාල්වරයකුගේ සහය ලබා ගත්තේය.

මේ හිටපු සොලිසටර් ජනරාල්වරයා අපූරු තර්ක කීපයක්‌ ඉදිරිපත් කළේය. ටී. ආර්. ඕ. සංවිධානය ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ තහනම් නැති බවත් එම සංවිධානයට අරමුදල් සපයන අවස්‌ථාවේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා රජය කොටි තහනම ඉවත්කර ඇති බවත් ඔහු කියා සිටියේය.

රාජරත්නම්ගේ වත්කම් එවකට පැවැති රජය යටතේ තහනම් නැති බවත්, ශ්‍රී ලංකා මහ බැංකුව ද එම වත්කම් තහනම් කර නැති බවටත් හිටපු සොලිසටර් ජනරාල්වරයා සිය වාර්තාව ඇමරිකානු අධිකරණයට යොමුකරමින් පළකළේය.

එහෙත් ඒ සියලු තර්ක ඇමරිකානු අධිකරණය ප්‍රතික්‌ෂේප කරනු ලැබීය. මේ අතර ත්‍රස්‌ත මර්දන අංශයට රාජරත්නම්ට එරෙහි නඩුව ගැන වාර්තා විය. එවකට ත්‍රස්‌ත මර්දන ඒකකයේ බලධාරියෙක්‌ හිටපු රහස්‌ පොලිස්‌ පරීක්‍ෂක ලයනල් මුණසිංහ කැඳවා රාජරත්නම්ට එරෙහි නඩුවේ සාක්‍ෂි ඇත්නම් ත්‍රස්‌ත මර්දන ඒකකයට ලබාදෙන ලෙස ඉල්ලීමක්‌ කළේය.

එහෙත් ඒ නිලධාරියා කවුදැයි ලයනල් මුණසිංහ මැනවින් හඳුනාගෙන තිබුණි. විජය කුමාරතුංග ඝාතන නඩුවේ සැකකරුවකු රහස්‌ පොලිසියෙන් මහ රෑ අතුරුදන් වීම ගැන ජනාධිපති කොමිසමක්‌ විසින් මේ නිලධාරියා වගකිවයුතු බව නම්කර තිබූ බව ලයනල් මුණසිංහ දැන සිටියේය.

මම ඒ සියලු සාක්‍ෂි ඇමරිකානු නීතිවේදියාට ලබාදුන්නා. මා ළඟ දැන් කිසිදු ලියවිල්ලක්‌ නැතැයි ලයනල් මුණසිංහ එම බලධාරියාට කියා සිටියේය.

මෙම පසුබිම මැද රාජරත්නම්ට එරෙහි සාක්‍ෂි දුන් සාක්‍ෂිකරුවන්ගේ අනන්‍යතාවය වසන් විය.

එසේම පැමිණිලිකරුවන් කවුදැයි නඩුව ගොනු කරන තුරු රාජරත්නම්ට දැන ගැනීමට නොහැකි විය. අද වනතෙක්‌ තමාව එෆ්.බී.අයි. පොලිසිය පාවා දුන් රුද්රා හෙවත් ජුදාස්‌ නමැත්තා ගැන රාජරත්නම්ට වාර්තා වූයේ නැත.

රාජරත්නම්ගේ කොටි කතාව අවසන් වී නැත. රාජරත්නම් මෙරට සමාගම්වල මුදල් ආයෝජන කරද්දී බලයේ සිටියේ එජාප රජයයි. ඔහු වරදකරු වන අවස්‌ථාවේ ශ්‍රීලනිප රජය බලයේ සිටියේය.

එහෙත් රාජරත්නම්ගේ මෙරට සබඳතා ගැන විමර්ශනයක්‌ පැවැත්වූයේ නැත. එය විස්‌මය දනවන සිදුවීමකි.

එසේම ඇමරිකානු එෆ්.බී.අයි. පොලිසිය වැඩිදුරටත් රාජරත්නම්ගේ ගිණුම් ගැන පරීක්‍ෂණ කිරීමේදී හෙළි වූයේ අලිමංකඩ හමුදා කඳවුර අල්ලා ගැනීමේ සතුට නිසා ඔහු ඩොලර් මිලියනයක්‌ කොටි සංවිධානයට දුන් බවය.

එය තහවුරු වූයේ එෆ්.බී.අයි. පොලිසියේ ඒජන්තවරයකු වූ ලුවිස්‌ පොරෙල්ලා 2007 අප්‍රේල් මස අධිකරණය වෙත දිව්රුම් පෙත්සමක්‌ ඉදිරිපත් කරමින් 2000 ජුලි සිට සැප්තැම්බර් දක්‌වා කාලය තුළ රාජරත්නම් ඩොලර් 1000,000 ක චෙක්‌පත් තුනක්‌ ලන්ඩන් නුවර ද්‍රවිඩ පුනරුත්ථාපන සංවිධානය වෙත යවා ඇති බව කියා සිටීමෙනි.

එම විමර්ශනයේදී තවදුරටත් හෙළිවූයේ රාජරත්නම්ගේ පියාවූ ජෙසුදාසන් රාජරත්නම්ද කොටින්ට අරමුදල් ලබාදී ඇති බවයි. රාජකුමාර් රාජරත්නම්ට සහ ඔහුගේ පියාවූ ජෙසුදාසන්ට එල්ල වූ කොටි චෝදනා සම්බන්ධව ඔවුන්ගේ නීතිවේදී ජෝන් මවුඩ් ප්‍රතිචාර දක්‌වා ඇත.

එසේම 2006 අගෝස්‌තු මස පමණක්‌ රාජරත්නම් කොටින්ට ඩොලර් 56,600 ක මුදලක්‌ යවා තිබේ. ඔහු තවත් කපටිකමක්‌ කළේය. ඒ සුනාමි ව්‍යසනයෙන් විපතට පත් බූස්‌සේ පිරිසකට නිවාස ඉදිකර දීමටද ක්‍රියා කිරීමයි. එහෙත් රාජරත්නම්ගේ මෙම පසුබිම නොදත් එම නිවාසලාභීහු රාජරත්නම්ව දෙවියකු ලෙස හඳුන්වනු ලැබීය.

කොටි සංවිධානයේ ප්‍රධානතම ආධාරකරු වූ රාජරත්නම් කොටින්ට අරමුදල් යෑවීම සඳහා මේරිලන්ට්‌ ද්‍රවිඩ පුනරුත්ථාපන කාර්යාලයේ යහයද ලබාගෙන තිබුණි.

මේ රහස්‌ තොරතුරු එෆ්.බී.අයි. පොලිසිය නිරීක්‍ෂණය කරන බව රාජරත්නම් දැන සිටියේ නැත.

ඔහු තමිල් සංගම් සංවිධානයේ සංවත්සරය අමතමින් මෙලෙසද ප්‍රකාශ කර තිබුණි.

එම කතාව එෆ්.බී.අයි. පොලිසිය පටිගත කළේය.

කොටි සංවිධානය යනු නිදහස උදෙසා සටන් කරන සංවිධායක්‌, ජෝර්- වොෂින්ටන්, මහත්මා ගාන්ධි, නෙල්සන් මැන්ඩෙලා වැනි විමුක්‌තිවාදීන්වත් ත්‍රස්‌තවාදීන් ලෙස හැඳින් වූවා.

කොටි සංවිධානය කිසි විටෙක ඝාතන සිදුකර නැත.

ඇමරිකානු කොටස්‌ වෙළෙඳපොළේ දූෂණ ක්‍රියාලට වරදකරු වූ රාජ රාජරත්නම්ට 2011 මැයි 11 දා වසර 11 ක සිරදඬුවමක්‌ද, ඩොලර් මිලියන 150 ක්‌ද නියම විය. එහෙත් එෆ්.බී.අයි. පොලිසිය කොටින්ට අරමුදල් සැපයීම ගැන ඔහුට නඩු පැවරුවේ නැත.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ආණ්‌ඩුද රාජරත්නම්ට එරෙහිව කිසිදු ක්‍රියාමාර්ගයක්‌ ගත්තේ නැත. එය අදටත් අබිරහසකි.

මෙලෙස රාජ රාජරත්නම්ගේ කොටින්ට අරමුදල් සැපයීමේ ක්‍රියාදාමයන් ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළදී වසන් වෙද්දී යාපනයේ කිසිදු ප්‍රචණ්‌ඩකාරී සිදුවීමකට පුනරුත්ථාපනය වූ කොටි සාමාජිකයෙක්‌ සම්බන්ධව නැති බව පුනරුත්ථාපන කොමසාරිස්‌ මේජර් ජනරාල් ජානක රජනායක පවසා ඇත. ඔහු මේ බව පවසා ඇත්තේ පුනරුත්ථාපනය වූ බව කියන කොටි ක්‍රියාකාරීන් පිරිසකට කුකුල් පැටවුන් බෙදා දීමේ උත්සවය අමතමිනි. එහෙත් ස්‌විස්‌ ඩයස්‌පෝරාව සහ යාපනයේ හිටපු කොටි ක්‍රියාකාරීන් අතර පවතින සබඳතාවය මේජර් ජනරාල්වරයා නොදන්නා බව කිව යුතුය.

නීතිය නවලා ඉවරයි…දැන්  ඇතුලේ අයවත් දෙකට නවයි රහස්‌ වීඩියෝව එළියට අවේ කොහොමද?

August 19th, 2017

ගයාන් සමරසිංහ

“පුළුවන් නම් හරියට කරනවා බැරිනම් දාලා යනවා” මේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොලිස්‌ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ තිස්‌හතර වැනි (34) පොලිස්‌පතිවරයා වන පූජිත් ජයසුන්දර මහතාගේ ප්‍රකාශයකි. පොලිස්‌පතිවරයා ලෙස වැඩ භාරගත් පසු මාධ්‍ය හමුවේ ඔහු එලෙස ප්‍රකාශ කරමින් වැඩිදුරටත් කියා සිටියේ උස්‌ පහත් භේදයකින් තොරව තමා නීතිය අකුරටම ඉටුකරන බවත්, කිසිම ආකාරයකින් නීති විරෝධී ක්‍රියාවක්‌ සිදු වීමට ඉඩ නොතබන බවත්ය. තවද දූෂිත පොලිස්‌ නිලධාරීන් ගැන වෙනම විමර්ශන කටයුතු සිදු කරන බවද හෙතෙම පැවසීය.

නව පොලිස්‌පතිවරයාගේ එම ප්‍රකාශයත් සමඟ බොහෝ පිරිස්‌ පවසා සිටියේ කොන්ද කෙළින් තියෙන පොලිස්‌පතිවරයකු පත්වී ඇති බවයි. එලෙසම පොලිස්‌පතිවරයා ජනතාවට දැනෙන ආකාරයේ වැඩ සටහන් බොහෝමයක්‌ ක්‍රියාවට නැංවූවේය. පාතාල මර්දනය, නීති විරෝධී මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය වැටලීම් ආදිය ඒ අතරින් ප්‍රධාන තැනක්‌ ගත්තේය. පොලිස්‌ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව තුළද දැඩි විනයකින් යුතුව පොලිස්‌ නිලධාරීන් පිරිසක්‌ බිහි කිරීමට ඔහු උත්සාහ කළේය.

 

 

 

පොලිස්‌පතිවරයා පහර දීමට සැරසෙන අයුරු

එලෙස ජනතාව තුළ දැඩි විශ්වාසයක්‌ ගොඩනඟා ගත් පොලිස්‌පතිවරයාගේ රෙදි ගැලවෙන්නට පටන් ගන්නේ උත්සවයක්‌ අමතන මොහොතක ලැබුණු දුරකථන ඇමතුමක්‌ නිසාය. විද්යුත් සහ මුද්‍රිත මාධ්‍ය රැසක්‌ එම උත්සවය ආවරණය කිරීමට පැමිණ තිබුණි. ඒ වන විට උත්සව සභාව අමතමින් සිටියේ පොලිස්‌පති පූජිත් ජයසුන්දර මහතා ය. එක්‌වරම ඔහු තමා පවත්වමින් සිටි කතාව නවතා ජංගම දුරකථනය අතට ගත්තේ ලැබෙන දුරකථන ඇමතුම කාගෙන්ද කියා බැලීමටයි. ඒ සමඟම පොලිස්‌පතිවරයාගේ මුහුණ මදකට වෙනස්‌ විය.

උත්සව සභාවක සිටින වග ඔහුට අමතක වුණාද යන්න තවමත් අපට දැඩි ප්‍රහේළිකාවකි. එය කෙසේ වෙතත් පොලිස්‌පතිවරයා කිසිදු බියක්‌ සැකක්‌ නොමැතිව උත්සවයට පැමිණ සිටි සියලුම පිරිස්‌ ඉදිරියේ ජංගම දුරකතන ඇමතුමට පිළිතුරු ලබා දුන්නේය. එම දුරකථන සංවාදය, උත්සවය ආවරණය කිරීමට ගිය විද්යුත් මාධ්‍යවේදීන්ගේ වීඩියෝ කැමරාවල මනා ලෙස පටිගත වී තිබුණි.

එදින බොහෝ විද්යුත් මාධ්‍යවල ප්‍රධාන පුවත වූයේ පොලිස්‌පතිවරයාගේ එම දුරකථන ඇමතුමයි. එහිදී පොලිස්‌පතිවරයා දුරකථන ඇමතුම ලබාගත් පුද්ගලයාට පවසා සිටින්නේ එෆ්.සී.අයි.ඩී. යට පැමිණෙන නිලමේව අත්අඩංගුවට නොගන්නා ලෙස තමා අදාළ නිලධාරියාට උපදෙස්‌ දුන් බවයි. ඔහු උත්සව සභාව ඉදිරියේ කිහිප වරක්‌ම දුරකථන ඇමතුම ලබාගත් පුද්ගලයාට ඉංග්‍රීසි සහ සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් පැවසුවේ කිසි විටෙකත් නිලමේව අත්අඩංගුවට නොගන්නා බවත් කටඋත්තරය ලබාගෙන නිදහස්‌ කරන බවත්ය.

එලෙස එම දුරකථන ඇමතුම සම්බන්ධ වීඩියෝ පටය පිටවීමත් සමඟ පොලිස්‌පති පූජිත් ජයසුන්දරගේ රෙදි ගැලවුණි. ඔහුත් දූෂණ නිලධාරියකු බව බොහෝ පිරිස්‌ හැඳින්වූහ. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී පවා එම දුරකථන ඇමතුම සම්බන්ධ වාද විවාද ඇතිවිය. ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන මහතා එම සිද්ධිය හෙළා දකිමින් පොලිස්‌පතිවරයාගෙන් නිදහසට කරුණු විමසා තිබුණි.

පුරා සති ගණනක්‌ පුරාවට එම සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් සමාජ වෙබ් අඩවි ජාලා සහ තවත් විවිධ මාධ්‍ය ඔස්‌සේ පොලිස්‌පති පූජිත් ජයසුන්දර මහතාට විවිධ ප්‍රහාර එල්ල කළේය. නීතිය නැවූ පොලිස්‌පතිවරයා ලෙසද හැඳින්වූහ. ඒ කිසිවක්‌ ගණන් නොගත් පොලිස්‌පතිවරයා තවත් අවස්‌ථා කිහිපයකදී උත්සව සභාවලදී දුරකථන ඇමතුම්වලට පිළිතුරු දෙන අයුරු ජනතාවට දැක ගන්නට ලැබුණි. රටේ වැදගත් පුද්ගලයකු වන පොලිස්‌පතිවරයා උත්සව සභාවලදී රටටම ඇසෙන ලෙස ජංගම දුරකථන ඇමතුම්වලට පිළිතුරු ලබාදීම කොතරම් අශිෂ්ට සම්පන්න ක්‍රියාවක්‌ද යන්න තවමත් ඔහුට අවබෝධ වී නොමැත.

පසුගිය සතියේ යළිත් වරක්‌ පොලිස්‌පති පූජිත් ජයසුන්දර මහතා පිළිබඳ ආන්දෝලනාත්මක වීඩියෝ පටියක්‌ අන්තර්ජාලයේ විවිධ සමාජ වෙබ් අඩවි හරහා දැක ගන්නට ලැබුණි. එහිදී පොලිස්‌පතිවරයා පොලිස්‌ මූලස්‌ථානයේ විදුලි සෝපාන ක්‍රියාකරුවකුට සහ සිවිල් ඇඳුමින් සැරසී සිටින පොලිස්‌ නිලධාරියකුට බැණ වදිමින් පහරදීමට සැරසෙන අයුරුත්, තවත් කාන්තා පොලිස්‌ නිලධාරිනියකට ඉතා අසභ්‍ය අයුරින් බැණ වදින අයුරුත් පැහැදිලිව දැක ගන්නට හැකිවිය.

එම ආන්දෝලනාත්මක වීඩියෝ පටය දැකීමත් සමඟ යළිත් වරක්‌ පොලිස්‌පතිවරයාට එරෙහිව මැති ඇමැතිවරු, ඉහළ නිලධාරීන් ජනතාව සහ විවිධ සමාජ වෙබ් අඩවි ජාලා විවිධ කතා පැවසූහ. බොහෝ පිරිස්‌ පැවසුවේ පොලිස්‌පතිවරයා යළිත් වරක්‌ නීතිය තම අතට රැගෙන අත්තනෝමතිකව ක්‍රියා කරන බවයි. අපි ඒ සිද්ධිය පිළිබඳ සොයා බැලුවෙමු.

ඇත්තටම එම සිදුවීම සිදුවී ඇත්තේ මාස හතරකට පමණ ඉහතදීය. එහෙත් එම වීඩියෝ පටය එළියට පිටවී ඇත්තේ ගිය සතියේය. ඒ වන තුරු මෙම සිද්ධිය දැන ගෙන සිටියේ කිහිප දෙනෙකු පමණි. ඒ කෙසේ වෙතත් අපට දැනගන්නට ලැබුණු ආකාරයට එම සිද්ධියේ ඇත්ත නැත්ත මෙසේය.

පොලිස්‌පතිවරයා දැනට මාස කිහිපයකට ඉහතදී චක්‍රලේඛයක්‌ නිකුත් කරමින් ප්‍රකාශ කර ඇත්තේ සෑම පොලිස්‌ නිලධාරියකුම තම රාජකාරි පටන් ගැනීමට මත්තෙන් විනාඩි දහයක්‌ අනිවාර්යෙන් භාවනා කළ යුතු බවයි. එසේ කිරීමට අකමැති අන්‍යාගමිකයන්ට ඒ මොහොතේ තමන් කැමති ආගමක්‌ ඇදහීමට අවසර ලබාදී තිබේ. එලෙස කිරීමෙන් පොලිස්‌පතිවරයා කරුණු දෙකක්‌ බලාපාරොත්තු වී තිබේ. ඒ මහජනතාව සමඟ කටයුතු කිරීමේදී පොලිස්‌ නිලධාරීන්ගේ මනස නිරවුල්ව තිබීමත් ආගමානුකූලව ජීවත් වෙද්දී පොලිස්‌ නිලධාරියකුගේ අතින් සිදුවන වැරැදි අවම වන බවත් නිසාය. පොලිස්‌ මූලස්‌ථානයේ මෙම ආගමික වැඩසටහන නිසි ලෙස ක්‍රියාත්මක වනවා දැයි පොලිස්‌පතිවරයා නිරතුරුව සොයා බලයි. සමහර දිනවල පොලිස්‌පතිවරයා සෘජුව ගොස්‌ එය නිරීක්‍ෂණය කරන අතර එසේ නොමැති දිනවලට ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් සොයා බැලීමට වෙනත් නිලධාරියකු පත්කර තිබේ.

ජාතික ගීතය සහ පොලිස්‌ ගීතය ගායනා කළ පසු අනිවාර්යෙන්ම පොලිස්‌ නිලධාරීන් විනාඩි දහයක්‌ මෙම ආගමික වැඩසටහනේ නිරත වී සිටිය යුතුය. පසුගිය බක්‌ මාසයේ දිනක පොලිස්‌පතිවරයා තවත් නිලධාරියකු සමඟ එම ආගමික වැඩසටහන නිසියාකාරව ක්‍රියාත්මක වනවාද යන්න සොයා බැලුවේය. එහිදී ඔහුට දැන ගන්නට ලැබුණේ විදුලි සෝපාන ක්‍රියාකරු සහ තවත් පොලිස්‌ නිලධාරියකු එම කාර්යයේ නොයෙදී ඇති බවයි. පොලිස්‌පතිවරයාට යකා නැග්ගේය. ඔහු විදුලි සෝපාන ක්‍රියාකරුට සහ පොලිස්‌ නිලධාරියාට ඉතාමත් සැර පරුෂ අයුරින් බැණ වැදී පහරදීමට සැරසුණේය. එලෙස බැණ වැදී එතැනින් ඉවතට යන පොලිස්‌පතිවරයාට කාන්තා පොලිස්‌ නිලධාරිනියකද ආගමික වැඩසටහනට සහභාගි නොවී සිටින අයුරු දැක ගන්නට ලැබුණි. එය දැකීමෙන් පොලිස්‌පතිවරයා යළිත් උරණ විය. එම පොලිස්‌ නිලධාරිනියටද ඉතා අසභ්‍ය ලෙස බැණ වැදුණේය.

සිද්ධිය එතැනින් අවසන් විය. ඉන්පසු පොලිස්‌ මූලස්‌ථානයේ සියලුම නිලධාරීහු එම ආගමික වැඩසටහනට සම්බන්ධ වූහ. ඒ පොලිස්‌පතිවරයා එම ආගමික වැඩසටහන සම්බන්ධයෙන් දැඩි විමසිල්ලකින් සිටින නිසාත්, ඔහුට තිබූ බිය නිසාත්ය. කාලය එලෙස සැඟවී ගියේය. එහෙත් පසුගිය සතියේ දිනක මෙම වීඩියෝව කවුරුන් හෝ අන්තර්ජාලයට එක්‌ කර තිබුණි. ඒ සමඟම බොහෝ පිරිස්‌ යළිත් වරක්‌ එම සිද්ධිය අල්ලාගෙන පොලිස්‌පතිවරයාගේ රෙදි ගැලෙව්වෝය.

පොලිස්‌පතිවරයාගේ යෝජනාවකට අනුව ක්‍රියාත්මක කළ එම ආගමික වැඩසටහන ඉතා උචිත සහ ඵලදායී එකක්‌ බව අපි අවිවාදයෙන් යුතුව පිළිගන්නෙමු. එහෙත් එම සිද්ධිය ඇතිවූදා පොලිස්‌පතිවරයා ආවේගශීලීව හැසිරුණු ආකාරය ඉතා අශෝභනය. රටේ ඉහළම තනතුරක්‌ දරන එවැනි නිලධාරියකු එලෙස හැසිරෙන්නේ නම් අන් අය ගැන කවර කතාද?

මෙම සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් තවත් එක්‌ භයානක පැතිකඩක්‌ තිබේ. එනම් පොලිස්‌ මූලස්‌ථානයේ තිබුණ රහසිගත වීඩියෝවක්‌ මෙලෙස එළියට පිටවූවා නම් එම මූලස්‌ථානයේ ඇති තවත් රහසිගත වැදගත් තොරතුරු පවා එළියට පිටවීමට ඉඩකඩ තිබේ. එමනිසා පොලිස්‌ මූලස්‌ථානයේ ආරක්‌ෂාව පිළිබඳව ද පොලිස්‌පතිවරයා මීට වඩා සොයා බැලිය යුතුය.

රටම දන්නා විජයදාස රාජපක්‍ෂ ද්‍රෝහියෙක්‌ද,වීරයෙක්‌ද?

August 19th, 2017

උපුටා ගැන්ම දිවයින

(නීතිය නොනැමීමේ වරදට දේශපාලන දංගෙඩියට ගෙන යැමට සූදානම් කරන විජයදාස රාජපක්‍ෂ මෙහෙයුම පිළිබඳ විශේෂ ලියුම්කරුවකුගේ හෙළිදරව්ව.)

වර්තමාන අධිකරණ අමාත්‍ය ආචාර්ය විජයදාස රාජපක්‍ෂ මේ දිනවල ලංකාවේ දේශපාලන කරලියේ වඩාත්ම කතාබහට ලක්‌ව සිටින දේශපාලනඥයාය. ඊට හේතුව හදිසියේම ඔහුට එරෙහිව එක්‌සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂය අභ්‍යන්තරයෙන් එහි පතුළ බිඳගෙන නැගී එන්නට වූ චෝදනා සමුදායකි. මුලින්ම එක්‌සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂයේ පසුපෙළ මන්ත්‍රීවරු පිරිසක්‌ ගන්නා වූ මෙම චෝදනා අද වනවිට අමාත්‍ය රාජිත සේනාරත්න, අමාත්‍ය සරත් ෆොන්සේකා, අමාත්‍ය චම්පික රණවක, රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය අජිත් පී. පෙරේරා, අමාත්‍ය ගාමිණී ජයවික්‍රම ආදීන් හරහා පක්‍ෂයේ ඉහළම තලයේ නායකයන්ගේ මුවින් පවා නැගෙන්නට පටන්ගෙන හමාරය.

එම චෝදනාවලට අනුව අද ආචාර්ය විජයදාස රාජපක්‍ෂ යනු වර්තමාන යහපාලන රජයේ කැබිනට්‌ මණ්‌ඩලය විසින් ගනු ලැබූ තීන්දු තීරණ පිටස්‌තර සමාජයේදී දැඩි විවේචනයට ලක්‌කරන දේශපාලනඥයෙකි. එමගින් කැබිනට්‌ මණ්‌ඩලයේ හා රජයේ සාමූහික වගකීම යන කාරණාව අමු අමුවේ උල්ලංඝනය කරන ලද අමාත්‍යවරයෙකි. රජයේ යහපාලන වැඩපිළිවෙළ ඉදිරියට ගෙන යැමේදී බාධාකාරී වූ පුද්ගලයෙකි. සිය අමාත්‍ය ධුරයේ වගකීම් හා යුතුකම් මැනවින් ඉටු නොකරන අමාත්‍යවරයෙකි. නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ වැඩකටයුතු මැනවින් පාලනය නොකිරීම හරහා රජය ප්‍රමුඛත්වය දී ඉතා ඉක්‌මනින් නිමකළ යුතු නඩු කටයුතු හිතාමතාම ප්‍රමාද කරවන දේශපාලනඥයෙකි. එමගින් පසුගිය රජය තිබූ සමයේ සිදුවූ හොරකම් වංචා දූෂණ හා අක්‍රමිකතාවලට සැකකරුවන් වූ රාජපක්‍ෂවරු ඇතුළු සිය ගණනක්‌ ඔවුන්ගේ හිතවතුන් වෙත දඬුවම් ලබාදීමට බාධාකාරී වූ පුද්ගලයෙකි. රාජපක්‍ෂවරු ඇතුළු එකී පුද්ගලයන්ට මේ සමාජයේ උපද්‍රවයකින් තොරව නිදැල්ලේ සිටින්නට පහසුකම් සලසන පුද්ගලයෙකි.

මේ සියල්ලටම වඩා නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ අහංකාර, උද්දච්ච නොහික්‌මුණ නිලධාරීන් යොදාගෙන මේ ආණ්‌ඩුවේ සිටින කාර්යශූර දක්‌ෂ අවංක ඇමැතිවරු නිරපරාදේ වරදකරුවන් කරවන්නට මෙහෙයුම් දියත් කරන පුද්ගලයෙකි. පක්‍ෂයට හතුරුකම් කරන්නෙකි. ද්‍රෝහියෙකි. අදක්‍ෂයෙකි. වැඩබැරි ටාසන් කෙනෙකි. කොටින්ම කිවහොත් රන්ජන් රාමනායක තරම්වත් අධිකරණ අමාත්‍ය ධුරයට නුසුදුසු අදක්‍ෂයෙකි.

කලක පටන් රජයේ යම් යම් ප්‍රබල අමාත්‍යවරුන්ගේ මුවින් පමණක්‌ ඉඳහිට නැගුණු මේ චෝදනා එක්‌සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂයේ පොදු චෝදනාවක්‌ බවට වර්ධනය වූයේ හිටපු මුදල් අමාත්‍ය හා හිටපු විදේශ කටයුතු අමාත්‍ය රවි කරුණානායක බැඳුම්කර පරීක්‍ෂණ කටයුතු සම්බන්ධ ජනාධිපති කොමිසම හමුවට සාක්‌ෂිකරුවෙකු ලෙස ගෙන්වන්නට පටන් ගැනීමට සමගාමීව බව පැහැදිලිය. කොමිසම හමුවේ ඇමැති රවී නිරුත්තර වීමත් ඔහුට විරුද්ධව කොමිසම හමුවට ගොනුවූ විවිධ චෝදනා තහවුරු වීමත් සමඟ පක්‍ෂය තුළින් අමාත්‍ය විජයදාස රාජපක්‍ෂට නැඟෙන්නට වූ චෝදනා සියල්ලද වඩාත් වේගවත් විය.

අද වනවිට එම චෝදනා විජයදාස රාජපක්‍ෂ අමාත්‍යවරයාට එරෙහිව විශ්වාසභංගයක්‌ ගෙන එන්නට තරම් කරුණක්‌ ලෙස කතා බහට ලක්‌වී හමාරය. එක්‌සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂයේ පසුපෙළ මන්ත්‍රීවරයාගේ පටන් ඉදිරි පෙළ ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ සාමාජිකයන් හරහා නැගෙන මේ චෝදනා දැන් පක්‍ෂ නායකත්වය පවා නිරුත්තර කිරීමෙන් කාගේත් අවශ්‍යතාව කුමක්‌ද කියා මතයක්‌ සමාජගතවී අවසන්ය. සමාජගත එම මතයට අනුව අධිකරණ හා බුද්ධශාසන අමාත්‍ය විජයදාස රාජපක්‍ෂ වහාම අමාත්‍ය ධුරයෙන් ඉල්ලා අස්‌විය යුතුව පවතී, නොඑසේනම් පක්‍ෂය තීන්දුවක්‌ ගෙන ඔහුව එම ධුරයෙන් ඉවත් කිරීමට පියවර ගත යුතුව පවතී. ඒ සඳහා පසුගිය බ්‍රහස්‌පතින්දා පෙරවරුවේ වෙනම පක්‍ෂයේ කෘත්‍යාධිකාරී මණ්‌ඩල රැස්‌වීමක්‌ද පවත්වා තිබිණි.

මෙම චෝදනා මත එක්‌සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂය අභ්‍යන්තරයෙන් ආරම්භ වූ විඡේදාස රාජපක්‍ෂ විරෝධී සටන පසුගිය සතිය මැද වනවිට සමාජගත කාරණාවක්‌ ලෙස කරලියට ගෙන එන්නටද රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධානවල ආධාරයෙන් ක්‍රියාකරන බලවේග කිහිපයක්‌ පියවර ගත්හ. සාධාරණ සමාජයක්‌ ව්‍යාපාරය, පුරවැසි පෙරමුණ වැනිවූ මෙම සංවිධාන එකමුතුවෙන් පසුගිය බදාදා කොළඹ විහාරමහාදේවි එළිමහන් රංග පීඨයේදී ‘ලක්‍ෂ 62 ජන බලය සුරකිමු’ යනුවෙන් ජන රැලියක්‌ පැවැත්විණි. ලක්‌ෂ 62 ක්‌ ඡන්දය දී බෞතීස්‌ම කළාවූ වත්මන් යහපාලන ආණ්‌ඩුවේ බලය හා වැඩපිළිවෙළ සුරකිමු යෑයි කියා මෙම ජනරැලිය පැවැත්වුණත් එහි එහි සටන්පාඨ පෙළගැසී තිබුණෙන් එහි දේශන පැවැත්වූ දේශකයෝ සංවිධානය වී සිටියේත් විජයදාස රාජපක්‍ෂට එරෙහි සටන සමාජගත කරන්නට බව සඟවන්නට මේ සටන මෙහෙයවූ නායකයන්ට නොහැකි වූහ.

රැලියට දේශකයන් ලෙස එක්‌වූ යහපාලන රජයේ වීරයන් හා බුද්ධිමතුන් ලෙස ඔවුන්ට සලකන සමන් රත්නප්‍රිය, ගාමිණී වියන්ගොඩ, ජිප්සීස්‌ සුනිල් පෙරේරා, ආචාර්ය දඹර අමිල, වික්‍රමභාහු කරුණාරත්න, අමල්කා ප්‍රභාත් ආදී රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධාන ක්‍රියාකාරීන් පමණක්‌ නොව, ඇමැති රාජිතලා ඇතුළු රජයෙන් නිල වශයෙන් සම්බන්ධ වූ නියෝජිතයෝ ද මේ සටන විඡේදාස විරෝධී සටනක්‌ බව සමාජය හමුවේ ඔප්පුකර සිටියහ.

එක්‌ පැත්තකින් රටේ රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධාන විජයදාස රාජපක්‍ෂ එපා කියයි. තවත් පැත්තකින් රාජිත සේනාරත්න, සරත් ෆොන්සේකා, ගාමිණී ජයවික්‍රම, අජිත් පී. පෙරේරා, පී. හැරිසන්, වැනි ඇමැතිවරුන්ගේ සිට පසුපෙළ මන්ත්‍රීවරු වන කාවින්ද ජයවර්ධන, චමින්ද විඡේසිරිලා දක්‌වා එජාප පාක්‌ෂිකයෝ විඡේදාස ඉවත් කරන්නට වෙහෙසති. තවත් පැත්තකින් රටේ මුස්‌ලිම් දේශපාලන බලවේග ඉතා සූක්‍ෂම ලෙස හා පරිස්‌සමින් විඡේදාස රාජපක්‍ෂට එරෙහිව සටන් ව්‍යාපාර ගෙන යමින් සිටිති. තවත් පැත්තකින් ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස්‌ පක්‍ෂ දේශපාලනයකට මුවාවී සිටින එහෙත් එක්‌සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂයේ දේශපාලනඥයන් මෙන් ක්‍රියාකරමින් සිටින දේශපාලනඥයන් පිරිසක්‌ එජාපයෙන් මේ සටනට යමින් උදව් උපකාර කරති.

මෙසේ වන්නට හේතුව කුමක්‌ද? විජයදාස රාජපක්‍ෂ කියන රටම දන්නා දේශපාලනඥයා මේ කියන තරමට අදක්‍ෂයෙක්‌ද. මේ කියන තරම් සැබෑ යහපාලනයට බාධකයක්‌ද? මේ කියන එතරම් හොරු ආරක්‌ෂා කරන්නට කැපවූවෙක්‌ද, මේ කියන තරම් නීතිය අතට ගෙන නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව මෙහෙයවමින් ආණ්‌ඩුවේ සිටින යහපත් දක්‌ෂ අමාත්‍යවරු අමාරුවේ දමන්නට කැපවූවෙක්‌ද? මේ කියන තරම් රාජපක්‍ෂවරුන්ට නිදැල්ලේ ඉන්නට උදව්කරන්නෙක්‌ද රටේ ජනතාවට උත්තර සොයන්නට මේ ආකාරයේ නහුතයක්‌ ප්‍රශ්න කන්දරාවක්‌ පැමිණ අවසන්ය.

රටම දන්නා විජයදාස රාජපක්‍ෂ මේ රටේ ජීවත්වන නීති ක්‍ෂේත්‍රය පිළිබඳ ඉහළ දැනුමක්‌ හා පරිණත අත්දැකීම් සම්භාරයක්‌ ඇති සීමිත දේශපාලනඥයන් අතර ප්‍රමුඛ වූ අවංක යුක්‌තිගරුක දේශපාලනඥයෙකි. සිරිමාවෝ බණ්‌ඩාරනායක මැතිනියගේ ආශිර්වාදයෙන් ජාතික දේශපාලනයට පිවිසෙන ඔහු දේශපාලන මඩ ගොහොරුවේ වුව ඇඟේ මඩ නොතවරාගෙන අවංකව යා යුතු මග තෝරා බේරා ගෙන පරිස්‌සමින් ඉදිරි ගමනක්‌ ගිය දේශපාලනඥයෙකි. මේ පරිස්‌සම තුළ ඇතැම් විට ඔහු තනතුරු වරදාන වරප්‍රසාද පවා අත්හැර දමා ස්‌වාධීන ගමනක්‌ යන්නට තීන්දු කළේ ඇඟේ පතේ මඩ තවරා ගැනීම තම දේශපාලන ගමනට බාධකයක්‌ වන බව දන්නා නිසාය. එසේ මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ රජයෙන් ඔහුට දුන් අමාත්‍ය ධුරය ඔහු එපා කීවේය. ඇමැතිකම භාර ගන්නට රාජ්‍ය නායකයා කළ පෙරැත්තය නිසා මාස ගණනාවකට පසු එය බාරගත් අමාත්‍යවරයා ඉතා පරිස්‌සමින් අමාත්‍ය ධුරයේ කටයුතු ඉටුකරමින් සිටියේය. මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ සමයේදී රජය සමග ඇතිවූ එක්‌තරා ආරවුලක්‌ මත ඇතිවූ ප්‍රතිපත්තිමය නොගැළපීම නිසා රජයට බාධා නොකර ඔහු තනතුර අතහැර දමා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ හුදෙකලා ස්‌වාධීන මන්ත්‍රීවරයකු වුණේ මහින්ද රජය ඒ වනවිට ත්‍රස්‌තවාදය මර්දනය කිරීමේ මාහැඟි කටයුත්තට අත ගසා තිබූ බැවින් ඊට බාධාවක්‌ නොවිය යුතු නිසාය. නොඑසේනම් මහින්ද රජය හා ප්‍රතිපත්තිමය වශයෙන් ගැටුණු කරුණු පිළිගැනීම නිසා නම් නොවේ.

පසුකලෙක මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂලාගේද ආශිර්වාදය ඇතිව කෝප් කමිටුවේ සභාපතිත්වයට පත්වන ආචාර්ය විජයදාස රාජපක්‍ෂ කෝප් කමිටුවේ රාජකාරිය නිසි ලෙස ඉටුකරන්නේ රාජ්‍ය මට්‌ටමේ දූෂිතයන් හා වරදකරුවන් මෙන්ම වැරදි ලොවට හෙළිදරව් කිරීමේ හා ඒවා නතරකරවීමේ අභිලාෂය පෙරදැරිවයි. රාජ්‍ය මට්‌ටමේ වංචා දූෂණ වලින් පිරුණාවූ කෝප් කමිටු වාර්තාව දෙකක්‌ම ඔහු ඉදිරිපත් කළේ මේ රටේ යුක්‌තිය නීතිය සර්ව සාධාරණ හා මානව අයිතිවාසිකම් ගරුකරන කෝටි සංඛ්‍යාත ජනතාවගේ ආශිර්වාදයද සහිතවයි.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ මහජන නියෝජිතයෙකු ලෙස පමණක්‌ නොව, රටේ නීති ක්‍ෂේත්‍රය ගැන දැන උගත් අත්දැකීම් බහුල නීතිවේදියෙක්‌ ලෙසද ඔහු නීතියෙන් රටට ජනතාවට ලොකු සේවාවක්‌ද ස්‌වාධීනව ඉදිරිපත්වී නොමිලයේ ඉටුකළේ ජාතියට ජයග්‍රහණ රැසක්‌ අත්පත්කර දෙමිනි. 2001 එජාප ආණ්‌ඩුව විසින් සොච්චම් මුදලකට පුද්ගලික අංශයට විකුණා දැමූ ලංගමය යළි රටට දිනා දුන්නේද ශ්‍රී ලංකා රක්‌ෂණ සංස්‌ථාව විකූණා දැමූ පසු එය නඩු කියා යළි රටේ ජනතාවට දිනා දුන්නද පුද්ගලික අංශයට පවරා දුන් එබඳු රාජ්‍ය ආයතන හා රාජ්‍ය සම්පත් රාශියක්‌ යළි ජාතියට දිනා දුන්නේද ඔහු සතු නීති ක්‌ෂේත්‍රයේ දැනුම සහ පරිණත භාවය කිසිදු අය කිරීමකින් තොරව මහජන සුබ සිද්ධිය වෙනුවෙන් යොදවා කරන ලද කැප කිරීමේ ආනුභාවයට පිංසිදු වන්නටය. අදටත් රක්‍ෂණය, ලංගමය හා ඇතැම් බැංකු ජනතා දේපළ ලෙස රටේ පවතින්නේ ඔහු එදා කරන ලද කැපකිරීම නිසා බව දන්නේ මේ රටේ ජනතාවගෙන් කීයෙන් කීදෙනෙක්‌ දැයි විමසා බැලීම යුක්‌ති යුක්‌තය. 

පසුගියදා රජය විසින් කිසිදු වග විභාගයකින් තොරව, වගකීම් විරහිත ලෙස චීනයට විකුණා දැමූ හම්බන්තොට වරාය බදු දීමක්‌ නොව විකුණා දැමීමක්‌ හා සම බව විජයදාස රාජපක්‌ෂ පෙන්වා දුන්නේත් එය නැවත කෙසේ හෝ ලංකාවට දිනා දෙන බව නිර්භයව ප්‍රකාශ කරන්නේ සිය දැනුම මත හා අත්දැකීම් සම්භාරය මත ගොඩනැඟුන අනල්ප ආත්ම විශ්වාසය නිසාම බව පැහැදිලිය. 

එවන් නිහඬ සේවාවක්‌ රට හමුවේ සලසා දුන්, එවන් සේවාවකට අනාගතයේ ද කැපවන බවට නිර්භයව කියා පළ කරන මේ නීතිගරුක, යුක්‌තිගරුක මිනිසා හැටි හැටියේ වෙනස්‌ වී යහපාලන රජයේ ගමන් මඟට බාධා කරන, යහපාලනයේ පොරොන්දු අනතුරේ හෙළන, රටට, ජනතාවට සතුරුකම් කළ හොරුන්ට හා වංචනිකයන්ට ආරක්‌ෂාව සලසන භයානක පුද්ගලයකු වූයේ කෙලෙසදැයි විමසා බැලීම ඉතා වැදගත් කාරණාවකි. 

සත්තකින්ම විජයදාස රාජපක්‌ෂ මහතා එක්‌සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂයේ බහුතරයක්‌ දෙනා, ඇමැති රාජිත, ඇමැති ෆොන්සේකා, ඇමැති අජිත් පී. පෙරේරා, මන්ත්‍රී නලීන් බණ්‌ඩාර කියන ආකාරයේ හොරෙක්‌ද නැද්ද, ද්‍රෝහියෙක්‌ද නොවේද… ඒ කරුණු ගැන සොයා බැලීම සාධාරණ සමාජයක්‌ කියා දෙයක්‌ සැබෑවටම ප්‍රාර්ථනා කරන මේ රටේ පොදු ජනතාවගේ වගකීමක්‌ මෙන්ම, යුතුකමද බව කියනු කැමැත්තෙමි. 

මේ තරම් මහ හඬක්‌ නඟමින් රටේ අරගල කරන සාධාරණ සමාජයක්‌ උදෙසා කැපවුණු රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධාන හා ව්‍යාපාර ඇමැති විජයදාස රාජපක්‌ෂට විරුද්ධ වූයේ ඇයි? පුරවැසි බලය කියා ගන්නා සංවිධාන විජයදාස රාජපක්‌ෂට එරෙහිව අවි අමෝරා ඇත්තේ ඇයි? 

මේ ප්‍රශ්නවලට විසඳුම් සෙවීමේදී හෙළිදරව් වුණු කරුණු අතර එක්‌ ප්‍රබල හේතුවක්‌ තිබිණි. එය නම් මෙතෙක්‌ පැවැති රජයන් ජාතික සම්පත් හා රාජ්‍ය සම්පත් විකිණීමේ ප්‍රතිපත්තියට එරෙහිව විජයදාස රාජපක්‌ෂ මෙතෙක්‌ කල් දරනු ලැබූ ඔහුගේ ස්‌වාධීන මතයයි. රාජ්‍ය දේපොළ පුද්ගලික අංශයට හෝ වෙනත් රටකට හෝ වෙනත් රජයකට පවරා දීමේ කටයුත්තේ දී ඔහු සිටියේ වත්මන් රජයේ ප්‍රතිපත්තියට ඉඳුරාම වෙනස්‌ ස්‌ථාවරයකය. හම්බන්තොට වරාය චීනයට දීමේ ගනුදෙනුවට ඔහු සිය විරෝධය ප්‍රකාශ කරන්නේ එම ප්‍රතිපත්ති ප්‍රකාරවය. ඒ නිසා එක්‌සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂයේ ප්‍රතිපත්ති සම්පාදකයෝ සහ නියමුවෝ පමණක්‌ නොව, මහින්ද සමරසිංහ, සරත් අමුණුගම වැනි එජාප ප්‍රතිපත්තිවලට සමපාත අදහස්‌ දරන ඇමැතිවරු පවා විජයදාස රාජපක්‌ෂ සමග උරණ වෙති. මේ විස්‌තර වෙන වෙනම ගෙන කතා කළ යුතු වෙන වෙනම මාතෘකාය. යහපාලන රජයේ යහපාලන වැඩපිළිවෙල විජයදාසගේ ප්‍රතිපත්ති හා ගැටෙන්නට පටන් ගන්නේ එතැන් සිටය. 

ඒ හා සමගම පැමිණි ජනාධිපති විශේෂ කොමිසමේ රවී කරුණානායකගේ සාක්‍ෂියත් සමඟ තත්ත්වය තව තවත් දරුණු වෙයි. රවි කරුණානායකගෙන් ප්‍රශ්න කිරීම්වලදී නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ නිලධාරීන් පොදුවේ සාමාන්‍යයෙන් අනුගමනය කරන දැඩි ක්‍රියා පිළිවෙත එක්‌සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂයේ රවීට හිතවත් කොටස්‌ තක්‌සේරු කළේ විජයදාස රාජපක්‌ෂගේ ලිහිල් අධිකරණ ඇමැති කළමනාකාරිත්වය නිසා නිර්මාණය වූවක්‌ බවය. රවීගේ නඩුව අහන්නට නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව දක්‌වන උනන්දුව හා කාර්යක්‍ෂම භාවය මහින්ද රාජපක්‌ෂගේ ගෝඨාභයගේ, නාමල්ගේ, බැසිල්ගේ, ශිරන්තිගේ, මේජර් නිශ්ශංක සේනාධිපතිගේ නඩුව අසන්නට නොදක්‌වන්නේ මන්දැයි කියා චෝදනාව ආවේද ඇමැති විජයදාස රාජපක්‌ෂටය. රවීට හිතවත් රවීගෙන් වරදාන වරප්‍රසාද (අධීක්‍ෂණ මන්ත්‍රීවරු ලෙස අමතර ලක්‌ෂ ගණනක දීමනා හා මාසිකව ඉන්ධන සහිත සැප ප්‍රාඩෝ වාහන) ලබන මන්ත්‍රීවරු පළමුවත්, රාජිත, ෆොන්සේකා, චම්පික, අජිත් පෙරේරා, මලික්‌, ඉරාන් දෙවනුවත්, එජාප නායකත්වය තෙවනුවත් විජයදාස විරෝධී සටන ආරම්භ කරන්නේ ඒ අනුවය.

රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධානවලින් උදව් උපකාර ලබන “ලක්‍ෂ 62 ක ජයග්‍රහණයේ හිමිකරුවෝ” කියා ගන්නා සංවිධාන එකමුතුව විජයදාස විරෝධී සටන් ධජය අතට ගන්නේ ඇයිදැයි වෙනම සලකා බැලිය යුතුය. ඒ සටන සම්බන්ධ වන්නේ එම රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධාන එකමුතුවේ කටයුතුවලට ඩොලර් වලින් මහා පරිමාණ ආධාර උපකාර සලසන බටහිර බලවතුන් බව දැන් රහසක්‌ නෙවේ. එයටද ආසන්න වශයෙන් බලපෑ සිද්ධියක්‌ තිබේ.

පසුගිය දිනක ලංකාවට පැමිණි එක්‌සත් ජාතීන්ගේ මානව හිමිකම් කවුන්සිලයේ විශේෂ නියෝජිත බෙන් එමර්සන් සමඟ අමාත්‍ය විජයදාස රාජපක්‌ෂ සිදුකළ බහින් බස්‌වීම අපට මෙහිදී ප්‍රබල සාක්‍ෂියක්‌ ලෙස දැක ගන්නට තිබේ. ඉන් උරණ වූ බෙන් එමර්සන් ආපසු යන්නේ විජයදාස රාජපක්‌ෂට තර්ජනයක්‌ද කරමිනි. ඒ තර්ජනය තුළ නොකියවුණු බොහෝ දේ තිබුණු බව දැන් පැහැදිලිව පෙනෙන්නට පටන්ගෙන ඇත.

ඊළඟට රාජිතගේ රාජපක්‌ෂ විරෝධය කවරක්‌ද යන්න සලකා බැලිය යුතුය. විජයදාස සමඟ රාජිත උරණ වන්නේ අද ඊයේ නොව, ඔහුට 2001 දී පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීකම අහිමි වූ නඩු තීන්දුවේ සිට බව කිව යුතුව ඇත. එම නඩු තීන්දුවේදී ඔහුට මන්ත්‍රීකම අහිමි වූයේ ත්‍රිවිධ හමුදාවට සහ ඔසුහලට කල්ඉකුත් වූ ඖෂධ වර්ග ලේබල අලුතින් අලවා කරන ලද වංචාව හෙළිදරව් වීම නිසාය. නීති පොත්වල ඇති අලුත්ම නීති ගෙනැවිත් මේ වරද ඔප්පු කර රාජිත සහ සේනාරත්න ඇසෝෂියේෂන් සමාගම වරදකරුවන් කරන්නට ක්‍රියා කළ මහ මොළය වන්නේ ද විජයදාස රාජපක්‌ෂය. එවකට ජනාධිපතිනිය වූ චන්ද්‍රිකා මැතිනියගේ හා මංගලගේ උවමනාව මත ඩිලාන් පෙරේරා ලවා මහාධිකරණයේ නඩුවක්‌ පවරා සේනාරත්න ඇසෝෂියේෂන් නමැති ආයතනය චූදිතයා කළ නඩුව අදටත් නීති ක්‌ෂේත්‍රයේ බොහෝ අයට අමතක වී නැති බව පැහැදිලිය. එදා රාජිතගේ මන්ත්‍රී ධුරය අහිමි වූවේ විජයදාස රාජපක්‌ෂගේ කැපවීම නිසාය. ඒ ගැන විස්‌තරය වෙනම ලිපියකින් කියනු කැමැත්තෙමි.

ඊළඟට ෆොන්සේකා මහතා මේ තරම් විජයදාස රාජපක්‌ෂට වෛර කරන්නේ ඇයිද යන කාරණාවද වෙනම ලිපියකි. ලැබුණේ කෙසේද කියා ඔප්පු කර ගත නොහැකි රුපියල් කෝටි 9 කට අධික ධනයක්‌ තවමත් අධිකරණය භාරයේ පවතින්නේ විජයදාස රාජපක්‌ෂගේ “නීතියට වැඩ” ප්‍රතිපත්තිය නිසාය. සරත් ෆොන්සේකාගේ විජයදාස විරෝධය කෝටි 9.5 ක්‌ වටිනා ගනුදෙනුවක්‌ බව හෙළි කිරීම අනාගතයේ පැමිණෙන තවත් වෙනම ලිපියකි.

ඒ අනුව වත්මන් රජය තුළ කටයුතු කරන සමහර ශ්‍රීලනිප ඇමැතිවරුන්ටද වෙන වෙනම පුද්ගලික ගනුදෙනු විජයදාස රාජපක්‌ෂ සමඟ තිබෙන බව සැබෑය. ඒවාද හෙළිකළ යුතු කාරණාය.

විජයදාස රාජපක්‌ෂ දංගෙඩියට ගෙන යන්නට යහපාලනයේ නාමයෙන් එකමුතු වී ඇති මේ බලවේග සියල්ල අද කරමින් සිටින්නේ ජාතික කර්තව්‍යයක්‌ නොව, පුද්ගලික ගනුදෙනු රැසක එකතුවකින් සැදුම්ලත් අසාධාරණ අවශ්‍යතාවයක්‌ බව මේ රටේ ජනතාවට රහසක්‌ විය යුතු නැත. එබැවින් මේ ලිපි මාලාවේ දෙවැනි තුන්වැනි ලිපිවලින් ඒ ගනුදෙනු එකින් එක රටට හෙළිකිරීමේ බලාපොරොත්තුවෙන් අදට මේ ලිපිය හමාර කරන්නේ පාඨකයන්ගේ කියෑවීමේ පහසුව සඳහාය. මෙම ලිපිය එම ලිපි මාලාවට පූර්විකාවක්‌ වනු ඇත.

විශේෂ ලියුම්කරුවකු විසිනි

Ranil’s request

August 18th, 2017

 Asoka Weerasinghe Kings Grove Crescent . Gloucester . Ontario . K1J 6G1 . Canada

16 August 2017

Hon. Ranil Wickremesinghe
Prime Minister of Sri Lanka
No. 58 Sir Ernest De Silva Mawatha
Colombo 7

Sri Lanka.

Dear Prime Minister:

Today, I read in Home News,  that while speaking at a ceremony held at BMICH, Colombo the  PM says people’s support is essential for good governance”.

What!  A  strange request , I thought.  I suppose your memory is short Mr. Prime Minister.  You did ask for the people’s support in late 2014/early 2015 to help you to change the corrupt, thuggish, nepotistic, personal  wallet stuffing culture of the previous government, and people rallied around you and your governing Combo partner, President Maithripala Sirisena, and installed you two for the good Governance” ” job you had promised them.   Remember?

The problem with you two is that you challenge the intelligence of the ordinary people, especially the gamme minnissu all the time, thinking they are  a bunch of idiots.  So thousands of them exercised their franchise  and democratically placed a cross against the names of the candidates they thought would help you two bring about ‘good Governance’ and rejected those whom they thought were no good suspect corrupt politicians who would only be interested to poke their hands into the Public’s Treasury Jar.  These voters were no fools.  They were smart and intelligent.

So what did the smart leadership Combo do! You brought back the rejected candidates by the masses, one literally showed the middle finger at the voters who voted you in,  and the other placed the thumb of his right palm on his nose and wiggled the other four fingers saying, Na…nana… na…na; Na…nana…na…na,  we fooled you didn’t we.  This is how we bring about ‘good Governance’ and appointed some of the democratically rejected candidates back to the government and appointed some to your Cabinet, too”   It was arrogance on your part.  It was a crass act of political power.  It is that simple and sick.   After a 40 year political career, it is time you learn to respect public opinion and stop treating the  rural masses as a bunch of illiterate idiots as they are not and they sure do recognize a fraudulent mathithuma who walks into their village promising them heaven and earth if they vote for him again.

Mr Prime Minister, these are the village-folk who recognize that their kid is hungry

when his or her stomach sings and scratch their heads wondering what is there in the kitchen to feed the child to fill the hunger.  These are the village-folk who are also smart to recognize the decadence of their government when they see a Minister chauffeur driven in a many hundreds of thousands of rupees car, when they cannot afford to pay a tuk-tuk driver a fee to race their seriously ill child with a high fever to the nearest hospital.  That is a reality check for you, Mr. Yahapalanaya Prime Minister.  I deliberately used the word ‘decadence’.

That calculated move of bringing back the rejected candidates boomeranged against your Yahapalanaya Government.  The majority  of Sri Lankans wouldn’t trust you lot anymore and I will bet my last dollar that they will not vote for you again either, nor touch you lot with a barge pole.  You cooked your own goose, and isn’t this why you and your Combo leader keep postponing the Provincial elections.  You two are scared off your wits, aren’t you?  Own up, Mr. Prime Minister.  The democratic franchise is not for you to manipulate that takes away the rights of the people.  Just be politically judicious with what ever you do for the want to hang in there.

…boomeranged against your Government”, I said.  Here is the litmus test and a reality check for you.  In February 2016, almost 13 months  afterk Your Leadership Combo and Company were installed hoping for a change of the corrupt, thuggish, nepotistic, personal wallet stuffing culture of the previous government, I was travelling along the the west coast to the south, then up to the hill country, and up again to the north-west’s Sri Lanka’s  ancient cities region before heading back to Colombo.  It was a 11 day trip of 20 of the Swansea University (Wales) Class 67, with their spouses in a 49th year Reunion.  The majority of us met for the first time after graduating in 1967.

Every time the Tourist van stopped , I ventured out to meet the local people. And when I asked 23 of them – kohomadha may aluth arnduwa.”  Pat came the response. And what was strange about the responses were that  as if they had all voice trained at the same Choral Society off the same manuscript, and this is the holy truth..  The prelude to the response was a sarcastic snicker and then everyone of them sang the words,  Oya okkoma Hora Yakku, Mahaththaya”  Go, figure that one out Mr. Prime Minister.  One person elaborated.  He said in Sinhala, We thought we got rid of one bunch of rogues, but have put in place a worse bunch of rogues.

I returned to Canada at the end of February and wrote to President Maithripala Sirisena my observations and encounters as I thought he should know the pulse of the gamme minnissu.  The letter was dated 26 February 2016, requesting him to send one of his Yahapalanites to speak at random to  folk-people at Kosgoda, Galle, Nuwara Eliya, Rattota, Gatambe, Ibbagamuwa, Gallewalla, Melsiripura, near Seetha Amman Temple in Haggala, Dambulla, Anuradhapura, Polonnaruwa and grave diggers at Colombo’s Kanatta to feel the pulse of these people about his good Governance”.  You too ought to fan out one of your Yahapalanites to find out the pulse of the gamme minnissu.  The response will be priceless and an eye opener for you, Mr. Prime Minister. Do it

Mr. Prime Minister, you gloated when former Minister of Foreign Affairs and Lotteries, Ravi Karunanayake resigned saying that a new culture has dawned in Sri Lankan politics. Phew!…that was a biggy.

I am not sure whether it was a new culture that had uprooted a I don’t know” dementia culture of fraudulent Ministers.  Did you mean that with one Minister’s resignation you now have 43 Ministers in Cabinet with Brasso polished golden haloes over their heads, and  that they will not have to take a number to stand in line to hand over their resignations!  Whoopee…do, Mr. Prime Minister.  I am impressed!

It is nice to live in a dreamland.  I hope none of your other Cabinet Ministers will let you down as well as the country down.,  That is a Himalayan recognition about the ‘dawn of a new culture’ and I am not sure whether that resignation was a honourably volunteered Class Act, especially when Ravi K had been pushed against the wall by the civil society and the media.  What choice did he have?  Stop gloating over it as he was a Cabinet Minister prone to be an I don’t know’ forgetful Minister who shouldn’t have been holding an important Ministerial position anyway, especially when he had to deal with numbers…big numbers, when he was prone to to be forgetful.

Mr. Prime Minister, I am stymied with your request asking the people their support for ‘good Governance’ when you all buried 29 people alive at Meethotamulla not being serious enough to remove the garbage dump which had been growing in height and diameter for everyone to see for donkey’s years.  That was bad and sad on every account.

What was that we read in the media that there were 60 tender submissions to remove the dump and no one or a company was given the contract to do the job.   If this is true, did you find out whether that unacceptable delay was due to someone waiting drooling sitting on his or her behind for the best kappan to be shoved into his or her pocket to hand that contract?  I am curious and my anger is visceral over this unacceptable tragic event of burying people alive due to callousness of the former and the present governments. Both governments stand guilty of this tragedy in my eyes.

Mr. Prime Minister, with such a dark and questionable backgrounder when people say Oya okkoma Hora Yakku, Mahaththaya”  I hope you will be a bit more circumspect when you go to the gamme minnissu asking for their support to provide them with ‘good Governance’.  The question that they will throw back at you will be What good Governance, Prime Minister.  You know absolutely nothing about ‘good Governance’, Sir?”

Sincerely

Asoka Weerasinghe
Ottawa, Canada

Mahinda discloses all about Siriliya Saviya Defender vehicle and SupremeSat Satellite

August 18th, 2017

(Translated by : A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA)

Given below is a message issued by the former President Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa on Pokice questioning of three members of his family and matters related to those allegations.

The unsuccessful attempt made to camouflage the infamy caused by the revelation of government’s corruptions.

During this week three members of my family – my wife Shiranthi Rajapaksa, and my sons Yoshitha and Rohitha – were summoned by the FCID and the CID and were interrogated.

What they asked my wife was why the colour of a jeep received by her Association, Siriliya Saviya Social Service Organization, in 2011from the Red Cross Society was changed?  This jeep had been used for activities related to the Presidential Secretariat office.  My wife has informed the CID she does not know anything about vehicles maintained and repaired by the Presidential Secretariat office.. Regarding this matter the CID got a statement recoded from my son Yoshitha also on Wednesday.  What they have asked him was whether he gave instructions to anyone to change the colour of this vehicle.  He has replied saying that vehicles of the Presidential Secretariat office are maintained and repaired by the Transport Division of the Presidential Secretariat office. In response to the question whether this vehicle was used by his security guards he has said vehicles for his security guards were provided by Presidential Security Division and not by him.

For the first time my youngest son Rohitha was summoned to the FCID and interrogated.  He has been asked whether he had direct or indirect shares in the company named SuperSat” which for the first time in Sri Lanka sent a communication sattelite to the space. He has said that he did not have direct or indirect shares in the SupremeSat Company and he was a paid employee of that company from the month of July 2012 to the month of July 2014 as the Technical Director of that company.  Another question they have asked had been whether he assisted the SupremeSat Company to obtain their license.  He has responded saying that when he joined the SupremeSat Company in 2012 they already had the license and he was introduced to that company by a Chinese businessman who came to South Hampton University in England to get young Engineers recruited for his Company.

South Hampton University in Englnd is the only University in Britain that conducts a Course in Space Engineering.  In the year 2012 seven persons graduated from this Course and one of them was my son Rohitha.  The satellite that was sent to space in the year 2012 under a co-partnership of SupremeSat Company belonged to the Chinese government. Out of the 36 Transponder Communication Network units of this satellite SupremeSat Company has obtained 6 units on a 12 year lease basis.  The objective of this Company is to provide communication services to clients in Sri Lanka.  I have come to understand that the chief investor of this company is a popular businessman in Singapore.

It was another episode of propaganda struggle being carried out by the Yamapalana gang against me, my family and the whole joint opposition that the people witnessed this week.  My family members are being issued with letters by various Police investigation Units summoning them for investigations.  After issuing such summons, the Police hints to the media that they are being so summoned for investigation on Tajudeen murder trial.

What is important for the Yamapalana gang is not the contents of the statements made by the members of my family but the reports appearing in the media saying that my family members are to be interrogated about Tajudeen. When my youngest son Rohitha was summoned by the FCID, the pro-Yamapalana websites reported that my government had spent hundreds of millions of rupees to send a satellite to the space. But the Sri Lanka government had no connection at all with this SupremeSat Company, which is a Satellite Technology Institution.  The FCID and the CID are in this media operation together with the government.  A few minutes after Yoshita made a statement to the CID a Yamapalana website published a report saying that was details of questions asked from him.

When large scale bribery and corrupti9n of the Yamapalaana government are getting vividly revealed, it is clear that the government is carrying out an operation to summon my family members by the CID and FCID and divert the attention of the people.

The extent of their distress is quite clear with the statements they make now saying that Special Courts will be established to hear the cases related to Rajapaksas. This proposal is against the basic constitutional provisions of equality of Law for everyone and innocence until it is proved guilty.

If such a special Court was established, what is the evidence that will be presented to this Court? The government has said that after this Yamapalana regime came to power they have confiscated properties worth more than Rs, 5,000 Million from my family members.  This is a blatant lie.  Neither the government nor any Court has confiscated any property belonged to my family members. What the government attempting to do is to label properties belonging to other people as properties belonging to our family members.  In this exercise they have extremely inconvenienced and hurt certain people.  No mobile or immobile property belonging to my family members of that the source of possession cannot be ascertainased has not been found all these years.  The whole country knows that such property belongs only to the Ministers and members of this government.  None of the governments that existed hitherto has troubled and inconvenienced the family members of their opponents as it is being done by this Yamapalaana government.

Mahinda Rajapaksa

The former President of Sri Lanka                                                                                                                                                                                    

Meanwhile, Parliamentarian Namal Rajapaksa addressing media personnel said that even if all the five of them in their family were imprisoned the determined struggle of the people of this country will go forward until this inept and treacherous government is sent home. As per the latest reports on a complaint made by the FCID at the Magistrate’s Court, Colombo alleging that Mr. Namal Rajapaksa threatened an FCID officer, the Additional Magistrate of Colombo has asked the Police to take action in this connection as per Police powers.  The Additional Magistrate has made this order rejecting the request made by the FCID to issue a Court injunction for Mr. Namal Rajapaksa to appear in the Courts. (njiz)

Docs threaten to leave SLMC if it is hijacked by Health Minister ….News Item

August 18th, 2017

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

 The Government Medical Officers’ Association (GMOA) yesterday warned that its members would pull out of the Sri Lanka Medical Council (SLMC) if the government forced the Council to register medical graduates of the South Asian Institute of Technology and Medicine (SAITM) as well.

 Addressing the media in Colombo, GMOA Assistant Secretary, Dr Naveen D. Zoysa said the union was seriously considering that move”

So what ?

Do you think that if the doctors pull out from SLMC whole health system in  Sri Lnka will collapse ?

Do they think that they can dictate terms to the country and the government .?

We have a dentist as a health minister, and no harm in having a doctor presidential contender in time to come .( like in Syria)

These Soyzas and Padeniya;s do not spend time in treating patients .They are doing politics.

As suggested earlier let them leave GMOA also .and leave the country and look to go to  Africa ?

Free school education ,free university education , duty free cars ,bank loans ,OPD doctors working only 2-3 hours for the day, consultants doing private practice during working hours and charging exorbitant amounts from poor people .enjoying a status in the society, getting preferential  treatment by traffic cops ,having special treatment in for admissison of their  children to top schools and once in a while attending meeting with PM and HE , getting discounts from Pharmacists ,obtaining foreign travel scholarships., enjoying trips funded by drug companies and cartels,and attending gourmet dinners in 5 starg hotels with drug reps ……..and more and more privileges?

We should all got o Ayurveda and  local  medical treatment like in villages .and foregt about these Animals ?

Ask them got to hell..

Where they will end up anyway after this life for committing crimes against humanity

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

The Agenda of Missionary Schools

August 18th, 2017

Extracted from Senaka Weeraratna’s submissions to the LLRC

Missionary schools

” Christian schools in the ultimate sense have a different agenda which is not in line with the national agenda. While Christian schools do provide an education of value to kick start a career of a young student, it is by no means in their scheme of education to bring students close to the dominant Buddhist culture or the national ethos of the country. In fact, the Christian Church is by definition missionary. Its primordial goal is evangelization.

I remember reading in one of Professor G.P. Malalasekera’s articles of an incident relating to Reverend Reginald Stephen Copleston, Bishop of Colombo (the youngest at that point in time).  Father Copleston was appointed Bishop of Calcutta in 1902. On taking up appointment in Calcutta, he delivered a lecture at the local Y.M.C.A. on the system of education at St. Thomas College. During question time members of the audience had asked Father Copleston whether he was enrolling Buddhist students and if so, why he was spending valuable resources on the education of non – Christians. Father Copleston had then replied by saying that their primary aim through education was to convert a Buddhist student to Christianity. However those who fail to be converted to Christianity would always remain weak Buddhists, he had added.

Dr. N.M. Perera in his (incomplete) autobiography published in the ‘Sunday Observer’ some years ago referred to attempts made by a teacher at St. Thomas College to convert him to Christianity while he was a student there which were unsuccessful, and he further said that when he changed schools from St. Thomas to Ananda College in the early 1920’s he had experienced a wide difference in the respective school cultures. The focus of attention in the former was usually on matters outside Sri Lanka, while at Ananda College the class room discussions were centered around day to day events in this country and imbued with a patriotic flavour. ”

Extracted from Senaka Weeraratna’s submissions to the LLRC

https://llrclk.files.wordpress.com/2011/02/submission-senaka-weeraratna.pdf

Reginald Copleston

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reginald_Copleston

The Objective of St. Thomas College

” College of St .Thomas the Apostle, Colombo was opened with the objective of training a Christian Clergy and to make Children good citizens under the discipline & supervision of Christianity.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/S._Thomas%27_College,_Mount_Lavinia

WRONG PERCEPTION OF SINHALA BUDDHIST IMPERIALISM

August 18th, 2017

Ranjith Soysa 

To:US Secretary of State. <secretary@state.gov>, US Embassy Sri Lanka <colomboacs@state.gov>

Dear Sirs

According to Tamil Guardian of 17 Aug 2017, US State Dept International Religious Freedom report for 2015 has reported that the Buddha statues inNorth and East of Sri Lanka creates the perception of  Sinhala Buddhist imperialism!

The above conclusion is not only  misleading but also, malicious.You would no doubt agree that the term “Imperialism”  cannot be applied to any activity conducted in countries such as Sri Lanka but of course can be identified with many of questionable acts perpetrated by the Western countries such  as the UK, France, Belgium. Holland and the United States of America.

The use of the misnomer by you would have arisen unconsciously through the historical and contemporary activity patterns of the USA. When you speak of Buddha statues in the North and the East, can you recollect the number of Buddha statues of recent origin apart from the statues which were there for hundreds of years when the country was ruled by the ancient kings.

The number of statues constructed within last 50 years definitely will NOT exceed 100. But. during last 50 years there was a movement of the population and the positioning of the armed forces which is reflected in the population of Sinhala Buddhists, Sinhala Christians, Tamil Hindus, Tamil Christians and Muslims. As an example about 60 % of the Tamil population of the North has migrated to the Western and Central provinces during the last 30 years.

In short, in every province there is a mixture of different ethnic and religious groups.In the North and the East apart from civilian Sinhalese there is substantial number of Sinhalese Buddhists in the armed forces stationed in their camps.

As a result of the  situation outlined, the number of new Buddhist temples, Christian churches, Hindu kovils and Muslim mosques have come  up in all parts of the country,In fact, there are many  new mosques in all parts of the countries and increased number of Hindu Kovils in the Western and Central provinces, For the USA to act as a blind bat and to ignore the building of many new places of worship and to concentrate its attention in counting ONLY the new Buddha statues in the North and the East is due opting to give voice to the separatists and the terrorists to realize their objective of mono -ethnic project for the North and the East.

Whilethe USA is proclaiming from the housetop her blinkered perceptions of Sri Lanka and the Buddha statues in the North and the East, ironically there is spate virulent and very ugly riots taking place in a number of cities in the USA concerning the  statues built for her slave masters. The USA ‘s misdirected attempts to hang other countries higher than Gilderoy’s kite have come home! PHYSICIAN  HEAL  THYSELF Ranjith Soysa

Along the Silk Road: Xushi Yin’e –Ceylon Princess in Quanzhou

August 18th, 2017

An extraordinary story of an ordinary woman turning into the Ceylon Princess.

500 years ago, the prince of Ceylon visited China along with famous Ming Dynasty captain, Zheng He, but he never returned to his own country. 500 years later, archaeologists stumbled across the tombs of the loyal family in Quanzhou. Therefore, a disputed historical case was unveiled, which shocked both China and Sri Lanka. Meanwhile, the life of an ordinary woman had completely changed.

https://youtu.be/v6soTl7aZlo

පොලිස්පති පොලිස් නිලධාරියෙකුට වදහිංසා කිරීමේ සිද්ධිය හා පොලිස් සේවයේ කීර්තිනාමය

August 18th, 2017

A Statement by the Asian Human Rights Commission

නයෙක් කෑවොත් කළ හැකි වෙදකමක් නැතැයි සමහරුන් කියන්නා සේ පොලිස්පතිවරයා පොලිස් නිලධාරියෙකු වදහිංසනයට ලක්කල විට එයට ලංකාවේ නීතිය කරින යාත්මක වන ආකාරයට අනුව කල හැකි දෙයක් නැතුවා සේ පෙනේ. එය නීතියේ ඇති අඩුපාඩුවක් නිසා නොව ලංකාවේ නීතිය කරිය යාත්මක වන ආකාරයේ ඇති බරපතල පැහැරහැරීම් හා මගහැරීම් නිසාය.

පොලිස්පතිවරයා පොලිස් මූලස්ථානයේ නිළධාරියේකුගේ කොළරයෙන් අල්ලා ඔහුට තර්ජනය කිරීම පිළිබ` සිද්ධියක වීඩියෝ පඨයක් පරකි සිද්ධියට පත්වීමෙන් පසු එය විශාල දෙනෙකු විසින් අන්තර්ජාලය මගින් හා වෙනත් ආකාර වලින් නරඹා ඇත. මේ නිසාම එය මාධ්යඩ සාකච්චා වල තේමාවක් සේ පසුගිය දිනවලදී පැවතින.

එහෙත් මේ දක්වා මේ පිළිබ`දව කිසිම නෛතික කරිප යාමාර්ගයක් අරඹා නැති අතර එසේ ඇරඹේ යැයි අනුමාන කිරීමට පදනමක් නැත.

මේ නිසා මතුවන ඉතා බරතල නෛතික පරසි ශ්ණ ගණනාවක් ඇත.

ලංකාවේ නීති කරයක මය පදනම් වී ඇත්තේ කිසිවෙක් නීතියට ඉහළින් නැතැයි යන පරලධ ධාන සිද්ධාන්තය අනුවය. මෙම සිද්ධාන්තය සියවස් ගණනාවක් ඇතුලේ රාජත්වයට එරෙහිව පාර්ලිමේන්තු පරර් ජාතන්තර වාදය ඇති කිරීමට කරන ලද අරගලයේ පරින තිපලයක් ලෙස නිර්මානය විය. ඇත්තෙන්ම නීතිය මත පදනම් වන වර්තමාන නීති පද්ධතිය වල මුල්ගල වන්නේ මෙම සංකල්පයය. එය නොතකා හැරීම සකල නීති කරක් මයටම බරපතල තර්ජනයකි.

ලංකාවේ පොලිස් සේවය ලංකාව තුළ නීතිය රැුකීම `දහා නිර්මානය කොට ඇති පර්ත ධානමතම සංස්ථාව වේ. එම පොලිස් සේවයට නීතිය රැුකීම හැර වෙන කිසිද කර්තව්යමයක් පැවරී නැත. එම සේවයට අදාල සියලූම කරුණු සාධාරණ කිරීමේ පද්ධතිය ලෙස පවතින්නේ මෙම පර්ණ ධාන යුතුකමය.

මේ අනුව පොලිස් සේවයේ පැවැත්මම පවතින්නේ නීතිය ඉදිරියේ සියල්ලන්ම සමානය යන පදනම ඔස්සේ නීතිය කරිා යාත්මක කරවීම මතය. මේ අනුව පොලිස්පතිවරයා කලා යැයි සැක කල හැකි අපරාධය නම් වදහිංසාවය. වදහිංසාව අපරාධයක් යනුවෙන් ලංකාවේ නීති පොතට ඇතුලූ වූයේ 1994 දීය. එසේ ඇතුලූ වූයේ 1994 අංක 22 දරන වදහිංසාව හා කෲර අමානුෂික අවමන් සහගත සැලකීම් වැළැක්වීමේ සම්මුති පනත නැමති නීතිය යටතේය. මේ අනුව වදහිංසාවට නියමකර ඇති `ඩුවම අවුරුදු 7 සිරද`ඩුවමක් හා රුපියල් 10000 කට නොවැඩි දඩයකි. මේ පනත යටතේ අපරාධකරුවන් බවට අධිකරණ මගින් නියම වී `ඩුවමට භාජනය වූ පොලිස් නිලධාරීන් ගණනාවක්ම සිටී. තවත් නිළධාරීන්ට විරුද්ධව එම පනත යටතේම පවත්වාගෙන යන නඩු ගණනාවක් වේ.

මේ අනුව සමහර නිළධාරීන්ට එකම චෝදනාවක් යටතේ සිරගතවීමටත් අනිත් අතට පොලිස් සේවය භාරව සිටින ඉහළම නිළධාරීයාට මෙම අපරාධ චෝදනාව යටතේ පරීක්ෂුණයකටවත් භාජනය නොවී සිටීමටත් හැකියාව තිබීම සකළ නීති පද්ධිතිය සම්බන්ධයෙන්ම දෙබඩි පරතේ තිපත්තියක් අනුගමන කිරීමකි.

ඇත්තෙන්ම පැණ නැගී ඇති පරාන ශ්ණය නම් පූසාට පූසාගේ බෙල්ලේ සීනුව ගැටගහන්නේ කවුදැයි මීයන් අතර ඇති වූ පරති ශ්ණය සම්බන්ධ ජනකතාවෙන් කියවෙන ගැට`එවමය. රටේ සියලූම අපරාධ පරීක්ෂේණ භාරව සිටින ඉහළම නිළධාරීයාට විරුද්ධව අපරාධ පරීක්ෂාණයක් කළ හැක්කේ කාටද යන ගැට`එව ලංකාවේ දැනට කරි0 යාත්මක වන නීතියට අනුව විස`දිය නොහැකි පර්ණ ශ්ණයක් සේ පවතී.

කෙසේ වූවත් ඉහළම නිළධාරියාගේ කරිත යා කලාප පිළිබ` වගකීම ජනාධිපතිවරයා අගමැතිවරයා හා රජය මත පැවරී ඇති යුතුකමකි. රජයක් පවතින්නේ නීතිය මතය. රජය යම් අයට විරුද්ධව නීතිය කරිට යාත්මක කිරීමට පියවර නොගන්නේ නම් එය රටේ පවතින සමස්ථ නීති කර්ප මයම අර්බූදයට පත්කරයි.

නීතිය පිළිබ` මෙම පරයක ධාන ගැට`එව නීතිය කරිග යාත්මක කිරීම තමන්ගේ පැවැත්මේ එකම හේතුව ලෙස පවතින පොලිස් සේවයේ කීර්තිනාමය පිළිබ`දව බලපායි.

මෙය ලංකාව නීතිය මත පදනම් වූ රාජ්යීයක් සේ පවත්වාගෙන යෑම ගැන උනන්දුවක් ඇති කාගේත් අවධානයට යොමුවිය යුතු පරර් ශ්ණයකි

Prez, PM or Justice Minister can’t intervene in judicial matters

August 18th, 2017

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, responding to remarks made by Deputy Minister Ajith P. Perera, said today that neither the President, Prime Minister nor the Justice Minister had powers to intervene in judicial matters.

He said the possibility of appointing a special court had been discussed in the Cabinet and added that the Attorney General had also given written advice to the government on the matter.

We are acting on the advice of the Attorney General,” the minister said.

He said the government was given a mandate in January 2015 to ensure an independent judicial system in the country and added that independent commissions were set up under the 19th Amendment to the Constitution to uphold the independence of the judiciary under Yahapalanaya principles.

The judiciary and the Attorney General’s department act as independent institutions today. The Attorney General’s Department has the complete independence to act on the reports given by the police on their investigations based on the principles accepted by the world,” he said.

Minister Rajapakshe said in a video posted on his Facebook that, according to the Constitution, the judiciary and the AG’s department were functioning on two basic principles such as equality before law and the accused is considered not guilty until he is convicted by a court of law.

The Minister said no one who had read the Constitution at least once would make allegations against him and added that if someone doing so was only exhibiting his ignorance before the world.

We can do nothing than pity the people who make such allegations. Some politicians who come before the media and television cameras try to show they are Mahoshadas” but the viewers know they are actually playing the role of Kewattayas”, he said.

Justice Minister terrorised

August 18th, 2017

Editorial Courtesy The Island


The UNP and the SLFP dislodged the Rajapaksa government, promising to usher in good governance or yahapalanaya. Atop that, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said a UNP-led government would adopt the Licchavi method, which was in vogue during the Buddha’s time, to solve problems—assembling peacefully, deliberating peacefully and dispersing peacefully. But, the suppression of dissent has become the order of the day. The recent stormy session of the UNP’s Working Committee (WC) is a case in point.

Minister of Justice and Buddha Sasana Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe ran the gauntlet at Sirikotha on Thursday. The UNP WC members and parliamentarians, all out for his blood, tore into him like a pack wolves. He has incurred the wrath of the UNP heavyweights by criticising the Hambantota Port deal and refusing to act in contravention of the legal procedures to expedite judicial investigations into allegations against the members of the former government. He was shouted down, abused and frightened into submission. Are they demanding kangaroo courts?

The leaders of the previous government must be probed. There are very serious allegations against them as well as their kith and kin. After all, that is one of the main election pledges of the present government. The corrupt members of the Rajapaksa government currently in the yahapalana Cabinet must also be probed and hauled up before courts for the theft of public funds and various other rackets. But, show trials must not be conducted to distract public attention from the damning evidence emerging before the bond probe commission against the UNP big guns and their cronies. It is said that justice delayed is justice denied. Similarly, justice hurried is justice buried. Is the government planning to give justice a grand burial?

Above all, the UNP must put its own house in order before accusing others of corruption and abuse of power. It may be recalled that Sirikotha had been reduced to penury before the change of government in 2015. It had been left with no funds even to pay its utility bills, but about six months after the regime change it was in a position to outspend the UPFA at the last parliamentary polls! Will the UNP declare its campaign expenditure and explain how it raised such a colossal amount of funds within so short a period of time? The same goes for the SLFP, whose war chest was overflowing with funds under SLFP-led governments. Undeclared funds and political leaders’ dependence on moneybags, some of whom are involved in shady businesses, have made the two main parities stink to high heaven like the garbage mountains at Karadiyana and Meethotamulla.

Is it that the UNP’s decision-making body considers a discordant note struck by Minister Rajapakshe, who makes no bones about his opposition to the Hambantota Port deal a far worse offence than the bond scams which have damaged the UNP’s image irreparably? Ironically, the UNPers who are defending the port deal and baying for Wijeyadasa’s blood are the very ones who hysterically let out howls of protest against the Chinese-funded Port City project while they were in the Opposition and vowed to scrap it first thing after forming a government. Today, China has been allowed to reclaim more land from the sea to build the Port City and given an inland port for a song! Their hypocrisy reminds us of the pithy local saying ‘a kabaragoya (water monitor) becomes a thalagoya (land monitor) when one feels like eating it’.

Intriguingly, Minister Wijayadasa did not argue before the Sirikotha kangaroo court on Thursday that in opposing the Hambantota port deal he had acted in keeping with the popular mandate the UNP obtained in 2015 to stop national assets being handed over to the Chinese. He should also have maintained that he could not abuse his position to rush the state prosecutor at the behest of some ministers because he was adhering to the principle of good governance which the present government had received a mandate to usher in.

How can anyone hope for justice and fair play in a country where the Justice Minister himself is denied justice and harassed for expressing dissent and refusing to manipulate the judicial process for political expediency? The yahapalana leaders who believe they can pull the wool over the eyes of the people and win elections with the help of a string of show trials against their opponents while defending the crooks within their ranks are living in cloud cuckoo land.

No Justice for the Minister of Justice -The real reason behind the lynching of Wijayadasa Rajapakshe

August 18th, 2017


The Working Committee of the UNP disgracefully passed a unanimous vote of no-confidence against Minister of Justice and Buddha Sasana Wijayadasa Rajapakshe. The real reason, or should I say, the main reason out of the set of real reasons, for the UNP-NGO lynch mob against Wijayadasa Rajapakshe is not the need to expedite justice and to catch crooks. The main reason that Rajapakshe is being targeted is to shoot through him and hit the real target. That real target is the Attorney-General’s Department.

Why so? Because the UNP is trying to head-off a Watergate outcome. More specifically, because the officials of the AG’s Department are courageously and independently inquiring into the Bond Scam and the UNP does not want the inquiry to go beyond and aboveRavi Karunanayaka, Arjuna Aloysious and Arjuna Mahendran. It doesn’t even want the Commission to really go for ArjunaMahendran. It hopes to save him in the nick of time. But above all it does not want the Commission to inquire into the chain of command that brought Mahendran the Singaporean here, installed him as nothing less than the head of the Central Bank and gave him the patronage to do what he did.

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The UNP does not want the Commission to pick up on what the first COPE Report, under the signature of DEW Gunasekara, uncovered. It is when that COPE process grilled Arjuna Mahendran, and he revealed the name and designation of the person who gave him an instruction or green light, that the COPE process was aborted by the declaration of a general election.

It is to protect the same person, whose designation is indicated in shortened form in Arjuna Aloysius’ text messages, that Wijayadasa is being targeted. This is because the top officials of the A-G’s Department have to be brought to heel so as to cripple the Presidential Commission. They cannot be brought to heel because the professional independence and integrity of the A-G’s Department is being protected by the Minister of Justice Wijayadasa Rajapakshe. So he has to be either removed from that post (leaving him the Minister of Buddha Sasana and something else) or neutralized and intimidated into silence and compliance.

This is delightfully ironic, though. The Yahapalana administration prides itself on de-politicizing the bureaucracy and the state apparatus in general. However, the A-G’s Department and the Minister of Justice are excoriated by the UNP-NGO bloc for not adhering to the political target menu and going after the Rajapaksas with zeal.

This is obviously hypocritical. It is also quite dishonest. The one word I do not hear from those who want to investigate and prosecute the dubious practices of the previous regime is MihinAir and the one name I do not hear is that of Sajin Vass Gunawardena.Make that two: I don’t hear the name Gamini Senarath either.

So the real targets are the members of the Rajapaksa family and on a separate track, the field commanders, the combat commanders, of the war-winning Sri Lankan military.

The UNP wants to know why the Commission is investigating the bond scam with due diligence but not pursing the previous regime. In the first place that’s not what the Commission was appointed to do and in the second place it is quite logical to start with the most recent crime- which is easier to investigate—and also happens to be the largest and most damaging to the country.

The UNP’s suggestion is that either a special court be appointed or else that cases be fast-tracked and conducted back-to-back. This is dangerous for more than one reason.

It is dangerous to have any kind of special court or special procedure, because that is exactly the model that will be used for war crimes trials. In fact I suspect that the whole issue of a fast track is being suggested not only to swiftly decapitate the Rajapaksas legally and politically, but also to open the channel for the implementation of the accountability component of the Geneva resolutions 2015 and 2017, and prosecute the military through this fast track which will, in effect, be a special court (as promised in Geneva).

The UNP obviously hopes to repeat its tactic of 1982 and win the referendum on the new Constitution thereby abolishing the executive presidency and federalizing the state. In case the reader thinks I am on thin ice when I say “federalizing’ I would refer him/her to a recent article by Ana Pararajasingham which states that “On 15 May 2015, during a televised debate with the TNPF’s Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam, TNA’s Mathiyaparanam Sumanthiran, revealed that the TNA had an ‘understanding’ with the Sri Lankan President to provide the Tamils with a measure of autonomy ‘outside the unitary constitution amounting to federalism in substance’.”()

When the referendum of December 1982 was held, the UNP had removed Mrs. Bandaranaike’s civic rights two years earlier, jailed Vijaya Kumaratunga on charges of being a Naxalite (i.e. a Maoist revolutionary, no less) and locked up Ossie Abeygoonasekara for allegedly forging a rice ration book. The fast-tracking of the multitude of cases against the Rajapaksas is intended to decapitate or cripple and divert the Joint Opposition while the local and provincial elections are held and much more crucially, when the Referendum is held and federalism sought to be introduced while retaining the unitary label.

So here we are. A terrorist rammed his car into walkers along Las Ramblas, the famous street in Barcelona, one of my favorite cities, killing 13. Remember the Pettah and Maradana bombs and the Central Bank bomb? Those were far worse than the terror attack in beautiful Barcelona. The reason we no longer suffer from such horror every month is simple: Mahinda Rajapaksa, supported by Gotabhaya, decide to win the war for us and did so. And now the UNP wants special processes to prosecute them and the members of their family and hounds their own Cabinet Minister who is reluctant to do so, while we watch and wait passively. What will history say of the UNP and what will history say about this society– about us?

war crimes probe: Constitution won’t permit foreign judges, says FM Marapana

August 18th, 2017

by Shamindra Ferdinando Courtesy The Island


Foreign Minister Tilak Marapana, PC, yesterday said foreign judges couldn’t be accommodated in domestic judicial mechanisms in accordance with the Constitution.

He said so when The Island asked him whether he, would as a former Attorney General, in addition to his newest responsibilities look into the Geneva Resolution 30/1 co-sponsored by the ruling UNP-SLFP coalition at the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Oct. 2015 meant to establish judicial mechanism to address accountability issues.

Marapana was appointed Foreign Minister following Ravi Karunanayake’s resignation.

Marapana said that he deeply regretted the circumstances under which he had received the portfolio, unexpectedly. He said the government was on the right track in implementing Geneva Resolution 30/1.

Asked by The Island whether he was aware of Tamil National Alliance (TNA) Jaffna District MP attorney-at-law M. A. Sumanthiran’s claim in June 2014 in the presence of the then Sri Lanka’s Ambassador in Washington Prasad Kariyawasam that a tripartite consensus had been reached in respect of foreign judges, defence attorneys, investigators etc., in a Sri Lankan judicial mechanism, Marapana insisted that the Constitution wouldn’t allow that.

He said that the government had explained the situation to the international community. The former Attorney General said that foreign jurists could assist the domestic mechanism.

Veteran retired career diplomat Kariyawasam, who recently succeeded Esala Weerakoon as Secretary to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was also present when Marapana responded to media queries.

MP Sumanthiran made the aforesaid claim at ‘Congressional Caucus for Ethnic and Religious Freedom in Sri Lanka’ in Washington that the government of Sri Lanka, the TNA and the US had been involved in the negotiations leading to the agreement.

The event was moderated by Sadhanand Dhume of the American Enterprise Institute, a Washington-based think tank. The Caucus is an initiative launched by United States House Representatives Bill Johnson of Ohio and Danny Davis of Illinois, in November, 2013.

When The Island pointed out that the Resolution 30/1 had specifically referred to mechanisms comprising both local and foreign judges, Marapana said that as a member of the Cabinet he had examined it and the Geneva Resolution was certainly not inimical to Sri Lanka’s interests and the government was in the process of implementing its recommendations.

Sri Lanka co-sponsored Geneva Resolution 30/1 on Oct 1, 2015.

Foreign Minister Marapana denied claims that the country was being pushed by the international community to implement the Geneva recommendations.


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