There should be an age bar for holding an office but not for political leadership

June 6th, 2022

By Veeragathy Thanabalasingham Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Colombo, June 6 (newsin.asia): There have been much commentary in the media about the recent statement in Parliament by former minister Chamal Rajapaksa who opined that his brother Mahinda Rajapaksa should have retired from politics at the end of his second term as executive president.

Mahinda’s second term was to end in 2016. But in order to obtain the people’s mandate for a third term he called an early presidential election in January 2015 and lost. Some political commentators have pointed out that Chamal should have given Mahinda this advice at that time.  Others have raised the question why Chamal did not advise his brothers in such a manner when, in 2010 and 2020, they obtained unlimited power via several arbitrary amendments to the Constitution.

The question whether Chamal, the eldest brother of the Rajapaksa family, would have made this comment about Mahinda in Parliament if the people had not begun protesting in the streets against the mal governance of his bothers, due to which they had to resign from their positions and run away, arises naturally.

Chamal said that in political life one must be always prepared to step down from positions of power. Let us see what he, who is 80 years old, does.  Chamal’s comments have raised questions about the retirement age of those engaged in politics. There is a fundamental difference between retiring from positions of power and retiring from politics.

One can engage in politics even after one steps down from a position of power. Human beings are political animals. It is not the case that one cannot engage in politics if one does not have positions or benefits accruing from those positions. In India, did Mahatma Gandhi and E.V.R Periyar engage in politics while holding positions of power? There are many other similar examples that can be cited. Yet, those in positions of power could not retain the values engendered amongst the public by such leaders.

At this juncture, a comment made by former President Chandrika Kumaratunge at the end of her second term, about the age to retire from politics, comes to mind. During the latter part of 2005 an event was organized in Bibile appreciating the services rendered by Mrs. Kumaratunge. When speaking at the event she said that, public servants and politics should retire at the age of 60. Although I do not insist that everyone should retire at that age I am retiring”. Not only at this event, but even prior to it, Mrs. Kumaratunge has said that politicians should retire at the age of 60. She probably did not imagine that she would be compelled to retire first when she made the comment.

Chandrika Kumaratunge became President at the age of 49 in 1994. After being President for 11 years she had to step down at the age of 60. Everyone knows she stepped down with sadness that she couldn’t hold the position for one more year due to a decision of the Supreme Court.

She stepped down from the position but did not retire from politics. Mrs. Kumaratunge was at the forefront of fielding candidates against Mahinda Rajapaksa during two presidential elections. At present she continues to state her opinions about the current political situation. This is the difference between retiring from a position and retiring from politics.  

The late J.R. Jayawardena came to power in his 69th year in 1977. He approached all issues keeping in mind the boundaries of his political life. If like Mrs. Kumaratunge, Jayawardena too had come to power when he was 49 years it is debatable whether he would have included the two-term presidential term limit in the Constitution.

60 years is not an old age that requires one to retire from public life. To the contrary, it can be an age when persons who have learnt through past experiences, can right wrongs, think clearly and function maturely. If politicians retire at 60 years then many politicians who the world holds as icons would have been lost to us.

We would not have known of many who were examples through the way they lived their lives. We could not have learnt from their teachings. Nelson Mandela who dedicated his life to the liberation of the black South African people and dismantled apartheid in South Africa, contested election but was president for only one term. After that, he gave space to leaders of the next generation and refrained from holding public positions. Who would have prevented him if he wished to remain as President? He announced he would retire from public life due to his deteriorating health but he could not remain silent when it came to issues that affected humankind.

At the time, he functioned as a global conscience and moral voice drawing attention to diverse concerns, from people affected by AIDS to people suffering in poverty, and called on the world to find solutions to these problems.

Politicians who genuinely care about humanity will not be able to retire from public life until their death. Those who are not able to be an example to others through the way they live their lives are ordinary politicians. They are self-serving. They can retire at 60 years or even before. Who cares? It would be a blessing to society if such persons never enter politics.

Sri Lanka Tourism Development Authority (SLTDA) moots tourism revival plan targeting over 800,000 arrivals

June 6th, 2022

Courtesy The Daily News

The Sri Lanka Tourism Development Authority (SLTDA) has presented a short, medium and long-term tourism revival plan leading up to March 2023 in a bid to attract 800,000 to 850,000 tourists this year, focusing on key source markets through joint promotional efforts SLTDA, Chairman Priyantha Fernando told the Annual General Meeting of Sri Lanka Association of Inbound Tour Operators (SLAITO) held in Colombo.

I have received many calls from airlines as well extending their support to promote joint promotions.” Fernando said he will have discussions with them with support of the Tourism Promotion Bureau to come up with a plan to

ferry people even from Russia which could be done by ferrying them via Istanbul to Sri Lanka.

Meanwhile the SLTPB has planned three road shows in Mumbai, Delhi and Bangalore this month as an immediate promotion and a Tourism App would also be developed to link all stakeholders with the assistance of the ICTA. Also an initiative would also be taken soon to use cricket to promote the destination and the Sri Lanka Tourism Promotion Bureau has also come up with a short time strategy with Sri Lanka Cricket for this purpose, said Sri Lanka Tourism Promotion Bureau Chairman Chalaka Gajabahu.

 
 

Newly appointed SLAITO President Nishad Wijetunga said the draft of the new Act has not been officially presented to them and none of their recommendations and proposals which were presented had been incorporated in it.

Wijetunga said their membership spends colossal sums a year on promoting the country and bringing in tourists and 90% of their membership were SMEs. The current Act was drafted over a long period of time after discussions with all stakeholders and it took over 10 years for it to be finalized and he said it was a fantastic piece of legislation which included features such as the Tourism Development Levy.

When the Privileged Protest

June 6th, 2022

By Shivanthi ranasinghe Courtesy Ceylon Today

One would assume that by definition the privileged in any society would be refined, sophisticated, educated, proper and idealistic. In a scale of one to ten, the hardships encountered by this segment compared to the underprivileged would be zero. While the underprivileged would have to fight for every half inch to move forward, the privilege would tread a path clearly mapped without undue obstacles.

The Grade-V Scholarship exam for instance is not something a student from a privileged background needs. That student is already in a well-facilitated school. For the underprivileged student, this exam is the only way to get into a school with a science lab, library and a playground.

If, after sacrificing two years of the young life, the underprivileged student does secure a place in a well-facilitated school or at least better facilitated than the present school in attendance, that child must leave home and be independent at age 11 years. An age considered too tender for a privileged child to venture out of without an adult.

Almost in the same intensity as GotaGoHome” protests, we saw No to Private Medical Schools” – the campaign against SAITM. For the State university undergrads, SAITM presented additional competition.

Regardless of the arguments presented the crux of the matter was that SAITM graduates in general would be from a background more privileged than most State university graduates. They would thus be better groomed for the careers ahead.

A point five in the Z-score can decide the future of Sri Lankan students. Notwithstanding the marks, entrants to State universities are not a guarantee because of the limited vacancies. Private universities as SAITM expanded this opportunity for Sri Lankan students to pursue a tertiary education.

Unlike State universities, these establishments however offered their courses for a fee. For the middle class who could afford these fees, this was a blessed relief. This distinction – the ability to pay – was resented by those whose only option is State-sponsored education.

The upper middle class did not bother with the opinion of either side. They have other options as either studying overseas or pursuing an external degree from a foreign university. Even without a tertiary education, the privileged have connections and the grooming to secure middle level executive jobs as an entry point. Conversely, the underprivileged have to start from the bottom rung.

Given this difference, one would expect a difference between the perceptions of the privileged and underprivileged. It is thus not unreasonable to expect the reaction of the privileged and underprivileged in the face of the same hardships to be different.

#GotaGoHome – a change from the usual protesting style

Until the shortages on essentials as fuel prolonged and queues elongated the crowd that galvanised around the anti-Government campaign stayed uninterested in any political discourse. If protesting in the streets was a new experience for this neo-liberal upper middle class, to have them on the street was also a new experience for the nation.

For the first time, the language of the protest was in English. The usage though at best was unrefined and at worst derogatory. Obscene signs and shameless behaviour as removing and displaying underwear became features of this protest. This vulgarity is a new experience for Sri Lanka.

The magical appearance of creature comforts is another defining feature. Never before had protesters received unlimited free supplies of food and beverages. Instead of the tarpaulin, camping-style stitched tents appeared. There was solar powered electricity to charge electronic devices and a well stocked library to read and exchange books to while the time away. Artistes appeared to give live concerts. It is highly doubtful the performing artistes financed their own sound systems and expenses required for such a performance.

Previously, protesters stayed focused on their theme. The GotaGoHome protests were liberally mixed with demands to recognise LGBT rights, justice for Easter Sunday victims, release those imprisoned for terrorism and extremism and exclusive homeland for northern and eastern Tamils. The protesters could not decide if they wanted only the President, he and the PM, all the Rajapaksas, the whole cabinet, the entire Government or the Parliament in its entirety to resign.

They certainly do not have an alternative to replace when the incumbent vacated the position. This was underscored when Mahinda Rajapaksa resigned from premiership. Though a campaign for Ranil Wickremesinghe’s resignation has started, it is one without steam. Their lack of understanding of the crisis’ root causes and vision for a solution has enabled politicians to hoodwink them. Despite the changes to the cabinet and Government with a new face as the PM, all because of their demands, shortages have not abated. Instead, experts warn that the worst is yet to come.

The new Government’s focus is however on constitutional amendments to wrestle power from the Executive Presidency. The protesters who celebrated 50 days of protests with a bang befitting the dawn of a new year continue to bake and soak at Galle Face Greens without a clue of what is actually taking place in Parliament. Most are confident that once President Gotabaya resigns this economic crisis will disappear and uninterrupted power and fuel will return.

So-called democracy advocates are praising the protesters as the insightful generation. Their embassies are issuing travel warnings against traveling to Sri Lanka. Puffed with the praise, protesters do not realise the damage this does to our economy.

Did the Anti-Government Protesters Get Duped?

Would they still have taken to the streets had they known that the JVP was coordinating this movement is an interesting question.

The comfort factor was that this movement did not have a discernible leader. Usually protests are spearheaded by a political entity. That political ownership was invisible. In fact, this was promoted as an apolitical movement and even called for the resignation of all 255 MPs.

JVP Politburo member and former MP Sunil Handunnetti’s comments in the aftermath of 9 May 2022 disclose his admittance that the entire JVP cadre was on the field managing the movement. JVP however denies the IGP’s alleged comments that the JVP had a hand in the counter attack of Mahinda Rajapaksa’s supporters who attacked the protesters at Galle Face Greens or the unrest afterwards.

The aftermath of outmaneuvering 15,000 odd MR supporters was not pretty. Some of them were stripped naked whilst others were dunked in the Beira Lake and forced to stay in the murky waters until late evening. Despite effectively turning the tables on the attacking supporters the counter attack continued to develop in momentum.

Soon, vehicles used by MPs were either set on fire or pushed into the Beira Lake. This violence was extended to MPs properties that over the next one and a half days were looted, stoned to destruction or burnt to rubble. Notably, the new MPs from professional backgrounds at the peak of their careers and enjoying a privileged life who entered Parliament on a national agenda came under the attack. Young MP Amarakeerthi Athukorala, who did not even use a Government vehicle, was lynched to death.

Wimal Weerawansa’s residence too were attacked by arsonists. He, after very critical and damning comments, had already quit the Government. In fact, it was his tirade that kickstarted this protest movement. None of the other rebel MPs came under attack. The JVP has a bone to pick with Weerawansa for defecting from the party in 2008 to support the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s efforts to eradicate terrorism. Even if the JVP had no hand in the matter, for those who remember the ‘88-‘89 insurgency, the burning of Weerawansa’s house was a chilling reminder that the JVP never forgives defectors.

Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa too was physically attacked when he visited the protest site in support of the protesters. Handunnetti’s explanation was the sight of the huge petrol guzzling vehicle in which Premadasa travelled enraged the protesters. This is an exposé the movement’s stated and real agenda are worlds apart.

The naive, neo-liberal middle class are fooled into believing that they, as the wrong generation to mess with, are showing the door to a corrupt Government. In reality, they are being used to bring about anarchy. In the ensuring madness the distinction of enemy is being blurred and a simple parameter as the vehicle one uses might be justification enough to be attacked as the culprit for this crisis.

ranasingheshivanthi@gmail.com

(The views and opinions expressed in this column are author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of CeylonToday)

By Shivanthi Ranasinghe

Pitfalls in the Gota-Ranil diarchy

June 6th, 2022

By P.k. Balachandran Courtesy Ceylon Today

The UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe replaced Mahinda Rajapaksa as Prime Minister, and Basil, Chamal, Namal and Sasheendra Rajapaksa quit from the Council of Ministers. But on the other hand, Gotabaya Rajapaksa remained Executive President retaining the humongous powers of his office. 

Therefore, what Sri Lanka got as the result of the struggle is a hybrid Government, a diarchy with two centers of power:  the Executive Presidency under Gotabaya Rajapaksa on the one hand, and the Prime Ministership under Ranil Wickremesinghe on the other hand. They also belong to two different political parties – the President is from the majority SLPP and the Prime Minister is from the opposition UNP. The challenge now, is for these two to work cooperatively.  

It is believed the President and the Prime Minister have entered into an unofficial deal to work together to bring about political stability and pull the economy out of the deep crisis. But past Sri Lankan experience in political cohabitation in the top echelons of the Government has not been encouraging.

In the early 2000s, cohabitation between then President Chandrika Kumaratunga (SLFP) and then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe (UNP) was rocky, resulting in the President’s taking over key ministries in 2003. Defence, Interior and Information ministers were taken over on the grounds the Wickremesinghe Government had recklessly entered into a peace process with the LTTE negating the sovereignty of the country in the North and East. Kumaratunga was also opposed to the West-backed Norwegian-led peace process on the grounds that Sri Lanka’s sovereignty was being traded for a US$ 4 billion aid package from international community.

Kumaratunga’s nationalist card paid dividends in the 2005 presidential election which Wickremesinghe lost. From 2005 to 2014 end, Mahinda Rajapaksa ruled comfortably without sharing power with any opposition party. But the next regime (2015 -2019) was a totally different kettle of fish. Though the Maithripala Sirisena-Ranil Wickremesinghe combo was placed on the seat of power by a popular mandate, President Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe began to work at cross-purposes. Firstly, Sirisena belonged to the SLFP and Wickremesinghe to the UNP. They had different ideologies and political agendas. A clash of personalities complicated matters.

While Wickremesinghe was keen on curbing the powers of the Executive Presidency and increasing the powers of the Prime Minister and Parliament through 19A, Sirisena wanted to and did exercise the powers of the Executive President making use of the ambiguities in the 19A. The Prime Minister on the other hand carried on as if he had all the power. But his decisions would be countermanded by the President. Dialogue was conspicuously absent. The consequences of the lack of coordination and consultation were numerous, but what spelled ruin for both was the ham-handed manner in which intelligence from India on the possibility of suicide attacks on Easter Sunday in 2019, was handled by the system. A government in disarray did not have a system to handle the intelligence and take preventive action. President Sirisena had not even been inviting PM Wickremesinghe to National Security Council meetings.

The breakdown of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe diarchy led to the victory of the SLPP’s Gotabaya Rajapaksa in the 2019 Presidential poll and to the triumph of the SLPP-led alliance in the 2020 parliamentary Elections. The widespread shortages that arose coupled with an unprecedented forex drought, led to mass revulsion against Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his clan.

The popular 50-day ‘Gota Go Home’ campaign led to the exit of PM Mahinda Rajapaksa and the entry of Wickremesinghe as PM once again. There were strong reasons for President Gotabaya Rajapaksa for inviting Wickremesinghe to take charge as Prime Minister. He had the ability to bring in foreign financial assistance and also reasonable constitutional changes. The duo had also agreed to an arrangement whereby the President will be a virtual rubber stamp and the PM will be the decision-maker.

But this arrangement appears to be coming under strain. The President, who had been lying low, is now active, pronouncing policy, meeting officials and issuing orders, apparently without consulting the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister too is making statements on issues, ordering officials and laying out plans for economic, political and constitutional reforms. There is no indication that there is a jointly worked out strategy in all this. For example, both have announced different plans for the involvement of youth, professionals and the youthful agitators in governance. As a result, the public are confused about the Government’s revolutionary plan for youth and agitators’ involvement and what involvement of such non-elected people will mean to governance based on Elections.

Both the Executive President and the Prime Minister are speaking to foreign leaders and donors and publicizing these conversations, making people wonder if there is a division of labor at all between an all-powerful Executive President and the Prime Minister who is answerable to parliament.

Looking at the conduct of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, it looks as if  he is unlikely to shed his powers as Executive President. Wickremesinghe, who stood for the dilution of the executive powers of the President and wants the office itself abolished and replaced by a ceremonial Presidency, has now diluted his stand in order to concentrate on ending the economic crisis first. But it looks as if even his bid to get a diluted 21A passed has come up against heavy odds.

If the road is made hard by the clashing demands of the political parties, the Executive Presidency with all its powers might remain. This would be to the advantage of the incumbent, Gotabaya Rajapaksa. A weakened Wickremesinghe might not be able to give effect to his policies. In that event, sources in the UNP say, Wickremesinghe might quit.

This could either lead to the emergence of a single, strong center of power or to disorder at the top. In case the latter situation is the outcome, the economic crisis might worsen and international donors might wash their hands of Sri Lanka. Therefore, apart from taking steps to put the economy back on its feet, the crying need of the hour is for the President and the Prime Minister to avoid the mistakes of past diarchies and work out a cast-iron system of mutual consultation in evolving policies, and cooperation and coordination in the implementation of policies.

By P.K.Balachandran

Wimal, Sarath issue warning, claim destabilisation project underway

June 6th, 2022

By Shamindra Ferdinando Courtesy The Island

National Freedom Front (NFF) leader Wimal Weerawansa, MP, has issued a dire warning to the government over the unprecedented detention of an Aeroflot flight under controversial circumstances. The former Industries Minister has asked whether the three branches of government are working together to further worsen the crisis by antagonising Russia, an all-weather friend.SLPP MP Rear Admiral (retd) Sarath Weerasekera, has in a letter to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, demanded the latter’s immediate intervention to settle the issue or face the consequences. The former Public Security Minister has opposed the stand taken by Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe that the Commercial Court action was in respect of a private dispute between Plaintiff, Celestial Aviation Trading 10 Ltd., an Irish Company against the first Defendant the Public Joint Stock Company ‘Aeroflot’ and the second Defendant, N. C Abeywardene/Acting Head of Air Navigation/Airport and Aviation Services of Sri Lanka (AASL), Katunayake.

Both MPs have demanded a through investigation into the Aeroflot affair.Addressing the media at Communist Party Office, in Colombo yesterday (05) MP Weerawansa said interested parties had worked overtime to isolate Sri Lanka by causing serious issues which may trigger unprecedented reactions.Both Weerawansa and Weerasekera pointed out that flight SU 289 had been detained in violation of a specific assurance given by Sri Lanka that Aeroflot flights wouldn’t be detained under any circumstances. But regardless of that assurance given, SU 289 had been detained at the expense of Sri Lanka’s ties with Russia.MP Weerawansa reminded the government that Russia had resumed flights to Colombo following assurances received from the incumbent dispensation.

Both lawmakers asked whether external powers had been engaged in an operation to jeopardise relations between the two countries at a time Russia allowed its citizens to visit Sri Lanka while the West discouraged tourists.Both lawmakers questioned the role played by a court official in this regard. They underscored the important role played by both China and Russia in defending Sri Lanka at the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council over the years. The former ministers said that Sri Lanka should unreservedly express regret over the incident as Russia already summoned Sri Lanka’s Ambassador in Moscow following the dispute.The MPs said that the government couldn’t absolve itself of the responsibility of an extremely serious development. Lawmaker Weerasekera told The Island that detention of SU 289 was contrary to Sri Lanka-Russia bilateral relations and nothing but a treacherous act. We should be ashamed as a nation,” the former Navy Chief of Staff said, urging the government, particularly the Foreign Ministry, to be mindful of the domestic, regional and international environment.

I can’t go as a failed president, I have been given a mandate for five years. I will not contest again: President

June 6th, 2022

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa vowed to finish the remaining two years in his term despite monthslong street protests calling for his ouster, but won’t stand for re-election as he focuses on fixing a financial mess that tipped Sri Lanka into its worst-ever economic crisis.

I can’t go as a failed president,” Rajapaksa said Monday in a wide-ranging interview at his official residence in Colombo, his first with a foreign media organization since the crisis unfolded. I have been given a mandate for five years. I will not contest again.”

The defiance comes in the face of slogans of Gota Go Home,” with protesters blaming Rajapaksa and his family for decisions that led to severe shortages of everything from fuel to medicine, stoking inflation to 40% and forcing a historic debt default. Thousands of demonstrators have camped outside the president’s seaside office since mid-March, forcing him to retreat to his barricaded official residence about a kilometer away.

The economic tailspin spiraled into political turmoil with the resignation of the president’s old brother — Mahinda Rajapaksa — as the nation’s prime minister, after clashes between government supporters and the protesters turned bloody in May.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his new Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe are now seeking about $4 billion in aid this year from the International Monetary Fund and countries including India and China. Sri Lanka’s rupee has lost about 82% over the past year and the central bank on Monday flagged the possibility of a further correction. While the nation’s debt trades deep in distressed territory, the bonds were quoted slightly higher on Monday, according to data compiled by Bloomberg. 

This is unlikely to placate protesters who are calling for his immediate resignation,” said Patrick Curran, an economist at Tellimer. With presidential elections more than two years away, Rajapaksa’s decision to see his term through will contribute to heightened political uncertainty over the next couple years and could hamper reform efforts.” 

The president said he wanted to replicate his previous successful stints serving the nation. Gotabaya Rajapaksa oversaw the urban development authority and was Sri Lanka’s defense secretary under then-President Mahinda Rajapaksa, when they crushed a 30-year civil war in 2009. 

The president reiterated his controversial goal to push through natural agriculture,” a short-lived move to ban chemical fertilizers that caused crop output to slump.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa was also skeptical about the success of a planned amendment to the constitution, which seeks to contain the executive presidency. Cabinet is due to approve the proposals as early as Monday, which would rollback wide-ranging powers Gotabaya Rajapaksa pushed through parliament shortly after he was elected president in 2019.

A draft of the so-called 21st amendment gives some powers back to the parliament and restores independence to commissions in key decisionmaking.

Either the presidency should be abolished or the parliament is kept out of governing, Gotabaya Rajapaksa said. 

You can’t have a mixed system,” he said. I experienced this and now know. People may blame me when I tell this but that’s the truth.”

Here are some other highlights from the interview. Rajapaksa’s comments are edited lightly for clarity:

The economy:

  • We waited too long (to seek help from the International Monetary Fund). If we had gone at least six months or a year earlier, it would not have come to this state.”
  • We have appointed financial and legal advisers (for a debt restructure) but that is for the capital markets. Bilaterals we have to go to individually; our major loans are from China, Japan, India and the Paris Club.”
  • I have requested help from India and China. I personally spoke to the leaders and wrote to them. Then I have spoken to Middle Eastern leaders personally like Qatar, UAE especially, and want to speak to Saudi and Oman to get help for long term contracts for supply of crude oil.”
  • The subsidy system will have to go. We cannot cut down on public servants or the military, we can decrease by cutting down on recruitment.”

His struggles:

  • It is political as a president. You know, I am not a politician. Fortunately or unfortunately people when they are in politics for so long you can have so much baggage, you have lot of friends. Lot of people who want help are your supporters. When you go against this — I tried to go against this — you don’t get their help.”

Constitutional amendment:

  • What is this executive (powers) of the president? My personal opinion is that if you have a presidency he must have full powers. Otherwise abolish executive presidency and go for full Westminster-style parliament.” (bloomberg)

Minister Prasanna Ranatunga given two-year suspended jail sentence

June 6th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

Minister Prasanna Ranatunga has been sentenced to two years rigorous imprisonment suspended for a period of five years by the Colombo High Court in the case filed against him over the Meethotamulla land dispute. 

Meanwhile the minister was also imposed a fine of Rs. 25 million by the Colombo High Court, which laos ordered that failure to pay the fine carries an additional nine months imprisonment.

In addition, the court further ordered Minister Ranatunga to pay a compensation of Rs. 1 million to the accuser, a businessman, and declared that if he fails to pay the compensation, he will be sentenced to an additional three months imprisonment. 

Meanwhile two other accused in the case including the minister’s wife Morin Ranatunga and another individual were acquitted from the case by the court.

The Attorney General had filed an indictment against the former Western Province Chief Minister before the Colombo High Court in May 2016, accusing him of threatening a businessman in connection with the transactions of a land in Meethotamulla of 322 perches.

Ranatunga, who is the incumbent Minister of Urban Development and Housing, was accused of threatening a businessman named Gerard Mendis and demanding Rs. 64 million to evict unauthorized occupants of a land in the Meethotamulla area in Kolonnawa and to refill the land, during his tenure as Chief Minister.

The verdict in the case was delivered by Colombo High Court Judge Manjula Tillakaratne, today (06).

President Rajapaksa vows to finish term, won’t run for re-election

June 6th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa vowed to finish the remaining two years in his term despite monthslong street protests calling for his ouster, but won’t stand for re-election as he focuses on fixing a financial mess that tipped Sri Lanka into its worst-ever economic crisis.

I can’t go as a failed president,” Rajapaksa said Monday in a wide-ranging interview with Bloomberg at his official residence in Colombo, his first with a foreign media organization since the crisis unfolded. I have been given a mandate for five years. I will not contest again.”

The defiance comes in the face of slogans of Gota Go Home,” with protesters blaming Rajapaksa and his family for decisions that led to severe shortages of everything from fuel to medicine, stoking inflation to 40% and forcing a historic debt default. Thousands of demonstrators have camped outside the president’s seaside office since mid-March, forcing him to retreat to his barricaded official residence about a kilometer away.

The economic tailspin spiraled into political turmoil with the resignation of the president’s old brother — Mahinda Rajapaksa — as the nation’s prime minister, after clashes between government supporters and the protesters turned bloody in May.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his new Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe are now seeking about $4 billion in aid this year from the International Monetary Fund and countries including India and China. Sri Lanka’s rupee has lost about 82% over the past year and the central bank on Monday flagged the possibility of a further correction. While the nation’s debt trades deep in distressed territory, the bonds were quoted slightly higher on Monday, according to data compiled by Bloomberg. 

This is unlikely to placate protesters who are calling for his immediate resignation,” said Patrick Curran, an economist at Tellimer. With presidential elections more than two years away, Rajapaksa’s decision to see his term through will contribute to heightened political uncertainty over the next couple years and could hamper reform efforts.” 

The president said he wanted to replicate his previous successful stints serving the nation. Gotabaya Rajapaksa oversaw the urban development authority and was Sri Lanka’s defense secretary under then-President Mahinda Rajapaksa, when they crushed a 30-year civil war in 2009. 

The president reiterated his controversial goal to push through natural agriculture,” a short-lived move to ban chemical fertilizers that caused crop output to slump.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa was also skeptical about the success of a planned amendment to the constitution, which seeks to contain the executive presidency. Cabinet is due to approve the proposals as early as Monday, which would rollback wide-ranging powers Gotabaya Rajapaksa pushed through parliament shortly after he was elected president in 2019.

A draft of the so-called 21st amendment gives some powers back to the parliament and restores independence to commissions in key decisionmaking.

Either the presidency should be abolished or the parliament is kept out of governing, Gotabaya Rajapaksa said. 

You can’t have a mixed system,” he said. I experienced this and now know. People may blame me when I tell this but that’s the truth.”


Here are some other highlights from the interview. President Rajapaksa’s comments are edited lightly for clarity:

The economy:

We waited too long (to seek help from the International Monetary Fund). If we had gone at least six months or a year earlier, it would not have come to this state.”

We have appointed financial and legal advisers (for a debt restructure) but that is for the capital markets. Bilaterals we have to go to individually; our major loans are from China, Japan, India and the Paris Club.”

I have requested help from India and China. I personally spoke to the leaders and wrote to them. Then I have spoken to Middle Eastern leaders personally like Qatar, UAE especially, and want to speak to Saudi and Oman to get help for long term contracts for supply of crude oil.”

The subsidy system will have to go. We cannot cut down on public servants or the military, we can decrease by cutting down on recruitment.”


His struggles:

It is political as a president. You know, I am not a politician. Fortunately or unfortunately people when they are in politics for so long you can have so much baggage, you have lot of friends. Lot of people who want help are your supporters. When you go against this — I tried to go against this — you don’t get their help.”


Constitutional amendment:

What is this executive (powers) of the president? My personal opinion is that if you have a presidency he must have full powers. Otherwise abolish executive presidency and go for full Westminster-style parliament.”


Source: Bloomberg
-Agencies

Aeroflot flight detained in Sri Lanka departs for Moscow

June 6th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

The Aeroflot airlines aircraft which had been detained at the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA) in Katunayake, has departed for Moscow a short while ago following the suspension of the court order.

Aeroflot Airlines Airbus A330-300 flight SU-289 departed BIA at around 6.00 p.m. this evening along with its crew members, Ada Derana reporter said. 

The Colombo Commercial High Court today suspended the order preventing a detained flight from leaving Sri Lanka, paving the way for the Russian flag carrier’s aircraft to depart for Moscow.

The court had considered a motion filed by the Attorney General and suspended the previous order which had led to the detention of the Aeroflot aircraft.

The Airbus A330-343 aircraft, scheduled to depart from Colombo to Moscow on June 2 with 191 passengers and 13 crew members, was not allowed as the owner of the aircraft — Celestial Aviation of Ireland — had filed a case against Aeroflot, pending arbitration on the lease of the aircraft in London.

Former President blames govt over Russian plane fiasco

June 6th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

Former President Maithripala Sirisena says he is deeply saddened by the actions of the present government that threaten Sri Lanka’s deep-rooted historical relationship with Russia.

The leader of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) was referring to the recent diplomatic row between the two nations over the Aeroflot flight detained at BIA in Katunayake.

Russia is our old friend since the Soviet era. This historical relationship was further strengthened during my tenure as president,” Sirisena said in a twitter message today. 

Today I’m deeply saddened by the actions of the present government that threaten our deep-rooted historical relationship.”

I believe our continued close cooperation would be significant for us in facing the current socio-economic issues arising in the globe,” the former President said.

Court on Monday suspended the order preventing the detained Aeroflot flight from leaving Sri Lanka, paving the way for the Russian flag carrier’s aircraft to depart for Moscow.

The Airbus A330-343 aircraft, scheduled to depart from the Colombo airport to Moscow on June 2 with 191 passengers and 13 crew members, was not allowed as the owner of the aircraft — Celestial Aviation of Ireland — had filed a case against Aeroflot, pending arbitration on the lease of the aircraft in London.

The Sri Lankan government has maintained that the dispute between the Aeroflot and Celestial Aviation was purely of a commercial nature which should be dealt between the said two parties and no involvement of the state.

However, the Russian government had summoned the Sri Lankan Ambassador in Moscow for an explanation.

Court suspends injunction order against Russian plane

June 6th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

The Colombo Commercial High Court has issued an order for the immediate suspension of the injunction order issued against the aircraft belonging to Russia’s Aeroflot Airlines, which has been detained at the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA). 

On Thursday (June 02), the Commercial High Court of the Western Province issued an Enjoining Order on the Aeroflot flight restraining it from taking off from Bandaranaike International Airport. 

The case relates to a commercial dispute between the Plaintiff, Celestial Aviation Trading 10 Limited an Irish Company against the first Defendant the Public Joint Stock Company “Aeroflot” and the second Defendant, Mr. N. C Abeywardene/Acting Head of Air Navigation/Airport and Aviation Services of Sri Lanka (AASL), Katunayake.

On Friday (June 03), Aeroflot reported that the departure of its SU-289 flight from Colombo to Moscow scheduled for June 2 was at first delayed and then cancelled due to the absence of permit from Sri Lanka’s aviation authorities.

This was after Colombo’s Commercial High Court satisfied a complaint filed by Ireland’s Celestial Aviation Trading Limited leasing company against Aeroflot and banned its Airbus A330 jet from leaving the country until June 16. 

A court hearing to lift the seizure of the aircraft was scheduled for June 8, however, the Attorney General had filed a motion with the court seeking to make special submissions with regard to case, which was subsequently taken up for hearing today (06).

Meanwhile Russia’s flagship carrier on Saturday announced that it is suspending commercial flights to Sri Lanka after the nation’s authorities detained the airline’s Airbus A330 jet on June 02.

Aeroflot is suspending commercial flights to Colombo (Sri Lanka) for the immediate period due to an unreliable situation in terms of the airline’s unobstructed flights to Sri Lanka. The sales of tickets for flights to Colombo have been temporarily shut down,” Russian state-owned news agency TASS said quoting the airline.

Meanwhile the Sri Lankan Ambassador to Moscow Janitha Abewickrema Liyanage had been summoned to the Russian Foreign Ministry on Friday where she was expressed resolute protest over the detention of an Aeroflot plane in Sri Lanka, according to a statement made by the Russian diplomatic agency.

The head of the diplomatic mission was expressed protest over the groundless decision by Sri Lanka’s judicial authorities to detain a regular Aeroflot flight preparing to depart for Moscow at Bandaranaike International Airport on June 2,” the Russian Foreign Ministry said. 

We urged the Sri Lankan side to settle this problem as soon as possible to avoid its negative impact on traditionally friendly bilateral relations,” the agency added.

Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs had issued a statement on Saturday with reference to the detention of Aeroflot passenger aircraft flight SU-289 which is currently at the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA), which had somewhat escalated into a diplomatic row now.

The matter is still pending final determination of the Court, the foreign ministry said, adding that this matter is also under consultation through normal diplomatic channels

Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe had yesterday informed Russia through the Foreign Ministry that the issue over the Aeroflot passenger aircraft is not between the two countries but is a private legal issue. 

The Premier further assured that Sri Lanka’s Minister of Justice has been informed to expedite the process of the court case.

Wickremesinghe has reportedly directed the Foreign Secretary to speak to the Russian Foreign Ministry and explain the matter, and to further clarify that the enjoining order had nothing to do with the Sri Lankan government. 

ගෝල්පේස් අරගලය (2022) හා ඩොනමෝර් ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම සමය (1931-47)

June 5th, 2022

චන්ද්‍රසිරි විජයවික්‍රම, LL.B., Ph.D.

නීතිය (ව්යවස්ථාව) කියන්නේ අකුරු ගොඩක් !’ ඇල්ලේ ගුණවංශ හිමි

හැඳින්වීම

මෙය ලංකාවේ සිංහල කතාකරණ ජනතාව දැනුවත් කරණු පිණිස මා විසින් ලියනලද ලිපි පෙලේ අටවන කොටසය. මෙම ලිපිවල කිසියම් හෝ අසත්‍ය කරුණක් නොලියන්නට මම වගබලා ගත්තෙමි. අලි-මිනිස් ගැටුම, රටේ ගොවි ජනතාවගේ පෝර ප්‍රශ්ණය,  මාක්ස්වාදී ස්ටාලින්ලා ගෙනා ගුරුවරුන්ගේ වැඩවර්ජන, යනාදිය මඟින් ක්‍රමයෙන් වර්ධනයවූ පෙලපාලි, ගෑස්, තෙල්, භූමිතෙල් පෝලිම් වශයෙන් උඩුදුවා ගිය විට දුර දිග නොබැලූ ආණ්ඩුව අසරණ විය. මින් ප්‍රයෝජනගත් jvp- පෙරටුගාමි කොටස් එය තමන්ට බලයට ඒමට ලැබුණු අවස්ථාවක් සේ යොදා ගන්නට ක්‍රියාකලේය. සමහරවිට අවංක චේතනාවෙන් යම් තරුණයින් පිරිසක් විසින් ආරම්භකල යුක්තිසහගත  <සටනක්>, ඔවුන් සිතා හෝ නොසිතා හෝ කාරණා කාරණා නොදන්නාකමට හෝ රට අරාජික කර, රට කැබලිකිරීමේ ව්‍යාපාරයක් බවට පෙරළින. මොවුනුත් රනිල් ප්‍රමුඛ අළුත් කැබිනට් එකත් මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩු යන්ත්‍රණය හීලෑකර ගැනීමේ (ප්‍රජා-තන්ත්‍රවාදී!) ක්‍රියා පටිපාටියකට අවතීර්ණව සිටී.

විධායක තෘෂ්ණාව!

විධායක ජනාධිපති ධූරය, විධායක අගමැති කමක් කිරීමට චන්ද්‍රිකා හා රනිල් 2000 දී එකඟවිය. එහෙත් එය තමන්ට ලබාගැනීම චන්ද්‍රිකාගේ ප්ලෑන බව දැනගත් විට රනිල්, ඇගේ නීලන්-GL පැකේජ් ඩීල් ව්‍යවස්ථා කෙටුම්පත දියවන්නා හෝටලය තුල ගිනිබත් කලේය. හැමදේම වෙන්නේ හොඳට යයි කියන්නා සේ ඔහු එය එසේ නොකරන්නට,  ඒ කාලයේදීම රට කොටස් දහයකටවත් කැබලිවී, දකුණු ආසියාවේ පලස්තීනයක්වී යන්නේය. මේ ප්ලෑන 2018 දී ඔරුමිත්තනාඩු ජරමරය වශයෙන් රනිල්, සුමන්තිරන් හා ජීනීවා වලට පින් මන්ත්‍රීකමත් දමා පැනගිය ජයම්පති  වික්‍රමරත්න විසින් නැවත ගෙන ආ විට චන්ද්‍රිකා ඒ ගැන ප්‍රීති ප්‍රොමෝදයට පත්විය.

ඩොනමෝර් භූමිකාව හා JVP අභියෝගය

පසුගිය මාසවල තමන්ට සියේට තුන නොව සියේට 70 ක් 90 ක් චන්ද තිබෙනවා කියු හඳුන්නෙත්තිලා, ටිව්ලින් සිල්වලා දැන් කියන අළුත්ම කතාව නම් ඔවුන්ට අගමැතිකම බාරදී, ගෝටාත් අස්වූදාට පහුවදාම, පිටරට තම ශාඛා සංවිධාන ලවා රටට ඩොලර් බිලියන් එකහමාරක් ගෙන්වා ගන්නවා යන්නය. මෙසේ දෙන්නන් කාසි වෙනුවට මෙය සතියක් ඇතුලත කර පෙන්නුවොත් මේ රටේ ජනයා ඔවුන්ට ආණ්ඩුව භාරදෙන ලෙස ඉල්ලා මුළු කොළඹම වටලනවා නිසැකය! මෙහිදී මගේ මතකයට එන්නේ යාපනේ ඔවුන්ගේ නැයින්ට හානිකරණවා යයි තර්ජනය කර, ටයිගර්ලා, ඇමෙරිකාවේ වසන දමිළයින්ගෙන් ඩොලර් එකතුකල ආකාරයය.

පවතින රාමුව යටතේ ගැලවීමක් සෙවීමට හදන රනිල් විසින් ඩොනමොර් යුගයට යෑමට කරණ යෝජනාව ඔහු විසින් අඩුම තරමින් ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් ලියා ඇති පොත් දෙකක්වත් නොකියා ගෙනෙන කළුසුද්දන් විසින් වරින් වර කරණ කෙඳිරි ගෑමකි.  ඉන් එකක් නම් ජේන් රසල් විසින් මේ යුගය ගැන ලියූ ඇගේ ආචර්ය උපාධි නිබන්ධනයය (Communal Politics under the Donoughmore Constitution, 1931-1947, Colombo, Tisara Prakasakayo, 1982).   අනික නම් 1960-70 දශකවල, රනිල් OL/AL විභාග කරණ කාලයේ පාසැල් පන්තිවල භාවිතය සඳහා රජයෙන් අනුමතකල  චෙල්වනායගම්ගේ බෑණාවන A. J. විල්සන් විසින් ලියන ලද ආණ්ඩුක්‍රමය හා දේශපාලනය නම් පොතය/ පොත් පෙලය (Government and Politics). 1832 සිට අවුරුදු සීයක් පුරාම ජාතිවාදය උපයෝගී කර ගනිමින් රටපාලනය කල සුද්දා ලන්ඩන් කවුන්ටි කොමිටි ක්‍රමය අනුගමණය කරමින් සිංහල-දෙමළ කළුසුද්දන්ට සම්මුති ප්‍රජා-තන්ත්‍රවාදය ඉගැන්වීමට ගත් උත්සාහයය අසාර්ථකවූ අන්දම මේ පොත්වල වාර්තාකර ඇත.

1832-1931 ජාතිවාදී නියෝජන ක්‍රමය හා සර්වජන චන්ද බලය

1832 සිට කෝල්බෲක් ක්‍රමය යටතේ පැවතියේ ජාතීන් අනුව ආණ්ඩුකාරයා විසින් පත්කල නියෝජන ක්‍රමයකි.  සිංහල. දෙමළ, මුස්ලිම් වර්ග තුනටම එක නියෝජිතයෙකු වශයෙන්, බැගින් එය ආරම්භ විය. 1910 න් පසුව සිට චන්ද මඟින් තේරීම ප්‍රචලිතවී යාමත් සමඟ, වත්කම හා ඉංග්‍රීසි අධ්‍යාපන සුදුසුකම් මත තිබුණු චන්දදායක ලැයිස්තු ක්‍රමයෙන් ප්‍රසාරණය විය. උඩරට සිංහල හා පහතරට සිංහල වශයෙන් සිංහල මහජාතියට සුද්දන් විසින් කල බෙදීම ක්‍රමයෙන් අහෝසිවී යද්දී, (D. S. විවාහය, SWRD විවාහය), හා චන්දදායකයින් සංඛ්‍යාව වර්ධනය වීමත් සමඟ සුද්දා වෙනත් උපාය මාර්ඟයක් අනුගමණය කලේය. මැනිං ආණ්ඩුකාරයා මෙය සංකේතවත් කලේය. එය නම් සුළු ජනවර්ග එකතුකර ඔවුන් හා මහජාතිය නියෝජන සංඛ්‍යාව අතින් සමකර (කරට කර) තැබීමය (ඩොනමෝර් කාලයේදී පනහට-පනහ වශයෙන්  G. G. පොන්නම්බලම් සටන්කලේ මේ අනුව යමින්ය). සමානුපාතික චන්ද ක්‍රමය හා  R. ප්‍රේමදාස විසින් අෂ්‍රොෆ්ට ලබාදුන් දිස්ත්‍රික් අවම චන්ද කඩඉම සියේට 12 සිට 5 දක්වා අඩු කිරීම නිසා සුළු ජනවර්ග වලට ලැබුණ බලය මෙම උපක්‍රමය චන්ද හෝ සංඛ්‍යාත්මකව සමානවන මන්ත්‍රී සංඛ්‍යාවක් නැතිවම ලබාගැනීමකි  (ෂොපින් බෑග් එකකින් ගමන ඇරඹූ බදියුර්දීන්ට යහපාලනකාලයේදී හා ඊට පෙර තිබුණු <ඇමති බලය> ගැන සිතා බලන්න).

ආණ්ඩුකාරයා කොට උඩ යෑම

1910 න් පසුව සිදුවූයේ සිංහල ක්‍රිස්තියානි කළුසුද්දන් හා සුළු ජනවර්ග අතර සිදුවූ කේවල් කිරීමකි. ඒ අනුව සුළු ජනවර්ග එකතුව ගත්විට මහජාතිය හා සමානවන ලෙස නියෝජන ක්‍රමයක් සඳහා දෙපාර්ශවය එකඟ විය. එසේ වෙතත් 1921-24 වනවිට ආණ්ඩු ක්‍රමය ගෙන යා නොහැකි තත්වයක් උද්ගත විය. ව්‍යවස්ථාදායක සභාවේ නිලනොලත් පිරිසට නිලලත් ආණ්ඩුකාරයාගේ පිරිසට වඩා වැඩි චන්ද බලයක් හිමිවීම නිසා ආණ්ඩුකාරයා ඔවුන්ගේ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍ර-වාදය අනුවම කොට උඩ යන තත්වයක් උදාවිය. ඩොනමෝර් කොමිෂම ආවේ මෙවන් පසුබිමකය.

වඳුරන්ට දැලිපිහි දීම

එංගලන්තයේ පැතිරෙමින් ගිය ලිබරල් අදහස් අනුව ලංකා කොලනියට 1931 දී සර්ව ජන චන්ද බලයදීම විප්ලවකාරී ක්‍රියාවක් වැනිය. ඒ රටේ ස්ත්‍රීන්ටත් එය ලැබුණේ අවුරුදු කීපයකට කලින්ය.  ලංකාවේ හැම දේශපාලකයාම ඊට විරුද්ධ විය (කම්කරුනායක  A. E. ගුණසිංහ හැර). දෙමළ වෙල්ලාලයින් පහත් කුලවල යයි සළකණ ජනයාට එය දීම ගැන විරුද්ධ විය. මුස්ලිම් අය ගෑණුන්ට  එය දීමට විරුද්ධ විය. සිංහල ධනවත් පවුල් එය වඳුරන්ට දැලිපිහි දීමක් යයි කිව්වේ ජනයා  නූගත් නොදියුණු පිරිසක් යන අදහසිනි. ඉතා සුළු පිරිසක් හැර ඩොනමෝර් මන්ත්‍රීලාවුයේ ගම්වල හොර අඹුවන් තබාගෙන සිටි, වලව්වල යයි සිතන අයය. මොවුන්ව සමාන කල හැකි ඇමෙරිකාවේ වහල් හිමි වතුකාරයින්ටය. පසු කාලයක හා දැන් 2022 වනවිට ප්‍රත්‍යක්ෂ වන අන්දමට වඳුරන් වූයේ දේශපාලකයා මිස සාමාන්‍ය ජනතාව නොවේ. අනුරාධපුර මන්ත්‍රීවූයේ කලින් දිසාපතිව සිටි W. H.  ෆ්‍රීමන් ය. ඔහු 1936 දී පත්වූයේ නිතරඟයෙනි.

සුදුසු පුද්ගලයෙක් ඉදිරිපත්වූ විට ඔහු හඳුනාගැනීමේ විඥානයක් ගම්බද ජනයාට තිබුණේය. කැඩිච්ච සිංහල කතාකල වංක දේශපාලකයා ඩොනමෝර් (ඕ මයි ගෝඩ් බොරු) බෞද්ධයින්වී, ගමේ හාමුදුරුවරු භාෂා පරිවර්තකයින් ලෙස යොදාගනිමින් චන්ද දිණුවේය.  C.W.W. කන්නන්ගර නිදහස් අධ්‍යාපන ක්‍රමය හැරෙන විට ඩොනමෝර් යුගය තුල රටට ලැබුණ දෙයක් නැත. D.S.S විසින් ඉවක බවක් නැතිව ආරම්භකල වියළි කලාපයේ ගොවි ජනපද ව්‍යාපාරය ඇමෙරිකන් TVA සමාගමට, ප්‍රයෝජනයට ගත නොහැකිව අත්හැරදමා මලකඩ කෑ යෝධ යන්ත්‍ර සූත්‍ර වලට, රන්පවුම් පොම්පකල විදේශ විනිමය නාස්තියකි. එය රටේ භූගෝල විද්‍යාවට නොගැලපෙන මහාපරිමාණ පිස්සුවක් විය. මේ නාස්තිය ගැන ලංකාවේ කෘෂිකර්මය පිළිඹඳව බොහෝ පර්යේෂණ කල  බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය භූගෝල විද්‍යාඥයෙකුවූ  B.H ෆාර්මර් පොතක්ද ලියා ඇත (Pioneer Peasant Colonization in Ceylon: A Study in Asian Agrarian Problems. By B. H. Farmer. (London, New York, and Toronto: Oxford University Press. 1957).

පනහට-පනහේ ඉල්ලීම නොහොත් <සමතැන> සංකල්පය පටලවා ගැනීම

ඩොනමෝර් යුගය, 1915 සිංහල-මුස්ලිම් ගැටුමේදී සුද්දන් විසින් මුස්ලිම් පැත්ත ගෙන ක්‍රියාකිරීම හේතුවෙන් මරණයට පත්වූ හා හිරභාරයට පත්ව බේරීම නිසා ජනප්‍රිය බවට පත්වුණ, රටේ මතුවූ සිංහල බෞද්ධ නායකයින් බෞද්ධ රාජ්‍ය ප්‍රතිපත්ති අනුගමණය නොකිරීම හා ඉන් රටට සිදුවූ හානිය පිළිඹඳ කදිම නිදසුණකි. වෙස්ට්මිනිස්ටර් පක්ෂ දේශපාලන ක්‍රමය අනාගතයේදී රටට කරණ විනාශය එහි සටහන්විය.   සුද්දා විසින් කළුසුද්දාට රට පවරා දුන් විට වන දේ ධර්මපාලතුමා පෙන්වා දුන්නේ මේ කාලයේය. උතුරේ හරිජනයා වසන ප්‍රදේශවලට වගුරු බිම් උඩින් පාලම් පාරවල් දැමීමට පවා දෙමළ නායකයින් භාධා කිරීම් කල හැටි ජේන් රසල් පෙන්වා දේ. ඩොනමෝර් ක්‍රමය ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කල උතුරේ දෙමළ නායකයින්ට පසුව තමන් ගත් මෝඩ තීරණය වැටහී, පිටිපස්ස බිම ඇනී, ප්‍රමාදව ඊළඟ චන්දෙයෙන් රාජ්‍ය  මන්ත්‍රණ සභාවට ඇතුල් විය. එහෙත් ඔවුන්ගේ මෙම ක්‍රියාකලාපයට දඬුවමක් වශයෙන්, මැත් ප්‍රොපෙසර් සුන්දරලිංගම් ලවා සූත්‍රයක් සාදාගෙන ඇමැතිධූර හතෙන් එකක්වත් දමිළ නායකයින්ට නැති, තනිකර සිංහල අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩල.යක් පිහිටුවා ගෙන පොන්නම්බලම්ගේ පනහට-පනහේ ඉල්ලීමට විරුද්ධව සිංහල නායකයින් ක්‍රියා කලේය. නියම සිංහල බෞද්ධ නායකත්වයක් තිබුණා නම් බුදු දහමේ මධ්‍යම ප්‍රතිපදාව අනුව දමිල අසාධාරණ ක්‍රියාකලාපය දමණය කල හැකිව තිබුණි. කළුකොඳයාවේ නාහිමියන් විසින් සිය සමාජ-ආර්ථික සංහිඳියා වැඩ පිළිවෙල මඟින් එය ක්‍රියාවෙන්, බිම් මට්ටමින්, ඔප්පු කලේය. ඩොනමෝර් ඇමතිලාට අමතරව,  මැලේරියා ප්‍රදේශ වලට බඩු ලොරි ගෙන ගිය තරුණ මාක්වාදීන්ද ඊට සහයෝගයක් දුන්නේ නැත.

අශ්වයින් (බූරුවන්) හත්දෙනා

සෝල්බරි කොමිෂම එනවිට දෙමළ දේශපාලකයින් සිටියේ හොඳටම හෙම්බත් වීය. ඩොනමෝර් ක්‍රමයේ අසාර්ථක භාවය සෝල්බරි කොමිෂම ඒමට මූලිකම හේතුව විය. අප ඒ දිනවල ඉගෙන ගත්තේ ඩොනමෝර් ඇමතිවරු හත් දිසාවට අදින බූරුවන් හත් දෙනක් වගේ වූවාය යන්නය. 1815 දී සිංහල බෞද්ධයාට අහිමිකල දේ ආපසු ලබාදීමක් පිළිඹඳ ව කිසිම අදහසක් චන්දයෙන් පත්වූ සිංහල කළුසුද්දන්ට නොවීය. මේ කාලයේදී මේ ඇමතිවරු සිදුකල හානිකර දේවල් නම්, ධර්මපාලතුමාට හිරිහැරකර රට අතහැර යන තරමට ඔහු කළකිරීමට පත් කිරීම, රටේ අගමැතිවීමට සිටි සිංහල හා ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂා දෙකම උගත්  D. B.  ජයතිලක ඉන්දියාවට යැවිමේ ප්ලෑන හා ධර්මපාල මඟ ගනිමින් ග්‍රාමාරක්ෂක හා අපරාද මර්දන  ව්‍යාපාරය යනුවෙන් 1933 දී කළුකොඳයාවේ ප්‍රඥාශේඛර  නාහිමියන් විසින් දියත් කල දීප ව්‍යාප්ත වැඩසටහන (‘පරලොවටම සීමා නොවූ ධර්මදේශනා ක්‍රමයක් රටට අත්‍යාවශ්‍යය,’ ස්වයංලිඛිත ශ්‍රී ප්‍රඥාශේඛර චරිතාපදානය, 1970, 283 පිටුව), සුද්දන්, කළුසුද්දන් හා නිලධාරීන් විසින් කඩාකප්පල්කර දැමීමත්ය.

ඉහතින් සඳහන් කර ඇති කරුණු වල ඇති වැදගත් කම නම්, ඩොනමෝර් කොමිටි ක්‍රමය කොපිකිරීමට යෝජනා කිරීම, දෑන් 2022 මැදදී, 19 න් 20 ට, නැවත 20 න් 21 හරහා 19+ වලට යෑම වැනිම, ඉතිහාසයෙන් පාඩම් ඉගෙන නොගන්නා බව පෙන්නුම් කරදීමය. මෙහිදී වැදගත් වන තවත් කරුණක් නම් ලෝභ-ද්වේෂ-මෝහයෙන් පිරි දේශපාලක පංචස්කන්ධ විසින් මොන ක්‍රමයක් වුනත් තමන්ගේ වාසිය පතා අවභාවිතා කරණවාය යන්නය. මෙම ලිපි මාලාවේ පස්වෙනි කොටසේ පෙන්වූ රූප සටහන මෙහි පහතින් නැවතත් ඉදිරිපත් කරන්නේ මේ නිසාය.

සිස්ටම් චේන්ජ්: බුදුහාමුදුරුවන් හා ජේසුතුමා අතර වෙනස

බුදුහාමුදුරුවන් හා ජේසුතුමා සිස්ටම් චේන්ජ් කිරීම සඳහා වෙනස් ක්‍රම දෙකක් අනුගමණය කලේය. රෝම අධිරාජ්‍යය හා එවකට පැවති පූසාරි අධිකාරියට එරෙහිව ජේසුතුමා ක්‍රියාකලේ කලහකාරී ලෙස ඔවුන්ගේ බිස්නස් පූජාසන පෙරලා දමමින්ය. එහෙත් එය වසර තුනකදී අවසාන විය. බුදුහාමුදුරුවන් මිනිසාට මඟ පෙන්වා දුන්නා මිස බමුණන්ගේ සිස්ටම් එක සමඟ භෞතිකව ගැටුණේ නැත.  එක් එක් පුද්ගලයා විසින් පමණක්ම තම දුකට විසඳුම සොයාගත යුතුබව පෙන්වා දෙමින් සාමකාමි, යහපත්, දිවිපෙවතකට උපකාරවන චර්යා ධර්ම/රටා සඳහන් කලේය (නිදසුන්: සිඟාලෝවාද, මහා මංගල, පරාභව සූත්‍ර). රජවරුන්ට උපදෙස් දුන්නේය. ‘බමුණන් උපදින්නේ බ්‍රහ්මයාගේ හිසෙන් නොව ස්ත්‍රීන්ගේ යෝනියෙන් යයි කල ප්‍රකාශය, ගැලීලියෝ විසින් පොලොව ඉර වටේ කැරකෙනවා යයි පවසා කතෝලික පල්ලියේ උදහසට ලක්වූවා වැනිමය (1633).

රූප සටහන – 1

මේ අන්දමට ඉතිහාසයෙන් කරුණු වටහාගෙන සළකා බලන විට ගෝල්පේස් අරගලකරුවන් ගෝටාගෝහෝම් යන ඉල්ලීම දරදඬු ලෙස බදාගෙන කරන්නේ සිස්ටම් චේන්ජ් යෝජනාවක් නොව රෙජීම් චේන්ජ් කුමණ්ත්‍රනයකට යටවීමකි. පාර වෙනුවට කානුවට බැසීමකි. අවාසනාවකට මෙන් ඔවුන්ට මඟ පෙන්වන්නට හැකි, කැලෑව හා ගස් යන දෙකම දකින,  රටේ ඉතිහාසය හා භූගෝල විද්‍යාව හරිහැටි දත් විශ්ව විද්‍යාල ගුරෙක් වත් නැත. ඉන්නේ මාක්ස්වාදය හා J.R. ගේ මත්ස්‍ය න්‍යාය යන දෙලොවක අතරමංවූ තම වෘත්තිය කෙළෙසන පංචස්කන්ධය.

LAWGEOGRAPHYBUDDHISM
Doctrine of ReasonablenessBioregionalismThe Middle Path
Doctrine of Separation of PowersEcologyMind/Matter
Rights/DutiesHuman ScaleIndividual
Group RightsSocial CapitalFamily/Society
Actionlocation (space/place)Perception

Spatial Inequality

Sustainable Development

Figure 2: Three merging approaches (paths) to mitigate spatial inequality

භූමිය මත සිදුවන අයුක්තිය (spatial inequity/inequality)

ලංකාවේ තිබෙන්නේ භාෂාව හෝ ආගම අනුව සිදුවන අගතීන් හෝ අසාධරණකම් හෝ නොව, භූමියේ සම්පත් බෙදීයාමේලා ඇති විෂමතාවය (spatial variation in resource distribution) හා සෑම ජන වර්ගයකටම සමාන අවස්ථා (equal access of opportunity) සලසා නොදීමේ අර්බුදයකි. ස්වාභාවිකව ඇතිවන විෂමතා/විවිධත්වය, දේශපාලකයින්ගේ අත පෙවීමෙන් තව තවත් තීව්‍ර විය. අවුරුදු 74 ක් පුරා මුන් රටකෑවා කියන්නේ මේ නිසාය. උදාරණයක් වශයෙන්,  R. ප්‍රේමදාසගේ ගම් උදාවෙන් සිදුවුණේ ගම තිබුණාටත් වඩා බකල් කර දමා යෑමය. පක්ෂ දේශපාලකයින් රටේ හැම පොදු සම්පතක්ම සිය කෙටි වාසිය සඳහා සූරා කෑවේය. මෙම හැසිරීම ට්‍රැජඩි ඔෆ් ද කොමොන්ස් යයි හැඳින්වේ (tragedy of the commons).

මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුව නමැති මුව හමට තලනවා හා කොළඹ, දියවන්නා බොරුකාරයින් පස්සේම දුවනවා/පන්නනවා වෙනුවට, ජනතාවට බලය පවරාදීම නමැති සිස්ටම් චෙන්ජ් එකකට අරගලකාරයින්වත්, ඔවුන්ගේ පුරෝහිතයින්වත්, කොල, රතු, නිල්, පොහොට්ටු දේශපාලකයින්ගේ වත් අවධානය යොමු නොවන්නේ, ඔවුන්ට බුදු දහම අනුසාරයෙන්  මෙම සිස්ටම් චේන්ජ් එක දෙස බැලීමට හැකියාවක්, දැණුමක් හෝ ඕනෑකමක්  නැතිකමය. අර්ථවත් ලෙස මහජන බලයක් (people-power) සඳහා ඉඩක්දීමට ලක්ෂයක් පමණ වන පක්ෂ දේශපාලක කළුසුද්දන්  රැළ සුදානම් නැත. හේතුව ඔවුන්ගේ ගසා කෑමේ සෙල්ලම ඉන් අවසාන වන නිසාය. ජනයා නිල්-රතු-කොල යනාදී වශයෙන් බෙදා කරගෙන ගිය බොරු ප්‍රජා-තන්ත්‍ර (නාස්ලණූ) වදය නැතිකල හැක්කේ ජන සභා ක්‍රමයක් හරහාය.

පක්ෂ දේශපාලනයෙන් තොර, පවතින චන්ද ක්‍රමයෙන් තොර බිම්මට්ටමේ මහජන සභා ක්‍රමයක් හා මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුවක් මිස, පලාත් සභා හෝ ප්‍රාදේශීය සභා රටට  අවශ්‍ය නැත. මේවායේ ඉන්නේ වල්බූරු මන්ත්‍රීලාය. දැලිපිහි අතට දුන් වඳුරන්ය. මේ බව දැන දැනත් අරගලකාරයින් එය තමන්ගේ පලවෙනි නොවුනත්, දෙවන ඉල්ලීමවත් නොකරන්නේ නොදන්නාකමටය. අශීලාචාර, විනයක්, සදාචාරයක් නැති, ණයට හා ලේසියට කන, බොන, ජොලිකරණ, රටක ප්‍රශ්ණ සියේට 70 ක් පමණම ජන සභා සිස්ටම් එකක් මඟින් ඉෂ්ටකරගත හැකිය. ජාතික මට්ටමින් චන්ද කොට්ඨාශ 150 ක පාර්ලිමේන්තුවකට අමතරව, ජන සභා නියෝජනයෙන් සැදුම්ලත් 100 ක  ජාතික ජන සභා මණ්ඩලයක් දෙවන ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකයක් ලෙස පිහිටුවීමෙන් මහජන මතය හා මන්ත්‍රී මතය සංකලනය කරගත හැකිවේ.

ජන සභා සංකල්පය- බෞද්ධ විසඳුම

තිරසර සංවර්ධනය ගැන කතාකරණ අය භූමිය (පොලෝතලය) මතුපිට/මත දක්ණට ලැබෙන  භූගෝල විද්‍යාව, දෙස බලන්නේ මධ්‍යම-පර්යන්ත සඹඳතා (center-periphery relations) යන දේශපාලන විද්‍යා කෝණයෙනි. රට කැඩීම අරමුණ කරගත් ඔරුමිත්තනාඩු ව්‍යවස්ථා ජරමරයේ (2018) ජන සභා ගැන සඳහන්වූයේ එසේ නොකරම බැරි බරවා කකුලක් ලෙසටය. මෙහි ඇති රූප සටහන්  අංක 1 හා 2 මඟින් පෙන්වන්නේ හුදෙක් දේශපාලන විද්‍යා මෙවලමක් වශයෙන් ගමට ආවඩන, ගම සංවර්ධනය කරණවා කියන ගම් උදාව, ගම නැඟුම, ගම්පෙරළිය යනාදී පක්ෂ දේශපාලක සෙප්පඩවිජ්ජා වශයෙන් නොව නොව මහජන ශුභසෙත සඳහා (බහුජන හිතාය-බහුජන සුඛාය)  රටේ දැනට පවතින භූමීය අයුක්තිය අවම කිරීමට ගත හැකි එකිනෙක හා බැඳුන ප්‍රවේශ තුනක් (නීති විද්‍යාව, භූගෝල විද්‍යාව හා බුදුදහම) ජන සභා සංකල්පය තුලින් පිළිඹිබු වන බවය. මෙහිදී බුදුදහමින් කරන්නේ මිනිසා සිත-කය-ආශා දමණය කිරීම දෙසට නැඹුරු කිරීමය. මහාචාර්ය W. S. කරුණාරත්න විසින් අනාගත ධර්මිෂ්ට සමාජයක් සඳහා 1977 දී J.R. ගේ චන්ද රැස්වීම්වලදී රට වටේ යමින් ප්‍රචාරය කල, කෙළෙස් භරිත පංචස්කන්ධ වල සිදුවිය යුතු වන බාහිර හා සන්තානගත යන විප්ලව දෙක ප්‍රායෝගිකව ලබාගත හැකි හොඳම උපකරණය පක්ෂ දේශපාලකයාගෙන් තොර ජන සභාවය.

 ඉතාමත් සරලව විස්තර කරනවා නම් මෙම ජන සභා සිස්ටම් එක ක්‍රියාත්මක කරවිය හැකි  ක්‍රමවේදය මෙසේය. මෙය දැනට අවුරුදු දහයකටත් පෙර සිටම නැවත නැවතත් පාලකයින්ට ලියා දන්වමින් තිබෙනා දෙයකි.

1.ස්වාභාවික මායිම් සහිත කුඩා භූමි ඒකක සදා ගැනීම (දැනට ඇති ග්‍රාම සේවා වසම් 14,025 වෙනුවට ස්වාභාවික මායිම් සහිත භූමි ඒකක (ජල ද්‍රෝණී) හඳුනා ගැනීම.  දැනට පත්කර ඇති රාජ්‍ය සීමා නිර්ණ කොමිෂම අනවශ්‍ය සම්පත් නාස්තියකි. අවුරුදු තිහ හතලික් තිස්සේ කෙඳිරිගාන දිනේශ් ගුණවර්ධන චන්ද සංශෝධන කොමිටියද මීට දෙවෙනි නැත

2.එම නව එකක් හෝ කීපයක් එකතුකර ජන සභා ප්‍රදේශ හඳුනා ගැනීම

3. මෙම ජන සභාවකට පක්ෂ දේශපාලනයෙන් තොරව නියෝජිතයින් 12 දෙනෙකු චන්දයෙන් තෝරාගැනීම

4. පොලිසිය/යුද හමුදා සාමාජිකයින් තිදෙනෙක් බැගින් නම් කිරීම

5. පන්සල/පල්ලිය/ කෝවිල /මොස්ක් සඳහා ඒවා විසින් නම් කල එක් නියෝජිතයෙක් බැගින් පත්කිරීම

6. සෑම අවුරුද්දකට වරක් චන්දයෙන් පත්වු අය 4 දෙනෙක් ඉවත්වී, අළුතෙන් හතර දෙනෙක් චන්දයෙන් පත්වේ. දැනට සිටින නියෝජිතයින්ට නැවත චන්දයකට ඉදිරිපත් විය හැකි තව එක් වරකට පමණය.

7. ජන සභාවේ තීරණ චන්දයෙන් පත්වූ අයගේ සම්මුතිය අනුව (වැඩි චන්දයෙන් නොව) ගත යුතුය. එසේ සම්මුතියකට නොපැමිණිය හොත් අංක 3 හා 4 යන දෙකොටසේ චන්දයෙන් තීරණයකට එළඹේ.

8.මාස තුනකට වරක් ජන සභා මහජන රැස්වීමක් කැඳවිය යුතුය. රැස්වීමේ න්‍යාය පත්‍රය සති දෙකකට කලින් ප්‍රසිද්ධ කල යුතුය.

9. ජන සභාවේ පර්යේෂණ ඒකකය විසින් ප්‍රදේශයේ භූමි පරිභෝගය හා සම්පත්, පරිසර හානි, ගංවතුර, නායයාම් යනාදී ආපදාවලට ගොඳුරුවන ස්ථාන යානාදිය පෙන්වන සිතියම් පිළියෙල කර ඒවා ප්‍රසිද්ධ කල යුතුය. මෙම සිතියම් සංශෝධනය කිරීමේ බලය ඇත්තේ, ජන සභා අධ්‍යක්ෂක ජෙනරාල්ගේ අනුමතියට යටත්ව ජන සභාවේ පර්යේෂණ ඒකකයේ අධ්‍යක්ෂකට පමණය.

10. ජන සභාවේ පර්යේෂණ අධ්‍යක්ෂක, සෑම මාස තුනකට වරක්ම ජන සභා මහජන සභාවට ප්‍රගති වාර්තාවක් ඉදිරිපත් කල යුතුය. 

ඒ අනුව සිදුවන අදහස්/යෝජනා ඔහු/ඇය විසින් ජන සභා අධ්‍යක්ෂක ජෙනරාල්ට (කොළඹට) වාර්තා කල යුතුය.

11. ජන සභාවේ සියළුම සේවකයින්ගේ එදිනෙදා කාර්යාල හැසිරීම් ජන සභාවේ සභාපතිගේ පාලනයට නතුවේ. ඔවුන් පිළිඹඳ විනය කටයුතු ජන සභා මහජන සභාවේ සාකච්චා කිරීමෙන් පසු කොළඹට  වාර්තාකර අනුමතිය ලබාගත යුතුය.

12. ඉහත අංක 9 යටතේ සඳහන් සිතියම් පරිගණක දත්ත (maps & tables) වශයෙන් ගබඩා කල යුතුය. මේ සිතියම් මුළු රටටම පොදුවන ක්‍රමයකට (standardized) පිළියෙල කල යුතුය. මේ අනුව ඕනෑම ජන සභාවක සිතියම් දත්ත රටේ වෙනත් ඕනෑම ජන සභාවකට දැක බලා ගත හැකිවිය යුතුය.

13. මධ්‍යම ජන සභා අධ්‍යක්ෂක ජෙනරාල් (කොළඹ) පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට හා ජන සභා ජාතික සභාවට වග කියන තනතුරක් වන්නේය. ඔහු/ඇය එක් ජන සභාවක් ලංකා සිතියමේ තිතක් වශයෙන් පෙන්වන ජාතික සිතියම් පිළියෙල කල යුතුය. උදාහරණයක් වශයෙන් ජන සභා විසින් පිළියෙල කල table වල පෙන්වන  තොරතුරු අනුව නායයාම් වලට ලක්වන හෝ මුංඇට වගාකරණ ජන සභා පෙන්වන සිතියමක්, පරිගණකයක් මඟින් රටේ ජනාධිපතිට හෝ ඕනෑම පුරවැසියෙකුට හෝ දැක බලා ගැනීමට සැලැස්විය යුතුය.

අංක 3, 4, 5 මඟින් බලතුලනයක් සිදුවන අතර දැනට ගම්මට්ටමින් දේශපාලකයින් පෙන්වන වනචාරී හැසිරීම වෙනුවට ලැජ්ජාව හා භය  ගොඩනඟා ගැනීමට මඟක් පාදාගත හැකිවේ. අංක 4 යටතේ පොලිසිය හා හමුදා දෙපැත්ත කැපෙන පිහියක් වැනිය. පොලිසියේ දූෂණත්, සිවිල් සමාජයේ දූෂණත්, ආගමික ආයාතනවල අනිසි ක්‍රියාකලාපත් මාළු ටැංකියක මාළුන් මෙන් නිරාවරණය වේ.

ජන සභාවල කාර්යභාරය, බලතල යනාදිය ව්‍යවස්ථාව මඟින් තහවුරු කල ‍යුතුය. රජයේ කාර්යාලයකින් මහජනයාට ලබා ගත හැකි හැම සේවයක්ම ජන සභා කාර්යාලය මඟින් ලබාගත හැකිවිය යුතුය.

තම බල ප්‍රදේශය තුල තිරසර සංවර්ධන ඉලක්ක සපුරා ගැනීම සඳහා තීරණ ගැනීම හා ඒවා කාර්යක්ෂම ලෙස ක්‍රියාවට නැංවීම ජන සභාවේ වගකීම හා යුතුකමය. මෙහිදී සෑම ජන සභාවක්ම මධ්‍යම රජයේ සංවර්ධන තීරණ සමඟ ජාතික ආරක්ෂාව මත පදනම්ව අනුගත විය යුතුය.

ජන සභා සේවකයින් වෙනම සේවයක් වශයෙන් හඳුනාගත යුතුය. සමෘධි සේවය ඉදිරියේදී ජන සභා සේවය හා බද්ධ කල යුතුය. ග්‍රාම සේවා වසමක දැනට ඉන්නා නිලධාරීන් පස් දෙනා  ජන සභා සේවාවට එකතුකල යුතුය.

ජන සභා වලට අවශ්‍යවන විශේෂඥ සේවා මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුවේ දෙපාර්තමේන්තු/ආයතන මඟින් ලබාදිය යුතුය.

විශ්‍රාමික පුරවැසියන්ගේ දැණුම හා සේවය ලබාගැනීම පිණිස, ඒ සඳහා විෂය අනුව ඩිරෙක්ටරියක් (Directory of Retired Talent) ජන සභා මට්ටමින් හා ජාතික මට්ටමින් පිළියෙල කල යුතුය.

පිටරට සිටිනා ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයින් සම්බන්ධයෙන්ද මේ හා සමාන ඩිරෙක්ටරියක් Directory of Experts Living Abroad) සකස් කල යුතුය.

මෙම ජන සභා සංකල්පය ප්‍රථමයෙන් දිවයිනේ තෝරාගත් දිස්ත්‍රික් තුනක අත්හදා බැලිය යුතුය.

මීළඟ ලිපියේ මාතෘකාව:

ගෝල්පේස් අරගල කරුවන් ඉල්ලන සිස්ටම් චේන්ජ් එක  හා ජන සභා සිස්ටම් එක

The protests have fragmented

June 5th, 2022

By Uditha Devapriya Courtesy The Island

The world will not help Sri Lanka unless the Sri Lankan government restores some measure of stability. The world does not care who is at the helm. The IMF and the World Bank don’t want personalities; they want plans. Whether it’s a Wickremesinghe or a Rajapaksa calling the shots, they will not think beyond plans. The World Bank was very clear and sounded the alarm twice on this: unless they get a proper plan, they will not provide any bridging finance for us. Reports of Japanese assistance seem to have faded out as well, though at the recent Quad meeting, Tokyo and Delhi agreed to help the country escape the crisis.

What does this mean for the aragalaya? Some would suggest that it recalibrate and rethink its strategies. Though in its first few weeks it enjoyed a massive following, because of other concerns many of its flagbearers have left. This doesn’t mean they have stopped supporting the protests, merely that they are too occupied with work to keep up the momentum they kept up throughout April and May. That momentum, however, will be decided at the outset by how the government handles the crisis. If Ranil Wickremesinghe fails to deliver the goods those who left Galle Face will return. If he does things may turn out differently.

It must be noted here that the Galle Face protests was never a monolithic movement. It was and is composed of different interests and interest groups. Not all of them share the same aims, of course barring the exit of the Rajapaksas. Thus when gay rights activists made their way, a perfectly typical young man, just out of school, who had joined the protests early on, questioned why. This is neither the time nor the place,” he pointed out to me, holding back his barely concealed homophobia. When the IUSF organised a walk-in at Galle Face, he and his friends were thrilled. Yet when the IUSF publicised its objectives, including its opposition to private sector education, they immediately went back on their support: This is why we’ll never support them outside these protests,” they told me.

The problem here is that no two protesters will ever think along the same lines. We saw this quite clearly on May 18. While a significant section of the aragalaya celebrated Victory Day, framing the Rajapaksas’ betrayal of the country as a betrayal of the military victory over the LTTE, an equally significant section, comprising radical activists and artists, commemorated what they called Remembrance Day. Both groups were united by their rejection of war, but there was a clear difference between the two: the one saw the event as a celebration of the end of a war, the other a memorial to its victims, particularly in the North. While no disputes or disagreements broke up between these two parties, the contrast at Galle Face was, to say the least, striking, if not reflective of wider differences within the protests.

Leaderless as they are, it’s nevertheless admirable how these protests have held on. Yet united only by their opposition to the Rajapaksas, the protesters have not freed themselves from political affiliations. This explains why a not insignificant portion of the protests fell apart after Ranil Wickremesinghe’s appointment, and why Sajith Premadasa being rebuffed by protesters on May 9 caused certain SJB activists to allege the protests had been taken over or hijacked by the JVP-NPP and FSP. That younger protesters have been calling for all 225 out”, even though they harbour obvious sympathies for the JVP-NPP and IUSF, have not helped here. The result has been a fragmentation of the entire uprising.

The contradiction between getting the Rajapaksas out and getting all 225 out is intriguing. In its first few days a number of young protesters combined the two demands. Yet after a while these young protesters point-blank rejected the latter slogan, insinuating that the Rajapaksas had incorporated it into the protests. This was, of course, a hilarious accusation to make, considering that a sizeable number of anti-Rajapaksa demonstrators, even those outside Colombo, held up banners in support of that that slogan. The inability of protesters to admit to these mistakes, instead of attributing them to a conspiracy by the Rajapaksas or their supporters or a Deep State”, is in that sense their biggest weakness.

The same can be said of the violence which followed the vandalisation of the protests by Mahinda Rajapaksa’s goons and supporters on May 9. Quite a number of young protesters, especially on social media, shared details of MPs and their addresses, in effect condoning the violence. They may well have been gleeful at MPs getting what they thought to be just deserts. Yet in the early hours of May 10, most of them had turned back, warning against inflicting further violence and, incredibly, accusing those burning houses as being allied with the Rajapaksas. As Dayan Jayatilleka has observed, the refusal to issue a formal apology for these acts, including the assault on Kumara Welgama, is utterly damning.

Based on how the protests have taken shape since Gotagogama came to be in mid-April, I hence note two contradictions: between the protesters’ opposition to the Rajapaksas and their opposition to the 225, and between their opposition to politics and their affiliation with political ideologies. It’s convenient to blame politicians for this, but it’s more complex than that; one cannot, for instance, blame Wickremesinghe for dampening the protests if pro-Wickremesinghe protesters themselves opposed the Rajapaksas at Galle Face because they did not have their favourite politician at the top.

At the peak of the protests, somebody commented, Nirpakshikayo kiyala jathiyak naha putha” (Son, there’s no group that is politically non-partisan”). I think this came out well with Ranil Wickremesinghe’s appointment. Yet it would be futile to blame politicians alone. In any case, trying to get all 225 out defeats the purpose of Gotagogama. I can’t understand why anyone would, while emphasising #GoHomeGota, in the same breath, call for all 225 to leave parliament and then, only a few days later, insinuate that the 225 Ma Epa!” line is a Rajapaksist twist. The contradictions of the aragalaya must be sorted out by the organisers of the aragalaya. And yet, instead of resolving them, the protesters have managed to divide if not fragment themselves. Whose purpose would that serve, I wonder.

The writer is an international relations analyst who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com

Dr. N.M. Perera and the IMF

June 5th, 2022

T. M. R. Rasseedin General Secretary, Ceylon Federation of Labour (CFL)

Member of Parliament Dr. Harsha de Silva in several talk shows over the electronic media persists in spreading a canard that Dr. N. M. Perera was the first to seek the assistance of the IMF for Sri Lanka. Nothing is further from truth than this concoction of a Harvard alumini.

Sri Lanka has been a member of the IMF since August 1950. NM was Finance Minister for two periods totalling around six years. The first was brief – from June 11, 1964 to 1965 – and the second somewhat longer – May 29, 1970 to September 2, 1975.

Delivering the 17th Death Anniversary address, Dr. Gamani Corea observed ”I recollect accompanying him to one of the World Bank meetings in Tokyo, it must have been in 1964 with the World Bank and the IMF. I remember Dr. N. M. Perera asking Mr. Peter Cargill who was then the Head of the Asian Division of the World Bank as to why the World Bank had ”Aid Groups for India, for Pakistan and for many other countries, but not for Sri Lanka. It was time, he said, that the World Bank and the IMF gave attention to Sri Lanka’s needs because we too were members of these institutions. I recall also shortly after that the Head of the Asian Division of the IMF, Dr. Sarkar came to Sri Lanka to start preliminary talks with Dr. N. M. Perera. But just then the government fell.” Dr. Corea was referring to the downfall of the 1964 government engineered by Lake House, then managed by the late Esmond Wickremasinghe, the father of the present Prime Minister.

The IMF and the World Bank were established after World War Two with big power support to facilitate the creation of a stable and thriving global economy. The IMF was specifically entrusted with the task of maintaining stable exchange rates which at that time was felt to be a vital pre-requisite for the expansion of international trade and thereby a flourishing international economy. Membership in both Institutions was open to developed and developing countries alike, although the IMF’s direct involvement initially was with the developed countries. The 1960’s saw a gradual shift in the focus of IMF with the encouragement of lending by developed countries to the developing world and it was then that Sri Lanka began dealing with the IMF.

Sri Lanka resorted to IMF borrowings from 1961 with greater dependency on such borrowings seen after 1965. During the second half of the 1960s, Sri Lanka began the partial liberalisation of imports on the advice of international financial institutions, particularly the IMF. As the balance of payments position became worse, the country made increased recourse to IMF funding. IMF borrowings required the acceptance of tightly drawn up Letters of Intent” imposing severe conditionalities on recipient countries. It was Dr. N. M. Perera who for the first time in Sri Lanka and perhaps for the first time in the history of IMF transactions revealed to the public the nature of the Letters of Intent subscribed to during 1965-1968 by the UNP Government by placing four of them before Parliament and reading them into the Hansard in his very first Budget Speech of 1970-71.

These facts take the bottom off MP Harsha de Silva’s assertion that Dr N. M. Perera was the first to deal with the IMF.

However, it has to be said that Dr. N. M. Perera did not eschew the idea of foreign aid believing as a convinced socialist that international capitalism had to take some responsibility for the hapless situation developing countries like Sri Lanka had fallen into at the mercy of the ruthless forces of global capitalism.

In his first appearance before the IMF-World Bank Meeting in Tokyo in 1964, Dr. N. M. Perera proposed the creation of an international liquidity fund by the IMF with the channeling of such reserves by the developing countries themselves. He stressed on the vital link between international trade, the international monetary system and development and called for the link to be made more responsive to the needs of the developing countries. He also stressed the need to augment the external resources available to developing countries with enhanced concessional aid flows to reduce debt burdens and to provide compensatory financing for cyclical shortfalls in receipts from trade.

Although Dr. N. M. Perera’s speech has to be read in the context of the period it was made, the issues he raised and the solutions he proffered have not lost their relevance even today. What he inherited in 1970 from the previous government was like today, a balance of payments crisis aggravated by the financial imprudence practised by it.

During the short period he was Minister of Finance in 1964 N. M. took the initiative to encourage developing countries to function as a group within the World Bank to advance their interests paving the way for the formation of what was later called the Group of 24.

The IMF has been widely criticised for the harsh policies it imposed on developing countries seeking to borrow from it. These criticisms are not without reason and much of it is warranted because IMF took an excessively economistic approach to the problems of countries that sought its help, displaying total insensitivity to the social and political realities that existed within these countries.

Dr. N. M. Perera’s attitude towards the IMF was upheld by pragmatic considerations moulded by his political and economic philosophy. As Minister of Finance in the 1970 United Front Government, he criticised his predecessors for uncritically accepting terms and conditions imposed by the IMF and thereby putting the country into severe debt. Having been placed in excruciating circumstances by such actions, he nevertheless argued that it was impossible to repudiate and reject IMF advice, affirming that the choice was not ”between undiluted acceptance of terms and conditions of foreign institutions and the foolhardy rejection of all aid”, stating further that Undoubtedly, we must get foreign aid …These aid arrangements must be concluded in terms consistent with our self-respect, our independence and our sovereignty.”

We hope that the powers-that-be who believe that there is no alternative for Sri Lanka today other than resorting to IMF funding will take these words of N.M. to heart while negotiating to extricate ourselves from the present economic crisis.

Bridging finance dependent on agreement with IMF: Ranil

June 5th, 2022

Courtesy The Island

Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, during a meeting with representatives from the Joint Chambers of Commerce on Thursday, explained that the Government was targeting USD five billion for repayments and USD 1 billion to bolster the country’s reserves.

During the meeting, Wickremesinghe elaborated that discussions with the International Monetary Fund are proceeding and was hopeful that the negotiations would end this month.

He further explained that the debt restructuring has already begun, following the appointment of financial and legal advisers.

Prime Minister said that any bridging finance to help in alleviating the crisis is dependent on an agreement with the IMF being reached.

Commenting further, Wickremesinghe stated that talks were continuing with donor nations. He added that relations with Japan had broken down, and it would take a while to repair those relations and regain their confidence.

In regards to the medicine shortage, the Prime Minister explained that former Maldives President Mohamed Nasheed, who was appointed on May 19 to coordinate the relief efforts for the island nation, was leading the international appeal for urgently needed medical supplies.

Addressing the issue of food scarcity, the Prime Minister explained that securing fertilizer and compiling a food security program were being given equal priority. He explained that in the event of any excess crops, those would be provided to vulnerable groups at a concessionary rate.

Sri Lankan PM Ranil Wickremesinghe Speaks To NDTV: Full Transcript

June 5th, 2022

Courtesy NDTV

Sri Lankan Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe spoke to NDTV on the present situation in the island nation and also thanked India for its support during the time of crisis.

https://www.ndtv.com/video/exclusive/news/world-exclusive-ranil-wickremesinghe-sri-lanka-pm-speaks-to-ndtv-636232

New Delhi: 

Sri Lanka is grappling with its worst financial crisis in over seven decades with a severe foreign exchange shortage that has left it struggling to pay for essential imports including food, fuel, fertilisers and medicines. Its Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremesinghe, spoke to NDTV on the present situation in the island nation and also thanked India for its support during the time of crisis.

Here is the full transcript of the discussion:

NDTV: From sliding to an upper middle-class status down to middle class status, and today we are looking at Sri Lanka which is suffering from economic crisis, and this is a deep economic crisis that we are talking about. We see people out lined up in queues, you know, outside the fuels station. People, you know, they don’t have food. So, to talk about these challenges, we see Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe is joining us here, exclusively for the first time on Indian national television, here on NDTV, to talk to us about what it has been for the last two weeks. He’s taken over on May 12th. Thank you Sir for joining us here on NDTV.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Thank you for calling me.

NDTV: Thank you. My first question to you is, why did you accept when you were invited by Mr Gotobaya Rajapaksa to take over as the Prime Minister. Did you already see it coming in terms of the economic crisis?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: I accepted because there is a crisis on and there was no one else who was willing to be Prime Minister. If I did not take this challenge, our country would have been in a much worse situation. I felt that if I come in and take on the challenge, I can at least slow down the economic decline, stabilise it, and then we can think of ways of turning it around. People are without food, enterprises are closing down, and there was a lot of political instability. There was a campaign that the President should leave, being led by a lot of young people who were camping out on Galle Face. But by the time I came in, that issue had been resolved to a certain extent, because the Sri Lankan Bar Association proposed that we bring in, we reintroduce the 19th Amendment, we strengthen Parliament, which was taken away in 2020 after Parliamentary elections and thereafter go in for a complete abolition of the Executive Presidency. By then the President had also announced that he was staying on in office, but he was willing to bring back the 19th Amendment and go for a complete abolition of the Executive Presidency. In that light, I went in and I thought my job now is, if I wanted, I am certainly willing to stabilise the economy. So, I took the challenge.

NDTV: What’s changed after you took over as Prime Minister? Because I believe, on previous occasions, you have never had to deal with a situation such as this.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: No, I don’t think they have precedent. My party has only one member, that is me. So therefore, we are the most united party in Parliament.

NDTV: Unfortunately, we see that, you know, it’s just a single seat. You don’t have the people’s mandate, but…

Ranil Wickremesinghe: In a crisis, you can’t look at a mandate, a crisis calls for a person who is willing to take it on, and people think that person, he or she, is capable. So, I took it on, Cabinet has been formed, there have been representatives from different political parties and groups, and we are tackling issues. I must say I have been able to speak with the President, and we have agreed on a programme. I am going ahead and implementing it. The Ministers are backing me. The Special Minister of Agriculture, the Minister of Health, the Minister of Energy, we are working very, very closely on stabilising the situation here. How do you find foreign exchange? Our foreign reserves are zero. Some days have nothing, other days we have thirty-forty million dollars, it is difficult to imagine. Seven and a half billion dollars in reserve when I handed the government over. But we have been helped really by the Indian government. The help that you all have given us, with the lines of credit, the swap, there have been help from some other countries, too, in different grades, the line of relief. We can manage at the moment if this keeps moving, but we have to come to an agreement with IMF and I am just focusing on that agreement.

NDTV: Right. You were talking about how there were quite a lot of Ministers who were backing you. Do you really have a majority at the moment? Because we see the chorus that is growing hereafter here in Sri Lanka, because if we are talking about the opinion polls, at least about 89-90% of the people are demanding that they want Gotobaya Rajapaksa to go home, because very recently what has happened at even Gotagogama, you know. We see a lot of youth protesting for over 50 days. They say there is nothing going to stop them, so are you the people’s Prime Minister, or are you the Prime Minister in terms of Gotobaya Rajapaksa?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: I am the crisis Prime Minister. There is a political crisis and an economic crisis. When I say the Ministers are backing me, that is to resolve these issues. I am not looking in terms of them coming and backing my party. Certainly, as Prime Minister, they have been helping me. I am grateful to them. Opposition also hasn’t been too hard. There are two issues: one is the whole issue of the economy, how people are going to live. It’s very, very difficult. You can’t keep that aside while dealing with a political issue also. So, my focus has been actually on the economic issues. As far as the political issues are concerned, the party must decide what is going to happen, but I think that is best done when the economic situation comes back to normal, at least we stabilise it. In the meantime, there can be discussions on what can take place. Already, when I came in, they already; the agreement I mentioned earlier. But I have been involved in the political issues too. We met yesterday with the Leader of parties in Parliament and were able to come to an agreement in principle on the new 21st Amendment, which will bring back the 19th Amendment. I myself proposed some changes in the Parliamentary system, bringing in the oversight committees, increasing the powers of Parliament over public finance, and even a National Council, which is really a committee of the political party leaders in Parliament. This can look at the broad policy issues, and we want the young people, youth protestors and all, to join these committees. I hope this will help to reduce the political tension.

NDTV: Have you had that discussion with the youth that you’re talking about?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: I have put it out. I want the proposers to be, I want to get the former Speaker, Mr Jayasuriya, to put flesh into the details, and then maybe they can speak with them if they don’t want to speak with me. You can have a group of people. So young people have, the young people and the people out in the streets have really made a political revolution. I won’t say no to that.

NDTV: So, you’re willing to speak, but I believe the comment was that we hear from these protestors, they just want the government to go. Do you really feel that? Because I want to try and understand the ground situation. You, as the Prime Minister, have taken over. It’s been over two to three weeks. Have you really, after you took over this post, have you really gone on ground to check the reality of the people, because I constantly see people, some of them sitting on the streets, they are with their plates, at least they get food at Gotagogama. You have long queues; I myself have stood in those queues, because I am here in Sri Lanka. So, have you personally gone through these, where your normal, common man is going through?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: I know what they are going through, and there have been a lot of people who have said, we will help you to get this resolved economically. I think that’s a positive response. The country has wanted some action to address the economic issues that they were facing. You can understand, you’re standing, some people are standing for four-five hours to get diesel at one time. There’s a queue in front of the Prime Minister’s office.

NDTV: How long will that continue, do you think?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: I think it has eased off now. The issue is on diesel, which should come in, and on gas, which affects really the urban areas, not the rural areas. We are tackling the issue of gas, too.

NDTV: So why is there a difference when you say that, you know, not the urban areas, but the rural areas.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: No, for gas, it’s urban areas. For diesel and petrol, it’s the whole country.

NDTV: Okay. So, I want to understand, do you think that this revolt by the Sri Lankan citizens, basically do you believe this is just a protest, do you believe this is going to wane off in the next couple of days? How do you see this coming?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Well, the protest will go on, because how long, I suppose the people at Galle Face decide how long they are going to carry it out after the 21st Amendment, whether they are going to take the protest elsewhere, or they are going to stay there, that’s their decision. As far as government is concerned, we are not going to interfere. If they want to stay, certainly they can stay there and carry out their protest, but I feel the people also realise now that we are going to face a shortage of food. It’s really two issues which are combined. One is the lack of fertiliser, which has led to the rice crop being reduced by about one-third.

NDTV: Yes, Sri Lanka was always self-sufficient.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: That’s right, and other crops. So how do we get over that? We need fertiliser. If we have fertiliser, then from February onwards, we can go back to self-sufficiency, so the second issue is that it is coming at a stage when there is, a time when there is going to be a global shortage of food. Countries are not exporting food. So, we will find some about October till about February. It’s really going to be a difficult time for Sri Lanka. Let’s hope that the global food shortage really won’t become a crisis of large magnitude.

NDTV: Can you explain how worse can that get? When you say Sri Lanka, which has always self-sufficient in terms of rice production, but then with the fertilisers back, how worse can it get?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: One is, remember Russia and Ukraine are large suppliers of wheat. Russia in number one, Ukraine in number five. They are into corn, they are, I think, into sunflower seeds, so there are so many areas. So that means when the wheat production is reduced, the prices go up. That affects the prices of rice, too. Same thing in corn. And in corn, it means it also affects animal feed. Secondly, the shortage of fertiliser is also impacting other places. Brazil, for instance, their sugar, their wheat, all is getting affected. Even in US. So, there is a shortage, there is a shortage created by Russia. There is a shortage in the countries that do create food, and there’s going to be a shortage of meats because the animals also will not have food, and it’s a question of how high will the prices go up, and if the countries are storing food. So that is also sending prices up.

NDTV: Okay, so we are going to see a huge crisis situation in Sri Lanka. But people can go without food?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: They need food. For instance, a good example is Egypt. They’re buying food from Russia and Ukraine, now they’re buying wheat from India. So, like that, again, Africa needs food. So, it’s going to be a food crisis. Sri Lanka is going to be one of the countries affected. I mean people expect Africa, I mean, yes African countries will be affected, but from south Asia, and the Asian region, Sri Lanka will be the only country.

NDTV: Right. I would like to come to the question of bankruptcy. Bankrupt Sri Lanka can’t really tap 1.5 billion credit line from India, as China’s concern, in terms of the IMF, may force delays. Now how exactly are you planning to, you know, have a negotiation. Are you going to bring this up with China as well?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: No, we are bringing it up with China. When the agreement was given to us, the rule is that you cannot utilise it unless you have three months of reserves. So, at the time that we signed it, we didn’t have three months of reserves. So, the question is, from our end, why did we sign it? Why didn’t we negotiate further with China and ask them to do away with this? And if we couldn’t, we should not have signed this, instead of which we signed. This 1.5 billion was showing as part of our reserves, and all of a sudden, a country which had zero reserves was showing about 2 billion in reserves. Of that 2 billion, I think 1.9 billion could not be utilised. So, whether it was just for the purpose of adding on to reserves, I don’t, it’s something that the Parliament must find out, why the Central Bank entered into this agreement.

NDTV: Now with you as the Prime Minister, will you find out?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: No, the Parliament will have to find out. I would recommend that the Parliament finds out. In the meantime, we will speak to the Chinese government to see the possibilities of amending the agreement.

NDTV: So, is Sri Lanka counting on more help from India till the cheque arrives from the IMF?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: We are counting for help from India. The major country that will be helping us. There are the others, but India has done most of the work for us.

NDTV: So, I really would like to know, drawing, basically, assistance from both the countries, this is to do with India and China here. So, there’s a balancing act being done by Sri Lanka here, given the geographical proximity, right, and the advantage. So, do you consider India to be a trusted ally, as opposed to China? Because we have seen how China in the last one decade or so, they have gone all out to give you all funding, but you all are in deep economic crisis. Where is China?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: China is a very friendly country to Sri Lanka. What is India? India is different. You all are the other side of the coin, so are we. We have far more in common with south India than north India. Buddhism came from here. So, we have to treat each other like in that way. It’s not like having friendships with Japan and China, we are very friendly countries. You have to realise, we are the other side of the coin. You have Hinduism, we have Buddhism. We took the Mauryan sense of kingship, you all went with others. But what is it? As countries we have interests, and we must respect each other for that.

NDTV: You just said interest. What’s your interest, in terms of China?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: In terms of China, China has also been friends with us. History with China also goes back thousands of years. Once you send Buddhism to China, we had to follow and go there, so India started all this. Amartya Sen’s book ‘The Argumentative Indian’ has a very good explanation of it, I would recommend that you read it. But with India, we are already in one part of the region. I am more familiar, I can easily fit into Chennai or Kerala without a problem, while similarly people in the south can fit in here. China is a friend, Japan is a friend, but when it comes here, India and Sri Lanka have interests. We have common interests, because we were under the British. We had the British system of governance. We both believe that the Indian Ocean should be free of big power rivalry. But we have had a long relationship with China. We have had a long relationship with Japan. And China is now carrying out the Belt and Road Initiative, which, the Belt and Road Initiative, from our point of view has no military significance, it has an economic one. So, you can look at the economic side and decide: did we take, did the Chinese help us or not?

At the same time, we understand the issues between India and China especially on the Himalayas. From 1962, Sri Lanka knows that issue. But we work with each other, we work with each other very closely, issues of terrorism, and it is the agreement after 1987, we will not allow our soil to be used for anything that is harmful to India’s national security. Similarly, India will also reciprocate. So, we have been going on, and this relationship goes on despite what the governments have to say. The people go in, the people come back. That’s different.

NDTV: Okay, so do you; there are a lot of allegations, or even for that matter, it’s a fact of the matter, you have several Ministers, you know, Parliamentarians, and, you know, activists, and talking about economists as well, where they say one of the reasons why Sri Lanka is today in this state is also because of China. Do you agree with that?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: There is the Chinese debt. But China and Japan are the two large distributor nations, as far as we are concerned. The issue on China is, whether the Chinese loans were used on economically viable projects? Well, the issue there is the projects were decided by Sri Lanka. Hambantota Harbour and Mattala Airport were pushed by Sri Lanka. Chinese came in and gave the money when Sri Lanka wanted it, so these really are; did we make the correct assessment?

NDTV: So, yes, you’re putting the blame on Sri Lanka itself for choosing such, you know, the wrong projects.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Yes, yes, and China went along and gave the money, but we are the ones, the big issues we have on China, but otherwise, the Belt and Road will be a way of integrating into the Asian system.

NDTV: It’s not done right, is what you’re saying.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: No, selecting the projects. But the biggest problem is not the loans from creditor nations, it is the loans we have taken on the international market, the ISB, the International Sovereign Bonds, which really constitute nearly 49 to 50%, because the loans we have gotten from China and Japan were on projects. They were project loans. But we took ISB and then we used it for so many other purposes. Issue is we shouldn’t have taken so much ISB.

NDTV: So, Sri Lanka made a mistake.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Well, I think we should have controlled it and put more of our money into developing the sectors of our economy. After the war was over, there was a lot of money available for the north and the east infrastructure, and people went ahead with it. Then we decided that we will go ahead with a construction economy, so the money was had to develop the infrastructure in Sri Lanka. Okay, there was an extension of the road from Mantota to Hambantota. I mean we had even recommended, earlier, when I was in government, but you took on two major, there was the Katunayake Highway, that’s alright, but we took on some of these big projects which were really not economically viable. Added to that, that was only adding on to the burden we had with the ISBs. Lot of the other work was being financed by the ISBs, and we were not really, when our budget, and certainly the balance of trade was not in our favour. And we’re taking ISBs when the balance of trade was against us. At least, the loans from friendly nations had a gestation period, but this is what really brought the economy down.

NDTV: The choice of projects?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: No, the choice of ISB lending. The choice of projects added on to it, but as far Hambantota Harbour was concerned, we were able to get a billion dollars back.

NDTV: So, in terms of, when you are talking about the kind of projects that you choose, Sri Lanka has a very strange fiscal economy. The minute that the country faces trouble, when you know there is trouble coming, you all immediately either sell the assets, keep government assets, or privatise. For example, the recent Sri Lankan airlines. Why is that?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Why did you sell Air India? Same reason. Okay. You were making so much losses, you just couldn’t turn it around. We had the same issue, and our economy is crumbling so we couldn’t support it anymore. It was the same issues that you all have in India, we have here.

NDTV: So, do you think privatisation is the right strategy?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: What else can we do? When you follow the Indian government, what’s your question?

NDTV: But how far will you take this?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: The Committee on Public Enterprises has said that some, we will have to shed some of the state enterprises. This has happened everywhere. India, China. There may be, we’ll ask what is the position on this.

NDTV: So, there are more in the offing?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: There may be, I can’t say there is. But certainly, Sri Lanka is what we have.

NDTV: Do you think there will be accountability when that is done?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: There may be. We don’t have much of an argument on this in Sri Lanka. It’s not a big issue in Sri Lanka.

NDTV: Right. So, are any Indian business in touch with Sri Lanka at the moment, to take part in the building of the Sri Lankan economy right now?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Some of the companies have been there, and they have been getting involved in. There will be others that come, we won’t actually woo them once we stabilise the situation.

NDTV: Okay, so it is still in the offing, you mean?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Yes, there are many that are looking at it. I don’t think they come immediately, but by next year I will be impressed. Already I think Adani’s are there in west terminal. And they are doing some projects in the north on renewable energy.

NDTV: Okay, so I would like to really ask, you did talk about how there were certain, how, of course, Sri Lanka did make mistakes in terms of short-term projects that would produce what’s required at that point of time. We are here and talking about how several people are echoing where they wanted Rajapaksas to go home, and eventually it was just to Gotobaya Rajapaksa. Will there be any corruption charges filed against Mr Gotoboya Rajapaksa or other family members for, you know, leading Sri Lanka to this state?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: If they had violated the law, then certainly. Not only them, but anyone, all of us. That is a matter for the investigative agency.
    
NDTV: So, you hold all of yourselves responsible?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Not for the mess, but I’m saying that if any charges against us having violated the law, then the investigative agencies must go into it and decide whether to prosecute or not. You can see the courts becoming more independent and even departments, pushing cases which are sometimes embarrassing to the state, to the government.

NDTV: Do you know, is there a time frame, because we see protests still happening, as we speak?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Yes, that will go on, the protests. So, this is a matter for the agencies, the State to act, and there is intervention by outsiders, there is intervention by the courts, I think we look at the judgements made recently, there has been nothing to the advantage of the government.

NDTV: But personally, how long would you want those youth to be there on the streets, to protest?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: No, I’d like them to get involved in the system.

NDTV: When you say involved in the system, how?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Come in, take part in the committees we’ve set, be able to have a dialogue with the government and the people, they’ve to adjust in the next stage.

NDTV: Is that going to happen very soon?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: For them, if they’re willing to, it’ll happen soon.

NDTV: So, it’s an open dialogue?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Open dialogue, not only that, how we appeal to the system, are they going to stay out or are they going to come in? That’s the main issue that all the youth have to decide

NDTV: Can I take that one question, that few of them who I spoke to when I was at Gotagogama, I asked a couple of them and I asked them that are you willing to take up the dialogue with Mr Ranil Wickremsinghe? They were all of the opinion that they want the government. What do you make of it? Because they say that they don’t really want to have a dialogue, they want the government to go, they don’t really want to see a change especially off course you have been open.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Okay, they can say their views but my question is that if the government goes, we are not in a position to hold an election. The general public don’t want elections at this moment. They want their issues to be resolved. If you could have elections, yes, I won’t be here, there would have been elections without even campaigning. But I came in, in a situation where we couldn’t hold in. And most of us are of the view that if the government goes, what do you do? He offered to the Leader of the Opposition, the Opposition didn’t want to take the Premiership. They have others who aren’t willing at the moment to take the Premiership. So, in that circumstance, normally, in a normal circumstance we would have gone for elections. You can’t have elections, what do you do?

NDTV: So, when you say you can’t have elections, then the upcoming one, will it happen or not?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Which one?

NDTV: The upcoming one?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: The upcoming elections will be in the end of 2023 or early 2024, by that time this should get over, we should have money, when we have no money, not only dollars, we’ve no rupees. This election is not by government spending money, this election is also about the political party spending money. Where will the political party get the money, from the private businesses? When the private businesses are down, how will they give money? When there no donations, when there are no fuels, how will you campaign? When there is no electricity, how will you conduct meetings. So, this is impossible, unless you come back, you can’t have meetings, you can’t use the TV, you will have no fuel, and there’s no political donations and contribution to the party.

NDTV: So, are you saying that the elections are unlikely to happen in 2024?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: The 21st Amendment will be passed by the Parliament but it does not call for the elections.

NDTV: Okay

Ranil Wickremesinghe: The abolition of the Executive Presidency also means a referendum and we just can’t hold a referendum now. You’ve to address the issue. That’s called the responsibility. You can’t run away from it.

NDTV: Finally, you’ve also said that you want the youth to come forward and you want have a dialogue about it. My question to here is, I believe in the past 2 months or so you’ve seen the Sri Lanka uprising, several youths have been taken in custody, they’ve been protesting peacefully, what is your reaction to that, about police using their brutal force on them, do you stand by that? Why do you want your police to immediately resort to them in tear gas, water gas? Is that the way?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Look, the decision to remand a person, young or old is made by the magistrate, not by the police. And the police in respect with that area arrested the Members of the Parliament, other Members of the Parliament have been named as suspects, they are taking down statements. There are a lot members from the local authorities who have all been arrested from one side. Similarly, they’ve asked people to come in here to give statements and go away, this issue came up to me that they’ve been taken and IGP said that he’ll look into it but I told the people that the Bar Association is working with the police, so speak to the Bar Association. So, we’ve a line of communication and then of course the lawyers must go and make their case. But anyone who’s charged will be produced front of the courts and it’s for the magistrate to decide. Lot of people have been released and then there’s the burning of 50 houses of Members of the Parliament.

NDTV: I believe that happened when the pro government protestors…

Ranil Wickremesinghe: But most of the members are not even involved. Many of them have not even attended the meeting. That’s one. Then two members. One member was killed when he was travelling by the road. And the other member, opponent of President Rajapaksha, Kumar Vergam, he was taken, he would have been killed if not for some local people who got in and rescued him. But ask him what happened, that’s the question we’ve been asking. It’s not only the people who’ve been at the Galle Face but members who’ve not been, and you can’t allow Parliamentary democracy to be treated that way and that’s the issue that we’ve…

NDTV: And…

Ranil Wickremesinghe: And I’m asking the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association to come in and give a report on all the incidents that have taken place.

NDTV: But do you think that this incident would have taken place had it not been for the pro government protestors if they would have not lodged an…

Ranil Wickremesinghe: No, what happened was on the grounds there. I was in one of the hotels nearby. I had gone for a wedding and the issue got resolved. The pro government protestors have been chased off. Their buses have been stopped.

NDTV: Some of the protestors were chased?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Chased off.

NDTV: By the anti-government?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Not anti-government

NDTV: Were chased?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: The protestors in Galle Face, they were chased off. There were very few protestors at that time but the people in the surrounding area, the slave island came for their defence and chased away the pro government demonstrators.

NDTV: Okay

Ranil Wickremesinghe: I know the area because I have represented it. I know a lot of people who live there and they came and chased them away.

NDTV: So, the people who were protesting at the Galle Face or the Gotagogama are responsible?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: No, I’m not saying that. You’re not allowing me to finish it.

NDTV: Okay

Ranil Wickremesinghe: So they came, the people in Colombo came and chased them away and as far as Colombo was concerned, about 2:30 to 3 the issue was over. By 2 it was over in the site. I was watching it and about 3 the people have been somewhere dumped in the Colombo Lake, the Beira Lake, some of the buses were burned and the police had to step in and ensure that these people are able to get out of Colombo. We didn’t want them hanging around in Colombo. I was not in the government. I spoke to the IGP. I said we might clear them out of Colombo. So that was over. The burnings took place at 11 in the night. What is the connection? The burnings took place 100 miles away, 150 miles away, that is the connection. That is the one I question. Let’s say the people in Galle Face acted in self-defence or the people in surrounding areas, like Slave area came to protect these people so that’s over, we’ve closed that chapter. That’s being investigated by the police, those who came in, those who acted in self-defence, but what has happened is outside that. Why was Mr Vergam, who was going back home in the night attacked? Everyone knows who Kumar Vergam is. Why were these Members of Parliament who had nothing to do come here? The Deputy Minister, he was returning home, why was he and his two security officers killed?

NDTV: Why…

Ranil Wickremesinghe:…and why were these homes set on fire? That what we want to know. I think you’ve to take action, anyone’s house. I’m against setting homes on fire and properties. I’ve been against that always whether it belongs to the government or the opposition party. You’ve to take action.

NDTV: So, what about those who were attacked specially, the anti- government protestors?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Pardon?

NDTV: The anti-government protestors.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: There’s no anti-government protestors

NDTV: I’m talking about the anti-protestors who were sitting at the Gotagogama and protesting. They were a few of them. They were attacked.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Few of them were attacked and that’s why the police is taking action against those who came. That’s all. And when you look at the clips, you see people fighting with each other. They’ve to question everyone who’s identified, whether they belong to the youth protestors or the government protestors.

NDTV: So, the identification is on?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: That’s why some of them have been called. That’s a personal law issue. Bar Association is looking after them. So, I don’t think there’s a risk of anything happening to them. But the other enquiries must also go on.

NDTV: And I just want to understand, one final question that we are ending here is, finally I believe after speaking to the people and Gotagogama, several citizens, they say they will continue the protest. What is the final word from your side for them?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Certainly, go ahead. We’ll protect you. I’ve a delegation which can negotiate with Gotagogama if they want to, I will give the website that we’ve here. Certainly, if they want to protest, they are free to do so. We’ll give them all protection and all the facilities they want.

NDTV: Do you want them to continue?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: If they want to continue, what can I do?

NDTV: All that they’re demanding is that they want Gotabaya to go home.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: So, if they’re demanding…

NDTV: So, the protestors say that if he goes home, we will go home.

Ranil Wickremesinghe: That’s for the President and the protestors to decide.

NDTV: Right, so what’s the final word you want to give to the citizens of Sri Lanka in terms with the economic turmoil? How do you plan to lift the entire country of 22 million outside the crisis?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: We have to work together. We have to work together and then we can pull the country out. The economic crisis we have. We work together, we can resolve the political crisis.

NDTV: Do you have a time frame?

Ranil Wickremesinghe: Soon as possible.

NDTV: Thank you Mr. Ranil for joining us on NDTV.

ලංකාවේ සියළුම රුසියානු සංචාරකයන් ආපසු කැදවයි.. අන්තිම රුසියානුවාත් පිටව යයි..

June 5th, 2022

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

අපි ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට ආවෙ දින 14 ක සංචාරයක් සදහා. අපි මේ වෙනකොට හිටියෙ හික්කඩුවෙ. හදිසියේම ඇති වූ මේ තත්වය නිසා අපට රුසියානු රජය දැනුම් දුන්නා , සංචාරය අත්හිටුවා ආපසු පැමිණෙන ලෙස. ඒ අනුව දින 14 ක සංචාරය දින 07 කින් නිමා කරල ආපසු රුසියාව බලා යෑමට , මෙම රුසියානු එරොෆ්ලොට් අවසාන ගුවන් යානය සදහා අපි කටුනායක ගුවන් තොටුපළට ආවා” යැයි රුසියානු ජාතික එලේනා මෙසෙන්කෝවා මහත්මිය කටුනායක ගුවන් තොටුපළ පිටත්වීමේ පර්යන්තයේ දී 06/05 දින උදෑසන 10.00 ට පැවසුවාය.

අපිට රුසියානු රජය මීට පෙර ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සංචාරය සදහා සුදුසු බව ප්‍රකාශ කරමින් ඒ සදහා යොමු කිරීම් සිදු කළා. එහෙත් හදිසියේම ඇති වූ මේ තත්වය පිළිබඳව අපි කම්පනයට පත් වුණා.

මේ රටේ සංචාරය කරන්න අපිට ඩීසල් තිබුණෙ නැහැ. ඒ මදිවට විදුලි කප්පාදුව. මේ සියලු ගැටළු මධ්‍යයේ වුවත් අපි බොහොම කැමැත්තෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සංචාරයක නිරත වුණා.

අපේ රුසියානු සංචාරකයන් නිසා ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට ඩොලර් ලැබෙනවා. ඒත් මේ තීන්දුව නිසා ඒ තත්වය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට අහිමි වෙලා යයි. රුසියානු ජනාධිපතිවරයා මෙම සිදු වීම පිළිබඳව දැඩි තීරණයක් ගනීවි.

ඒ අනුව අපට දැනටමත් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සිදු කෙරෙන සංචාරයන් වහාම අත්හිටුවා ආපසු පැමිණෙන ලෙස රුසියානු රජය අපව දැනුවත් කර තිබෙනවා” යැයි ද එලේනා මෙසෙන්කෝවා මහත්මිය සිය රුසියානු බසින් පැවසුවාය .

එමෙන්ම යළිත් මින් ඉදියට කිසිදු රුසියානු සංචාරකයෙකු මෙවැනි සිදුවීමක් ඇති වෙතැයි යන බියෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට නොපැමිණෙනු ඇතැයි ද ඇය වැඩිදුරටත් පැවසුවාය .

රුසියානු රජයේ සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ බලධාරීන් අතර ලිඛිත එකගතාවයක් පවතිත්දීත්, එය නොසළකා හරිමින් බටහිර රාජ්‍යයක කුඩා රක්ෂණ සමාගමක පැමිණිල්ලක් මත මේ ආකාරයට දහස් ගනන් රුසියානු සංචාරකයන් අසරණ කරමින් , අනාගතයේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සංචාරක කර්මාන්තය අභියෝගට ලක් කරමින් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට විදේශ විනිමය ලැබෙන ප්‍රධානතම මාර්ගයක් ඇනහිටුවා ගැනීම පුදුම සහගත බව ද ඇය සදහන් කළාය.

– ADA

චීනය දැනටත් තරහයි.. රුසියාවත් දැන් ඒ පාරේ.. මිතුරන් අහිමි ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාව මහා මානව ආපදාවක් ඉදිරියේ…

June 5th, 2022

ජාතික නිදහස් පෙරමුණ

වත්මන් ආණ්ඩුව චීනය කල්තියාම තරහ කරගත් බවත් දැන් රුසියාව ද තරහ කර ගැනීමේ ඉම තෙක් රැගෙනවිත් තිබෙන බවත් පෙන්වා දුන් ජානිපෙ නායක, පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී විමල් වීරවංශ මහතා, අද මෙරට ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකයත් විධායකය මෙන්ම අධිකරණයත් පවතින ආර්ථික ආපදාව මහා මානව ආපදාවක් බවටත් පෙරළීමට සාමූහික වගකීමෙන් කටයුතු කරන බව ද පෙනෙන්නට ඇතැයි චෝදනා කර සිටී.

අද(05) බොරැල්ල පිහිටි ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්ෂයේ ප්‍රධාන කාර්යාලයේ පැවති ‘ස්වාධීන පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී සංසදයේ’ විශේෂ මාධ්‍ය සාකච්ඡාවේ දී අදහස් දක්වමින් ඒ මහතා මෙසේ චෝදනා කර සිටියේය.

එහිදී වැඩිදුරටත් අදහස් දැක්වූ වීරවංශ මහතා මෙසේද සඳහන් කළේය.

මේ රට ඉතාමත් තියුණු දේශපාලන හා ආර්ථික අර්බුදයකට මුහුණ දී සිටින බව අපි කවුරුත් දන්නවා. මේ අර්බුදය උත්සන්න වීමට ඉඩහැර බලා සිටින ප්‍රතිපත්තියක ආණ්ඩුව නියැලී සිටින බවයි අපේ නිගමනය. මේ අර්බුදය උත්සන්න වීමට ඉඩ දීම කියන්නේ මහා මානව ආපදා තත්ත්වයක් මේ රට තුළ ඇති වීමයි. රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතාට අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ධුරය ලබා දුන්නාම ලෝකයේ රටවල් පෝලිමේ ඇවිත් අපට උදව් කරාවි, කියලා ඇතැමුන් අනාවැකි පළ කළා. නමුත් අපට අද එහෙම තත්ත්වයක් දැකගැනීමට නැහැ. ඒ වගේම ‘එළඹෙන සැප්තැම්බර්, ඔක්තෝබර් වන විට ලෝකයේ මහා සාගතයක් ඇති වේවි, අපටත් එයට මුහුණ දීමට සිදුවේවි’ කියා කියනවා හැරුණාම ‘අපට හානියක් ඇති නොවන සේ එම තත්ත්වයට මුහුණ දීමට කළ යුත්තේ කුමක්ද?’ යන ප්‍රශ්නයට ආණ්ඩුවට පිළිතුරක් ඇති බවක් පෙනෙන්නේ නැහැ.

‘චීනය-රුසියාව තරහ කර ගැනීම’

මේ වන විට ගෑස් හිඟයෙන් නාගරික ජනතාව මෙන්ම ග්‍රාමීය ජනතාව ද ගැටලු රැසකට මුහුණ දී සිටිනවා. මේවාට විසඳුම් ලබාදීමට මිත්‍ර රටවල් සමග ආණ්ඩුව සාකච්ඡාවක් හෝ සිදු කරන ආකාරයක් දැක ගැනීමට නැහැ. ඒ වෙනුවට පෙනෙන්නට තිබෙන්නේ මිත්‍ර රටවල් ද තරහ වන දිසාවට ඇදගෙන යන ආකාරයක්. චීනය සහ රුසියාව කියන්නේ ඉතිහාසය පුරා ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ආර්ථික අර්බුදයකට පමණක් නොවෙයි ඕනෑම ජාත්‍යන්තර අර්බුදයකට මුහුණ දුන්නාම සහයෝගය ලබාදුන් අවංක මිතුරන්. මේ ආණ්ඩුව චීනය කල්තියාම තරහ කර ගත්තා. දැන් වාණිජ අධිකරණමය ක්‍රියාදාමයක් හේතුවෙන් රුසියාවත් තරහ කර ගැනීමේ ඉම දක්වා රැගෙන විත් තිබෙනවා. දැනට ඩොලර් 110කට පමණ ලබාගන්නා තෙල් බැරලය ඩොලර් 30 -70 අතර මිලකට ලබාගත හැකි, අපි මුහුණ දී සිටින රසායනික පොහොර ගැටළුවට උත්තරයක් ලබා දීමට හැකියාව තිබෙන, ඒ වගේම අපි මුහුණ දී සිටින විදේශ විනිමය අර්බුදයට විසඳුමක් ලෙස සංචාරකයන් රැසක් මේ රටට ගෙන්වාගත හැකි, රටක් තමයි රුසියාව කියන්නේ. ඒ වගේම ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ තේ වෙළඳපොළෙහි දෙවන ස්ථානයේ සිටින්නේ ද රුසියාවයි.

‘ලිඛිත සහතිකයට මොකද වුණේ?’

රුසියාවේ ගුවන් සේවය තම රක්ෂණ ගෙවීම් ප්‍රශ්නයක් නිසා ශ්‍රී ලංකාව වෙත ගුවන් ගමන් නතර කළාම, ශ්‍රී ලංකා රජය, රුසියානු බලධාරීන්ගෙන් ඉල්ලීමක් කරනවා, ‘අපි ඉන්නෙත් අමාරුම තත්ත්වයක. ඒ නිසා සංචාරකයන් අපේ රටට ගෙන්වා ගැනීමට ඔබගේ ගුවන් සේවය යළි සක්‍රීය කරන්න. අපි සහතික වෙනවා ඔබට කිසිදු අපහසුතාවකට මුහුණ දීමට සිදු නොවන බවට’ කියා. ශ්‍රී ලංකා සිවිල් ගුවන් සේවා අධිකාරිය හරහා රුසියානු ගුවන් සේවා බලධාරීන්ට ඒ ලිඛිත සහතිකය ලබා දීමෙන් පසුව තමයි මේ ගුවන් ගමන් යළි ආරම්භ වුණේ. ඒ අනුව තමයි පසුගිය දිනවල රුසියානු සංචාරකයන් දහස් ගණන් මේ රටට ආවේ. එසේ නොආවානම් මේ රටට කිසිදු විදේශ විනිමය ප්‍රමාණයක් නොලැබෙන තත්ත්වයකුයි තිබුණේ. අපට බොහෝ උපදෙස් දෙන රටවල් තම රටවල සංචාරකයන්ට ‘සංචාරක තහනම්’ පනවා තිබුණේ ‘ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ හැම තිස්සේම විරෝධතා, පෝලිම්. ඒ නිසා ඒ රටට යන්න එපා!’යන අවවාදය දෙමින්. එහෙත් රුසියාව, තම රටවැසියන්ට යාමට අනුමැතිය ලබාදී තිබූ විශ්වාසනීයම රටවල් 04න් එකක් ලෙස ශ්‍රී ලංකාව නම් කර තිබුණා.

එවැනි මිත්‍රශීලි, අප සමග අවබෝධයෙන් කටයුතු කළ රටක ගුවන් සේවයක, ගුවන් යානයක, ගුවන් වාරය නතර කිරීමට මෙරට අධිකරණයක තීන්දුවක් දීමේදී මොනතරම් සැලකිලිමත් විය යුතුද? අපි මේ අධිකරණයේ තීන්දු අභියෝගයට ලක් කරනවා නොවෙයි. අපට එසේ කිරීමට අවශ්‍ය නැහැ. අධිකරණයක තීන්දුවක් දෙන්නෙ පැමිණිල්ල හා විත්තිය දෙස බලා පමණක් නොවෙයි. එම තීන්දුව ලබාදීමෙන් පසු එය මහජන කැලඹීමකට, විරෝධයකට තුඩු දේවි ද, කියා විමසා බැලීමක් ද සිදු කෙරෙනවා. අඩුම තරමින් ඉහත තීන්දුව ලබා දීමේදී ශ්‍රී ලංකා සිවිල් ගුවන් සේවා අධිකාරියේ බලධාරීන් හෝ ගෙන්වීමට තිබුණා. සිවිල් ගුවන් සේවා අධිකාරියෙන් කරුණු විමසන්නේ නැහැ, කියන්නේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා රජයෙන් කරුණු විමසා නැහැ, කියන එක. දැන් හොඳින් බලන්න, ‘අයර්ලන්ත රක්ෂණ සමාගමක් – රුසියානු ගුවන් සේවයක් – කොළඹ අධිකරණ තීන්දුවක්’ යන සියල්ල දෙස. එම අයර්ලන්ත රක්ෂණ සමාගම සිංගප්පූරුවේ බේරුම්කරණ අධිකරණයක් හරහා තමන්ට සිදුව ඇති පාඩුව පියවාගැනීම සඳහා පියවර ගනිමින් සිටින බව දැනගැනීමට තිබෙනවා. එසේ තිබියදී ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ අධිකරණයක් හරහා මෙවැනි පියවරක් ගත්තේ ඇයි? මෙම රුසියානු ගුවන් සේවයේ ගුවන්යානා ඉන්දියාවටත් එනවානේ. මෙම අයර්ලන්ත රක්ෂණ සමාගම ඉන්දියානු අධිකරණය වෙතිනුත් මෙවැනි ඉල්ලීමක් නොකළේ ඇයි? මේ සියල්ල සැකයට තුඩු දෙන හේතු.

පිස්කල්වරයාගෙන් ලෝක වාර්තාවක්

එසේම මට හිතාගන්නම බැරි දේ තමයි, කොළඹ වාණිජ මහාධිකරණ පිස්කල්වරයා එම වාරණ නියෝගය ලබාදී විනාඩි 15ක් ඇතුළත කටුනායක ගුවන්තොටුපොළට ප්‍රාදුර්භූත වීම. ඒක නව ලෝක වාර්තාවක්. ‘මොනර කොළවලට මොන තරම් බලපෑමක් කරන්න පුළුවන් ද? තවත් මොහොතකින් පිටත්ව යාමට නියමිතව තිබූ ගුවන් යානයක් තමයි සිවිල් ගුවන් සේවා කාර්යාලයට ගොස් බලපෑම් කර මෙසේ නතර කරවා ගෙන තිබෙන්නේ. මෙවැනි තීන්දුවක් නිසා ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සංචාරක ව්‍යාපාරයට, තේ වෙළඳාමට සිදුවන අගතිය අධිකරණය සලකා බැලිය යුතු නැද්ද? ශ්‍රී ලංකා රාජ්‍යයේ එක් එක් බලාධිකාරීන් දැන හෝ නොදැන මෙවැනි ක්‍රියාමාර්ග ගැනීමෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ඇතිව තිබෙන ආර්ථික ආපදාව මහා මානව ආපදාවක් දක්වා වර්ධනය වීමට ඉඩ සලසනවා, යන බරපතළ සැකය අපට ඇති වී තිබෙනවා.

‘ආපදා අධිරාජ්‍යවාදය’

‘ආපදා අධිරාජ්‍යවාදය’ යන සංකල්පය පිළිබඳව සබුද්ධික ඔබ සියලුදෙනා මේ මොහොතේ සොයා බැලීම අත්‍යවශ්‍ය දෙයක්. ආපදා අධිරාජ්‍යවාදයේ ස්වභාවය තමයි යම් රටක සිදුව ඇති ආර්ථික ආපදා තත්ත්වය මානව ආපදාවක් බවට පරිවර්තනය කිරීම. ඒකට ඕනෑ විදිහට කවුරු කවුරුත් මැච් එක ගහන බවයි පෙනෙන්නේ. මෙතැන දී රුසියානු සංචාරකයන්ගේ පැමිණීම නතර වුණාම, රුසියානු වෙළඳපළ අපේ තේවලට අහිමි වුණාම ආර්ථික ආපදාව උත්සන්න වී මානව ආපදාවක් බවට පරිවර්තනය වීමයි සිදුවන්නේ. ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකයත් විධායකයත් අධිකරණයත් යන මේ සියල්ල එක්ව අර මානව ආපදාව නිර්මාණය කිරීමට සාමූහික වගකීමෙන් වැඩ කරන බවයි පෙනෙන්නේ. මේක ඛේදවාචකයක්. මහජනතාව මෙවැනි ආර්ථික ආපදාවකදී මෙවැනි පාර්ලිමේන්තුවක් හෝ විධායකයක් හෝ අධිකරණයක් බලාපොරොත්තු වන්නේ නැහැ. ඒ නිසා අපි මේ සියලු පාර්ශවවලින් ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා, ‘මේ රටේ පණ නළ මොනර කොළවලට බිලි දෙන්නේ නැතිව කටයුතු කරන්න’ කියා.”

මෙම මාධ්‍ය හමුවේ දී විජයධරණී ජාතික සභාවේ පූජ්‍ය අතුරලියේ රතන හිමි, ශ්‍රී ලංකා සම සමාජ පක්ෂයේ නායක, මහාචාර්ය තිස්ස විතාරණ, යුතුකම සංවාද කවය වෙනුවෙන් ගෙවිඳු කුමාරතුංග යන පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරු සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්ෂය වෙනුවෙන් එහි හිටපු ප්‍රධාන ලේකම් ඩිව් ගුණසේකර යන මහතා ද අදහස් දැක්වූහ.

අනුරුද්ධ බණ්ඩාර රණවාරණ
මාධ්‍ය ලේකම්,
ජාතික නිදහස් පෙරමුණ

මහින්ද පන්නා රනිල් අගමැතිකිරීම පසුපස සීඅයිඒ සහ රෝ ඔත්තු සේවා..

June 5th, 2022

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ධූරය අහිමිකොට රටේ පාලන තන්ත්‍රය අවුල් කිරීම පිටුපස ඉන්දියානු රෝ ඔත්තු සේවයේ සහ ඇමරිකානු සීඅයිඒ ඔත්තු සේවයේ අවශ්‍යතාවයට අනුව බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂ මහතා සිටින බව පෙරටුගාමී සමාජවාදී පක්ෂයේ ප්‍රධාන ලේකම් කුමාර් ගුණරත්නම් මහතා පවසයි.

ඒ අනුව රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතාට අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ධූරය ලබාදීම ඉන්දියානු රෝ ඔත්තු සේවයේ සහ ඇමරිකානු සී.අයි.ඒ ඔත්තු සේවයේ මෙහෙයුමක් බව කුමාර් ගුණරත්නම් මහතා පෙන්වා දෙයි.

මේ වන විට රටේ ජනතාව පාර්ලිමේන්තු නියෝජ්‍ය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය විශ්වාස නොකරන බව පෙන්වා දෙන ගුණරත්න මහතා සඳහන් කරයි.

ආණ්ඩුවේ මර්ධනය හමුවේ වුවද පාර්ලිමේන්තුවෙන් එපිට අරගලයක් තුළින් ඉදිරියේදී ආණ්ඩු බලය ලබා ගැනීමට කටයුතු කරන බවද ඔහු පැවසීය.

ඔහු මේ බව පවසන්නේ අන්තර්ජාල නාලිකාවක සාකච්චාවකට එක්වෙමිනි.

රුසියාව හතුරු කරවන්න ගුවන් ප‍්‍රධානියෙකු දැවැන්ත මෙහෙයුමක…

June 5th, 2022

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

ජාතික සංවිධාන එකමුතුව විසින් ජනාධිපති ගෝටාභය රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා වෙත යොමු කරන ලද ලිපියක් මෙහි දැක්වෙයි.

අතිගරු ජනාධිපතිතුමා,
ජනාධිපති මන්දිරය,
කොළඹ.

අතිගරු ජනාධිපතිතුමනි,

ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාව බරපතල රාජ්‍යතාන්ත‍්‍රික ගැටලූවකට මුහුණ දෙන අයුරින් රුසියානු එරොෆ්ලොට් ගුවන් සේවයේ ගුවන් යානයක් රඳවා ගැනීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් කරුණු දැක්වීම පිණිසය

මේ වන විට ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාවේ ප‍්‍රධාන ජනමාධ්‍ය සියල්ලම පාහේ වාර්තා කර ඇත්තේ ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා රජය අත්සන් කර ඇති අන්තර්ජාතික සම්මුතීන් හා ගිවිසුම් අනුව ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාවට පැමිණෙන ඕනෑම රටක ගුවන් යානයක් ගොඩබැස්සවීමට හා පිටව යෑමට අවශ්‍ය පහසුකම් සැලසීමේ වගකීම බැඳී ඇති බවත් ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් නියෝග ලබාදීමේ අධිකරණ බලයක් වාණිජ මහාධිකරණයට නොමැති බව නීතිපතිවරයා නියෝජනය කරමින් පෙනී සිටි ජ්‍යේෂ්ඨ අතිරේක සොලිසිටර් ජනරාල් සුමතිධර්මවර්ධන මහතා දැක්වූ කරුණු වලට පිළිතුරු දෙමින් කොළඹ වාණිජ මහාධිකරණ විනිසුරු හර්ෂ සේතුංග මහතා 03දා විවෘත අධිකරණය හමුවේ සඳහන් කළ බවයි.

එම වාර්තා වැඩිදුරටත් පවසා සිටින්නේ ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා සිවිල් ගුවන් සේවා අධිකාරියට හෝ ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා රජයට එරෙහිව කොළඹ වාණිජ මහාධිකරණය විසින් කිසිදු වාරණ නියෝගයක් නිකුත් කර නැතැයි කොළඹ වාණිජ මහාධිකරණ විනිසුරු හර්ෂ සේතුංග මහතා 03 දා විවෘත අධිකරණය හමුවේ සඳහන් කළ බවයි.

එහෙත් එම ප‍්‍රවෘත්ති වාර්තා පෙන්වා දෙන්නේ අධිකරණයේ පිස්කල්වරයා ගුවන් යානය රඳවා ගන්නා ලෙසට ගුවන් සංතරණ අංශයේ අංශ ප‍්‍රධානියාට තර්ජනය කරමින් එරොෆ්ලොට් ගුවන් සමාගමේ ගුවන් යානය රඳවා තබා ගැනීමට කටයුතු කර ඇති බවයි.

මෙම කරුණු අනුව අපට හැඟීයන්නේ අධිකරණ නියෝගයක් වැරදි ආකාරයෙන් ප‍්‍රයෝජනයට ගනිමින් රුසියානු- ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා සබඳතා බිඳහෙළීම අවශ්‍යය වන පිරිසක් ඉතාම නිර්ලැජ්ජිත ලෙස කටයුතු කර ඇති බවයි.

ඒ අනුව මෙම නඩු කටයුත්ත ඉතාමත් අපරික්ෂාකාරි ලෙස මෙන්ම වගකීම් විරහිත ලෙස මෙහෙයවූවන් පහත සඳහන් ක‍්‍රියා සිදුකර ඇති බව අපගේ වැටහීමයි.

1 එරොෆ්ලොට් ගුවන් සේවය ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාවට ගෙවීමට යම් මුදලක් වේ නම් හෝ එම ගෙවීම සම්බන්ධව පැන නගින ගැටලූවකදී පිළිතුරු දිය යුත්තේ ගුවන් තොටුපල හා ගුවන් සේවා සමාගමේ සභාපතිවරයා වන අතර එතුමා සමාගමේ ප‍්‍රධාන ගණකාධිවරයාගේ උපදෙස් පැතීම සාමාන්‍ය රීතිය වේ. ඒ අනුව එම පිරිස ගුවන් තොටුපල සහ ගුවන් සේවා සමාගමේ සභාපතිවරයා වග උත්තරකරුවෙකු කිරීම උවමනාවෙන්ම පැහැර හැර ඇත.

2 නමුත් එරොෆ්ලොට් ගුවන් සේවයේ ගෙවීම් සම්බන්ධ කිසිදු සෘජු සම්බන්ධයක් නොමැති ගුවන් සංතරණ අංශයේ අංශ ප‍්‍රධානියා මෙහි වගඋත්තරකරුවෙකු කිරීම සැක සහිත නීතිමය ප‍්‍රවේශයකි.

මේ වන විට ගුවන් තොටුපල සහ ගුවන් සේවා සමාගම මාධ්‍යය නිවේදනයක් නිකුත් කරමින් පවසා ඇත්තේ කොළඹ වානිජ මහාධිකරණය විසින් ගුවන් තොටුපල සහ ගුවන් සේවා සමාගමට අතුරු තහනම් නියෝගයක් නිකුත් කර නොමැති බවයි.

ඒ අනුව ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා රජය ජාත්‍යන්්තරය ඉදිරියේ විශාල රාජ්‍යතාන්ත‍්‍රික විහිලූවකට ලක්කරමින් මෙන්ම නුදුරේදීම ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාව මුහුණ දීමට නියමිත දැවැන්ත ආහාර අහේනිය පියමං කිරීමට යහපත් ජාත්‍යයන්තර මිතුරන්ගේ උදව් උපකාර ගැනීමට බාධා කිරිමට උවමනාව පෙරදැරිව මෙම අධිකරණ ක‍්‍රියාවලිය මෙම පිරිස් විසින් යොදාගෙන ඇති බව අපගේ වැටහීමයි.

ඒ අනුව මෙම සිද්ධිය අධ්‍යයනය කිරීමෙන් අපට වැටහීයන්නේ ගුවන් සංතරණ අංශයේ ප‍්‍රධානියා දැනුවත් හෝ නොදැනුවත්ව ඉහත දැක්වූ පිරිසේ ගොදුරක් බවට පත්ව ඇති බවයි.

කෙසේ වුවද ඔහුගේ අතීත භාවිතාවන් හැදෑරීමේදී ඔහු මෙම ක‍්‍රියාවලියේ දැනුවත් කොටස් කරුවෙකු බවට පත්ව ඇතිද යන්න අපට මහත් සැකයක් ඇති වේ. එම සැකය තහවුරු කරන අවස්ථා දෙකක් ඔබගේ අවධානයට යොමුකිරීමට කැමැත්තෙමු.

1 කොළඹ ගුවන් ගමන් තොරතුරු කලාපය ප‍්‍රතිසංවිධානය කිරීම සඳහා පළපුරුදු උපදේශන සේවාවක් මගින් ප‍්‍රධාන හැරවුම් ව්‍යාපෘතියක් ලෙස ගුවන් ගමනා ගමන කළමනාකරණ ධාරිතාව වැඩිදියුණු කිරීමේ ව්‍යාපෘතිය.(REORGANIZATION OF COLOMBO FLIGHT INFORMATION REGION AS A TURNKEY PROJECT THROUGH EXPERIENCED CONSULTANCY SERVICE FOR AIR TRAFFIC MANAGEMENT CAPACITY ENHANCEMENT)

යන ව්‍යාපෘතිය ගෙන ඒමට ගුවන් සංතරණ අංශයේ අංශ ප‍්‍රධානියා ඇතුළු ගුවන් ගමන් පාලකවරු පිරිසක් සහභාගිවී ඇති බවට අප වෙත තොරතුරු වාර්තා වී තිබේ. මෙම ව්‍යාපෘතිය සාර්ථක කරවා ගැනීමට ගුවන් තොටුපල සහ ගුවන් සේවා සමාගමේ සභාපතිවරයාවද පොළඹවා ගැනීමට කටයුතු කර තිබුණු බවද අප වෙත වාර්තා විය. කෙසේ වුවද ගුවන් තොටුපල සහ ගුවන් සේවා සමාගමේ රටට හිතැති නිලධාරින් සහ අමාත්‍යංශයේ සිටි එවැනි නිලධාරින්ගේ මැදිහත්වීමෙන් එම ව්‍යාපෘතිය දැනට අවුල් සහගත තත්වයට පත්ව තිබේ. ඔවුන්ගේ උත්සාහය යම් හෙයකින් සාර්ථක වූයේ නම් ඔස්ට්රේලියානු සමාගමක් මේ සඳහා මැදිහත්වීමට නියමිතව තිබූ බව අපගේ වැටහීමයි.

2 ගුවන් සංතරණ අංශයේ ප‍්‍රධානියා ඇතුළු ගුවන් ගමන් පාලකවරුන් පිරිසකගේ සෘජු මැදිහත්වීම යටතේ අපගේ අසල්වැසි ගුවන් තොරතුරු කලාප සමඟ යාවත්කාලීන කිරීමේ අවශ්‍යයතාවයට අනුව ආයත වෙන්කිරීම (LONGITUDINAL SEPARATION) දැනට කොළඹ ගුවන් තොරතුරු කලාපය තුළ තිබෙන නාවික සැතපුම් 80 සීමාව නාවික සැතපුම් 50 දක්වා මට්ටමට ගෙන ඒමේ ව්‍යාපෘතිය දීර්ඝ වශයෙන් කල් දැමීමට කටයුතු කර ඇති බව සිවිල් ගුවන් සේවා අධිකාරියට සම්බන්ධ වාර්තා සනාථ කරයි.

කෙසේ වුවද අවසානයේදී වත්මන් සිවිල් ගුවන් සේවා අධ්‍යයක්ෂක ජනරාල්තුමාගේ සෘජු මැදිහත්වීම යටතේ මේ වන විට ආයත වෙන් කිරීම (LONGITUDINAL SEPARATION) පරීක්ෂණ මට්ටමට ගෙන ඒමට හැකියාව ලැබී තිබේ.

යම් හෙයකින් සිවිල් ගුවන් සේවා අධ්‍යයක්ෂක ජනරාල්තුමාගේ සෘජු මැදිහත්වීම නොවන්නට ජාත්‍යයන්තර සිවිල් ගුවන් සේවා සංවිධානයේ සෘජු මැදිහත්වීම යටතේ ඔස්ටි‍්‍රලියානු හෝ ඉන්දියානු රජයට අපගේ ගුවන් තොරතුරු කළාපයේ ඉහළ අවකාශයේ ගුවන් ගමන් පාලන කටයුතු සිදුකිරීමේ දුර්ලභ භාග්‍යය හිමිවනු ඇති බව අපගේ වැටහීමයි.

ශ‍්‍රී ලංකන් ගුවන් සේවය පාඩු ලබන ආයතනයක් බවට පත්කිරීමට සමහර දුෂ්ඨ නිලධාරින් දායකවූවාසේම ගුවන තොටුපල සහ ගුවන් සේවා සමාගමද පාඩු ලබන ආයතනයක් බවට පත්කිරීමට එම ආයතනයේ දුෂ්ඨ නිලධාරින් සහභාගි වනවාදැයි යන බරපතල සැකය අප තුල ජනිත වේ. ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාව පත්ව තිබෙන විදේශ විනිමය අර්බූදයේදී රුසියානු රාජ්‍යය අප වෙතින් ලබාගැනීමට නියමිත තේ වලින් ලැබීමට තිබූ විදේශ විනිමය සහ ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාවට පැමිණීමට නියමිතව තිබූ ලක්ෂ හතරක පමණ සංචාරකයන්ගෙන් ලැබීමට තිබූ විදේශ විනිමය අහිමි කිරීමට දායක වූ සියළුම නිලධාරීන්ට තරාතිරම නොබලා දඬුවම් පැමිණ විය යුතු බව අපි අවධාරණය කරමු.

එසේම නුදුරු අනාගතයේදී ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ සිදුවනු ඇති බවට විද්වතුන් පුරෝකතනය කරනු ලබන දැවැන්ත ආහාර, ආර්ථික අර්බූදය පියමං කිරීමට උදව් උපකාර කිරීමට සිටින රුසියානු රාජ්‍යය පසමිතුරෙකු බවට පත්කිරීමේ ව්‍යාපෘතියේ දැවැන්ත උදව්කරුවෙකු ලෙස සහභාගි වීමට ගුවන් සංතරණ අංශයේ අංශ ප‍්‍රධානියා කටයුතුකර ඇති බව අපගේ හැඟීමයි. ඒ අනුව මේ ක‍්‍රියාව සම්බන්ධයෙන් අදාළ නිලධාරින්ට එරෙහිව විනය ක‍්‍රියාමාර්ග ගැනීමට ගරු විෂය භාර අමාත්‍යයවරයා වෙත නියෝග නිකුත් කරන ලෙසත් ඔබතුමාගේ සෘජු මැදිහත්වීමෙන් පත්කර ඇති ගුවන් තොටුපල සහ ගුවන් සේවා සමාගමේ ගරු සභාපතිතුමාට මේ සඳහා යුහුසුළුව මැදිහත්වන ලෙස නියෝග නිකුත් කරන ලෙසත් ඉල්ලා සිටිමු.

අත්සන් කළේ,

ආචාර්ය ගුණදාස අමරසේකර,
කැඳවුම්කරු,
ජාතික සංවිධාන එකමුතුව.

වෛද්‍ය වසන්ත බණ්ඩාර
මහලේකම්,
දේශ හිතෛෂී ජාතික ව්‍යාපාරය.

නීතිඥ නුවන් බැල්ලන්තුඩාව,
දේශපේ‍්‍රමී ජාතික පෙරමුණ.

වසන්ත අල්විස්,
කැඳවුම්කරු,
මහජන යුතුකම් කේන්ද්‍රය.

නීතිඥ මධුමාලි අල්විස්,
කැඳවුම්කරු,
යුක්තිය හා පරමාධිපත්‍යය උදෙසා ජනතා හඬ,

පිටපත්
1.ගරු අග‍්‍රමාත්‍ය රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතා
2. විදේශ අමාත්‍යතුමා
3. ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාවේ රුසියානු තානාපතිතුමා
4. සභාපති, ගුවන් තොටුපල හා ගුවන් සේවා සමාගම
5. සියලූම ජනමාධ්‍යය

රුසියානු යානය ලංකාවට Backfire වෙයි.. ලාබෙට බොරතෙල් නැතිවෙයි.. තේ වෙලදපල අවදානමේ.

June 5th, 2022

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

රුසියානු ගුවන් සේවයේ ගුවන් යානාවක් මෙරට රදවා තබා ගැනීම මත ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට බරපතළ ආර්ථික අර්බුද රැසක් මතුවනු ඇතැයි දේශපාලන විචාරක දයාන් ජයතිලක මහතා සඳහන් කරයි.

පළමු කොටම රුසියාවෙන් පැමිණි සංචාරක ආදායමක් අහිමි වන බවද පැවසූ ඔහු දෙවනුව ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට ලබාදීමට සූදානමින් ලාභදායී බොරතෙල් නැතිවණු ඇතැයි සඳහන් කළේය.

එමෙන්ම රුසියාව ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ප්‍රධානතම තේ ගැනුම්කරුවකු වන නිසා එම වෙළඳ පලටද බලපෑමක් එල්ලවනු ඇතැයි ද හෙතෙම පැවසීය.

මේ හේතුවෙන් ඇති වී තිබෙන තත්ත්වය සම්බන්ධයෙන් ජනාධිපතිවරයා, අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා විදේශ අමාත්‍ය හා රැස්වී තීන්දුවක් ගත යුතුව ඇතැයිද හෙතෙම කියා සිටියේය

ගුවන්යානා හබය දුරදිග යයිද?

June 5th, 2022

Aeroflot aircraft detained over private legal issue – PM tells Russia

June 5th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

Sri Lanka’s Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has informed Russia through the Foreign Ministry that the issue over the Aeroflot passenger aircraft is not between the two countries but is a private legal issue. 

The Premier further assures that Sri Lanka’s Minister of Justice has been informed to expedite the process of the court case.

Wickremesinghe has reportedly directed the Foreign Secretary to speak to the Russian Foreign Ministry and explain the matter, and to further clarify that the enjoining order had nothing to do with the Sri Lankan government. 

Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs had issued a statement on Saturday with reference to the detention of Aeroflot passenger aircraft flight SU-289 which is currently at the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA), which has somewhat escalated into a diplomatic row now.

On 2 June 2022, the Commercial High Court of the Western Province issued an Enjoining Order on the Aeroflot flight restraining it from taking off from Bandaranaike International Airport, the ministry said. 

It said the case relates to a commercial dispute between the Plaintiff, Celestial Aviation Trading 10 Limited an Irish Company against the first Defendant the Public Joint Stock Company “Aeroflot” and the second Defendant, Mr. N. C Abeywardene/Acting Head of Air Navigation/Airport and Aviation Services of Sri Lanka (AASL), Katunayake.

The matter is still pending final determination of the Court, the foreign ministry said, adding that this matter is also under consultation through normal diplomatic channels.

Russia’s flagship carrier yesterday announced that it is suspending commercial flights to Sri Lanka after the nation’s authorities detained the airline’s Airbus A330 jet on June 02.

Aeroflot is suspending commercial flights to Colombo (Sri Lanka) for the immediate period due to an unreliable situation in terms of the airline’s unobstructed flights to Sri Lanka. The sales of tickets for flights to Colombo have been temporarily shut down,” Russian state-owned news agency TASS said quoting the airline.

On Friday (June 03), Aeroflot reported that the departure of its SU-289 flight from Colombo to Moscow scheduled for June 2 was at first delayed and then cancelled due to the absence of permit from Sri Lanka’s aviation authorities.

Earlier, Colombo’s Commercial High Court satisfied a complaint filed by Ireland’s Celestial Aviation Trading Limited leasing company against Aeroflot and banned its Airbus A330 jet from leaving the country until June 16. A court hearing to lift the seizure of the aircraft is scheduled for June 8, 2022.

Meanwhile the Sri Lankan Ambassador to Moscow Janitha Abewickrema Liyanage was summoned to the Russian Foreign Ministry on Friday where she was expressed resolute protest over the detention of an Aeroflot plane in her country, according to a statement made by the Russian diplomatic agency.

The head of the diplomatic mission was expressed protest over the groundless decision by Sri Lanka’s judicial authorities to detain a regular Aeroflot flight preparing to depart for Moscow at Bandaranaike International Airport on June 2,” the Russian Foreign Ministry said. 

We urged the Sri Lankan side to settle this problem as soon as possible to avoid its negative impact on traditionally friendly bilateral relations,” the agency added.

LRH says 20% children admitted suffer from malnutrition

June 5th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

Doctors at the Lady Ridgeway Hospital (LRH) for Children have made a startling discovery, with studies showing that 20% of children admitted to the hospital suffer from malnutrition.

While the cause of malnutrition can be attributed to the ongoing economic crisis and food shortage, the situation could be averted if the children are given more vegetables to eat, Consultant Paediatrician at the hospital Dr. Deepal Perera said.

Last week we tested 53 children in ward No. 02 of the hospital. We found out that among them, 20% of the children in the ward are malnourished. Half of them had also suffered from severe acute malnutrition and this is a challenging situation.”

Dr. Perera said that the test was conducted after it was observed that the weight and the height of the of the children was below par.

This was because the children are not receiving carbohydrates, proteins, lipids and vitamins in the required quantities. […] After 6 months, breast milk is not enough to provide nutrition to the child, so certain food items should be introduced,” he added.

What the Crisis in Sri Lanka Means for the World

June 4th, 2022

ian bremmer Courtesy Times

Many middle-income and developing countries are now suffering from a combination of internal political dysfunction and external economic shocks generated mainly by COVID-19 and the war in Ukraine. Sri Lanka provides a powerful example and a warning for countries in other regions that will face similar predicaments.

Sri Lanka is not a poor country. When adjusted for purchasing power, per capita GDP in this nation of 22 million people is higher than in South Africa, Peru, Egypt, or Indonesia. But the country now faces a political crisis powered by severe shortages of food, fuel, electricity, and medicine. The currency is collapsing, and the government can’t afford imports or to make its debt payments. At times in recent weeks, violent protests have threatened to spiral out of control.

How did we get here?

A quarter century of civil war, which ended in 2009, has created a legacy of violence at the heart of Sri Lanka’s politics. In 2019, a terrorist attack by an ISIS-inspired Islamist group on minority Christians made international headlines. On Easter Sunday, a series of bombs detonated in churches and hotels killed and injured hundreds of people. Those attacks, and the sense of insecurity they created across the island nation helped elect Gotabaya Rajapaksa, a former defense minister with a reputation for toughness, later that year.

Gota, as the president is widely known, then named his older brother, Mahinda, a former president, as prime minister. A landslide election victory in 2020 gave the Rajapaksas a two-thirds parliamentary majority, which then allowed them to rewrite Sri Lanka’s constitution to give the president extraordinary new powers.

Then hubris kicked in. Family and friends were given important posts in government. A series of economic mistakes, including populist tax cuts, deprived the government of revenue and made it much harder to borrow money abroad.

External shocks have also played a big role in Sri Lanka’s troubles. COVID-19 devastated a tourism sector still reeling from terrorism, a sector that’s critical for government revenue and job creation in the country. The pandemic also cut deeply into remittances, money sent home by Sri Lankans working abroad.

The increasingly unpopular Rajapaksas refused to accept the need for government spending cuts and tax increases to help Sri Lanka avoid even tougher economic conditions. A ban on chemical fertilizers to push farmers toward organic farming in the middle of the economic crisis made matters worse for the country’s food supply.

Then came Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the damage it is now inflicting on global food and fuel prices. Russia and Ukraine are both leading exporters of grain, and the war has shut in much of that production. Russia and its ally Belarus, which also faces Western sanctions for allowing Russia to use his country’s territory as a launchpad for attacks on Ukraine, are leading producers of fertilizer. Higher prices for fuel are the natural result of supply worries that have pushed oil above $100 per barrel. Sri Lanka also imports more than 80 percent of its medical supplies. Donors in India and in Europe have helped, but there’s a limit to how much they are willing to do.

In Sri Lanka, public anger came to a head in early MayEconomic pressures exacerbated infighting within the Rajapaksa family, particularly between the president and prime minister.After the government appeared to send counter-protesters to attack the mainly peaceful crowds that called for the prime minister to resign, bloodshed ensued. Enraged anti-government protesters then went on an arson spree, attacking the homes of Rajapaksa family allies, and threatening the prime minister’s own residence. The PM was forced to step down, and he needed the protection of security forces for a 4 AM evacuation of his home.

A state of emergency was declared across the county. Angry mobs have launched more attacks on politicians and their homes. Hundreds have been injured in recent weeks, and some have died. A member of parliament was killed in his car. Two more of President Rajapaksa’s siblings and a nephew have resigned their cabinet posts.

Late last month, Sri Lanka defaulted on its debt for the first time in the nation’s history.

What now?

President Rajapaksa, struggling to survive politically, has pledged to reverse some of the constitutional changes that gave him more power. He has accepted help for Sri Lanka’s economy from India and China, and he’s appealed to the IMF for a bailout. New Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesing, a political veteran, has been brutally honest in his public comments on the scale of the problems Sri Lanka faces and the need for bold action to solve them. He has said Sri Lanka will raise tax rates to earn a bailout from the International Monetary Fund. He then used a televised speech to call on protest groups to join in the process of reform. He pledged that parliamentary committees will allow lawmakers, young people and experts to work together.

For now, the protesters continue to demand President Rajapaksa’s resignation, though there don’t appear to be enough votes in parliament to impeach him, and the opposition looks to have little interest in sharing responsibility for cleaning up this mess by joining a government of national unity.

In short, a chastened Sri Lankan government will try to muddle through, hope the pandemic and Russia’s war in Ukraine end soon, and do its best to secure long-term financial health.

It’s a pattern that will be repeated in many developing countries in coming years.

Russian flight grounded at BIA: Sri Lankan authorities urge court to suspend court order

June 4th, 2022

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Sri Lankan authorities today raised objections against the Enjoining Order issued by Colombo Commercial High Court preventing a Russian Aeroflot flight from taking off within the territorial jurisdiction of Sri Lanka.

Additional Solicitor General Sumathi Dharmawardena PC appearing for the Airport and Aviation Services Ltd (second defendant) urged the Court to suspend the operation of Enjoining Order issued in respect of the Russian Aerofloft flight.

In response, Commercial High Court Judge Harsha Sethunge reiterated that the Court did not issue any order against the government of Sri Lanka but it was made against the first defendant, Aeroflot Russian Airlines, regarding a contractual dispute.

On Thursday (2), Celestial Aviation Trading Limited in Ireland obtained an Enjoining Order against Aeroflot Russian Airlines for its failure to comply with the terms of a Lease Agreement between two parties.

Taking into consideration the facts, the court issued an Enjoining Order.

This Enjoining Order will be effective until June 8. The plaintiff had named the Public Joint Stock Company-Aeroflot Russian Airlines and N.C.

Abeywardena Acting Head of Air Navigation Services as the defendants of the petition.

The defendants were directed to file limited objections against the Enjoining Order on June 6.

By a letter, the plaintiff company has notified Aeroflot Russian Airlines that all rights and interests of the Russian Airlines to possess and operate the aircraft had immediately ceased and terminated due to violating the lease agreement.

The plaintiff company further alleged that Aeroflot Russian Airlines also failed to provide the insurance related information as requested by the plaintiff by violating the lease agreement.  

Additional Solicitor General Dharmawardena informed the Court that the plaintiff, Celestial Aviation Trading Limited, had obtained the Enjoining Order by misrepresenting statutory provisions set out in the Civil Aviation Act No. 14 of 2010.

He pointed out that in accordance with the Civil Aviation Act, the second defendant, the Airport and Aviation Services Ltd has no authority to prohibit the first defendant Aeroflot Russian Airlines from preventing an aircraft from taking off within the territorial jurisdiction of Sri Lanka.

The said Act stated in the Enjoining Order pertaining to the Airport and Aviation Services Ltd is subject to statutory duties vested in a public official in terms of Civil Aviation Act. Therefore, on careful consideration of the provisions of the Interpretation Ordinance, especially section 24 of the Interpretation Ordinance, the above Enjoining Order is contrary to section 24 of the Interpretation Ordinance,” Dharmawardena added.

Meanwhile, Dr. Lasantha Hettiarachchi, appearing for the Russian Airlines, submitted to court that following the court order, 191 passengers were prevented from leaving and they were sent to a hotel. He said the Commercial High Court has issued this order without a jurisdiction.

He further said this matter has already created serious embarrassment to the country. He said this is a contract between two parties, one in Ireland and another in Russia, originally entered in 2002.

However, the Commercial High Court Judge observed that there is no Enjoining Order against the second defendant.  

 Avindra Rodrigo PC with Counsel Aruna de Silva appeared for the plaintiff. Additional Solicitor General Sumathi Dharmawardena PC with SDSG Mahen Gopallawa and DSG Rajiv Gunatilleke appeared for the second defendant. (Lakmal Sooriyagoda)

Aeroflot suspends flights to Sri Lanka over aircraft’s arrest

June 4th, 2022

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Aeroflot has suspended commercial flights to Colombo (Sri Lanka).

The decision was prompted by “the unfavorable situation as regards guarantees of unobstructed flights of the airline’s aircraft to Sri Lanka,” Aeroflot said in a statement.

The airline suspended the sale of tickets to Colombo as well.

As reported earlier, an Aeroflot Airbus A330 arrived in Colombo on Thursday morning and was supposed to return to Moscow the same day. However, the departure was postponed until Friday morning.

On Friday, the aircraft again was unable to fly out to Russia. Local media reported that a commercial court in Colombo had banned the Russian aircraft from leaving the country until at least June 16. The complaint had been filed by Ireland’s Celestial Aviation Trading Limited, which is affiliated with the lessor GECAS.

Russia’s Aeroflot suspends commercial flights to Sri Lanka

June 4th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

Russia’s flagship carrier announced that it is suspending commercial flights to Sri Lanka after the island nation’s authorities detained the airline’s Airbus A330 jet on June 02.

Aeroflot is suspending commercial flights to Colombo (Sri Lanka) for the immediate period due to an unreliable situation in terms of the airline’s unobstructed flights to Sri Lanka. The sales of tickets for flights to Colombo have been temporarily shut down,” Russian state-owned news agency TASS said quoting the airline.

In its statement, Aeroflot has said its passengers located in Colombo with return tickets for the 2nd, 4th and 5th of June will be brought to Russia on the 4th and 5th of June.

Repatriation planes will fly to Colombo without passengers, it added.

Passengers with tickets to Moscow for later dates will also be brought to Russia as scheduled, the airline assured.

On Friday (June 03), Aeroflot reported that the departure of its SU-289 flight from Colombo to Moscow scheduled for June 2 was at first delayed and then cancelled due to the absence of permit from Sri Lanka’s aviation authorities.

Earlier, Colombo’s Commercial High Court satisfied a complaint filed by Ireland’s Celestial Aviation Trading Limited leasing company against Aeroflot and banned its Airbus A330 jet from leaving the country until June 16. A court hearing to lift the seizure of the aircraft is scheduled for June 8, 2022.


-with inputs from agencies 

PM Ranil says the worst is yet to come

June 4th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

The worst is yet to come, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said, appealing to the general public to brace themselves for the looming tough times.

Addressing a conference organized in Colombo on Friday, he assured that necessary measures are being taken to introduce a food security programme to deal with the impending food crisis and source financing requirements from all friendly nations.

The Premier said the country’s food supply is sufficient until this September or October, adding that the government making efforts to procure fertilizer required for the next Maha season.

The country will be self-sufficient by February next year, if the fertilizer procuring attempts are successful, he pointed out.

What do you do in between? As the economy fails, more and more jobs are being lost, more and more enterprises are collapsing. This is what we are heading towards,” he warned.

Noting that people may not be able to find three meals a day, the prime minister stressed the need to avoid starvation.

We cannot get through this year by ourselves,” PM Wickremesinghe said, explaining that Sri Lanka needs to reach out again to the countries it rejected.

He said Sri Lanka is lucky that India and China came forward for help and added that the island nation should also look towards the western countries.

Speaking further, PM Wickremesinghe addressed the criticisms against the Central Bank of Sri Lanka for some of its measures to remedy the crisis situation such as the impact the interest rate hikes have had on the SMEs.

The Premier said this is natural given the situation of the country but assured that he would intervene if the impacts of the Central Bank’s policy persist.

I don’t want to interfere [with the Central Bank], because there is confidence if you allow the Central Bank to take decisions on monetary policy independently.”

Finding Organic Fertilizer

June 3rd, 2022

D. W. A. Hettiarachchi

Our country’s food production was almost destroyed by a stroke of a pen perhaps due to wrong advice to the authorities. But was there a massive use of chemical fertilizer even in early 70s when Mahaveli was not in the horizon?. I do not think so.

I was about 9 years old when my father who was an engine driver of factories aligned with coconut industry, when he introduced me to farming. Perhaps he wanted to teach me the things involved in paddy cultivation including the selection process in finding the correct seed or ‘biththara wee”. I never saw any other farmer in that area (or ‘yaaya’) using fertilizer. That was in early 50s. Then in early 70s, after I got married I used to see the methods used in rice cultivation in my father in law’s area in Dedigama. There too, I did not see fertilizer being used, but the farmers were contended with the yield they got and their rice store box which is sufficient for the whole year for a large family was always full. What was the reason?. Perhaps they were getting organic fertilizer for free.

All along their water streams I have seen large Mee trees. They never cut down those trees to which large number of bats would come and feed on the fruits. And their droppings must have been supplying the organic fertilizer needs free of charge. The following link gives a very good proof how this factor has helped the farming in some parts of Africa and Americas.

 This our farmers may have used many a thousand of years ago. And according to history discussion that are going on weekly, our ancient kings have prohibited the cutting of Mee trees. https://youtu.be/GztRh8isKKc

Another thing which I have found is the use of sewage treatment plant effluent. When I was doing the construction of Pugoda textile mill, we constructed a treatment plant called ‘Trickling Filter’ for the processing of sewage of about 50 houses. There were no equipment or chemicals used. The sewage was directed to a tank via a series of channels which trickled on to stones of about 150 mm in size and about 1.5 m thick layer. What came out at the bottom was completely oxidized effluent which was allowed to enter a stream that fed a sizable paddy field owned by villagers. I saw the rice plant were very green and healthy. Similarly I have observed in an ASEAN country where they have many oxidation pond that they used to treat sewage from housing schemes, the effluent is nourishing and we could see lot of plants and fish that thrive on the downstream side. Sometimes we have seen many crocodiles also that come to feed on the fish. There have been cases when the crocodiles attacking people who come to catch fish. No chemicals are used in this process of oxidation. This means that if we allow the natural process to take place there will be a bio diversity as well as saving of costs.

This is food for thought of authorities when they design new housing schemes in distant areas. The trickling filter mentioned above was not more than 30m by 20m which didn’t occupy lot of land.

“The phosphate issue which the author (narrator) is emphasizing on is another kettle of fish. We own at Eppawala one of the largest deposits of Phosphate compounds in the world. And it is one of our strategic assets  Hope the current government will not try to auction it to foreigners as they did before.”


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