ආචාර්ය වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති

මේ රටේ ලෙඩ්ඩුන්ට වඩා ඉන්නේ වෙද්දු” කියලා වලස් මාමා” කතාවේ එක කොටසක තියෙනවා. ලෙඩක් හැදුනාම ඒකට බෙහෙත් රෙකමදාරු කරන, උපදෙස් දෙන අය කෝටි ප්‍රකෝටි ගානක් ඉන්න හින්දා ඒ කතාව සහතික ඇත්ත බව අපි හැමෝම දන්නවා. හැබැයි ඒ කතාව ඇත්තක් කියලා පිළිගත්ත පමණින් දැන් අපේ රටට ලෙඩ්ඩුත්ගේ හිඟයක් තියෙනවා කියලා කියන්නත් බෑ. මේ වෙද්දි අපි ලෙඩ්ඩුන්ගෙන් ස්වයංපෝෂිත වෙලා ඉන්නේ!

මේ ජීවිත කාලය තුළ සිරි ලංකා ලෙඩ කතාව විකාශය වෙච්ච විදිහ ගැනත් යම් ආකාරයක මතක සටහන් අපේ හිත්වල රැඳිලා තියෙනවා. ඉපැදිලා දවස් කීපයක් යද්දි මගේ ඇඟ පුරා ම බිබිලි මතුවෙලා තුවාල ගොඩක් ඇතිවෙලා තියෙනවා. අඟහරුවාදා දවසක කුජ මහ දශාවෙන් කුජ බලවත් වෙලා ඉපැදිච්ච හින්දා එහෙම වුනා කියලා තමයි කේන්දරේ බලපු අය කියලා තියෙන්නේ. ඒක කොහොම වුනත් මේ තුවාල නිට්ටාවට ම සනීප වෙලා තියෙන්නේ මගේ වයස අවුරුදු දෙකක් විතර වුනාම. ඉතින් ඒ හින්දා අර පුංචි කාලේ නළලේ කළුපාට ලොකු මොට්ටුවක් තියලා වාඩි කරවලා ගත්ත ටිකිරි සිනා පින්තූරයක් මට නෑ. කොහොම වුනත් ඒ ලෙඩ කතාව මම අහපු එකක්. ඔච්චර පුංචි කාලේ ඒවා කාට ද මතක?

වලපනේ හරස්බැද්දේ ඉඳලා පඬුවස්නුවර මගුලාගම ආවට පස්සේ අම්මලා නිතර නිතර නංගිව ඇරගෙන වෙද මහත්තුරු, දොස්තර මහත්තුරු හම්බවෙන්න ගියා. ඒ දවස්වල අම්මලාට තිබුණ ලොකුම ප්‍රශ්නය තමයි නංගි හරි කෙට්ටුයි කියන එක. කෙට්ටු අයත් ලෝකයේ ඉන්නවා කියන එක තමයි අම්මලාට වෙද මහත්තුරු දීලා තියෙන උත්තරේ. ඒක ලෙඩක් නෙවෙයි. අම්මලාගේ මේ කලබලයට පදනම් වෙච්ච පොඩි කාරණයක් තියෙනවා. ඒක තමයි ඒ කාලේ මහතට තිබුණු සමාජ වටිනාකම. ඈ බං අක්කේ, උඹ කෙට්ටු වෙලානේ” කියලා නෑදෑ හිතවත්තු මුණ ගැහිච්ච වෙලාවට නිතර නිතර කියනවා අපිට ඇහෙනවා. කෙට්ටු වෙනවා කියන එකට ඇදිලා පැදිලා යනවා කියලාත් කියනවා. ඒක හොඳ වැඩක් නෙවෙයි. මිනිස්සු වුනාම හොඳ මහතට ඉන්න ඕන. ඒත් දැන් කාලේ හැමෝ ම කැමැති කෙට්ටුවට ඇඟ හදා ගන්න.

ඉතින් කන බොන ප්‍රමාණය වුනත් මේ කෙට්ටුවට – මහතට අදාළව තමයි තීරණය වුනේ. හොඳට බඩ පිරෙන්න කන්නේ නැති නම් ඒක ලෙඩක් විදිහට සැළකුවා. කන බොන දේවලුත් නිමක් නැතුව තිබුණානේ. මගුලාගම ඉන්න කාලේ වගේ ම 1981 දී මැටියගනේට ආවට පස්සෙත් අපි අපේ වත්තේ අල ජාති ඉවරයක් නැතුව වවලා තියෙනවා. ඉන්නල, රාජල, හිඟුරල, කිරි අල, කටු අල, රතඹල, කිරි කොඩොල්, බතල, මඤ්ඤොක්කා වගේ දේවල් හැමෝම වැව්වා. ඔය දේවල්වලින් සෑහෙන ප්‍රමාණයක් අපිත් වැව්වා. බතල කෑවේ තම්බලා විතරක් නෙවෙයි. අපි නිතර නිතර බතල පුච්චලාත් කනවා. චීනයට ගියා ම පෙයි-චිං නගරයේ පාරවල් අයිනේ ඉන්න පොඩි පොඩි වෙළෙන්දෝ පුච්චපු බතල විකුණනවා දැක්කාම අපි බතල කාපු හැටිත් මතක් වෙනවා. බෙන්ස්, අවුඩි කාර්වලින් යන පෙයි-චිං නගරයේ ලොකු ලොකු පොෂ් නෝනලා පවා ඒ පුච්චපු බතල ඇරගෙන කකා යනවා එනවා අපි නිතර ම දකිනවා. ඒ විදිහට අඟුරු යට පුළුස්සපු බතල කන එක හමට හොඳයි කියලා කියනවාත් මම අහලා තියෙනවා.

දැන් මේක දැක්ක ගමන් අපේ කට්ටිය දවල් රෑ නැතුව බතල පුච්ච පුච්ච කන්න පටන් ගනියි ද දන්නේ නෑ. අපේ අය එහෙම තමයි. ලෙඩ මානසිකත්වයෙන් ජීවත් වෙන හින්දා මොකක් හරි දෙයක් මොකක් හරි ලෙඩකට හොඳයි කියලා ආරංචි වෙච්ච ගමන් ම ඒකම කන්න පටන් ගන්නවා. කාමරංගා හොඳයි කිව්වාම දවල් රෑ නැතුව ඒක කන්න පටන් ගත්තා. ඊට පස්සේ ඒක හොඳ නෑ කියලා තව කවුද කිව්වාම ඒ දිහා බලන්නේවත් නෑ. මෙන්න මේකට තමයි සිංහල අන්තවාදය කියලා කියන්නේ.

සෞඛ්‍ය ගැන කතාවයි කෑම ගැන කතාවයි වෙන් කරලා කියන්න පුළුවන් එකක් නෙවෙයි. කෑම තමයි හොඳ ම ඖෂධය කියලා අපේ අම්මා ඒ දවස්වල නිතර ම කියනවා. ඒ කොහොම වුනත් මේ කතා දෙක ම එකට කියන්න ගියොත් මේක මහා හෑල්ලක් බවට පත්වෙන්න පුළුවන්. ඒ හින්දා කෑම ගැන කතාව පස්සේ කියන්නම්. මේ කියන්නේ සෞඛ්‍යයට අදාළ කතාව.

අපි පොඩි කාලේ ඇ‍ඟේ තුවාල කැලලක් තිබ්බ නැති එවුන් හිටියේ නෑ. පුංචි කාලේ අපිට එක එක තුවාල හැදෙනවා. සෙල්ලම් කරන්න ගිහිල්ලා වැටිලා දණිහ පතුරු ගහගත්ත නැති එකෙක් නෑ. වතු පිටිවල සෙල්ලම් කරද්දි, වැඩ කරද්දි හරියට කටු ඇනෙනවා. කරඹ කටු වගේ ඒවා නම් ටිකක් යටට ඇනෙනවා. ඇනිච්ච කටු ගන්න එකත් කලාවක්. ඒක හැමෝට ම කරන්න බෑ. අපි හැට්ට කටුවලින් තමයි කටු ගන්නේ. යටට ඇනිලා කැඩිච්ච කටුවක් ගන්න නම් ටිකක් රිද්දන්න ඕන. යටි පතුල හාරලා ඒ වගේ වැඩක් කරන්න ටිකක් තද හිතක් තියෙන්න ඕන. ඔය කටු ගැනිල්ල මට හොඳට පුළුවන් වැඩක්.

හුඟක් යටට ඇනිච්ච සමහර කටු ගන්න අමාරුයි. ඒවාට බෙහෙත් බඳින්න ඕන. සමහර බෙහෙත් බඳින්නේ හම බුරුල් වෙන්න. තවත් සමහර බෙහෙත් බඳින්නේ කටුව උඩට ඇදෙන්න. සීනියි පොලුයි එකට අනලා බඳින සිරිතකුත් තිබුණා. පාන් කෑල්ලක් පොඟවලා බඳින සිරිතකුත් තිබුණා. මොන සෙල්ලමක් හරි දාලා කටුවක් ගත්තාම ඒ තුවාලේ පුච්චන්න ඕන. පත්තු කරපු පාන් තිරයකින් රත් වෙච්ච තෙල් බිංදුවක් දෙකක් දාලා තමයි ඒ තුවාලේ පිච්චුවේ.

වත්තේ පිටියේ එක එක වැඩ කරන්න ගියා ම නිතර නිතර කැපුම් තුවාලත් ඇති වෙනවා. කුස්සියේ වැඩ කරන අයත් මේ අනතුරට මූණ දෙනවා. කෝපි දළු, කෝපි කුඩු වගේ දේවල් කැපුම් තුවාලවලට බඳිනවා. මගුලාගම ඉන්න කාලේ මේ වැඩේට නිතර ගත්තේ මරතොණ්ඩි කොළ. ඒවා බැඳලා තුවාලේ සනීප කරගත්තාට පස්සේ රතු පාටට හිටින කහට පැල්ලම සතියක් දෙකක් ගියත් මැකෙන්නේ නෑ.

නිතර ම හොටු පෙරා ගත්ත කොල්ලෝ අපේ පංතිවලත් හිටියා. සමහර එවුන්ට කැවෙන තරමට ම හොටු වැක්කෙරෙනවා. දැන් නම් ඒ ගැන හිතද්දිත් මහ අප්පිරියාවක් ඇති වෙනවා. ඒත් ඒ කාලේ ඒවා සාමාන්‍ය දේවල්. අව්වේ සෙල්ලම් කරද්දි සමහර වෙලාවට නහයෙන් ලේ එන ලෙඩක් මට තිබුණා. හෙවනකට ඇරන් ගිහිල්ලා තෙත රෙද්දක් ඔළුව උඩින් තිබ්බාම ලේ එන එක නවතිනවා. වයස අවුරුදු නවයක් දහයක් යද්දි ඒ ලෙඩේ නිකම් ම නැතිවෙලා ගියා. ඔය එකකටවත් අපි දොස්තරලා ගාවට ගිහිල්ලා නෑ.

මගුලාගම ඉන්න කාලේ සෙල්ලම් කරද්දි කකුලේ බොලටැහැ (වළලු කර) උලුක්කු වෙන ලෙඩකුත් මට තිබුණා. අපේ ගෙදරට ඉස්සරහ පාරෙන් අනිත් පැත්තේ තිබුණේ හිස් පොල් ඉඩමක්. ඒ හිස් ඉඩම හරහා ගියාම ආයෙත් ගෙවල් මණ්ඩියක් හම්බවෙනවා. ඒ ගෙවල් මණ්ඩියේ හිටපු සීයා කෙනෙක්ට උලුක්කු අදින්න පුළුවන්. පොල් කිරි මතුරවලා කකුලේ ගාලා ඒ සීයා උලුක්කු අදිනවා. අදින්න ලෑස්තිවෙද්දි හිතට බයක් දැනුනට රිදෙන්නේ නෑ.

කොහෙන් හරි රසකිඳ වැල් කෑල්ලක් හම්බ වුනාම අම්මා ඒක රෝලක් වගේ ඔතලා වැටට දානවා. ටික දවසක් යද්දි ඒ රසකිඳ වැලේ කිරි පාට මුල් ඇදෙන්න පටන් ගන්නවා. පොඩි පොඩි දළු මතුවෙනවා. ඉතින් මාසයක් දෙකක් යද්දි හොඳ රසකිඳ වැලක් අපිටත් ලැබෙනවා. සතියකට හමාරකට වතාවක් අම්මා නෙල්ලි රසකිඳ තම්බලා අපිට බොන්න දෙනවා. නෙල්ලි රසකිඳ තිත්ත බීමක් නෙවෙයිනේ. ඒක බොන්න සීනි ටිකක් හරි හකුරු කෑල්ලක් හරි ලැබෙන හින්දා ඒකට බෑ කියන්න කිසිම හේතුවක් තිබුණෙත් නෑ. මාසයකට සැරයක් දෙකක්වත් නෙල්ලි රසකිඳ බොන්න ඕන කියලා අම්මා නිතර ම කිව්වා. ඒත් දැන් ඒ වැඩේ කරගන්න විදිහක් නෑ.

බෙහෙත් පෙට්ටියකුයි, පුංචි තරාදියකුයි, බෙහෙත් කිරන පොඩි පොඩි තඹ කාසි වගේ දේවලුයි අපේ ගෙදර තිබුණා. මේක ඒ කාලේ හැම ගෙදරකට ම අදාළ දෙයක්. අඩි දෙකක් විතර දිග, අඩි එක හමාරක් විතර පළල, අඩියක් විතර උස ඒ ලී පෙට්ටිය ඇතුළේ බෙහෙත් ජාති ගොඩක් තිබුණා. කසායක් තම්බන වෙලාවට වත්තෙන් පිටියෙන් හොයාගන්න ඕන අමු බෙහෙත් ජාති සෑහෙන ප්‍රමාණයක් අපි වුනත් අඳුරනවා. කලාඳුරු වගේ දේවල් මිදුලේ වැවෙනවා. තිප්පිලි වගේ දේවල් නම් වවලා තිබුණා. හැම ගෙදරක ම වගේ තරමක් ලොකු වෙනිවැල්ගැට කෑල්ලක් තිබුණා. ඒක ගිරෙන් කපන්න අමාරුයි. කොටයක් උඩ තියලා මන්න පිහියකින් කොටලා තමයි ඒකෙන් ටිකක් කපාගන්නේ. හෙම්බිරිස්සාවකට නම් නිතර බිව්වේ කොත්තමල්ලි. හිසේ කැක්කුමක්, ඇ‍ඟේ පතේ රුදාවක්, ලොකු තුවාලයක් වුනාම වෙනිවැල්ගැට තම්බලා බිව්වා. මැටියගනේ ගෙදර වහළ ගහන වෙලාවේ යකඩ ඇණයක් ඇනිලා සති ගානක් වෙනිවැල් ගැට බොන්න මට සිද්ද වුනා. අවුරුද්දකට දෙතුන් වතාවක් අරළු, බුළු, නෙල්ලි තම්බලා බොන එකත් අපි කළා.

ඔය හැම දෙයක් ම පුරුද්දට වගේ කරගෙන ගිය චාරිත්‍ර මිසක් ලෙඩ දුක් ගැන වද වෙවී කරපු ඒවා නෙවෙයි. අම්මලාට ඒ ගැන අදහසක් තියෙන්න ඇති. ඒත් අපිට නම් ඒවා ගැන වගේ වගක් තිබුණේ නෑ. ඒ කාලේ ළමයෙක් ඉස්කෝලේ යන්න කම්මැලි හිතුණාම කියන්නේ බඩ රිදෙනවා කියලා. ඉස්කෝලේ යන වැඩේ මහ අමාරුවක් නො තිබුණු හින්දා අපිට නම් ඒ ලෙඩේ හැදුනේ නෑ.

ලෙඩ ගැන නිතර හිතන්න හොඳ නෑ කියන එක තමයි අම්මාගේ අදහස වුනේ. ඉතින් ඒ දවස්වල තුසිත මලලසේකර මහත්තයා ගුවන්විදුලියෙන් ඉදිරිපත් කරපු සෞඛ්‍යය වැඩසටහන අහන්න අවසරයක් අපිට ලැබුණේ නෑ. මම අදටවත් ඔය පත්තරවල තියෙන සෞඛ්‍ය පිටු කියවන්නේ නෑ. ලෙඩ රෝග කියලා කියන්නේ කමටහනක් බවට පත් කරගන්න ඕන දෙයක් නෙවෙයි කියන අදහස තමයි මගේ හිතේ තියෙන්නේ. ඒක අම්මාගෙන් ලැබිච්ච දායාදයක්.

වයසට ගිහිල්ලා හරි අනතුරුවලින් හරි මිනිස්සු මැරෙන එක තමයි ඒ කාලේ අපිට අහන්න ලැබෙන්නේ. අපේ ආච්චිලා, සීයලා ඔක්කොම නැතිවුනේ වයසට ගිහිල්ලා. අපි මගුලාගම ඉන්න කාලේ අර උලුක්කු අදින සීයාගේ අල්ලපු වත්තේ හිටපු ජෝඩුවක් ගෙදර බිත්තියකට යටවෙලා මැරුණා. අලුත් ගෙයක් හදන්න පරණ ගෙදර බිත්තියක් පෙරලන වෙලාවේ ඒක වුනා කියලා තමයි කිව්වේ. මගුලාගම ඉඳලා මාවීඇල පැත්තට තිබුණු ගෙදරක හිටිය අයියා කෙනෙක් ගොනෙක් ඇනලා මැරුණු බවත් මට මතකයි. පිහි ඇනුම් ගැනත් සැරෙන් සැරේට ආරංචි වුනා. ඉනේ පිහියක් ගහගෙන ඉන්න හාදයෙක් දෙන්නෙක් ඒ දවස්වල අපේ ගම්වල හිටියා.

1982 විතර වෙද්දි වහ බීලා මැරෙන එවුන් ගැන ප්‍රවෘත්ති නිතර නිතර ම ඇහෙන්න පටන් ගත්තා. අන්න අහවලා පොලිඩෝල් බීලා මැරිලා” වගේ කතා තමයි ඒ ප්‍රවෘත්තිවලින් කියැවුනේ. කෘෂි රසායන වර්ග පාවිච්චිය හඳුන්නලා දීපු එකත් එක්ක තමයි මේ පොලිඩෝල් විසඳුම ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙන්න පටන් ගත්තේ. හුඟක් වෙලාවට තරුණ ප්‍රේම සම්බන්ධතා බිඳ වැටිච්ච එවුන් පොලිඩෝල් බීලා ජීවිත නැති කරගත්තා. ජීවත්වෙලා හිටියා නම් මේ වෙද්දි තුන් වේලට ම පොලිඩෝල් දාපු කෑම කන්න පුළුවන් වෙන බවක් උන් දැනගෙන හිටියේ නෑ! පවට පින් දෙන්න බෑ.

මැටියගනේ ඉන්න කාලේ කිරි බෝතල් දෙකක් ගෙවල් දෙකකට දීලා උදේ හය හමාර වෙද්දි මම බස් එකට එනවා. ඉස්කෝලේ යන්න මම බස් එකට නගින්නේ මැණික් කඩේ ළඟින්. හරියට ම ඒ වෙලාවට අපේ ගමේ හිටිය එක මහත්තයෙක් මැණික් කඩේට එනවා. ඒ මහත්තයාගේ නම කියන්නේ නෑ. ඒ මහත්තයා හැම දා ම මැණික් කඩේට එන්නේ ඉන්ජෙක්සන් එකක් ගහගන්න. ඒකට හේතුව තමයි ඒ මහත්තයාට දියවැඩියාව හැදිලා තිබුණු එක. ඉතින් ශීතකරණයක් තිබුණේ මැණික් කඩේ හින්දා ඒ මහත්තයාගේ ඉන්ජෙක්සන් තිබුණෙත් එතැන. අපිට නම් ඒ වැඩේ මැජික් එකක් වගේ. දැන් නම් දියවැඩියාව කියන්නේ හෙම්බිරිස්සාවටත් වඩා ජනප්‍රිය එකක්නේ. ඉතින් දැන් කාලේ මැජික් එක තමයි දියවැඩියාව හදා ගන්නේ නැතුව ඉන්න එක.

1983, 84 කාලේ වෙද්දි කොලෙස්ටරෝල් ගැන කතා ඇහෙන්න පටන් ගත්තා. ඒ කාලේ හැටියට නම් ඒක ලොකු මිනිස්සුන්ට හැදෙන මහ නම්බුකාර ලෙඩක්. ඒ එක්කම පොල් තෙල් කෑමේ වැරැද්ද ගැනත් කතන්දර කියන්න පටන් ගත්තා. ඒත් අපි නම් පුරුදු විදිහට ම පොලුත් කෑවා. පොල් තෙල් දාලා බැදපු කෑමත් කෑවා. අපි වගේ පොඩි මිනිස්සුන්ට මොන කොලෙස්ටරෝල් ද? ඒ කොහොම වුනත් මාරයා අලුත් සටනක් පටන් ඇරගෙන තිබුණා. අපේ පංතියේ යාළුවෙක්ගේ තාත්තා (අලව්ව පැත්තේ ඉස්කෝලෙක වැඩ කරපු විදුහල්පති කෙනෙක්) හාට් ඇටෑක් එකක් හැදිලා පරලොව ගියා. ඒක තමයි මම මගේ ජීවිතේ මුල් වතාවට අහපු හාට් ඇටෑක් මරණය. දැන් ඒ යාළුවාත් එයාගේ මල්ලිත් දොස්තරලා.

1984 අවුරුද්දේ සාමාන්‍ය පෙළ විභාගය කිට්ටු වෙද්දි ඇඩිමිෂන් කාඩ් එකයි විභාග කලාසටහනයි පංති භාර ගුරුතුමිය බෙදලා දුන්නා. අන්න ඒ වෙලාවේ තමයි මම දන්නේ සෞඛ්‍ය විෂයයටත් ලියන්න ඕන කියලා. විභාගයට ඉල්ලුම් පත්‍රය පුරවද්දි මම සෞඛ්‍ය විෂයය අත ඇරලා චිත්‍ර විෂයය ලියන්න තීරණය කරලායි තිබුණේ. ඒත් අන්තිමට ඒ වැඩේ වෙලා තිබුණේ මට ඕන විදිහට නෙවෙයි. ඇප්ලිකේෂන් පුරවපු ගුරුවරයාට ඒක වරදින්න ඇති. කොහොම හරි විභාගයට සතියක් විතර තියෙද්දි තමයි වෙලා තියෙන දේ මම දැන ගත්තේ. ඒ කියන්නේ චිත්‍ර විෂයයට වාඩි වෙන්න මට බෑ. ඒ වෙනුවට මම වාඩි වෙන්න ඕන සෞඛ්‍ය විෂයයට. ඒත් අපේ අධ්‍යාපනයේ මහ ගැඹුරක් නැති හින්දා ඕවාට එච්චර කලබල වෙන්න හේතුවක් නෑ. අනිත් ඒවාට වගේ ම සෞඛ්‍ය ප්‍රශ්න පත්තරයටත් මම උත්තර ලිව්වා. ලීයක් කපා ගන්න බැරි, ඇණයක් ගහ ගන්න බැරි මම ලී වැඩ ප්‍රශ්න පත්‍රයටත් විශිෂ්ඨ සම්මානයක් ගත්ත එකේ සෞඛ්‍යයට බය වෙන්නේ ඇයි? ඉතින් ඒකටත් විශිෂ්ඨ සම්මානයක් ගන්න මට පුළුවන් වුනා.

අපිට පුරුදු වෙලා තිබුණු ඒ පරණ සෞඛ්‍ය යුගය අවසන් වෙලා අලුත් සෞඛ්‍ය යුගය පටන් ගත්තේ 1990 අවුරුද්දෙන් පස්සේ කියලයි මගේ කල්පනාව. ඒත් එක්කම අපේ ගෙවල්වල තිබුණු බෙහෙත් පෙට්ටි අතුරුදහන් වෙන්න පටන් ගත්තා. අපේ ගම්වල හන්දියක් හන්දියක් ගානේ බෙහෙත් සාප්පු පටන් ගත්තා. ඒ බෙහෙත් සාප්පුවලට කස්ටමරස්ලාත් නිතර නිතර එන්න පටන් ගත්තා.

උසස් පෙළ විභාගයෙන් පස්සේ මමත් කොළඹ ආවා. මම නැවතිලා හිටියේ අත්තිඩියේ. ඉතින් ජීවිතේ මුල් ම වතාවට ඉස්පිරිතාලේ ලගින්න පුළුවන් වෙන විදිහේ ලෙඩක් මම අත්තිඩියේ දී හදාගත්තා. ඒ ලෙඩේ තමයි මැලේරියාව. අත්තිඩියේ දී මැලේරියාව හදාගත්තාට මම නැවතුනේ දඹදෙණිය ඉස්පිරිතාලේ. මැලේරියාවට හැම දා ම හවසට සහළ වෙලා උණ ගන්නවා. දවල් දවසේ අමාරුවක් නෑ. දවස් කීපයක් ඉස්පිරිතාලේ ඉඳලා ආපහු ගෙදර ගියා. තවත් සතියක් විතර ගෙදර ඉඳලා ආපහු කොළඹ ආවා. මාසයක් යද්දි දෙවැනි වතාවටත් මට මැලේරියාව හැදුනා. ආයෙත් පරණ වැඩේ ම කළා. තවත් මාසයක් යද්දි තුන්වැනි වතාවටත් මට මැලේරියාව හැදුනා. ඒ පාර නම් දොස්තර මහත්තයා මොකක් හරි බෙහෙතක් දීලා ඒක නැත්තට ම නැති කරලා දැම්මා.

ඔය වෙද්දි මම තුන් වේල ම කඩෙන් කන්න පටන් ඇරගෙන තිබුණා. කොළඹ විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයට යන්න පටන් ගත්තාට පස්සේ වුනත් චමරියෙන් කෑවේ නෑ. උදේට දවල්ට කැම්පස් එකේ ඕපන් එකෙන් කෑවා. රෑට පුංචි බොරැල්ලේ පින්කෙතින් කෑවා. වෙන වැඩවලට එහෙ මෙහෙ ගියා ම වෙලාවේ හැටියට ලැබෙන තැනකින් කෑවා. හවසට කට්ටිය සෙට් වුනොත් රහීමා එකට ගිහිල්ලා ආප්ප කාලා තේ බීවා. මේ විදිහට විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ පළවෙනි අවුරුද්ද ඉවරවෙන්න කලින් මම ටයිපොයිඩ් (උණසන්නිපාතය) හදා ගත්තා. ඊට පස්සේ ගතවෙච්ච අවුරුදු පහ ඇතුළත තුන් වතාවක් ම ඒ හපන්කම කරන්න මට පුළුවන් වුනා.

මේ වගේ සෙල්ලම් හින්දා ඇඟපත දුර්වල වුනත් ජාම බේරගෙන ජීවිතේ ගෙවන්න පුළුවන්කමක් මට ලැබිලා තියෙනවා. ඒත් වටේ ම ඉන්නේ ලෙඩ්ඩු. කතා කළොත් කතා කරන්නේ ලෙඩ ගැන. මහ බැංකුවේ ඉන්න කාලේ දවල් කෑම සංගමයේ ලෙඩ ගැන වචනයක් හරි කතා කරන එක මම තහනම් කළා. ලෙඩ ගැන කතා කරනවා නම් සංගමයෙන් යනවා කියලාත් මම අනිත් සාමාජිකයන්ට තර්ජනය කළා. අපිට කතා කරන්න තියෙන්නේ ලෙඩ ගැන විතර ද?

දැන් මිනිස්සු ඇවිදින්න යනවා. ඒ අය ඇවිදින්නේ ලෙඩ නැති කරගන්න කියලා හිතාගෙන. ඒත් ඒ අයගේ හිතේ කමටහනක් විදිහට වැඩ කරන්නේ ලෙඩ. ඇවිදින්න ඕන ලෙඩ නැති කරගන්න නෙවෙයි. ත්‍රී වීල් එකකට සල්ලි දෙන්නේ මොකට ද කියලා හිතලා ලෝභකමට ඇවිදින එක ඊට වඩා හොඳයි. එහෙම වුනාම ඇවිදින්නේ සල්ලි වියදම් වෙන එක වළක්ව ගන්න. ඒකේ ප්‍රතිඵලයක් විදිහට ඇඟට ව්‍යායාමයක් ලැබෙනවා. එහෙමත් නැති නම් වෝකින් පාත්වල ඇවිදින්න යන්න ඕන වෙන වෙන වල්පල්, ඕපදූප හොයන අදහසින්. ඒකෙනුත් අමතර ව්‍යායාමයක් ලැබෙන්න පුළුවන්. ඉස්සර නම් වත්තේ පිටියේ වැඩ කරද්දි, ගෙදර පිටි කොටද්දි අපිට අවශ්‍ය ව්‍යායාම අපි ලබා ගත්තා. මේ විදිහට වෙනත් කටයුත්තකින් ලබාගන්න ව්‍යායාමය තමයි වටින්නේ. ලෙඩ ගැන හිත හිතා ඇවිදින එක ම ලෙඩක් කියලයි මට හිතෙන්නේ.

කන බොන එක වුනත් ලෙඩක් කරගන්න හොඳ නෑ. මොනවා හරි දෙයක් කන්න ඕන ඒක අහවල් ලෙඩේට හොඳයි කියලා හිත හිතා නෙවෙයි. ඒත් අපි දැන් මේ හැම දෙයක් ම ලෙඩක් බවට පත් කරගෙන. මනස හැම දේකට ම මුල් වෙන බව පොඩි කාලේ ඉඳලා ම ඉගෙන ගත්තාට ඒක පාඩම් කරපු දෙයක් විතරක් බවට පත් වෙලා. සතුට පරම ධනය කියන එක තවත් පාඩමක් විතරයි. ඉතින් මොනවා කරන්න ද?

සියලු සත්ත්වයෝ නිදුක් වෙත්වා! නීරෝගී වෙත්වා!!

(මේ කතාවේ ඉතිරි හරිය පස්සේ කියන්නම්)

ආචාර්ය වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති

මාධ්‍ය නිවේදන – Ministry of Transport & Civil Aviation.

පලාලි ගුවන්තොටුපොළ යාපනය ජාත්‍යන්තර ගුවන්තොටුපොළ ලෙසට නම් කෙරේ. ඒ ප්‍රවාහන සහ සිවිල් ගුවන්සේවා අමාත්‍ය අර්ජුන රණතුංග මහතා ඉදිරිපත් කළ යෝජනාවට  අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩලයේ අනුමැතිය හිමි වීමෙනි. ප්‍රාදේශීය ගුවන් තොටුපොළක් ලෙසට පැවැති යාපනය පලාලි ගුවන්තොටුපොළ කලාපීය සහ ජාත්‍යන්තර තොටුපොළක් ලෙසට සංවර්ධනය කිරීම ප්‍රවාහන සහ සිවිල් ගුවන්සේවා අමාත්‍ය අර්ජුන රණතුංග මහතාගේ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන් ආරම්භ කෙරුණේ පසුගිය ජූලි මස පස්වැනිදායි. එම සංවර්ධන කටයුතු මේ මස දහවැනිදා වන විට අවසන් කිරීමට අපේක්ෂා කෙරේ. ජාත්‍යන්තර ගුවන් ගමන් සඳහා ගුවන්තොටුපොළ විවෘත කිරීම ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මැතිතුමාගේ සහ අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතාගේ ආශිර්වාදයෙන් ලබන 17 වැනිදා හෝ ඊට ආසන්න දිනක සිදු කිරීමට අපේක්ෂා කෙරේ

පියවර තුනකින් සංවර්ධනය කෙරෙන යාපනය ජාත්‍යන්තර ගුවන් තොටුපොළෙහි ජාත්‍යන්තර සිවිල් ගුවන්සේවා සංවිධානයේ සංකේත අංකය (ICAO CODE) වන්නේ VCCJ වෙයි. ජාත්‍යන්තර ගුවන් ප්‍රවාහන සංගමයේ සංකේත අංකය (IATA) වන්නේ JAF වෙයි. මෙම නම් කිරීමට සමගාමීව මඩකලපුව ගුවන් තොටුපොළ මඩකලපුව ජාත්‍යන්තර ගුවන්තොටුපොළ ලෙසද රත්මලාන ගුවන්තොටුපොළ කොළඹ රත්මලාන ජාත්‍යන්තර ගුවන්තොටුපොළ ලෙසද නම් කෙරේ. මඩකලපුව ජාත්‍යන්තර ගුවන්තොටුපොළහි ජාත්‍යන්තර සිවිල් ගුවන්සේවා සංවිධානයේ සංකේත අංකය  VCCB ද ජාත්‍යන්තර ගුවන් ප්‍රවාහන සංගමයේ සංකේත අංකය BTC ද වෙයි. කොළඹ රත්මලාන ජාත්‍යන්තර ගුවන් තොටුපොළහි ජාත්‍යන්තර සිවිල් ගුවන්සේවා සංවිධානයේ සංකේත අංකය  VCCC ද ජාත්‍යන්තර ගුවන් ප්‍රවාහන සංගමයේ සංකේත අංකය RML ද වෙයි. මෙම නම් කිරීමත් සමඟ ලංකාවේ දැනට ඇති ජාත්‍යන්තර ගුවන්තොටුපොළ ගණන පහ දක්වා ඉහළ යයි. ඒ කොළඹ කටුනායක බණ්ඩාරනායක ජාත්‍යන්තර ගුවන්තොටුපොළ, කොළඹ රත්මලාන ජාත්‍යන්තර ගුවන්තොටුපොළ, යාපනය ජාත්‍යන්තර ගුවන්තොටුපොළ, මඩකලපුව ජාත්‍යන්තර ගුවන්තොටුපොළ සහ මත්තල ජාත්‍යන්තර ගුවන්තොටුපොළ ලෙසිනි.  

Permanent Mission of Sri Lanka Geneva

Addressing the 59^th Session of the WIPO General Assemblies on 20 September 2019, the delegation of Sri Lanka recalled how strengthened Intellectual Property systems remained critical to the effective pursuit of economic and social development, by enabling developing countries to be fully engaged in the global economy driven by knowledge and innovation.

Sri Lanka’s envoy in Geneva, Ambassador A.L.A Azeez, referred to the multifaceted work that WIPO has carried out, including through the Committee on Development and Intellectual Property, by mainstreaming its Development Agenda,  that effectively ensures the continued sharing of IP protected knowledge among Member States.

WIPO’s norm-setting agenda, Ambassador Azeez stressed, has extended to a number of innovative areas including Intellectual Property and Genetic Resources, Traditional Knowledge and Folklore. He called upon the Inter-Governmental Committee to expedite its work to finalize international legal instrument/s extending protection for these vital intellectual assets.

Sri Lanka also expressed appreciation to WIPO for its continued assistance in the form of technical cooperation and capacity building, and updated the WIPO General Assemblies on Sri Lanka’s progress in the accession process to the Madrid Protocol for the International Registration of Marks.     

The delegation of Sri Lanka to the WIPO General Assemblies comprised the Director General of the National Intellectual Property Office of Sri Lanka, Mrs. Geethanjali Ranawaka, Deputy Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka to the UN, Ms. Dayani Mendis, and Minister Counsellor, Ms. Shashika Somaratne. The WIPO General Assemblies will be in session from 30 September to 11 October 2019 in Geneva.

Permanent Mission of Sri Lanka
Geneva

30 September 2019  

By Chitra Weerarathne and A.J. Abeynayake Courtesy The Island

Romesh de Silva PC, Counsel for SLPP presidential candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa yesterday requested the Court of Appeal to dismiss a petition challenging the former defence secretary’s citizenship as it was a politically motivated application.

Pointing out that the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa had signed Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s Citizenship Certificate by exercising powers following his election as the President at the Nov 2005 presidential poll, PC de Silva said that the Court of Appeal should only consider whether the President endorsed it at the correct time.

The Court of Appeal will take up the case again at 9.30 am today (04)

Earlier in the day, the Court of Appeal yesterday directed the Deputy Solicitor General Nerin Pulle to submit a sworn affidavit from the relevant authorities to explain why any file related to the dual citizenship issue of Gotabaya Rajapaksa is not in the Department of Emigration & Immigration. The Deputy Solicitor General replied that he would attend to the matter without any delay.

At the outset Counsel Janaka de Silva told the Court of Appeal that on Tuesday it was told in objections that if the petition was allowed the sovereignty and the franchise of the people to vote would be affected as the eligibility of the candidate was of primary importance. Janak de Silva appeared for the Minister of Home Affairs Vajira Abeywardena. The Counsel referred to article 4 of the Constitution of Sri Lanka.

Accordingly the legislative power was exercised by the Parliament elected by the people. The complex thought processes in Article 3 and 4 were expressed by the rest of the Constitution, the counsel said.

Article 4(a) talks about the legislative power of an elected Parliament. Most of the laws are subject to an approval by the people, at a referendum, although the Parliament passes the laws, the Counsel said.

The Provincial laws are passed by the Provincial Councils, Article 4(6), explains that all executive powers are not vested in the President only. The people derive that power from the Constitution, the Counsel said.

The Article (30) of the Constitution, state that the President is the Head of the Government and the Commander of the Armed forces; the term ‘executive’ is broader than the term ‘government’.

The Executive comprises the President, Constitutional Council, the Cabinet of Ministers and the Public Service. Article (33) speaks of the power of the President. Article (43) (1) states that there shall be a Cabinet of Ministers, charged with the direction and the Central of the Government, the Cabinet is collectively responsible to Parliament.

To say that the power of the President is limitless is clashing with the Constitution.

To say that the power of the President is plenary is not falling in line with the Constitution.

The Executive power is the power of the people. It is not vested in the President alone, Counsel explained.

Counsel said that files relevant to the dual citizenship issue of Gotabaya Rajapaksa were not in the Department of the Commissioner General of Emigration & Immigration.

Counsel Gamini Marapana P.C. objected to that statement by Counsel Chanaka de Silva stating that he was being briefing baselessly by his client.

Counsel Marapana P.C. appeared for former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, who is a respondent and who is alleged, according to the petitioners, to have certified the citizenship application of Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

Romesh de Silva P.C. appeared with M.U.M. Ali Sabry P.C. and Sugath Caldera for Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

Counsel Gamini Marapana objected that Counsel Chanaka de Silva is not strictly referring to the relevant facts of the writ before the court.

The Bench comprised Justice Yasantha Kodagoda (President), Justice Janak de Silva and Justice Mahinda Samayawardene.

Two petitioners Professor Chandraguptha Thenuwara and Gamini Viyangoda had alleged in their petition that Gotabaya Rajapaksa has not duly withdrawn his USA citizenship. Hence he is a dual citizen and cannot contest for the Presidency of Sri Lanka.

Courtesy Adaderana

A petition has been file moving the Supreme Court to invalidate the Gazette notification declaring the Presidential Election 2019.

The petition filed by the former Mayor of Galle Methsiri de Silva has named Chairman of the Elections Commission Mahinda Deshapriya, the members of the commission and the Attorney General as its respondents.

Petitioners point out that the incumbent President Maithripala Sirisena was elected as President on January 8, 2015, for a term of six years.

Despite this, the Election Commission has issued a gazette notification calling for a presidential election as soon as five years have elapsed since the commencement of President’s term and nominations for the elections have been called on the 7th of October.

Therefore, the petitioner requested a Supreme Court ruling that declares the decision of the Elections Commission unconstitutional and the relevant gazette notification invalid.

The petitioner has also requested the court to issue an interim injunction preventing the submission of nominations for the election on the 07th October.Disclaimer: All the comments will be moderated by the AD editorial. Abstain from posting comments that are obscene, defamatory or slanderous. Please avoid outside hyperlinks inside the comment and avoid typing all capitalized comments. Help us delete comments that do not follow these guidelines by flagging them(mouse over a comment and click the flag icon on the right side). Do use these forums to voice your opinions and create healthy discourse.

උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

පාස්කු ප්‍රහාරය සැලසුම් කල බවට චෝදනා ලක්වූ සහ දුෂණ වංචාවලට සම්බන්ධ පිරිස් එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ ජනාධිපති ධුර අපේක්ෂක අමාත්‍ය සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස සමග එක්ව සිටින බවට ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණ චෝදනා කරනවා.
කොළඹ අද පැවති මාධ්‍ය හමුවට එක්වෙමින් පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී ෂෙහාන් සේමසිංහ මේ බව කියා සිටියා.

මේ අතර ඇමති සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස සහ දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානය අතර පවතින ගිවිසුම් වහාම රටට හෙළි කළ යුතු බව ද පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී ශෙහාන් සේමසිංහ සඳහන් කළා.

උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණ ප්‍රමුඛ ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂයේ ජනාධිපති අපේක්ෂක ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ නියෝජිතයින් පිරිසක් අතර, සාකච්ඡාවක් අද රාත්‍රියේ කොළඹදී පැවැත්වීමට නියමිතයි.

ජනාධිපති අපේක්ෂක ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂට සහය දැක්වීම සඳහා වන අවබෝධතා ගිවිසුම සම්බන්ධයෙන් මෙහිදී සාකච්ඡා කෙරෙනු ඇති.

නිදහස් පක්ෂය නියෝජනය කරමින් මහලේකම් පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී දයාසිරි ජයසේකර, නිදහස් සන්ධාන මහලේකම් පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී මහින්ද අමරවීර සහ නිදහස් පක්ෂ භාණ්ඩාගාරික ලසන්ත අලගියවන්න එම සාකච්ඡාවට එක්වන බවයි වාර්තා වන්නේ.

මේ අතර, ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණේ ජාතික සංවිධායක බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂ වෙත ලිපියක් යොමුකර තිබෙනවා.

ලාංඡනය සම්බන්ධයෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණේ අවසන් තීරණය ලබන 5 වනදා පැවැත්වෙන නිදහස් පක්ෂ මධ්‍යම කාරක සභා රැස්වීමට පෙර තමන්ට දැනුම් දෙන ලෙසයි එම ලිපියෙන් දක්වා ඇත්තේ.

මේ අතර, ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂ මූලස්ථානයේ අද පැවති මාධ්‍ය හමුවකට එක්වෙමින් නිදහස් සන්ධාන මහලේකම් පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී මහින්ද අමරවීර කියා සිටියේ සන්ධාන ගතවීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් දැනට සාධනීය තත්ත්වයක් පවතින බවයි.

එමෙන්ම, ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ සියලූම ආසන සංවිධායකවරුන් හෙට කොළඹට කැඳවා තිබෙනවා.

ඉදිරි ජනාධිපතිවරණය සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණ සමග සන්ධාන ගතවීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් ආසන සංවිධායකවරුන්ගේ මතය විමසීම එහිදී සිදුකෙරෙනු ඇති බවයි දේශපාලන ආරංචි මාර්ග සඳහන් කළේ.

මේ අතර, හිටපු නියෝජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය ප්‍රභා ගනේෂන්ගේ නායකත්වයෙන් යුත් ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී ජනතා කොංග්‍රසයේ නියෝජිතයින් පිරිසක් විපක්ෂ නායක මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ හමුවී සාකච්ඡා කර තිබෙනවා.

විජේරාම මාවතේ පිහිටි විපක්ෂ නායක නිල නිවසේදී ඊයේ මෙම සාකච්ඡාව පැවති අතර එහිදී ජනාධිපති අපේක්ෂක ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂගේ ජයග්‍රහණය වෙනුවෙන් ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී ජනතා කොංග්‍රසය සහය ලබාදෙන බවයි ඔවුන් ප්‍රකාශ කර ඇත්තේ.

උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

රටත් බුදු දහමත් ආරක්ෂා කර ගැනීමට නම් ඉදිරි මැතිවරණයේදී බුද්ධිමත්ව කටයුතු කළ යුතු බව අස්ගිරි පාර්ශවයේ මහනායක අතිපූජ්‍ය වරකාගොඩ ශ්‍රී ඤාණරතන හිමියන් ප්‍රකාශ කළා.

ඒ, බදුල්ලේ අද පැවති ආගමික වැඩසටහනකට එක්වෙමින්.

උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

ඥානය මුල්වුණු ආර්ථිකයක් හරහා රට ඉදිරියට ගෙන යන බව ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණ ප්‍රමුඛ ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂයේ ජනාධිපති ධුර අපේක්ෂක ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතා පවසනවා.

ඔහු මේ බව සදහන් කළේ ඉංජිනේරුවරුන් පිරිසක් සමග ඊයේ පැවැති හමුවකදී.

ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොදුජන ඉංජිනේරු පෙරමුණේ සම්මේලනය කොළඹදී ඊයේ පස්වරුවේ පැවැත්වුණේ විපක්ෂ නායක මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂල ජනාධිපති ධුර අපේක්ෂක ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ යන මහත්වරුන්ගේ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන්.

එහිදී විද්වතුන් රැසක් අදහස් පළ කළා.

මේ අතර, හිටපු නියෝජ්‍ය අමාත්‍යවරයෙකු වන ප්‍රභා ගනේෂන් මහතාගේ නායකත්වයෙන් යුත් ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී ජනතා කොංග්‍රසයේ නියෝජිතයින් පිරිසක් ඊයේ පස්වරුවේ විජේරාම නිල නිවසේදී විපක්ෂ නායක මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා හමුවුණා.

වවුනියාවල මන්නාරමල මුලතිව් සහ කිලිනොච්චි යන දිස්ත්‍රික්ක නියෝජනය කරමින් නියෝජිතයින් පිරිසක් ද මෙම හමුවට එක්ව සිටියා.

විපක්ෂ නායකවරයාගේ මාධ්‍ය අංශය සඳහන් කළේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණේ ජනාධිපති ධුර අපේක්ෂක ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතාගේ ජයග්‍රහණය වෙනුවෙන් කැප වන බව ඔවුන් මෙහිදී ප්‍රකාශ කළ බවයි.

උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතා ඉදිරි ජනාධිපතිවරණයෙන් ජය ලබා සතියක් ගතවනවිට මෙරට කාන්තාවන් පීඩාවට පත්කර ඇති ක්ෂද්‍ර මුල්‍ය ණය කපාහරින බව ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණේ ජාතික සංවිධායක බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂ මහතා පවසනවා.

අද ඇල්පිටිය ප්‍රදේශයේ පැවැති ජන හමුවකට එක්වෙමින් ඒ මහතා මේ බව සදහන් කළා.

By A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA

The UNP and the foreign servile reactionaries, NGO vultures, the Tamil chauvinists, the Butterfly gang and the bi and homosexual Jeppo have a persistent fear psychosis about the National Hero Mr. Gotabhaya Rajapaks’s imminent and massive victory in the November 16 Presidential Election.  These reactionary elements, particularly the dollar servile NGO vultures who would not even hesitate to prostitute their own mothers, sisters and children are highly worried and are in the process of making all efforts to file case after case in the courts to prevent Mr. Gotabhaya contesting the election and make him a Stateless person perhaps as a reward for ending 30 years of ruthless terrorist war which three Presidents of this country including the father of joker candidate, the Charlie Chaplin were unable to put an end to.  

These shameless imbecile NGO vultures were in a deep slumber when the Singaporean, #arjun Mahendran, a close and thick pal of Ranil Wickremasinghe, was appointed to the highest prestigious post of Governor of the Central Bank and he fled the country swindling Rs. 11 Billion as a direct loss to the country and several more billion losses indirectly in the biggest ever robbery of this country.  These vultures should understand that within the first few weeks of winning the presidency, Mr. Gotabhaya will bring down the fugitive Arjun Mahendran from Singapore similar to what he did to LTTE arms procurer Kumaran pathmanathan (Kp) and all those who collaborated in this robbery and received millions of rupees as Santhosams will have to face trials.  Since the court cases are under scrutiny in the courts at present let us look at the predicament purported to be troubling the UNP as reported by the pro-UNP media.

Former minister Sarath Fonseka has informed that there were support from 2/3 of the members of the working committee for Mr. Ranil Wickremasinghe to come forward as the presidential candidate and despite that Mr.  Wickremasinghe volunteered to nominate Mr. Sajith Premadasa as the party nominee.

Premadasa’s nomination now awaits the formal endorsement at a UNP National Convention today (October 3^rd). The convention is to adopt a resolution to re-iterate the UNP’s goals. They are essentially ones made in their last 2015 election manifesto. The resolution reads as: We remain committed to taking forward the Constitutional Reform process commenced during our Government with regard to (i) Devolution, (ii) Electoral Reforms and (iii) Executive Presidency with the concurrence of the Prime Minister. We will consult all stakeholders”.

It is reported that there was some discussion on the third point — on the Executive Presidency. Political analysts state that If elected,  Sajith Premadasa will act in concurrence” with Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. They say that the Sinhala text makes it even clearer. It uses the word ekaghathawaya”. While the word consensus” would mean a general agreement”, the Sinhala word, which in law will have precedence, says the Executive President shall work with the agreement’ of the Prime Minister. The nuance is more than subtle. Thereby, if elected, Premadasa will take office only in early January 2020 and work together Wickremesinghe at least informing his first Cabinet. The new president is also precluded from holding a ministerial portfolio under the 19th Amendment to the Constitution, though there are constitutional questions whether this would even include the defense portfolio.

The introduction of a new electoral system and a devolution package to address Tamil grievances being the other two points in the Resolution, Such pledges in the past had remained on paper and could continue to be so. However, to re-iterate them is to allay fears, particularly in the Tamil community and the Tamil National Alliance (TNA). The TNA, which has remained a proxy to the UNF in the past, is not expected to respond until details are made public. It’s the first meeting with Premadasa did not go too well the analysts point out.

The Sunday Times is a UNP mouthpiece run by the Wijewardene family.  The devotes articles and opinion columns to promote the UNP and criticize and slander non-UNP political parties and views.  In this regard, its 5th column penned by a staunch UNPer under the pseudonym Rip Van Wrinkle is devoted to ripping all non-UNP political parties and politicians. 

The column last Sunday (29^th September) totally devoted itself to admonish Sajith Premadasa on what to do and what not to do. It is very interesting and exposes that Sajith Premadasa is an imbecile  and ignoramus political infant, Extracts from this column titledUnlike father, unlike son! are highlighted below:

My dear Sajith,

. Having cleared all the hurdles put up by some Greens, you must be wondering which is the greater battle, fighting Gota or convincing the Green Man to let you run the race!

It is good that you are the Green candidate. If the Green Man ran instead of you, it would have been like a cricket match between Sri Lanka and India: the result would be known even before the contest began. Now, it is more like a game between Sri Lanka and Bangladesh: both have a chance of winning.

Even after your candidacy was announced, some in the Green camp were trying to knock you down a peg or two, saying you had agreed to ‘conditions’, allowing the Green Man to remain party leader and to stay on as your PM, should you win. I hope you made it very clear you will not be anyone’s puppet.

Many people criticised you for the way you went about getting the nomination from the Greens. You said that if you weren’t allowed to run for the Greens, you would contest anyway. In hindsight, if you hadn’t tried that tactic, it would probably still be the Green Man’s name on that ball

 There are some in your own camp who will be desperately hoping that you won’t succeed. If you don’t know who I am talking about, think of those people with special bonds who say that you should have passed ‘O’ Levels in this country.

Still, questions remain about your vision, Sajith. You need to answer them in the next few weeks. You talk mostly about following your father’s policies, but twenty-six years after his death, you must be more specific than that and you must concentrate on current issues.

 In your case, although most of us know who you are, many of us don’t know what you will be doing.

For instance, there is a question about the top job. All the Blue party leaders who held it — Satellite, Mahinda maama and Aiyo Sirisena- promised to do away with it but didn’t do so. Even the Green Man promised to do away with it only because he couldn’t get it last time. What then is your view The ‘pohottuwa’ chaps will make noises about Sampanthan seeya supporting you, saying you will barter the rights of the majority for a few votes. We do remember your father avoided

Professor  N. A.de S. Amaratunga

As Buddha had seen by experience that life is Anithya, Dukka, Anathma” (impermanent, sorrow, no-self) and as he did not want to believe what he could not perceive with his senses, he had to fight against the two extreme metaphysical views that were present in his time; the theory of  a permanent self and the theory of nihilism or annihilation. In Kaccayanagotta sutta (Samyuttanikaya) Budda had said; Everything exists – this Kaccayana is one extreme. Everything does not exist – this is the second extreme.  Kaccayana without approaching both these extremes Tathagata  preaches the doctrine through the middle.” Then he went on to preach the Paticcasamuppadaya (Dependent Coorigination) . Buddha had also rejected another metaphysical view that attempted to introduce transcendentalism (lokuthara) into Nirvana, Buddha-hood and Arahath-hood. However, after Buddha’s Parinirvana” these views continued to be propagated and it had an impact on his disciples and Sanga. Consequently within the Sanga community itself dissenting views of permanence, nihilism  substantialism,and also  transcendentalism, took root and caused rupture and formation of breakaway groups. In addition to these internal conflicts there were other philosophies such as Brahmanism that were on the ascendancy. Thus there was a need for Buddhist philosophers to come forward and meet these challenges from time to time. 

Soon after Buddha’s parinirvana” the younger monks, saddened by the demise of their beloved teacher and also perhaps influenced by other religions and philosophies, started to make the historical Buddha a larger than life being and built stupas and monuments in his memory. They attempted to make Buddha a transcendental phenomenon. The elder monks resisted these developments but the trend among the younger monks continued to grow in strength. In an attempt to rid the Dhamma of these impurities and also to formulate a system to preserve the Dhamma the first Dhamma Sangayanava” was held three months after Buddha’s demise by the older monks. This caused the first rupture of the Sanga. The Sthavira” group consisting of elder monks was formed. Theravada (Elders’ School) the oldest of the existing schools is considered to be the descendant of Sthavira”.  The other breakaway group may have later developed into Mahayana and its branches.

Theravada could not continue without dissension and internal conflict. The same disruptive forces that promoted substantialist and nihilistic views continued to plague it. As a result the second Dhamma Sangayanava” was held about seventy years after Buddha parinirvana”. During this period Buddhism had undergone much decay due to lack of royal sponsorship. Further due to the challenge mounted by opponents of the theory of Anathma”, particularly regarding the question of responsibility in the operation of the theory of Karma” various ideas were introduced by groups of monks. This resulted in the formation of further breakaway groups such as Puggalavadins” who said there is a puggala” (person) in addition to the panchaskandya” (five aggregates) which could take responsibility for karma” ;  Sarvasthivadins” who attempted to get over the problem by introducing a permanent element called Svabhava” into the formula of being; and Sauthanthrika” who  advocated a nihilist approach through their Kshana Vadaya” . In addition to these challenges Brahmanism was in the ascendancy.

King Dharmasoka in the 3^rd Century BC was planning to propagate the Dhamma by sending Dhammaduta” to foreign countries. He wanted to hold a council before he undertook this task to make sure that the Dhamma thus spread would be free of flaws and consequently the Third Dhamma Sangayanawa” was held. The Third Dhamma Sangayanava was conducted by Venerable Moggaliputha-tissa who delivered the sermon called Kathawattu” (Points of Controversy) which is included in the Pali Tripitaka. The venerable monk had at this council refuted the three major flaws that had crept into the Dhamma ; puggalavada”, sabbatthavada” (realism) and lokuttaravada” (transcendentalism).What was his method of argument? To refute transcendentalism he showed that Buddha was a normal human being who was born, lived and died naturally by referring to historical events and suttas where Buddha had begun the preaching in the first person language. Venerable Moggalliputha-tissa’s argument against Puggalavada” (Personalism) and Sabbatthavada” (Realism) was to show that there is no ultimately real person who exists under all circumstances. He first asks Does a person exist as absolute truth and ultimate reality?” and when the answer is in the affirmative he asks Whether a person who is absolute truth and ultimate reality arises out of whatever is absolute truth and ultimate reality”. Then the answer was one should not say so” which goes to prove that something that is absolute and real cannot arise from another thing that is not absolute and real. When the constituents of the panchaskandya” is not absolute or real the person who is formed of the panchaskandya” cannot be absolute or real. Venerable Moggalliputha-tissa goes onto prove that an absolute and real existence cannot occur under any circumstances.  Thus Venerable Moggaliputha-tissa was the first Buddhist philosopher who made a major attempt to resurrect Buddha’s Dhamma. However other Buddhist philosophers like Buddhagosa who subscribed to a transcendentalist viewpoint has attempted to misrepresent Moggalliputha-tissa’s Kathavathu” (see – Pancappakaranatthakatha”).

There were three other great Buddhist philosophers of a later period whose work has been misunderstood, misinterpreted and changed to suit ulterior motive. Nagarjuna (1^st to 2^nd Century CE), Vasubandu (4^th to 5^th Century CE) and Dinnaga (400 – 485 CE) were the philosophers who attempted to cleanse Buddhism of the material that was not in keeping with what Buddha taught and its uniqueness based on the doctrine of Anathma”. Their work  has been distorted by their commentators, Chandrakirti, Sthiramati and Dharmakirti respectively. By these means these great philosophers and their work  were converted to other schools; Nagarjuna to Madhyamaka, Vasubandu to Yogachara, which are both branches of Mahayana and Dinnaga also to Mahayana. This conversion was done by misrepresenting their work disregarding and nullifying the fact that  the purpose of those works was mainly the resurrection of Buddha word. This may have been possible due to the enormous political power the Mahayanists and Brahamanists could wield. It must be remembered they almost succeeded in converting the Buddha into Vishnu’s avatar.

Nagarjuna, also called the second Buddha, wrote Mulamadhymaka-karika” (Fundamentals of the Middleway) mainly to refute substantialist and nihilistic views which are not found in the Suthra-pitakaya. He had analyzed the word sunya” (emptiness) which appears in Buddha’s preaching to show that what Buddha meant by sunya” was that mind and matter are devoid of anything that could be identified as self. This fact is evident when one carefully studies Mulamadhyamaka-karika”. However the Mahayanists latched on to Nagarjuna’s idea and they used it to support their idealism which said everything is sunya” in the sense that everything is a construct of the mind. Subsequently this point of view was further developed and the school known as Madhyamaka was created with Nagarjuna as its author, after his demise.  Further Nagarjuna had written Vigrahavyavartani” (Reversal of Refutation) mainly as a response to the re-emerging Brahmanism and the concept of Brahamma. In this work or in any other Nagarjuna has not deviated from his purpose, his intention was to resurrect Buddhism which was being ruined by Buddhist substantialists and transcendentalists and also by Brahmanism. His works had no Mahayana features like transcendentalism, idealism etc.

In Mulamadhyamaka-karika” Nagarjuna shows that the word sunya” or concept of emptiness is based on the Paticcasamuppadaya” a non-absolutist but empirical explanation of the existence of the world and life. Further in this work he attempts to meet his critics who were trying to misinterpret his views and give it a Mahayanic twist. He uses the logic known as Chathuskotiya” or four cornered refutation also known as tetralemma. Several very important doctrinal concepts which were being distorted by metaphysicians were examined by Nagarjuna in this text. These included the concept of condition and an analysis of the four types of conditions which are important in dependent coorigination, the Buddhist concept of time in order to refute the kshana theory” of Sauthanthrika, the faculty of the eye to show the unreliability of human perception and the theory of realism, the agregates (panchaskanda”) to show the absence of a self, the psychology of lust, dukka” to explain in Buddha’s words the causation of suffering, Sankara” to show its role in life and how it could be prevented from progressing into suffering by its appeasement, Tathagata” to show there is nothing transcendental in it, the deed and the doer to explain the theory of karma”, Four Noble Truths and host of others in twentyseven chaptors in all. Though Nagarjuna’s detractors and Mahayanists have attempted to misinterpret his arguments and views a careful study of Mulamadhyamaka-karika would show that his was a very successful attempt to debunk the ideas of breakaway groups such as Sarvasthavada and Sauthanthrika.

Nagarjuna wrote Vigrahavyavartani” mainly to counter the resurgence of Brahamanism which was promoting the idea of an ultimate reality with a fresh interpretation of Brahmma.  He partly uses his theory of sunyatha” for this purpose. Similarly he refutes the idea of a cause, a beginning as such of the world. If something is caused by another thing the former must be found within the latter. The tree is not found within the seed. Nagarjuna asks how the knowledge of the cause was arrived at. If this knowledge was obtained from the scriptures how did it come to the scriptures? In this regard Nagarjuna says if the source of knowledge were to be established by other sources of knowledge, there would be infinite regress” (DJ Kalupahana, 2008) which may end up with a metaphysical explanation such as god. In the vedic tradition not only the human being (Athma) and the Ultimate goal (Brahamma) but also the moral order was based on metaphysical theory. Moral code was based on the caste which was decided by Brahamma. Nagarjuna rejected the theories of Athma and Brahamma in his work Vigrahavyavartani”

After rejecting those metaphysical concepts Nagarjuna in his other major work  Suhrllekha” (Letter to a Friend) thoroughly discusses the Buddhist moral order. He writes this text in the form of a letter to his friend King Gauthampura Satakarni. He is comprehensive in his reference to Buddhas philosophy on morals and draws from every statement Buddha had made on moral behaviour suitable for a Buddhist as they appear in suttas. In D.J.Kalupahana’s opinion the collection of Sinhalese verses Lovadasangarava” by Venerable Vidagama Maitreya is an adaptation of Suhrllekha”. There were several other writers who were influenced by Surhllekha” including monks in Abhayagiriya monastery. These monks may have had contacts with Nagarjuna when he lived in Nagarjunakonde, South India where there had been a Sinhalese temple. Nagarjuna’s work is not just a description of morals suitable for lay persons but a comprehensive discourse on the moral philosophy of Buddha where the final goal is Nirvana and is based on Paticcasamuppada”. 

Vasubandu was the half brother of Asanga who is believed to be the author of the school of Buddhism known as Yogachara , a branch of Mahayana. Vasubandu’s major work was Vijnapatimatratasiddhi (The Establishment of Mere Concept). This work has been deliberately changed with the intention of making the text and its author Mahayanist and a metaphysical idealist (DJ Kalupahana, 2008). Vasubandu in this work has criticized the metaphysical theories of the opponents who were trying to introduce such ideas into Buddhism. He also summarizes Buddha’s psychological theories and his philosophy of language.

Vasubandu’s main intention in this work was to develop a theory to explain the evolution of consciousness. His theory starts by looking at the end result of the evolution of consciousness rather than the beginning. In Buddha’s Paticcasamuppadaya” too Buddha had looked at the end result and worked out the beginning which is the empirical method of analysis where one begins from what one could perceive. Thus Vasubandu was adhering to Buddha’s method and his empiricism in order to avoid metaphysical views. Vasubandu invented the phrase Alaya-vinganaya” to denote the final resultant consciousness which carries all its seeds accumulated through one’s karmic experience. These views had made his detractors interpret them as idealism (Vignanavadi).  Sthiramati apparently has radically altered the content and the altered versions have been adopted by other translators and commentators which resulted in wide acceptance of the distorted version. And hence Vasubandu had been accepted as one of the major authors of the Yogachara branch of Mahayana which subscribes to an idealist (Vinganavada”) philosophy. The other major branch of Mahayana is Madhyamaka  and Nagarajuna has been made its founder by his disciples after his death which is a gross injustice committed against one of the greatest Buddhist philosophers. What Vasubandu achieves in this work is a refutation of both idealism which says everything exists only in the mind while nothing exists outside it and realism which says objects have an existence quite independent of the mind.

Dinnaga was a pupil of Vasubandu. He is believed to be the foremost Buddhist logician and he had used his expertise to clarify the relationship between object and knowledge. His was a highly sophisticated analysis of epistemology. He thought that the proper understanding of the object depends on the source of knowledge. He was of the opinion that there are only two sources of knowledge, perception and inference. He identified  two aspects of the object that corresponds to the two sources; the particular and the universal, the former being the object of perception and the latter being the object of inference. For the Realist, who thinks what one perceives exists as reality, the Object is substantial whereas for the Idealist, who thinks what one perceives exist only in one’s mind, the source of knowledge (which here is the mind) is substantial. Dinnaga steered clear of both these extreme views and supported Buddha’s non-substantialist empirical point of view. One could see that Dinnaga’s views are empirically based arguments and there are no metaphysical elements in them. There are no Mahayana ideas in any of Dinnaga’s work including his masterpiece Pramanasamuccaya” (A Digest of the Sources of Knowledge) where he discusses epistemological aspects of Buddha’s Dhamma. His had been a genuine effort to strengthen Buddha’s preaching as found in the Pali suttas. His commentator Dharmakirti, however, had deliberately misrepresented his major work in an attempt to convert Dinnaga to a Mahayanist.

Another very important Buddhist text which has been misunderstood and interpreted as belonging to the School of Buddhism known as Vajrayana  is Vajracchedika-prangnaparamita” authorship of which is disputed. Philosophers who recognized an ultimate reality that transcends language as well as logical analysis” attempted to interpret this text in accordance with their point of view (D.J.Kalupahana, 2008). This text is written in the form of a conversation between Buddha and monk Subhuti whose name has appeared in the Pali Suttas including Aranvibanga-sutta (Majjhima-nikaya) which forms the basis for the Vajracchedika-”. Aranvibhanga-sutta” (Discourse on the Analysis of Non-conflict) deals comprehensively on the causality of conflict. In Buddha’s estimate Subhuti was the best in leading a peaceful life. In Aranvibhanga-sutta”  Buddha discusses seven issues that may be relevant to peace and the seventh is about the extremist approach to the use of language. Buddha advices the importance of not adhering to grammatical language as being the most correct and also not rejecting the common usage of language. According to Kalupahana (2008) Vajracchedika” could be considered as an attempt to avoid the extremist use of language.  Buddha had been an excellent linguist who had coined new words and phrases to explain his Dhamma for example Paticcasamuppada”. The term prangnaparamita” appears in Mahayana texts and it is also the name of Buddha’s queen according to Tantrayana school of thought which advocates sexual practice for Bodhisathva” in order to expedite the attainment of Nirvana. The use of terms such as pragnaparamita”, Bodhisathva vehicle” in the Vajracchedika may have caused its wrong interpretation. The word Vajra means a special weapon that could be used in achieving Nirvana. In Vajrayana the route to Nirvana involves chanting of manthra”, dharanis”,  use of mudras” and also visualization of deities and Buddhas. Vajracchedika has no reference to any of these methods and in fact has no elements of Vajrayana doctrine in it. All these attempts to distort Buddhist texts and misinterpret their authors and convert them to Mahayana and Vajrayana was carried out with the intention of transforming Buddha’s Dhamma into a form that is closer to the Vedic tradition and Hinduism for Buddha had taken up a strong and irrefutable stand against metaphysical views that cannot be supported by empirically perceived evidence. 

Professor  N. A.de S. Amaratunga PhD, DSc
47/4, Louis Peiris Mawatha, Kandy

profamaratunga@yahoo.com

0812223547, 0774411777

N.A. de S. Amaratunga

First let us recall what has happened in the last four and a half years so that we know what has to change with the election of a new president.  These last four years have been agonizing for the people of this country. The blows fell incessantly and relentlessly one after the other from day one of this government. All constitutional requirements and ethics were broken to put together a ramshackle of a government most inappropriately called yahapalana”. Immediately the central bank was robbed twice and the parliament was dissolved to prevent exposure by COPE.  Then came the US-initiated UNHRC Resolution 30/1 against Sri Lanka cosponsored by its own yahapalana” government which could be considered the worst betrayal since the 1815 Kadyan convention. This Resolution ich made unsubstantiated accusations against the war-winning armed forces of war crimes including the murder of civilians numbering 40000, rape and indiscriminate shelling. It also recommended the enactment of several parliamentary acts and the formation of institutions inimical to the sovereignty of the country.  Constitutional reforms to grant greater devolution is also recommended in their attempt to promote Tamil separatists and diaspora and destabilize the country. The aim of the western powers who had helped this government to come to power is obviously to take the country in its grip and use it as a base for its geopolitical agenda in the region.

Further to make matters worse the economy has been ruined as a result of mismanagement and loss of investor confidence due to Central Bank robbery. It must be understood that an economically weak country is less capable of protecting its independence. The heavy taxing has impoverished the people.  No development activity of any kind is visible. Even the projects started by the previous government have not been completed. The Central Highway construction, for example, has stopped. Thus the two most important factors for our dignified and comfortable existence, our sovereignty/independence and our economy have been almost irreparably weakened to a great degree. Recovery obviously would need a complete overhaul of the government, its leaders and policies. The individuals who are responsible for the above outrages cannot be relied upon to bring about a meaningful change that could result in the recovery of what is lost, the sovereignty and the economy. These leaders when in power in 2002 followed similar policies and we had negative growth and foreign intervention in the internal affairs of the country as well. 

With regard to the economic policy, some may say there is no difference between the UNP, SLPP, and SLFP. This may be true, for today there are no alternative economic models to choose from and all countries more or less adopt the same methods.  Yet there is a perceptible difference between the economic development experienced in the 2005 –  2014 period and that in the 2015 – 2019 period as indicated by the economic parameters.  Therefore the difference may be in the management and ability rather than policy. Similarly, with regard to foreign relations, there is a difference between the UNP and SLPP/SLFP. Foreign interference was resisted and managed quite well during 2005 – 2010 especially during the final stages of the war. Now we are almost a subject nation thanks to the UNHRC Resolution and its consequences. Some may argue that we have restored good relations with all countries which were not the case before 2015, but bartering the country’s independence for favorable relations and slavish attitude to foreign interference is not good foreign policy.

Therefore the vital question for the people is whether the individuals who were responsible for the ruination of the economy and independence of the country would continue to wield power even after the presidential election. This issue becomes more critical when the 19^th A comes into full force after the presidential election and the parliament assumes more power. The crucial matter therefore for the people is whether the leadership of the party in power has changed for the better. If one looks at the individuals who engineered the change in their presidential candidacy one would see that they are the people instrumental in getting the UNHRC Resolution passed and who vehemently defended it. They are the people who claimed there was no Central Bank bond scam and wrote books to support their claim and footnotes in the committee report to confuse the issue.  As they are the force behind the presidential candidate it is they who will wield power in the government if their candidate wins. Therefore could the people expect any change for the better with regard to economic management, foreign relations, and independence as a result of the change in the presidential candidate of the ruling party. President may be harmless but the parliament would consist of the same lot who ruined the country and they will merrily continue with their bumbling.

If that is the story about one option in the presidential race what about the other. Their track record in the economic sphere and foreign relations may be more acceptable but certainly not with regard to corruption and nepotism. However, corruption and nepotism are rampant in the present dispensation too. Therefore people may have to choose the lesser evil and hope they have learned their lessons and are reformed.

N.A. de S. Amaratunga

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

I believe in FDI –that means Direct Foreign Investment. Outsiders, as well as Sri Lankan expats or diaspora, keep postponing any new investments until a change of guards in Sri Lanka.

We watch TV and listen to pep talks by leaders who boast that we have freedom and democracy and transparency in Sri Lanka. But none of them have any clue that bureaucratic procedures and reluctance by state officials to approve any investment is hampering FDI.

When I was running a state corporation, investors were asking for land for investment to provide an influx of FDI and also provide employment to youths, we were given clear instructions to minimize bureaucratic procedure and encourage such projects. That was the era of RP. Then during the time of CBK, nothing was moving as the country was lingering lethargically. Then came MR and there was no much FDI but state-sponsored infrastructure projects were given high priority , with Chinese funding. Surely there was a boom in surface and country saw a facelift to imitate a western city. But FDI was minimal.

Whether it is SP.GR  or AKD  or even MS ( not Maithree but Mahesh) we need to encourage FDI.

WW  with his eloquence in analyzing imaginary invasion by the west will complain about any project in Sri Lanka, We should not give in to those allegations.

New President who can change current impasse should take over and change the whole bureaucratic apparatchik and push for development.

I am personally waiting for the change of guard  who will have an iron hand

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Lithium-carbon dioxide batteries are attractive energy storage systems because they have a specific energy density that is more than seven times greater than commonly used lithium-ion batteries. Until now, however, scientists have not been able to develop a fully rechargeable prototype, despite their potential to store more energy.

Researchers at the University of Illinois at Chicago are the first to show that lithium-carbon dioxide batteries can be designed to operate in a fully rechargeable manner, and they have successfully tested a lithium-carbon dioxide battery prototype running up to 500 consecutive cycles of charge/recharge processes.

Their findings are published in the journal Advanced Materials.

Lithium-carbon dioxide batteries have been attractive for a long time, but in practice, we have been unable to get one that is truly efficient until now,” said Amin Salehi-Khojin, associate professor of mechanical and industrial engineering at UIC’s College of Engineering.

MORE: Exciting New Study Says That Crops Thrive Underneath Solar Panels—and the Panels Produce More Energy

Traditionally, when a lithium-carbon dioxide battery discharges, it produces lithium carbonate and carbon. The lithium carbonate recycles during the charge phase, but the carbon just accumulates on the catalyst, ultimately leading to the battery’s failure.

The accumulation of carbon not only blocks the active sites of the catalyst and prevents carbon dioxide diffusion, but also triggers electrolyte decomposition in a charged state,” said Alireza Ahmadiparidari, first author of the paper and a UIC College of Engineering graduate student.

Salehi-Khojin and his colleagues used new materials in their experimental carbon dioxide battery to encourage the thorough recycling of both lithium carbonate and carbon. They used molybdenum disulfide as a cathode catalyst combined with a hybrid electrolyte to help incorporate carbon in the cycling process.

CHECK OUT: This Revolutionary Blast Furnace Vaporizes Trash and Turns It into Clean Energy (Without Any Emissions)

Specifically, their combination of materials produces a single multi-component composite of products rather than separate products, making recycling more efficient.

Our unique combination of materials helps make the first carbon-neutral lithium carbon dioxide battery with much more efficiency and long-lasting cycle life, which will enable it to be used in advanced energy storage systems,” Salehi-Khojin said.

This research was supported, in part, by the U.S. Department of Energy, Office of Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy, and a grant from the National Science Foundation.

Reprinted from the University of Illinois-Chicago

ජනමාධ්‍ය නිවේදනයයි.සමස්ත ලංකා සුවසේවා සංගමය

සෞඛ්‍ය කාර්ය මණ්ඩලයට බලපාන ගැටළු 10ක් මුල් කරගනිමින් කාර්ය මණ්ඩල සාමාජිකයින් 60000ක් නියෝජනය කරන වෘත්තීන් 84 කට ආසන්න කාර්ය මණ්ඩල සාමාජිකයින් 2019.10.02 සහ 03 යන දිනයන්හි රටපුරා රෝහල් සහ සෞඛ්‍ය ආයතනයන්හි ක‍්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමට නියමිතව තිබූ වෘත්තීය ක‍්‍රියාමාර්ග සෞඛ්‍ය ලේකම්වරිය සමග පැවැති සාකච්ඡාවකින් අනතුරුව තාවකාලිකව අත්හිටුවීමට තීරණය කරන ලදි.

2018 වර්ෂයේ සිට ඉහත ගැටළු වලට විසඳුම් ඉල්ලා සෞඛ්‍ය ඇමතිවරයා හා වගකිව යුතු පාර්ශවයන්ට දිගින් දිගටම කරුණු ඉදිරිපත් කරමින් අප සංගමය කටයුතු කළ අතර ඒ සදහා නිසි පිළිතුරක් නොලද බැවින් එම ඉල්ලීම් දිනා ගැනීම සදහා පසුගිය 2019.09.10 දින රටපුරා රෝහල් සහ සෞඛ්‍ය ආයතනයන් තුල කාර්යය මණ්ඩල පනස්දහසකට ආසන්න පිරිසක් වෘත්තීය ක‍්‍රියාමාර්ග වල නිරත වුවද ඒ සදහා සෞඛ්‍ය බලධාරීන් අවධානය යොමු නොකල අතර එම හේතුවෙන් ඉහත ගැටළු දිනාගැනීම සදහා 2019.10.02 සහ 03 යන දිනයන් හි රටපුරා රෝහල් සහ සෞඛ්‍ය ආයතන වල හැට දහසකට ආසන්න කාර්ය මණ්ඩල සාමාජිකයින් වෘත්තීය ක‍්‍රියාමාර්ග වල නිරතවීමට තීරණය කර තිබූ අතර එම කාර්ය මණ්ඩලයට බලපාන ගැටළු සදහා විසඳුම් ලබාදීමට සෞඛ්‍ය ලේකම්තුමිය විසින් 2019.10.01 දින සවස 2.30ට අමාත්‍යාංශයට පැමිණෙන ලෙස ලිපියක් මගින් දන්වා සිටීමට අනුව අප සංගමය නියෝජිතයින් 05 දෙනෙක් සහ රජයේ සෞඛ්‍ය සේවක සංගමයේ නියෝජිතයෙක් ඒ සදහා සහභාගී වූ අතර එම
සාකච්ඡුාෙවි දී සෞඛ්‍ය ලේකම්තුමිය එම ගැටළු විසදාලීම සදහා එකඟත්වය පලකිරීම හේතුවෙන් 2019/10/02,03 යන දිනයන් හි ක‍්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමට නියමිතව තිබූ වෘත්තීය ක‍්‍රියාමාර්ගය අත්හිටුවීමට අප සංගමය තීරණය කරන ලදි.

එබැවින් සෞඛ්‍ය ලේකම්තුමියගේ එකඟත්වය අනුව ක‍්‍රියාමාර්ගය තාවකාලිකව අත්හිටුවීමට කටයුතු කලද එම ඉල්ලීම් සදහා නියමිත කාලවකවානු වලදී නොලැබෙන්නේ නම් එම ගැටළු සදහා විසඳුම් ලබාගැනීම සදහා ඉදිරියේ දී අඛණ්ඩ වෘත්තීය ක‍්‍රියාමාර්ගයන් වෙත එළඹීමට සිදුවන බවද තවදුරටත් දන්වා සිටිමු.

සතූතියි.

මෙයට,
මහින්ද ගුරුගේ,
ප‍්‍රධාන ලේකම්

STATEMENT BY H.E. A.L. ABDUL AZEEZ, PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE FOR SRI LANKA THE SOCIAL FORUM 1 OCTOBER 2019, GENEVA

Chairperson – Rapporteur of the Social Forum Director General of UN Office in Geneva
President of the Human Rights Council
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights
Distinguished Guests
Ladies and Gentlemen

First of all, as the Chairperson-Rapporteur of the Social Forum 2018, let me take this opportunity to congratulate you Madam Kadra Ahmed Hassan on your assumption of office as Chair of the 2019 edition of the Social Forum. I wish you and the Secretariat every success.

The Social Forum creates the ideal space for an open, vibrant and interactive multi-stakeholder dialogue by bringing together Government representatives, intergovernmental organizations, civil society and other stakeholders including the academia. As we celebrate the 30^th Anniversary of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the focus of this Forum on the promotion and protection of the rights of children and youth through education and the transformative power it entails, is most appropriate.

The right to education is a fundamental human right that lies at the core of the 2030 Development Agenda. All children and youth have an equal right to an education in a safe and secure setting irrespective of their gender, family income levels, religion, ethnicity, or geographical location. Conflict and violence, climate change and natural disasters and irregular migration and displacement are among contributing factors that deprive children of education. A hate-free atmosphere that inculcates in children and youth the value of inclusivity and diversity and that leaves no room for stereotyping or the rejection of the other, is a crucial element in education that helps build lasting peace and contributes to the strengthening of the social fabric.

Access to quality education that ensures that no child is left behind is essential to empower children and youth, provide access to gainful employment and earning potential, alleviate poverty, bring about upward mobility and achieve sustainable development goals.

Further, while almost one billion children attend school daily around the world, this does not always result in learning due to the lack of security, dearth of trained teachers and learning material, poor nutrition and inadequate health care. 

The 3^rd International Conference on Safe Schools held in Spain in May this year discussed the need for safety and protection at schools for an atmosphere conducive to learning, while the International Youth Day in August 2019, focused on transformative education to make education more relevant, equitable and inclusive to contribute towards achievement of the sustainable development agenda. This forum can take these discussions further forward.

Let me take this opportunity to share with you some of the experiences of Sri Lanka in providing education for all.

Sri Lanka’s commitment to promote and protect right to education for all its citizens is enshrined in Article 27 (2) of the Constitution, which pledges to establish a Democratic Socialist society the objectives of which, inter alia include the complete eradication of illiteracy and assurance to all persons of the right to universal and equal access to education at all levels.” This is further re-enforced by Education Ordinance No. 31 of 1939 which provides the legal basis for the system of education and advocates for compulsory school attendance, under Regulation No. 1 of 1997 which requires schooling for all children between the ages of five to fourteen years.

In order to ensure the equal right to education for all social groups, Sri Lanka took the initiative in 1945 to provide access to free education from kindergarten to university, including free textbooks and student welfare facilities such as free health services, mid-day meals, uniforms and financial assistance through scholarships at the secondary and higher education levels.

A significant step taken by Sri Lanka in ensuring access to education for all was that those who missed out on their schooling during the conflict period were facilitated to gain formal education, undergoing special education programmes under the Catch up Education Scheme”. Hundreds have entered or qualified to enter universities over the years since the end of the conflict. Further, hundreds of child combatants, once recruited by the LTTE, received vocational training in order to be gainfully employed.

While only 66% of countries have achieved gender parity in primary education, Sri Lanka has made progress in achieving gender equality at all levels of education. The ratio of girls to boys’ enrolment has increased at all levels and has reached the target of 100% in secondary schools.

In the fifteen public universities and five institutes attached to them, which provide free education to undergraduate students, females constitute 60.3% of the student population. Female students are a majority in most streams according to the university enrolment figures of 2015 – Arts 76.7% ; Education 85.2%; Law 50.9%; Management and Commerce 55.1%; Science 58.5%; Agriculture 61.9%; Medicine 55.8%; Dental Surgery 63.5%; Veterinary Medicine 64.4%; Architecture 51.7%; Indigenous Medicine 76.6%, totalling 64% women in these courses.

The right to universal and equal access to education at all levels has also been upheld consistently by the Judiciary of Sri Lanka, in a number of cases pertaining to school and university admissions. These rulings derived their strength and logic from Article 12 providing for the right to equality and Article 27 referring to the complete eradication of illiteracy and the assurance to all persons of the right to universal and equal access to Education at all levels. The principle embodied in the Constitution that all are equal before the law and are entitled to the equal protection of the law, remains the bedrock upon which democratic governance rests.  

By raising the minimum age of education from 14 to 16 and the minimum age of employment from 14 to 16, as per the ‘National Policy on Elimination of Child Labour in Sri Lanka’, the right to education is re-enforced. Further reforms including a mandatory 13 years of education are also being designed, intended to ensure that all children attend school ranging from the primary to secondary levels of education, thereby leaving no room for their exploitation in the social or cultural domains, or for labour.  

To ensure the special education needs of children with disabilities, 714 schools provide special education through designated units in government schools for disabled children. 25 special schools for severely disabled children are operated by the private sector and receive financial assistance by the Government. A further 25 schools for disabled children which are operated by the private sector are partially funded by the government. A special scheme of university admissions for persons with disabilities also exist.

Such measures have resulted in remarkable social indicators in recent years, such as high enrolment rates in education, reduction of school drop-outs and universal primary education reaching 99.7% (2014).

Thank you         

Editorial Courtesy The Island

Thursday 3rd October, 2019
It is a supreme irony that Chairman of the National Authority for the Protection of Witnesses and Victims (NAPWV) Suhada Gamlath, tasked with drafting laws to protect whistle-blowers, has been asked to resign for whistle-blowing! Minister of Justice Thalatha Atukorale is out for his scalp. She has asked him to resign as he has made what she calls political statements to the media. She insists that public officials are not allowed to do so. Gamlath says he has not done anything wrong, and there is no reason for him to resign. He rejects as baseless the allegation that he has made political statements. He is not holding that post for any financial benefits.

Why Gamlath, who held the posts of Justice Ministry Secretary and Solicitor General and functioned as the Acting Attorney General, has got under the skin of many a government politician, is understandable. He has recently revealed that while he was serving in the Attorney General’s Department, some ministers tried to pressure him to have former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa and several others arrested over the Avant Garde issue. Naming names, he has said he refused to give in to political pressure as he did not want to violate the law. He made this revelation following the recent leak of a telephone conversation between Solicitor General Dilrukshi Dias Wickremasinghe and Avant Garde Maritime Services Chairman Nissanka Senadhipathi, an accused in the floating armoury case. Dilrukshi has since been interdicted.

Gamlath earned a name for himself as an outspoken public official with an excellent track record. He refused to lick politicians’ boots and sandals. His uprightness cost him the Attorney General’s post in spite of being the most suitable candidate therefor. The Constitutional Council (CC), packed with pro-government members, chose to overlook him, without giving any reasons for its highly unreasonable, politically motivated decision. Had he been a stooge, he would have got the job with ease. The CC is also responsible for the appointment of incumbent IGP Pujith Jayasundera, who is under a cloud.

Instead of going after Gamlath, Minister Atukorale should investigate the allegation that several ministers abused their positions in a bid to make Gamlath get their political rivals arrested. Such politicians do not deserve to be ministers. In any other country, ministers accused of such an offence would have had to resign. In India, ministers resign over even train accidents. A whistle-blower, recently, exposed US President Trump for having asked his Ukrainian counterpart, Volodymyr Zelensky, in a telephone conversation, to help investigate some of his political rivals including former Vice President Joe Biden over an alleged scandal. The Congress is investigating the revelation and not the whistle-blower who made it!

The JVP never misses an opportunity to take moral high ground and pontificate to others on the virtues of justice and fair play, independence of the Attorney General’s Department, etc. Gamlath has levelled a very serious allegation against JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake as well. The impression one gets from Gamlath’s revelation is that Dissanayake joined government ministers in trying to influence him. Those who have rallied behind the JVP leader, in the presidential race, claiming that their mission is to cleanse politics, among other things, ought to confront him on this score. An explanation is called for! Shouldn’t they put their own house in order before being critical of others?

We are aware that when Gamlath was denied the Attorney General’s post, which he deserved, the government made an offer to appoint him to the Supreme Court by way of compensation. He turned it down out.

The less said about the former regime and its interference with the legal and judicial processes, the better. Now, it has been revealed once again that the yahapalana government is no better.

The truth hurts. Gamlath has unmasked some self-righteous yahapalana grandees and made them writhe in pain and fury. Such intrepid men and women deserve public plaudits, and certainly not barbs. Gamlath can rest assured that all right-thinking people are on his side. We look forward to some more revelations.

By Chitra Weeraratne and A.J Abeynayake Courtesy The Island

Deputy Solicitor General Nerin Pulle, on behalf of Attorney General Dappula de Livera, yesterday, informed the Court of Appeal that the signature placed on the citizenship certificate of Gotabaya Rajapaksa by Mahinda Rajapaksa, in his capacity as the President, was legitimate.

DSG Pulle said that the executive President had the authority to exercise powers of ministers as and when subjects were not assigned to them, the Court of Appeal was told.

The court was also told that President Rajapaksa had signed Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s citizenship certificate in terms of the constitutional powers vested in him.

DSG Pulle appeared before the Court of Appeal in connection with a petition filed by civil society activists Gamini Viyangoda and Chandragupta Thenuwara seeking a court order to prevent the former Defence Secretary from contesting the presidential poll.

The Attorney General told court that the Controller of Immigration and Emigration had informed him that his institution didn’t have any document pertaining to the issuance of citizenship certificate to Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

Asked by the President of the Court of Appeal, Yasantha Kodagoda, PC, why the relevant file couldn’t be found, DSG Pulle said that due to the Immigration and Emigration Office being shifted, from Bambalapitiya to Punchi Borella, in 2005, not only Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s file but all documents issued upto 2007 were not available.

DSG Pulle said that steps had been taken to record documents onto computers.

President’s Counsel Romesh de Silva, appearing for Gotabaya Rajapaksa, said that the Attorney General had been silent on the destruction of documents during that period.

PC de Silva said that as the Magistrate’s Court was hearing a case in respect of a complaint made by the petitioners, the Court of Appeal lacked the judicial power to provide relief or issue an order in that regard.

DSG Pulle said that there hadn’t been reports to the effect that documents were destroyed during that period.

Counsel for petitioners, Suren Fernando, said that the citizenship certificate was not legitimate as the documents relevant to the issuance of the said certificate couldn’t be considered legitimate.

Counsel Fernando said that though in terms of the Citizenship Act 19(2) the certificate issued to a dual citizen could be signed only by the Secretary to the ministry responsible for the subject, President Rajapaksa signed it.

Counsel Fernando said that though at the time Mahinda Rajapaksa had signed the Citizenship Certificate, on Nov 21, 2015, he had been elected President, he was yet to take oaths. The immigration and emigration subject had been assigned to a minister by way of a gazette notification only on Dec 08, 2005, Counsel Fernando told the court.

Pointing out that the election of a non-citizen as the President posed a grave danger to national security and sovereignty of the country, the Counsel asked for an interim order as sought by the petitioners.

The Court of Appeal will convene at 1.30 pm today.

The bench comprised justices Yasantha Kodagoda, Arjuna Obeysekera and Mahinda Samayawardena

Courtesy The Deccan Chronicle

Whether it’s Pakistani curry, Bangladeshi biryani or Indian sambar, consumers have developed serious dependence on Indian onion supplies.

 But last Sunday India banned all exports from India after local prices jumped to 4,500 rupees (USD 63.30) per 100 kg, their highest in nearly six years, due to the delay in summer-sown crop arrivals triggered by longer, heavier rains than usual. (Photo: File | Representational)

Mumbai: From Kathmandu to Colombo, it’s a kitchen nightmare: Onion prices have gone crazy. That’s because India, the world’s biggest seller of the Asian diet staple, has banned exports after extended Monsoon downpours delayed harvests and supplies shrivelled. And dedicated buyers across the region, like Nepalese housewife Seema Pokharel, are flummoxed.

This is a terrible increase,” said Pokharel, out shopping for vegetables in Kathmandu. Onion prices have more than doubled in the last month alone.”

Whether it’s Pakistani chicken curry, Bangladeshi biryani or Indian sambar, Asian consumers have developed a serious dependence on Indian onion supplies for go-to dishes. Shorter shipment times than from rival exporters like China or Egypt play a crucial role in preserving the taste of the perishable commodity.

But last Sunday India banned all exports from India after local prices jumped to 4,500 rupees (USD 63.30) per 100 kg, their highest in nearly six years, due to the delay in summer-sown crop arrivals triggered by longer, heavier rains than usual.

Since the ban, countries such as Bangladesh have turned to the likes of Myanmar, Egypt, Turkey and China to increase supplies in a bid bring prices down, government officials and traders said.

But the hefty volumes lost will be hard to replace.

India exported 2.2 million tonnes of fresh onions in the 2018/19 fiscal year ended March 31, according to data from India’s Agricultural and Processed Food Products Export Development Authority. That’s more than half of all imports by Asian countries, traders estimate.

‘TAKING ADVANTAGE’

Rising prices of alternative supplies will add to the headache for importers trying to get the vegetable from elsewhere, said Mohammad Idris, a trader based in Dhaka. In the Bangladesh capital, consumers are now being asked to pay 120 taka (USD 1.42) per kilogramme for their prized onions – twice the price a fortnight ago and the highest since December, 2013.

Prices are going up elsewhere in Asia and Europe,” said Idris. Other exporting countries are taking advantage of the Indian ban” to raise their asking price.

In response to the crisis, the government of Bangladesh has initiated sales of subsidised onions through the state-run Trading Corporation of Bangladesh (TCB).

We are looking for all possible options to import onions. Our target is to import in the shortest possible time,” said TCB spokesman Humayun Kabir.

But the shipments from elsewhere – Iran and Turkey are also potential suppliers – that authorities in countries across the region are investigating will all take time.

It takes one month when it comes from Egypt and about 25 days from China, while it takes only a few days from India,” said Dhaka trader Idris.

The need for alternative imports is so severe, though, that countries like Sri Lanka have already placed orders with Egypt and China, said G Rajendran, president of the Essential Food Commodities, Importers and Traders Association.

Onion prices in Sri Lanka have risen by 50pc in a week, to 280-300 Sri Lankan rupees per kilogramme.

‘DOUBLE THE PRICE’

For other countries, there may be little option but to sit tight and hope for the best.

Malaysia, the second-biggest buyer of Indian onions, expects the ban to be temporary and sees no reason to panic, said Sim Tze Tzin, deputy minister of agriculture.

But even India has been importing onions from Egypt in an effort to calm prices. And there won’t be any meaningful drop in prices before summer-sown crops start to hit the market, said Ajit Shah, president of the Mumbai-based Onion Exporters’ Association.

That’s not expected until mid-November, meaning the export ban isn’t going away in the near term.

India could resume exports once prices drop, but it will take time,” said Shah. Until India resumes exports, supplies will remain limited in Asia.”

For now, consumers like Kathmandu shopper Pokharel are having to change habits across Asia.

I went to buy 5 kilogrammes of onions for our five-member family but ended up buying only 3 kilogrammes due to higher prices,” said Afroza Mimi, a Dhaka housewife on a shopping expedition the day after India imposed the export ban.

They (traders) are selling old stock nearly at double the price. This is crazy.”

by Max Planck Society Courtesy phys.org

Microliths—small stone tools—are often interpreted as being part of composite tools, including projectile weapons, and essential to efficient hunting strategies of Homo sapiens. In Europe and Africa, the earliest appearance of these lithic toolkits are linked to hunting medium and large-sized animals in grassland or woodland settings, or as adaptations to risky environments during periods of climatic change. Yet the presence of small, quartz stone tools in Sri Lanka suggests the existence of more diverse ecological contexts for the development and use of these technologies by some of the earliest members of our species migrating out of Africa.

The paper, published in PLOS One and led by scientists from the Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History alongside colleagues from Sri Lankan and other international institutions, reports microliths from the cave site of Fa-Hien Lena in the tropical evergreen rainforests of Sri Lanka, which have been dated to between 48,000 and 45,000 years ago. This is as early, or earlier, than the well-known “Upper Palaeolithic’ technologies of Europe associated with Homo sapiens, and highlights that these sophisticated toolkits were a key part of our species’ ecological flexibility as it colonized the Eurasian continent.

Tropical rainforests: a unique challenge

In the last decade, growing archaeological evidence has documented the use of tropical rainforest resources by Homo sapiens in several locations in South Asia, South East Asia, and Melanesia between 45,000 and 36,000 years ago. This is much earlier than previously considered, especially given stereotypes that these environments were ‘barriers’ to human migration, with disease, dangerous animals, and limited resources all posing challenges. Instead, research on human dispersal in Asia has focused on potential human use of coastal and savanna environments.

The island of Sri Lanka, at the southern tip of South Asia, has emerged as a particularly important area for investigating the adaptations of prehistoric hunter-gatherers to tropical rainforests. The earliest South Asian human fossils are found in Sri Lankan caves and rockshelters, in levels dated to about 45,000-36,000 years ago, and scientific analyses of these remains has highlighted human reliance on closed forest resources. Early microliths, commonly associated with efficient hunting strategies by our species, have also been found, yet more detailed analyses have been lacking. Finding such artefacts in this context is significant given that microliths have commonly been linked to hunting medium to large game in grassland settings.

Traditionally, the miniaturization of stone tool technology has been seen as a major step in the development of novel projectile technologies such as the bow and arrow. While definitions are variable, the focus of human stone tool producers on the creation of small, sharp lithics is something that has been witnessed in Africa, Europe, and India from around 60,000-45,000 years ago. Early occurrences of this strategy have also been documented in Sri Lanka since the 1980s, by Siran Deraniyagala, but were frequently neglected due to a Eurocentric belief that such tools could not have been produced in this part of the world prior to similar technologies in Europe (at the time dated to only ~20,000 years ago).

Microlithic toolkits may also denote how fast and along which routes our species migrated through Asia. For example, a prominent argument states that microlith technologies emerged in Africa, and then rapidly dispersed along the Indian Ocean rim, acting as a proxy for the supposedly first, rapid movement of Homo sapiensthrough coastal settings. However, significant, local differences have been noted for microlith stone tools in Asia and Africa, alongside regional technological continuity, and a clear ‘coming and going’ of these type of tools as situations demanded them or not. Investigation of these tools and their adaptive context in different parts of the world is therefore crucial to discussions of human evolution and the archeology of the last 100,000 years.

A Sri Lankan specialty

Sri Lanka has been a prominent part of discussions of early human adaptations to tropical rainforests, though there has been a lack of systematic, detailed analysis of the technological strategies associated with clear geochemical evidence or animal remains that demonstrate a clearly specialized adaptation. “We undertook detailed measurements of stone tools and reconstructed their production patterns at the site of Fa-Hien Lena Cave, the site with the earliest evidence for human occupation in Sri Lanka,” says Ph.D. student Oshan Wedage of the Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History, lead author of the study.

“We found clear evidence for the production of ‘miniaturized’ stone tools or ‘microliths’ at Fa-Hien Lena, dating to the earliest period of human occupation,” Wedage continues. “Interestingly, our evidence also shows that stone tooltechnology changed little over the long span of human occupation, from 48,000 to 4,000 years ago,” says Andrea Picin, also of the Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History, co-author of the study. This would imply that the technological adaptation practiced by the earliest rainforest foragers on the island proved to be remarkably successful over the course of millennia.

Dedicated ‘plasticity’

“While we suspect that these small stone tools were used as part of projectile technologies, as we have also found for bone tools at the same site, residue analysis and impact fracture analysis is ongoing,” says Michael Petraglia, co-corresponding author of the paper. “Whatever the results, these miniaturized stone tools place Sri Lanka in a central position in terms of discussing technological sophistication among our species. We have essentially uncovered the “Upper Palaeolithic’ of the rainforest.”

Patrick Roberts, another co-corresponding author, continues, “It is evident that these microliths were part of a flexible human toolkit that enabled Homo sapiens to spread into all of the world’s environments, demonstrating unparalleled ecological ‘plasticity’ when compared to other hominin species.” The data from Sri Lanka is just one example of human populations demonstrating a remarkable ability to specialize their technological and cultural approaches to novel ecological situations during their movement across the majority of the Earth’s continents by 12,000 years ago.

By IAN RANDALL FOR MAILONLINE

• Archaeologists studied tiny, worked stone tools found in the Fa-Hein Lena Cave
• They believe they were made during the production of projectiles like spears
• Ancient humans likely used them to hunt tree-dwelling animals like monkeys
• These early tools overturn the idea that rainforests impeded humanity’s spread

PUBLISHED: 19:00, 2 October 2019 | UPDATED: 19:00, 2 October 2019

The oldest known tools from South Asian rainforests have been found in Sri Lanka — tiny, retouched stones called microliths that date back around 45,000 years.

Archaeologists had previously thought that rainforests presented a barrier to the early spread of humankind.

In comparison with the environments of Europe and Africa, these dense tropical surroundings are considerably more challenging to both travel through and inhabit.

However, the discovery of these tools, which are believed to have been weapons to kill animals hiding in trees, suggests humanity spread more diversely than was thought.

The tools — along with the formation of complex social structures — may have been key in letting humans adapt to life in the rainforest and nearly every habitat beyond.

Scroll down for video

The oldest known tools from South Asian rainforests have been found in Sri Lanka — tiny, retouched stones called microliths that date back around 45,000 years

Archaeologist Oshan Wedage of the Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History in Germany and colleagues analysed microliths, from the west Sri Lankan cave of Fa-Hein Lena, that date back to around 48,000–45,000 years ago.

The formation of microlithic tools are often associated with the production of composite, projectile weapons like spears, which are used by cultures with advanced hunting strategies.

While these tools were common in Europe at this time, similar-aged microliths had not previously been found in South Asia or in a rainforest setting.

‘We undertook detailed measurements of stone tools and reconstructed their production patterns at the site of Fa-Hien Lena Cave,’ said Mr Wedage.

This, he added, is ‘the site with the earliest evidence for human occupation in Sri Lanka.’

‘We found clear evidence for the production of “miniaturised” stone tools or “microliths” at Fa-Hien Lena, dating to the earliest period of human occupation.’

Archaeologists had previously thought that rainforests would have presented a barrier to the early spread of humanity. Pictured, the outside of the Fa-Hien Cave where the tools were found

Dense tropical surroundings are challenging to both traverse and inhabit. However, the discovery of these tools — the exact intended uses of which remain unclear — suggests humanity spread more diversely than was thought

‘We undertook detailed measurements of stone tools and reconstructed their production patterns at the site of Fa-Hien Lena Cave,’ said Mr Wedage. Pictured, the cave’s interior

While further research will be needed to determine exactly how these stone tools were used, the team believe that they were likely employed to hunt, capture and kill tree-dwelling prey like monkeys and tree squirrels.

In addition, the researchers note that the tools found in the Fa-Hein cave bear a considerable similarity to those used by the local cultures as recently as around 4,000 years ago — suggest a long-term technological stability in the region.

The full findings of the study were published in the journal PLOS ONE. 

In addition, the researchers note that the tools found in the Fa-Hein cave, pictured, bear a considerable similarity to those used by the local cultures as recently as around 4,000 years ago — suggest a long-term technological stability in the region

Archaeologist Oshan Wedage of the Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History in Germany and colleagues analysed microliths, from the west Sri Lankan cave of Fa-Hein Lena, that date back to around 48,000–45,000 years ago

WHEN DID HUMANS START USING TOOLS?

It is hard for scientists to say precisely when humans started making tools because the more primitive remains look like a natural object rather than a human artefact.

The oldest-known instruments are the Oldowan stone tools from Ethiopia, which date back about 2.6 million years.

The Acheulean tool technology period – up to 1.76 million years ago – featured large stone hand axes made from flint and quartzite.

Towards the end of this period, the tools became more refined and then followed the so-called Levallois technique, which saw the creation of scrapers, slicers, needled and flattened needles.

About 50,000 years ago more refined and specialised flint tools were made and used by Neanderthals and it is believed it was at this stage tools were constructed out of bone.

As human culture advanced, artefacts such as fish hooks, buttons and bone needles were used.

Cut marks have found on animal bones that have been dated to be 3.4 million years old – around the time that a squat ape-like ancestor called Australopithecus afarensis – known as Lucy – roamed Africa. 

Courtesy Straits Times

NEW DELHI – In India, the government gets the jitters when the price of onions, a staple in Indian cooking, go up.

Onion prices have doubled and even tripled in many cities over the past few weeks, going for anything from 60 rupees (S$1.17) to 100 rupees (S$1.95) a kilogram, much to the dismay of consumers. Some state governments are subsidising the vegetable like in Delhi where government-run enterprises are selling it for 24 rupees a kg.

The prices began spiking after erratic rainfall impacted crops.

The Narendra Modi government swung into action on Sunday, banning the export of onions and imposing stock limits on onion traders to prevent hoarding to artificially drive prices up.

Retail traders can only stock 10,000kg of onions at a time and wholesalers 50,000kg.

Farmers and traders predicted that prices would drop substantially in the next three to four days on the back of the government’s measures.

But for consumers, the prices continue to pinch for now.

Ms Aslina Bibi, a cook, said she was buying very little for her own household and has been cautioned by her employers to use onions judiciously in meal preparations.

“It’s very difficult to cook food without onions. So I put very little just for some taste. I really hope the prices go down soon,” said Ms Bibi, who lives in Gurugram in Haryana.

“Otherwise, who will pay that much for onions?”

In India, household budgets are thrown out of gear when onion prices shoot up and angry voters have been known to vote out governments solely on this one issue.

In 1998, a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government in Delhi was voted out because state elections coincided with a rise in onion prices.

In 1980, while on the comeback trail, former prime minister Indira Gandhi used the price of onions, among other issues, to attack the government. She won the election.

The current onion crisis comes at a time when the ruling BJP is going into its first set of state elections after returning to power in a general election earlier this year. The BJP is seeking to retain power in Haryana and Maharashtra, a key onion producing state, later this month.

“The price of onions has become symbolic. The price of all vegetables are going up but the government has taken no initiative to bring them down. It is only onions because there is a history of governments losing badly due to their prices. It is a politically sensitive issue,” said Professor Sanjay Kumar from the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, a research institute.

“It just adds to the (economic) problems of the government,” he added.

The rise in onion prices comes at a turbulent time for the Indian economy, which has cast a cloud over the second term of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

The economy has slowed down, unemployment has gone up and several sectors from auto manufacturing to real estate are struggling.

Not surprisingly, the move to bring down onion prices has found little favour with onion farmers and traders who complain that it has disrupted the market.

“The farmers are already bringing less after the ban. They don’t know if merchants are buying. There is a lot of confusion. It’s not a good situation. Traders need to be able to hold more stock,” said Mr Jaydatta Holkar, chairman of the Agricultural Produce Market Committee in Lasalgaon, a prominent onion market.

Farmers are frustrated over the unpredictability of prices. Last year, due to a glut in production, onion prices dropped to one rupee a kilogram in some places prompting some farmers to burn their crops in protest.

“Every year prices go up and down. Finally farmers were getting a good price. Banning exports is an anti-farmers decision. The government needs to stabilise prices. They should make storage facilities and set a minimum price for farmers,” said Mr Abhimanyu Kohar, a spokesman for Rashtriya Kisan Mahasangh, a federation of 180 farmer organisations.

“In the next two to three days, we will know how much prices go down. In the end, the farmers will not get their prices.”

Meanwhile, some countries like Nepal and Bangladesh, which import Indian onions, have been hit by rising prices.

India exported 2.2 million tonnes of onions in the 2018-19 financial year with production estimated to be around 23.28 million tonnes.

The Daily Star, a newspaper in Bangladesh, reported that onion prices at the retail markets in Bangladesh went up around 71 per cent per kg within a day on Monday following the Indian government ban on onion exports.

Lahiru Pothmulla Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa today said he called for a parliamentary level committee to probe the allegations made by Solicitor General Dilrukshi Dias Wickremesinghe and former Solicitor General Suhada Gamlath over political influence.

Mr. Rajapaksa expressed these views while speaking at the National Convention of the Sri Lanka Mahajana Pakshaya which was held in Kurunegala thismorning.

He said the attention had been drawn to interdict one Solicitor General and to remove the other over the allegations they had made. But no attention has been drawn to probe the allegations and revelations itself. Therefore, he called for a parliamentary level committee to probe the allegations made by the officials.

He said the government was only focused on taking revenge from its political opponents and that the two Solicitors General had admitted that court cases against SLPP Presidential candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa were politically motivated.

“These allegations must be investigated. SG Suhada Gamlath clearly made these allegations. The drama staged at Temple Trees after forming an illegal and a bogus committee of accomplices is a crime. If someone was punished even for a day for a false court case, it is a crime too. That was why the Police and the AG’s Department have been given the authority to look into these allegations. No other government had acted in a vindictive manner like this one. We never sought revenge from family members of Premadasa who brought currency notes in bundles. Those who spoke of making Gotabaya wear jumpers came so close to end up in one during this government’s tenure itself,” he added.

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Appearing for the Attorney General, Senior Deputy Solicitor General Nerin Pulle today told that the former president, who had signed the dual citizenship certificate of Gotabaya Rajapaksa in 2005, actually had the power to do so as the relevant minister, because he had continued to exercise being the head of the government and the executive even in absence of a cabinet at that time.

Appearing for the petitioners, Counsel Suren Fernando at the onset of the writ inquiry stated that Gotabaya Rajapaksa was a former citizen of Sri Lanka before 2003 by decent. Thereafter, on or around January 31, 2003, he had become a citizen of another country i.e. the United States of America. From that day onwards, Gotabaya Rajapaksa ceased to be a Citizen of Sri Lanka under the Citizenship Act of Sri Lanka.

Subsequently, he had to obtain a dual citizenship status by applying to the relevant Ministry, in order to obtain a new Passport and a National Identity Card, because he was no longer a citizen of Sri Lanka at that time.

Mr. Fernando stated that, thereafter, Gotabaya Rajapaksa had possibly applied for a dual citizenship certificate to the relevant Ministry during the time period November 18 – 24, 2005, soon after his brother, Mahinda Rajapaksa was elected as the President of Sri Lanka.

He said that Mahinda Rajapaksa was the Prime Minister prior to him having assumed office as President of Sri Lanka in 2005 November. Therefore, upon his assuming the office of President, Mahinda Rajapaksa ceased to be a member of Parliament and ceased to be the Prime Minister of SL. (after November 18, 2005)

Upon Mahinda Rajapaksa assuming office as President soon after the election on November 18, 2005, the Cabinet of Ministers stood dissolved. According to Mr. Fernando, the new Prime Minister, Ministers and assigning of the subjects to the Ministries took place, on November 21, 23 and December 08 respectively.

So he stressed that there was no cabinet and therefore no Ministers or secretaries were functioning when Gotabhaya Rajapaksa’s dual citizenship certificate was issued.

He said that the impugned dual citizenship certificate had been signed for the relevant ministerial secretary by the then President and thus such secretary cannot function by the operation of law under the constitution.

Court of Appeal President Yasantha Kodagoda brought a question at this moment on the fact that whether there was any residual power vested upon president to exercise the executive arm of the government in the absence of the cabinet.

Counsel Fernando replied that the 1978 constitution is a combination of both Westminster and presidential systems of governance and that it’s intention was not to provide such powers to execute by one person. And he also stressed on the fact that there was a difference between the President’s executive power as a whole and the executive powers vested upon ministers and their secretaries.

Therefore he said that the former President could not have exercised such powers in the absence of a cabinet.

Consequently, he requested to grant interim reliefs as the impugned dual citizenship certificate, on the face of it (ex facie) void and is nullity in law.

However, Senior Deputy Solicitor General Nerin Pulle informed the Attorney General’s stance on the issue differently.

He Appeared for the Attorney General, on behalf of the Respondents-Controller General of Immigration and Emigration Department (1), Commissioner General Department for Registration of Persons (2),Secretary Ministry of Internal and Home Affairs (4), Acting Inspector General of Police (7), Ravi Seneviratne- SDIG CID (8), G.S. Abeysekara – Director CID (9), and Lalitha Dissanayake – OIC – Special Branch CID (10).

He said dual citizenship concept was first introduced to the Citizenship Act with the amendment made in 1987 and it stipulates two requirements to obtain a dual citizenship certificate. First there has to be an application addressed to the relevant minister and then the minister has to make a declaration on the dual citizenship.

On that background SDSG Nerin Pulle said that a dual citizenship certificate did not need the signature of a secretary but only the authorization of the relevant minister.

He said, in this impugned certificate the former President had signed it as a minister which he could do according to certain constitutional provisions.

He disputed the petitioner’s stance and said that 1978 constitution is not a hybrid system but a presidential form of governance based constitution. The president is the head of the executive elected by the people according to the constitution thereby he possesses a plenary executive power.

He referred to the Article 30(1) of the constitution and said that the president is the head of the state, government and the executive, and therefore, even in the absence of a cabinet he is the head of the executive with executive plenary powers.

SDSG also referring to the Article 44(2) of the Constitution which was in existence in 2005 ( this article was amended after 19 amendment) said that the President could continue to function all the executive powers as the head of the government and the executive, until the new cabinet is appointed. ‘So in this case, the president had signed the certificate as per citizenship Act in the ministerial capacity and therefore the requirements to obtain dual citizenship certificate had been fulfilled as per law”, he said.

He also stated that the reliefs sought in the petition is dealt with the statutory powers confered to the respondents and there for seeking writ of prohibition on his respondents is questionable.

Meanwhile, During his submission, the SDSG also made a comment that, the original docket pertaining to Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s dual citizenship issue is not in possession at the moment to produce before the court.

Article 44(2) of the Constitution which was in existence in 2005 said that the President could continue to function all the executive powers as the head of the government and the executive, until the new cabinet is appointed. So in this case, President had signed the certificate as per citizenship Act in the ministerial capacity and therefore the requirements to obtain dual citizenship certificate had been fulfilled as per law. (Shehan Chamika Silva)

Courtesy Adaderana

UPFA Parliamentarian Susantha Punchinilame says that certain people are spreading false claims that he is planning to join the United National Party (UNP).

He stated this speaking at a press briefing held in Trincomalee.

Stressing that he has not received a personal invitation to join the UNP, Punchinilame said he would continue to serve as the convenor of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna and a parliamentarian of the United People’s Freedom Alliance.

Punchihewa also said that he would work for the victory of SLPP’s presidential aspirant Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

Courtesy Adaderana

The Chairman of Elections Commissions Mahinda Deshapriya says that 20 candidates have placed their deposits in view of the Presidential Election 2019 so far.

Two independent candidates, namely Samaraweera Weeravanni and Ashoka Wadigamangawa along with A.S.P. Liyanage from Sri Lanka Labour Party had made their deposits during the course of yesterday (02).

The total number of candidates who had placed their deposits include ten from recognized political parties, and ten independent candidates or members of unrecognized political parties, the Commission’s chairman Mahinda Deshapriya stated.

The presidential aspirants who have already placed cash deposits are as follows:

1. Ketagoda Gamage Jayantha Perera (Independent)
2. Siripala Amarasinghe (Independent)
3. Ajantha Wijesinghe (Socialist Party of Sri Lanka)
4. Aparekke Punnananda Thera (Independent)
5. Welisarage Saman Prasanna Perera (Our Power of People Party)
6. Nandasena Gotabaya Rajapaksa (Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna)
7. Ariyawansa Dissanayake (Democratic United National Front)
8. Sirithunga Jayasuriya (United Socialist Party)
9. Warnakulasuriya Milroy Sergius Fernando (Independent)
10. Bedde Gamage Nandimithra (Nawa Sama Samaja Party)
11. Nambunama Nanayakkara Akmeemana Palliyaguruge Vajirapani Wijesiriwardene (Socialist Equality Party)
12. Sarath Manamendra (Nawa Sihala Urumaya)
13. Pallewatta Gamaralalage Rohan Pallewatte (Jathika Sangwardhena Peramuna)
14. Anura Kumara Dissanayake (National People’s Movement)
15. Chandrasekara Herath Hitihamy Koralalage Samansiri Herath (Independent)
16. Sarath Vijithakumara Keerthiratne (Independent)
17. Polgampala Ralalage Chaminda Anuruddha (Independent)
18. Samaraweera Weeravanni (Independent)
19. Ashoka Wadigamangawa (Independent)
20. A.S.P. Liyanage (Sri Lanka Labour Party)

A special discussion was held among the presidential candidates, representatives of political parties and the officials of the Elections Commission last evening (02).

Accepting deposits for the forthcoming presidential election ends at 12 noon on the 6th of October.

The Elections Commission will begin accepting the nominations for the presidential poll from 9.00 am-11.00 am on the 7th of October and objections for the nominations can be submitted from 9.00 am to 11.30 am on the same day.

Meanwhile, the closing date of submitting the applications for the postal voting for the Presidential Election 2019, which was set to end on last Wednesday (30), was extended until midnight on the 04th of October. This decision was taken due to the prevailing inclement weather condition and the ongoing trade union actions.Disclaimer: All the comments will be moderated by the AD editorial. Abstain from posting comments that are obscene, defamatory or slanderous. Please avoid outside hyperlinks inside the comment and avoid typing all capitalized comments. Help us delete comments that do not follow these guidelines by flagging them(mouse over a comment and click the flag icon on the right side). Do use these forums to voice your opinions and create healthy discourse.

Courtesy Adaderana

A three-judge bench of the Court of Appeal has postponed further consideration of the petition filed against recognizing the citizenship of former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa, till 1.30 pm tomorrow (03).

When the petition was taken up today (30), the Controller General of the Department of Immigration and Emigration, the Commissioner General of the Department of Registration of Persons and the Director of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) had presented themselves before the judge bench.

Deputy Solicitor General Nerin Pulle, appearing on behalf of the Controller of Immigration and Emigration, informed the court that the Department of Immigration and Emigration does not have the applications and documents pertaining to the passport of the defendant, Mr Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

President’s Counsel Romesh de Silva, appearing on behalf of Mr Rajapaksa, then stated that continuing this hearing without those documents would be unfair to his client. Raising preliminary objections, he further said that a case is being heard before the Colombo Magistrate’s Court regarding the issue underlying this case.

The defence attorney further stressed that presenting a petition in such manner based on facts which are part of an ongoing court case and hearing the petition would be seriously problematic. He stated that if the Magistrate’s Court decides that his client is innocent the facts which are the basis of this petition would also be unfounded.

President’s Counsel Romesh de Silva claimed that the court has no power to hear this petition and therefore requested it to dismiss the petition. 

President of the Appeal Court Justice Yasantha Kodagoda stated that the court will consider the fact presented in the preliminary objections on a later date and that the petitioners should be given the opportunity to make submissions. 

 Attorney-at-Law Suren Fernando, appearing on behalf of the petitioners, alleged that the citizenship certificate issued to Mr Gotabaya Rajapaksa is not a valid document before the law.

He added that according to Article 19 of the Citizenship Act only the subject minister is vested with the power to issue dual citizenship. However, he said that Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s certificate of citizenship has not been issued by the relevant subject minister, it has been issued by then President Mahinda Rajapaksa, which he says is an illegal act.

Therefore the citizenship certificate which Mr Rajapaksa is supposed to own is an invalid document before the law, he declared.

Deputy Solicitor General Nerin Pulle, making submissions, stated that executive powers are vested with the President in accordance with the Constitution and that those powers are vested with the President even if a Cabinet of Ministers has not been appointed.

Therefore if at some point even if a minister has not been appointed to the subject relating to the Citizenship Act, the powers of the minister are vested with the President as Executive, the Deputy Solicitor General explained.

The former President could have signed the dual citizenship certificate in 2005 under the powers of the relevant ministry as he is the head of the government and the executive, the Attorney General’s Department said. 

The petition was filed by two social activists Gamini Viyangoda and Prof. Chandraguptha Thenuwara on Monday (30).

The Controller General of the Department of Immigration and Emigration, the Commissioner General of the Department of Registration of Persons, Minister Vajira Abeywardena, Secretary to the Ministry of Internal & Home Affairs and Provincial Councils & Local Government, Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa, former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Acting Inspector General of Police (IGP), Director of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), Senior Deputy IGP of CID and Officer in Charge of CID’s Special Branch have been cited as the respondents of the petition.

The petitioners allege that Gotabaya Rajapaksa has obtained a passport and a National Identity Card (NIC) claiming that he revoked his US citizenship.

The petitioners further stated that they have the necessary information to prove the former Defence Secretary did submit proper documentation to verify revocation of his US citizenship when obtaining a Sri Lankan passport and a NIC.

Hence, the petitioners request the Appeals Court to deliver an order suspending the issuance of a passport and a NIC to Gotabaya Rajapaksa. They have also sought an interim order preventing the functioning of said passport and NIC until the court delivers the petition’s verdict.

Courtesy  Lanka Lead News

එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ නායක අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතාගේ සහෝදරයෙකු වන ශාන් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතාට අයත් TNL රූපවාහිනි සේවය විසින් ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට එරෙහිව කැළණිය විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ මහාචාර්ය චන්ද්‍රගුප්ත තේනුවර සහ පුරවැසි බලය සංවිධානයේ කැඳවුම්කාර මණ්ඩල සාමාජික ගාමිණී වියන්ගොඩ විසින් අභියාචනයක් ඉදිරිපත් කිරීම දැඩි ලෙස විවේචනයට ලක් කොට තිබේ.

බලයට පත් කිසිදු රාජ්‍ය නායකයෙකුට අවසන් කිරීමට නොහැකි වූ තිස් වසරක සාපරාධී යුද්ධය අවසන් කළ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ රජයේ ආරක්ෂාව භාරව සිටි ප්‍රබල චරිතය අන් කිසිවෙකු නොව රණකාමී විරවරයෙකු වන ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතා බව එම නාලිකාවේ විකාශය විය.

කෘතගුණ දත් කිසිදු ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයෙකු එය අමතක නොකරන බවද එහි සඳහන් වේ.

චන්ද්‍රගුප්ත තේනුවර සහ ගාමිණී වියන්ගොඩ උසාවි ගොස් ඇත්තේ එවන් උදාරතර රණ කාමියෙකුට විරුද්ධව බවද එහිදී ප්‍රකාශ විය.

ඉදිරිදි ජනාධිපතිවරණයේදී ජනතාව විශ්වාස කල යුත්තේ උපන් බිම රකින ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතාගේ කඳවුරද, එසේ නැත්තනම් මුදල් වලට යටපත් වී උපන් බිමට හතුරු වූ රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධාන මුල් කර ගත් කඳවුර දැයි තීරණය කළ යුතු යැයි එහිදී සඳහන් කෙරිණි.

මෙම කරුණු TNL රූපවාහිනී නාලිකාවේ ප්‍රවෘත්ති විකාශය අතරතුර වැඩසටහනකදී විකාශය කළේය.

මෙම කරුණු TNL රූපවාහිනී නාලිකාවේ ප්‍රවෘත්ති විකාශය අතරතුර වැඩසටහනකදී විකාශය කළේය.

කතු වැකිය  උපුටා ගැන්ම  අරුණ පුවත්

ජනාධිපතිවරණයේ දී තමන්ගේ සහය ලබා ගැනීමට නම් දෙමළ ජනතාවගේ ගැටලු සඳහා විසඳුම් සතියක් ඇතුළත ඉදිරිපත් කරන්නැයි දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානය සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතාට දැනුම් දී තිබේ. ඔවුන් මේ බව දැනුම් දී ඇත්තේ එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ නායක රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ හා සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස ඇතුළු එම පක්ෂ නියෝජිත පිරිසක් සමග අරලියගහ මන්දිරයේදී පැවති සාකච්ඡාවකදීය. දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානය මේ මතුකර ඇත්තේ ඔවුන් පමණක් නොව රටම දැනගන්නට නොඉවසිල්ලෙන් සිටින වැදගත් කාරණයකි.

එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය ජාතික ප්‍රශ්නය සම්බන්ධයෙන් දරන ස්ථාවරය ඉතා පැහැදිලි එකකි. ඔවුන් පෙනී සිටින්නේ උපරිම බලය බෙදීමක් වෙනුවෙනි. උපරිම බලය බෙදීමක් යැයි කී විට එහි සීමාව ෆෙඩරල් තත්ත්වයක් දක්වා වුවද දිගු විය හැකිය. මේ වෙනුවෙන් නව ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කිරීමට අදහස් කරන බවටද ඔවුන් 2015 මහ මැතිවරණයේදී ද පොරොන්දුවක් දී තිබේ. මේ ස්ථාවරය වෙනස්කොට ඇති බවක් තවමත් ප්‍රකාශ වී නැති නිසා එය තවමත් ඔවුන්ගේ ස්ථාවරය ලෙස පිළිගැනීමට අපට සිදු වේ.

එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ නියෝජ්‍ය නායකයා වුවද සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතා ජනාධිපතිවරණයට ඉදිරිපත් වීමට සූදානම් වන්නේ නව ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී පෙරමුණේ අපේක්ෂකයා ලෙසය. ඔහු දැනටමත් ඉඟි කරමින් සිටින්නේ තමන් එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ ප්‍රතිපත්තිවලට වඩා වෙනස් වූ ගමනක් යන්නට සූදානමින් සිටින බවය. තමන් රට කරවන්නට බලාපොරොත්තු වන්නේ තම පියාණන් වූ රණසිංහ ප්‍රේමදාස ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ ප්‍රතිපත්තිවලට අනුව බවද ඔහු වැඩිදුරටත් කියා ඇත. සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතා ජනාධිපති ධුර අපේක්ෂකත්වය ලබා ගැනීම සඳහා රට පුරා රැස්වීම් තබමින් ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන් දිවි පුදන්නට සූදානම් බව ප්‍රකාශ කොට තිබේ. එහෙත් ජනතාවට බලපාන කිසිදු ප්‍රධාන කරුණක් සම්බන්ධයෙන් ඔහුගේ මතයක් හෝ ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් ඉදිරිපත් කොට නැත. උතුරේ දෙමළ ජනතාව කේන්ද්‍ර කර ගනිමින් පවතින අර්බුදය, මෙරට සෑම මැතිවරණයකදීම තීරණාත්මක කාරණයකි. ජනපති අපේක්ෂකයන්ද, දේශපාලන පක්ෂද එය සිය ප්‍රතිපත්ති ප්‍රකාශයන්හි ප්‍රමුඛ කාරණයක් කොට සලකන්නේ ඒ නිසාය. එහෙත් සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතා ඒ ගැන හෝ කිසිදු අදහසක් ඉදිරිපත්කොට නැත. ඒ මේ ප්‍රශ්නයට විසඳුමක් යෝජනා කරන්නට තරම් ඔහුට දේශපාලන අවබෝධයක් නැති නිසාද? නැතහොත් සටකපටකමටද යන්න අප දන්නේ නැත.

පෙනෙන ආකාරයට අපට පමණක් නොව ජාතික ප්‍රශ්නය සම්බන්ධයෙන් සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතාගේ ස්ථාවරය ගැන ඔහු නියෝජ්‍ය නායකත්වය දරන එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයටද පැහැදිලිතාවක් නොමැති සේය.

ජනාධිපති ධුර අපේක්ෂකත්වය ලබා දීමට පෙර නව ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කිරීමට, බලය බෙදීමට හා දෙමළ ජනතාවගේ ප්‍රශ්න විසඳීමට පියවර ගන්නා බවට පක්ෂය ඔහුගෙන් පොරොන්දුවක් ලබාගෙන ඇත්තේ එනිසා විය යුතුය.

අපේක්ෂකත්වය ලබා ගැනීම සඳහා එලෙස පොරොන්දු වුවත් සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාසට තවමත් උතුරේ ප්‍රශ්නය සම්බන්ධයෙන් තමන්ගේ ස්ථාවරය හෙළිදරව් කිරීමට හැකි වී නැත. දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානය ජනාධිපතිවරණය සම්බන්ධයෙන් තවමත් සිය මතය ප්‍රකාශ කොට නැත්තේද මේ නිසාය. කෙසේ වෙතත් දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානයේ සහාය නොමැතිව එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය ප්‍රමුඛ සන්ධානයකට කුමන මැතිවරණයක් වුවද ජය ගැනීමට නොහැකි බව කවුරු නැතත් එජාප නායකයා ඉතා හොඳින්ම දන්නා කාරණයකි. සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතා උතුරේ ප්‍රශ්නය සම්බන්ධයෙන් දරන ස්ථාවරය සම්බන්ධයෙන් රටේ ජනතාව නොඉවසිල්ලෙන් බලා සිටින්නේ මේ නිසාය. ඒ හේතු දෙකක් මුල් කර ගනිමිනි. පළමුවැන්න නම් 2015 දී එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය හා දෙමළ සන්ධානය අතර රහස් ගිවිසුමක් තිබූ බවට පවතින විශ්වාසයයි. මේ නිසා ඇතැම් විටෙක සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාසද නොදැන එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය විසින් මෙවරත් එවැනි රහස් එකඟතාවකට එළැඹෙන්නට ඉඩ ඇතැයි යන සිතුවිල්ලය.

තමන් අනුගමනය කරන්නේ තම පියාණන්ගේ ප්‍රතිපත්ති බවට සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතා කරන ප්‍රකාශය දෙවැන්නය. වසර 30 ක් තිස්සේ මේ රට විනාශ කරන්නට හේතු වූ කොටි සංවිධානයට ආයුධ හා මුදල් දුන් එකම විධායක ජනාධිපතිවරයා සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතාගේ පියාණන් වන රණසිංහ ප්‍රේමදාස බව සජිත් අමතක කර ඇතත් මේ රටේ ජනතාවට හොඳහැටි මතකය.

නිදි වැරීම හෝ ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන් මැරෙන්නට සූදානම් බවට හැඟුම්බර කතා කිරීම පමණක් ජනාධිපති ධුරයක් දැරීමට සුදුසුකමක් නොවන බව සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතා දැන්වත් තේරුම්ගත යුතුය. ජනාධිපති ධුරයට පත්වන අයකුට මේ රටේ දෙකෝටියකට අධික ජනතාවගේ කුදුමහත් ප්‍රශ්න පමණක් නොව ලෝකයේ රටවල් දෙසීයකට ආසන්න සංඛ්‍යාවක් සමගද ගනුදෙනු කරන්නට සිදු වේ. ඒ සඳහා පක්ෂය කුමක් වුවත් තමන්ගේ කියා දැක්මක්, දර්ශනයක් හා වැඩපිළිවෙළක් තිබිය යුතුය. එක්සත් ජාතික පාක්ෂිකයන් දැන්ද, අනාගතයේද භුක්ති විඳිනු ඇත්තේ එවැන්නෙකු තෝරා නොගැනීමේ පාඩමය.