e-Con e-News

Posted byee ink.June 6, 2026Posted inUncategorizedTags:13th Amendment, chattel-slavery, history, India, politics, travel, US Constitution, USA

blog: https://eesrilanka.wordpress.com

‘Before you study the economics, study the economists!’

e-Con e-News 31 May – 06 June 2026

‘We have in the Tamil coolie a perfect machine for the cultivation of our tea, coffee, or other tropical produce.’ Chief Justice of Sri Lanka, Lovell B Clarence, 1896

The retired Chief Justice was celebrating the centenary of English rule in Sri Lanka. He had lived in the country for over 25 years, recalls SBD de Silva’s classic The Political Economy of Underdevelopment (see ee Focus). Justice Clarence was intimate with ‘tropical produce’. The plantation system, which derives from the system of chattel slavery, was first practised in the Americas, and ensured that children were also born enslaved, employing all members of the family for life. This system has informed the practices of wage slavery and the ‘human resources’ of Sri Lanka to this day, and SBD describes how the so-called ‘training’ imparted to plantation workers was primarily:

‘The conditioning of the labourer to adverse pay & working conditions involving the relentless routine of simple, repetitive tasks.’

SBD recalled that, in fact, no such other skills were imparted or required. The plantation system (neither modern, industrial nor capitalist) allows no use of technology to the majority of its workers (tea pluckers), whereas modern industrial organization has to entrust workers with expensive & complex machinery. On plantations, daily punishments were necessary, hence the reference to their routines as ‘tasks’:

‘The word ‘tasks‘ was suggestive of a moralistic basis on

which work was extracted. The expression originated

in the plantations of the Americas where the enslaved had

to be made obedient & industrious… The plantation kept

careful count & punished those who did not fulfil the

required amount of tasks just as Jesus Christ the

omnipresent overseer condemned them for neglecting

their religious duty. The Indian Labour Code, which

applied to plantation workers in Sri Lanka, asserted that

the eviction of the entire family of any worker who was

dismissed ‘preserved the sanctity of the family‘.’

So, while no use of machinery was to be allowed to the worker, the worker themselves were to be treated as machines. Hence the reference by the ‘Chief Justice’ (who, by the way, was an ‘acting’ CJ only for 1882). The recollections of the Chief Justices of Ceylon had also been a source of great insight to Karl Marx. In the last years of his life, Marx examined the 13^th Chief Justice of colonial Ceylon 1877-79, John Budd Phear’s book The Aryan Village in India & Ceylon (1880), and the Colonial Council of India’s Henry Maine’s Ancient Law: on which English law (if they have such) is based to this day. While Marx called Phear a donkey, he (& Friedrich Engels) learned of Sri Lanka’s insights into the origins of class division, state formation, communal & private property (see ee 11 July 2020, Cool Marx on SL). Justice Phear, we should add, had an outré interest in linking the anthropological origins of the Sinhala to the marriage of China & Africa!

     This ee Focus completes Chapter 10 of SBD’s classic (see ee Focus), which explains how the ‘largeness’ of plantations were neither an agronomic or technical necessity, but was due to justifying heavy management costs as well as the recruitment & treatment of labor. This in turn was due to absentee ownership (in Colombo & London), as well as the employing of migrant labor and paying them low wages. This primitive and inefficient plantation system has survived due to the colonial disabilities imposed on smallholdings, which are more productive than plantations. Rice cultivation, which is a much more complex endeavor, has also been deprived of important technological inputs (cooperative organization, irrigation, fertilizer, cultivation & harvest) which are left to the depredations of the finance companies, financed by imperialist ‘development’ banks, who promote their second-hand industrial machineries.

*

‘Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude,

except as a punishment for crime whereof the party

shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within

the USA, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.’

– US Constitution

Slavery is still legal in the USA. It was never fully abolished. The 1865 13^th Amendment to the US Constitution, which claimed to abolish slavery permits bondage in prison. Hence the hugely disproportionate incarceration of African & non-Anglo-American men & women in the USA to this day. That old world of always new ironies & contradictions made us recall that ‘13^th loophole’ for enslavers, since the US government this week has threatened an additional 12.5% tax on imports from Sri Lanka & 54 other countries. They claim we have failed to prevent the entry of goods produced through forced labour. As usual the imperialists’ own mouthpieces in Sri Lanka, the chamber of commerce, and the rag traders aka apparel businesses, immediately squawked in dismay. Many of them rely on the USA as their single largest export destination. However, these chambers and traders and their channels will not point out to the USA’s own enslaved workers.

     In November 2025, a lawsuit was filed against colonized Korea’s car companies Hyundai & Kia for using imprisoned labor in Alabama & Georgia violating some of the USA’s own internal states’ laws & public purchasing standards. The imprisoned workers are underpaid & mistreated, providing Hyundai & Kia an ‘unfair competitive advantage in the automotive sales market’; suppressing the wages and working conditions of the most oppressed affects all workers. In the USA most states require prisoners to work, and those who do, work for government agencies, even as most are forcibly kept idle. The lawsuit also points to children (many Mexican & Central American citizens) working in the Hyundai & KIA plants. Yet, child labor was purportedly abolished only in the 1940s.

     So, when the US-funded National Peace Council, Amnesty International & the US Trade Representative stick their heads out of their thorny nests and crow like hungry birds in shrill unison about ‘forced labor’, all we can do is titter in a studied revulsion. The ‘coolie’ in Sri Lanka, contrary to the exculpations of politicians & separatist nationalists, is a product of the English government and their colonial satraps and grey sahibs in Delhi, Colombo and Jaffna, no matter their lamentations of the fate of the now-renamed Malaiyaha Tamils who they seek to counterpose to the reparations due to the highland Sinhala. The USA, however, cares not a pretty penny for slaves in Sri Lanka, but only about blocking any modern economic relationship with China…

*

England’s Ceylon Tobacco Company (CTC), owned by the British American Tobacco Co (BAT), as well as Unilever PLC, has been the subject & object of much of ee’s inquiries into the inordinate role they play, both in Sri Lanka’s economy as well as our culture (marketing, media, arts), etc (see ee 01 March 2025). The US-funded think-tank Verité, which is not known for their pugilistic style, per se, unless they are repeating the verities of the IMF, etc, should be congratulated for recently taking on Ceylon Tobacco Co & their massive avoidance of taxes (see ee Random Notes, English Smokes). Of course, Verité only mentions the company’s name just once, nor is there reference to CTC being a monopoly, which would normally be abhorred by the whoremongers of selective free-trade, let alone by the USA’s other yipping poodle Advocata. The CTC chairman Suresh Shah is also the head of the Catholic-Church-linked Hatton National Bank, and was responsible for privatizing national resources (SOERU) which would have given him & his sidekicks open access to state secrets, no?  Nevertheless, while it bravely alludes, without naming CTC, to its promotion of fake news, it doesn’t mention CTC’s sponsorships of politicians, including footnote fetishist Harsha de Silva. Let us see where this leads them, though we wonder whether they will stop at this multinational behemoth alone, and extend their inquiries into the banks such as Standard Chartered, Citibank, HSBC, and other MNCs, that enable this drainage, and more importantly prevent investment in modern industry…

     Why do these traders, merchants, moneylenders, their chambers of commerce & related thinktanks submit to a clearly unfair economic & political system? We suggest it is due to their stashing away of the country’s wealth in the banks & real-estates of the USA, England & Europe, and the knowing wink & a shrug by their related envoys who get to spend days in coats & ties and skirts in air-conditioned hotel halls, and issue nauseating, clearly hypocritical sermons on ecology & gender equality & the rule of law, while arming & waging horrific wars on the world. A Centre for Wealth Analysis is truly a crying need in Sri Lanka, even as the German government is fixated on continuing their funding of ‘poverty analysis’, which only serves to fatten the offshore bank accounts of selected economists & NGO operators, who toe the import-export plantation line… and its rooms…

The recent tremendous hikes of oil prices in Sri Lanka, over & above world indices, have seen calls for closer auditing of the actual shipments of oil coming, and if they correspond to this huge expense.

*

‘They are close to 3 times the average monthly import bill on petroleum.

These excessive imports could possibly be an incidence of over-invoicing

of imports to shift capital & US$s out of the economy disguised as

legitimate imports. With over 50% of the market being controlled by foreign

suppliers the risk of capital flight through these channels increases rapidly.’

– Dhanusha Pathirana, FB

*

This stashing away and related tax evasions also explain why our merchant media cannot get simple terminology exact. The current upsurge in turmoil is due to the latest US wars on Iran & West Asia, and yet the merchant media calls it an ‘oil crisis’. Even Muslim & Borah (who are Shia, and it’s their spiritual leaders, the Ayatollahs, being murdered) are happy to play tribal games and blame Jews & Zionists. But Israel is just the latest white settler statelet of Europe, the subsidiary of their subsidiary, the United Settlers of the Americas (USA). These Zionists running Israel are actually Nazis who helped send their co-religionists into gas chambers. The UAE etc are hand in pocket with Israel in genociding East Africa, and belong to the same Arab strains that allied with the Nazis. Israel is the USA, spiritual white settler model for the fascists. The Ceylon Chamber of Commerce is the USA. So are the thinktanks – Advocata (whose Catholics & Borahs & Chettiar – Maharajas – have an eerie fixation on menstruation, real-estate & car importation), IPS, Verite, etc, & media. The Persian Gulf (now reduced to the Straits of Hormuz) was closed not by Iran, but by the USA (& their shipping insurance agencies) from the very beginning. The incessant arrivals in Colombo of warships from India, Pakistan, Europe & Japan don’t intend to defend their countries from the greatest warlords the world has ever known, for whom peace is a provocation, whose actual ‘overcapacity’ is in weaponry for mass murder. Meanwhile, their NGOs have switched from attacking the Executive Presidency to attacking the Sangha. Perhaps it may also have to do with this season of Vesak & Poson, which acutely relates to the organization of agriculture (but this real ‘national question’ is neglected, instead the printed word is given over to ravings about saving exotic species of flamingos, leopards, snakes, ice caps, etc). There’s always something rotting in England and the impending visit this coming week of their ‘Lord Chamberlain’ commanded by the gay Charles III to visit the London Vihara, portends some ‘return’ is suppurating and in the offing (see ee Random Notes).

     The Sangha like every other institution in this country – including University Professors, & bankers & CEOs – are a reflection of the constituencies they serve. The Sangha has an even greater history of serving the country – many are organically linked to the rural peasantry – and have given leadership to the resistance to colonial depredations, hence being recipients of both repression & inducements.  

*

A pseudonymous article in the Wijeya Group’s FT on the X-press Pearl, by the anonymous ‘Lighthouse Guard’, takes up the cause of the ship’s captain who has been held without trial for several years. The Lighthouse Guard alludes to mysterious ways by which so-called corruption (tho in a merchant-run society it really should be termed ‘rentier business as usual’) and how the courts work. This week saw the President meet ‘privately’ with judges including those magistrates & judges pursuing high-profile cases against political opponents. We wonder if the Wijeya Group’s FT, if not the Seafarers’ Union, let alone the numerous Rockefeller-related agencies promoting the education of seafarers, could take up the cause of the lonely unnamed Sri Lankan seafarer held hostage in the USA for over a year now after the crash of that ship Dali, carrying curious containers headed for Sri Lanka, which crashed the Baltimore bridge. He is being held hostage along with a crew, of mostly Indian workers. If it helps to publicize his arrest, the FT could add that he is Tamil, which may get the NGO-oids going, but this involves confronting their wet nurse, the USA…

*

‘In the handful of media engagements I have participated in, I’ve

always found the line of questioning about the economy to be

deeply limiting & shortsighted. ‘What is the state of our reserves?

Will the rupee go up or down against the dollar?’ It is in the nature

of a financial speculator to obsess over day-to-day market fluctuations,

and we have all been taught to think like that. It is not the journalist

but the institutionalisation of neoclassical economics that is to blame.’

Neither JVP-NPP (in power, and yet having no power, other than to prepare for re-election to no-power) nor Opposition (nor merchant media) have a plan to stabilise the economy and spur growth. If they do, they are not telling. In this ee Focus, Shiran Illanperuma brilliantly explains how to analyse the media’s take on the economy. The ‘news’ turns out to be all about how to maintain the casino. He dissects the obsession with the rupee-dollar dance, and ‘money printing’. He shows why the US government (via their Federal Reserve – actually a cosa nostra of commercial banks, US Treasury, IMF, World Bank, ADB etc) has been so single-minded in ensuring the government cannot finance modern industry, undermining the country’s production structure. He also points out that the actual purpose of depreciation is to rob the wages of the worker.

‘Neoclassical economics has long abandoned

the bigger questions that classical political

economy & development economics sought

to answer: Why do nations get rich (or stay

poor)? How is society organised in the

production of value? Who are the winners

& losers in the distribution of that value?’

*

Europe’s invasion of Lanka began in 1505, and while their invasion of the Americas began with the attack on the Caribbean in 1492, their actual militarized ‘trajectory as a world hegemon’ began in Africa, with the capture in 1415, funded by Genoese capital, of Ceuta in Morocco by Portugal, the first European colonial power. Genoan capital moved to Lisbon, after their defeat by Venice, who then monopolized Europe’s access to the east. Thus:

For the 1^st time in over 600 years, there is now a credible economic

& political alternative to the domination of world affairs by the

Europeans & their descendant white-settler colonial states. First,

is the socialist grouping led by China. Second, are the growing

aspirations for national sovereignty, economic modernisation,

& multilateralism, emerging from the Global South.

This explains the current rage and outrageousness, genocidal fury & advertised irrationality of the cacophonous concert of whiteness on naked display on the world stage, that seeks to take down the entire planet in a conflagration of fire. ee continues to detail the factors behind the daily news, through the Tricontinental Research Institute’s amazing study of ‘Hyper-Imperialism: a Dangerous Decadent New Stage’ (see ee Focus). We begin ‘Part II: Evolution of Imperialism – the New Stage of Imperialism’ which dates the attempt at a unipolar world order, midst the USA’s dollar monopoly and its switch from ‘a creditor to debtor nation’. Tricontinental examines the nature of the inter-imperialist rivalries, and the rapid advance of hybrid warfare (including sanctions), seizing other nations’ reserves, as it seeks to rely on its military (rather than economic) power, while manipulating its dollar hegemony and soft-power over digital media.

     Meanwhile, the rest of the world, outside of the USA’s armed poodles, eg, Germany & Japan, are growing tired of its conceits. Tricontinental details the efforts to unite a fragmented underdeveloped world, who yet have a shared history. Sri Lanka sits & stands at the crux & crossroads of this earth-shaking endeavor and it is no wonder that the USA (United Snakes of Amnesia) are desperate, despite a seeming coyness (there is no US envoy in sight, even as they are gifting us secondhand & ineffective machineries, minus any attempt to promote modern manufacture of the parts these dilapidated buckets will soon need) to undermine our cultural fastnesses and prevent our alliance with both China & Africa, a historically anticipated, and burgeoning unity which will surely determine the path of the remaining 3-quarters of the 21^st century.

*

________

Contents:

The USA Evades its Angry Ghosts in Sri Lanka

2026 ජූනි 7 පුවත්පත් නිවේදනය රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්

2026 වසරේ පළමු කාර්තුවේ ඉලක්කම් විජ්ජාවක ප්‍රබන්ධය

නමුත් සත්‍යය නම් මේ වසරේ පළමු මාස 3 තුල පමණක්, මෙරට විදේශ ණය ඇ.ඩො.මි. 788 කින් ද,  දේශීය ණය රු. බි.  490 කින්  වැඩිවී ඇත.

රාජ්‍ය ණය කලමනාකරණ දොපාර්තමේන්තුවේ නිල වාර්තා අනුව, ගෙවන ලද මුලික මුදල (Principal Amount) ඩො.බි. 5.98 කි. ණය පොලී වටිනාකම  ඩො.බි. 2.11 කි. එකතුව 8.094 කි. එය කරුණු වශයෙන් ගත් කළ සත්‍යයකි.  නමුත් මෙම මුදල් ගෙවා ඇත්තේ ඩොලර් වලින් නොව ශ්‍රී ලංකා රුපිියල් වලිනි.   එසේ ගෙවන ලද මුදලට ආසන්න මුදලක් නැවතත් භාණ්ඩාගාර බිල්පත් හා සුරැකුම්පත් නිකුත් කර දේශීය ණය වශයෙන් ලබාගෙන ඇත.

විදේශ ණය පියවීම

ශ්‍රී ලංකා රජය 2026 පළමු කාර්තුවේ දී ණය ප්‍රතිව්‍යුහගත කිරිමට අනුව බහුපාර්ශවීය ආයතන වෙත ඩො.මි. 234 ක් ද, ද්විපාර්ශවීය ණය හිමියන් ට ඩො. මි. 207 ක් ද, පුද්ගලික ණය හිමියන්ට ඩො.මි. 89 ක් ද ලෙස ඩො.මි. 530 ක් ගෙවා ඇත.  මේ  ඩො.මි. 530 හැර මේ කාර්තුව තුල වෙනත් විදේශ ණය හෝ පොලී ගෙවීමක් ඩොලර් වලින් සිදු කර නැත.  

2026 වසරේ දී ලංකා රජය බහු පාර්ශවීය හා ද්විපාර්ශවීය ණය හිමියන්ට ඩොලර් බිලියන 2.7 ක් ගෙවිය යුතුය.   2026 ජූනි දක්වා එයින් ඩො.බි. 1.3 ක් ගෙවා ඇත.  තවත් ඩො.බි. 1.4 ක් මේ වසරේ ඉදිරි මාස 6 තුල ගෙවිය යුතුව ඇත.

 

විදේශ ණය වැඩිවීම

පසුගිය සතියේ ජාත්‍යන්තර මුල්‍ය අරමුදල මගින් ලංකාවට ඩො.මි. 695 ක් ලැබී ඇත.  ආසියානු සංවර්ධන බැංකුව වෙතින් ඩො.මි. 450 ක් ද, ලෝක බැංකුව මගින් ඩො.මි.  200 ක් ද ඉදිරියේ දී ලබාගැනීමට නියමිතය. එයට අමතරව ව්‍යාපෘති ණය ලෙස තවත්  ඩො. මි. 100 ක් ලැබීමට ඇත.  සරළව මෙම ඩොලර් වලින් මේ වසරේ ගෙවීමට ඇති ණය ප්‍රමාණය ගෙවූ විට, වෙනත් ඉතිරියක් බලාපොරොත්තු විය නොහැකිය.  මේ සියළු ලැබීම් හා ගෙවීම් ජා.මු.අ.  ණය ප්‍රතිව්‍යුහගතකරණ වැඩසටහනට අදාළව 2022 – 2023 දී ගිවිසුම් ගත එකඟතාවයන් ය.

දේශීය ණය ගෙවීම්

ශ්‍රී ලංකා මහ බැංකුව සහ මහා භාණ්ඩාගාරය විසින් කල් පිරුණු භාණ්ඩාගාර බිල්පත්, භාණ්ඩාගාර සුරැකුම්පත් සහ දේශීය බැංකු වෙත ව්‍යාපෘති ණය ලෙස ගෙවිය යුතු රුපියල් ණය ප්‍රමාණය පහත වගුවේ ඇත.   

භාණ්ඩාගාර බිල්පත්, සුරැකුම්පත් හා දේශීය බැංකු වෙත ගොවිය යුතු ව්‍යාපෘති ණය වෙනුවෙන් ඇ.ඩො. බිලියන 7.56 කට සමාන රුපියල් ප්‍රමාණයක් 2026 පලමු කාර්තුව තුල ගෙවා ඇත. එයින් ඩො.බි. 1.59 කට සමාන රුපියල් ප්‍රමාණයක්  පොලී වශයෙනි.  ගෙවීමට ඇති දේශීය ණය වාරික ලෙස ඇ.ඩො. බිලියන 5.975 කට සමාන රුපියල් ප්‍රමාණයක් ගෙවා ඇත.

එසේ පියවා ගත් මුදල් නැවත ලබා ගැනීම සඳහා මහා භාණ්ඩාගාරය විසින් දේශීය භාණ්ඩාගාර බිල්පත් හා සුරැකුම්පත් පෙරළා නිකුත් කර (රොල් ඕවර්) කර ඇත. එබැවින් මේ ගෙවීම් හේතුවෙන් රටේ සමස්ත ණය ප්‍රමාණයේ සැලකිය යුතු වෙනසක් සිදුව නැත.

2026 අලුතෙන් එකතු කරගත් ණය කන්ද

2026 පලමු කාර්තුව තුල නිකුත් කර ඇති භාණ්ඩාගාර බිල්පත් හා සුරැකුම්පත්වල වටිනාකම (රුපියල් ණය) රුපියල් බිලියන 1,210 (ඇ.ඩො.බි. 3.84)  කි. භාණ්ඩාගාර බැඳුම්කර නිකුතුව මගින් තවත් රුපියල් බිලියන 720 ක් (ඩො. බි. 2.30) ක් ලංකාව අලුතෙන් ණය වී ඇත.   

2026 පළමු කාර්තුව තුල, අලුතෙන් ලබාගත් දේශීය ණය ප්‍රමාණය රු. බිලියන 1930  (ඇ. ඩො.බි.  6.04කට සමානය) කි.

ආණ්ඩුව වසන් කරන කරුණ නම් ලංකා ජනරජය ජාත්‍යන්තර මුල්‍ය අරමුදල, ලෝක බැංකුව, ආසියානු සංවර්ධන බැංකුව හා විදේශ බැංකු වෙතින් ඩො. මි. 1,500 කට ආසන්න ප්‍රමාණයක් ද වසරේ පළමු මාස කිහිපය තුල ලබාගෙන ඇති බවයි. දේශීයව තවත් රු.බි. 1930 (ඩොලර් මිලියන 6.04) ක ණය ලබා ගෙන ඇති බවයි. 

ලංකා ආණ්ඩුව 2022 බංකොලොත් භාවයට පත් වූ නමුත් බහු පාර්ශවීය ණය ගෙවීම පැහැර හැරියේ නැති තරම්ය.  2024 ආරම්භවන විටත් බහුපාර්ශවීය ණය කිසිදු මුදලක් හිඟ ලෙස පැවතියේ නැත.

ජ්‍යාත්‍යන්තර මුල්‍ය අරමුදලේ එකඟාව අනුව ණය ශේෂය පහසුවෙන් හදුණාගැනීම සඳහා දේශීය වශයෙන් ලබා ගන්නා රුපියල් ණය ද එක් එක් නිශ්චිත දිනවලට පවතින විනිමය අනුපාතිකයන්ට අනුව ලේඛන ගත කිරීමක් සිදු වේ. එය හුදෙක් සන්නිවේදන පහසුව සඳහා ඇතිකර ගත් එකඟතාවයක් මිස රුපියල් ණය ඩොලර් වලින් පියවීමක් හෝ ඩොලර් ණය රුපියල්වලින් පියවීමක් ගම්‍ය නොවේ.

වඩාත් නිවැරදි ක්‍රමවේදය රුපියල් ණය රුපියල් ලෙස ද, ඩොලර් ණය ඩොලර් ලෙස ද, ගණනය කිරීම වේ. ඒ අනුව, 2024  අවසානයේ පියවීමට තිබු දේශීය ණය ප්‍රමාණය රු. බිලියන 18,883 ක් වූ අතර, එය 2026 මාර්තු 31 වන දිනට රු. බි. 19,383 දක්වා රු. බිලියන  490 කින් වැඩිවී ඇත.

එසේම, 2024 12. 31 දිනට පැවති විදේශ ණය ශේෂය ඩො.. මි. 36,680 සිට ඩො.මි.  37,468 දක්වා ඩො.මි. 788 කින් වැඩිවී ඇත.

රැව‍ටෙන්න එපා! ඩොලර් බිලියන 8.094 ක් ක ණය ගෙවු කතාව ඉලක්කම් විජ්ජාවක් පමණී. දේශීය රුපියල් හා විදේශීය‍ෙ ඩොලර් ණය දෙවර්ගයම වැඩිවී ඇත.

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්න‍කෝන්

විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ/ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රය

ඇමුණුම

ගෙවීමට ඇති දේශීය ණය ශේෂය (ණය තොගය) 

	රු.බිලියන	ඩොලර් මිලියන
2024 අවසානය	18,893	64,571
2025 ජූනි 30	19,655	65,524
2025 දෙසැ 31	19,434	62,693
2026 මාර්තු 31	19,383	61,497

ගෙවීමට ඇති විදේශ ණය ශේෂය (ණය තොගය)

	රුපියල් බිලියන	ඩොලර්  මිලියන
2024 අවසානය	10,732	36,680
2025 ජූනි 30	11,140	37,138
2025 දෙසැ 31	11,675	37,663
2026 මාර්තු 31	11,810	37,468

Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon

Former Governor of Uva, Southern and Central Provinces

Former Executive Director of Campaign for Free and Fair Elections (CaFFE) and Center for Human Rights and Research – CHR Sri Lanka

Courtesy Hiru News

The legal counsel for Former State Intelligence Chief Major General (Rtd) General Sallay has written to CID Director SSP Shani Abeysekara, demanding urgent medical intervention for his client.

He emphasised that prolonged detention conditions pose an immediate risk to life, noting that the State has a non-delegable duty of care towards individuals in custody.

The letter calls for the immediate transfer of General Sallay to a fully equipped hospital, urgent examination by independent medical specialists, continued access for family and legal representatives, and a written update on his medical condition.

The legal counsel warned that any delay or failure to provide necessary medical attention may result in civil and criminal liability for the relevant authorities.

The letter sent to the CID Director is below:

07th June 2026

SSP. Mr.G. S. Abesekara
The Director,
Criminal Investigation Department,
Colombo 02.

Mr. Abesekara, 

URGENT DEMAND FOR IMMEDIATE MEDICAL INTERVENTION AND TRANSFER TO HOSPITAL – Detainee Rtd. Major General Suresh Sallay.

I write in my capacity as Counsel for Retd. Major General Suresh Sallay following a family visitation conducted today by his wife, son, and brother.

The family observed that Mr. Sallay’s physical condition has deteriorated to an alarming and critical level. He was reportedly unable to attend the visitation without the physical assistance of two officers. During the visit, he informed his family that he has refused medication, saline, food, and water. He further expressed a belief that his death is imminent and requested that arrangements be made for the donation of his eyes. He also requested an immediate visit from his attorney for the purpose of executing his last will and other related legal documentation.

These statements and circumstances demonstrate a grave deterioration in his physical and psychological condition. It is apparent that he is no longer capable of making rational decisions concerning his own welfare, health, and survival. The prolonged conditions under which he is presently being held have, at the very least, created a serious and immediate risk to his life.

The State assumes a non-delegable duty of care toward every person held in its custody. Once an individual is deprived of liberty, the responsibility for safeguarding that person’s life, health, and wellbeing rests squarely upon the authorities exercising control over that individual.Any failure to discharge that duty in the face of a known and imminent medical emergency is a matter of the utmost legal seriousness.

You are hereby formally notified that Mr. Sallay requires immediate medical intervention by qualified independent medical professionals and urgent transfer to an appropriate hospital facility capable of providing comprehensive assessment and treatment. Any delay, refusal, or failure to act despite clear knowledge of his precarious condition may give rise to personal and institutional liability under the criminal and civil law of Sri Lanka.

Should General Sallay suffer irreversible injury or death while remaining in the present conditions despite this explicit warning, it will be open to the relevant authorities, courts, and investigative bodies to examine whether such conduct amounts to a deliberate disregard of a known and foreseeable risk to life. Those responsible for decisions concerning his continued detention and medical care may be required to account personally for their actions and omissions.

Accordingly, I demand that:

1. Mr. Sallay be transferred forthwith to a government or private hospital equipped to provide urgent medical treatment;

2. He be examined immediately by independent medical specialists, including psychiatric professionals if necessary; His legal representatives and family be granted reasonable access to him;

3. A written update on his medical status and the measures taken for his protection be provided without delay.

This letter constitutes formal notice. Any further failure to act despite knowledge of the circumstances set out herein will be relied upon in any future judicial, criminal, constitutional, or international proceedings arising from harm suffered by my client.

Yours faithfully,

Asith Siriwardena
Counsel for Retd. Major General Suresh Sallay 

Senaka Weeraratna

The International Cricket Council (ICC) faces serious allegations of institutional fraud and deliberate misrepresentation because physical dossiers submitted by Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) provided the governing body with actual notice of the Umpire Decision Review System (DRS) origin framework. The long-running intellectual property dispute centers on Sri Lankan lawyer Senaka Weeraratna, who designed and published the core four-pillar “Player Referral” concept in 1997—nine years before the ICC adopted it. [1, 2, 3, 4]

Advocates for the inventor argue that the ICC’s legal team maintaining a defense of ignorance, despite receiving comprehensive dossiers from Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC), effectively makes the governing body complicit in intellectual property misappropriation. By relying on flawed legal opinions, the ICC stands accused of deliberately bypassing legitimate attribution and royalty claims

The legal, ethical, and financial implications of the actual notice discovery fundamentally shift the parameters of the dispute. [1]

The Shift from Constructive to Actual Notice

Historically, the ICC’s legal team, including former Head of Legal David Becker and current General Counsel Jonathan Hall, relied on a “No Awareness” defense. They claimed the ICC independently developed the system using internal staff and commercial contractors. Legal experts heavily criticized this via the Doctrine of Constructive Notice, noting that because Weeraratna’s blueprint was widely published in prominent global media like The Australian in 1997, the ICC was legally presumed to have access to it. [1, 2, 3, 4]

However, the revelation that SLC formally delivered physical folders and dossiers of Weeraratna’s work to the ICC in August 2008 completely dismantles any defense of ignorance. It elevates the case from structural negligence to an intentional cover-up. [1, 2]

[1997: Weeraratna Concept Published] 

                 │

                 ▼

[2008: SLC Submits Physical Dossier to ICC] ──► (Establishes ACTUAL Notice)

                 │

                 ▼

[2009: ICC Officially Launches DRS] ─────────► (Denies knowledge of Weeraratna)

Potential Liability for Fraud and Malpractice

Maintaining a denial of knowledge while holding physical proof of prior art exposes the ICC and its legal advisors to several liabilities:

• Accessories to Fraud: Operating, commercializing, and licensing a system while actively hiding its true intellectual creator constitutes material misrepresentation.
• Professional Negligence & Malpractice: Legal analysts point out that if the ICC legal department intentionally ignored or bypassed internal institutional records to shield the body from royalty claims, the lawyers involved face actionable malpractice complaints through their respective bar associations.
• Breach of the “Spirit of Cricket”: While the ICC credits creators of other system variants—such as the Duckworth-Lewis-Stern (DLS) method—it continues to keep the author of the DRS a “closely guarded secret,” creating a severe ethical double standard. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6]

Financial and Sovereign Impact on Sri Lanka

The financial impact of this ongoing denial is profound, especially given Sri Lanka’s broader economic challenges: [1]

• Withheld Royalties: Intellectual property advocates note that the “user pays” principle has been completely discarded. Neither Sri Lanka nor Weeraratna has received any financial compensation for an architecture that has revolutionized global sports.
• Sovereign Right to IP: Activists argue that the country’s subservience to the ICC’s technical legal blocks compromises Sri Lankan sovereignty. Official recognition would mean substantial economic benefits, naming rights, and an immense boost to national branding. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

Available Remedial Legal Channels

Because a protracted court battle in international jurisdictions is financially draining, legal experts recommend that Sri Lanka and Weeraratna pursue the following channels to bypass the ICC’s internal committees: [1, 2]

1. Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS): Both parties can mutually agree to submit the dispute to the Court of Arbitration for Sport in Lausanne, Switzerland, for neutral adjudication.
2. Enforcement of Moral Rights: Under international copyright frameworks like the Berne Convention, an author retains the unalienable moral right to attribution. A lawsuit funded with state backing could challenge the ICC for failing to name Weeraratna as the conceptual composer.
3. State-Level Diplomatic Intervention: The Sri Lankan government can officially elevate the issue from a private legal claim to a state-level intellectual property dispute, pressuring the ICC globally. [1, 2, 3]

If you are looking to build a structured case or draft formal correspondence regarding this dispute, please let me know who the primary recipient will be (e.g., Sri Lanka Cricket, the ICC Integrity Unit, or an international sports tribunal) and the exact legal remedy you wish to demand. I can then provide a legally rigorous, formal petition draft designed to advance your objective. [1]

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Source: AI Overview

Senaka Weeraratna

The Sri Lankan lawyer who took on the International Cricket Council (ICC) for the betterment of cricket is Senaka Weeraratna. Known globally as the “Father of DRS” (Decision Review System), Weeraratna has been engaged in a decades-long intellectual property battle with the ICC to claim rightful authorship and recognition for inventing the system. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

The Core of the Innovation

• The Blueprint (1997): Weeraratna first conceived and publicized the framework of the “Player Referral System” in a letter to the editor of The Australian newspaper on March 25, 1997. He formally wrote to the ICC the same year, suggesting players use available TV technology to challenge on-field errors.
• The Legal Analogy: As a qualified lawyer, Weeraratna viewed the unchallengeable power of an on-field umpire as a violation of natural justice. He designed the player referral mechanism like an appellate court system, where the Third Umpire functions as an appeal court judge reviewing lower court mistakes based on evidence.
• The Four Pillars: His original concept included structural rules that modern cricket relies on today, such as limiting the number of unsuccessful reviews per innings to prevent tactical time-wasting. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

The Dispute with the ICC

Despite Weeraratna pioneering the concept a decade prior, the ICC rolled out the Umpire Decision Review System (UDRS) globally in November 2009 without giving him any credit or financial compensation. [1, 2]

For years, the ICC’s legal team maintained a “No Awareness” defense, claiming the system was built independently by internal staff and technical contractors. However, Cricket historians and legal advocates have fiercely challenged this defense using two primary arguments: [, 2]

1. Doctrine of Constructive Notice: Because Weeraratna widely published his framework in mainstream international media starting in 1997, the ICC is legally presumed to have had access to this public knowledge.
2. Actual Physical Notice: Evidence shows that in July 2008, a comprehensive dossier on Weeraratna’s concept was physically handed over to then-ICC General Manager David Richardson during a visit to Colombo, followed by another delivery to the ICC in Dubai in June 2009. [1, 2, 3]

Ongoing Pursuit for Justice

Supported by prominent local and international cricket personalities—including former Sri Lankan captain Kumar Sangakkara—Weeraratna continues to press for his moral and economic copyrights. His primary objective remains institutional acknowledgment, advocating that his name be officially attached to the system by the ICC, mirroring how the names “Duckworth-Lewis” were tagged to rain-affected cricket rules. [1, 2, 3]

If you are interested in exploring this topic further, I can provide more details on the specific legal arguments his team is utilizing, or share how international cricket icons have reacted to his authorship claim. Let me know how you would like to proceed!

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Source:  AI Overview

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

A Policy Shift Towards Steel and Prefabricated Construction for Sri Lanka’s Public Infrastructure

Time for a New Approach to Government Construction Procurement

Sri Lanka’s public sector construction procurement procedures have traditionally been based on conventional reinforced concrete structures with brick-and-mortar walls. Under existing procurement regulations, government institutions are required to prepare preliminary engineering designs, bills of quantities, and engineer’s estimates before calling for tenders. Technical Evaluation Committees and Tender Boards are subsequently appointed to ensure transparency and competitiveness in contractor selection.

While these procedures remain fundamentally sound, the assumptions upon which engineering estimates are prepared have become increasingly outdated.

Today, the construction industry faces severe challenges arising from shortages of skilled labour, escalating material costs, delays in project implementation, and increasing pressure on public finances. Prices of cement, sand, aggregates, and transportation continue to fluctuate, while the availability of experienced craftsmen has declined significantly due to migration and an aging workforce.

As a result, many public projects suffer from cost overruns and prolonged construction periods.

A Cabinet-Level Policy Decision is Needed

To address these emerging realities, the Government should consider introducing a policy directive requiring all state institutions to prepare two alternative engineering estimates during the project planning stage.

These should include:

Option 1: Conventional Construction

• Reinforced concrete structural frame
• Brick or block masonry walls
• Traditional site-based construction methods

Option 2: Industrialized Construction

• Structural steel framing
• Prefabricated wall panels
• Modular building components
• Factory-fabricated assemblies

Both options should be evaluated on:

• Capital cost
• Construction duration
• Labour requirements
• Lifecycle maintenance costs
• Environmental impact
• Future adaptability

Such a dual-estimate approach would allow decision-makers to compare alternatives objectively before committing public funds.

Addressing the Labour Crisis

One of the greatest threats to Sri Lanka’s construction industry is the shortage of skilled labour.

Thousands of trained craftsmen, welders, fitters, masons, and technicians have migrated overseas seeking better opportunities. Simultaneously, younger generations show less interest in physically demanding construction trades.

Steel and prefabricated construction systems require fewer on-site workers and shift much of the labour-intensive activity to controlled factory environments. This reduces dependence on scarce site labour while improving productivity.

Instead of lamenting the labour shortage, Sri Lanka must adapt its construction technologies to the realities of the modern workforce.

Opportunities for Small and Medium Steel Fabricators

A transition towards steel and modular construction would create significant opportunities for local fabrication workshops throughout the country.

Rather than awarding entire projects to a few large contractors, public projects could be divided into modular fabrication packages. Small and medium-scale steel workshops could manufacture:

• Structural frames
• Roof trusses
• Staircases
• Wall panels
• Utility modules
• Building accessories

These components could then be assembled rapidly at site.

Such an approach would decentralize economic benefits and stimulate regional industrial development while creating skilled technical employment opportunities.

Faster Project Delivery

One of the major advantages of prefabricated construction is speed.

Site preparation and foundation work can proceed simultaneously with fabrication of structural components in factories.

When modules arrive on site, assembly can be completed in weeks rather than months.

For schools, hospitals, fisheries facilities, public offices, and housing projects, this can significantly reduce project completion times and accelerate delivery of public services.

Improved Quality Control

Traditional construction often depends on variable workmanship and site conditions.

In contrast, factory-produced steel and prefabricated components are manufactured under controlled conditions using standardized processes.

This results in:

• Better dimensional accuracy
• Improved structural quality
• Reduced material wastage
• Easier inspection and certification

Quality assurance becomes more systematic and less dependent on continuous site supervision.

Better Monitoring and Accountability

Government agencies frequently struggle with project monitoring due to multiple activities occurring simultaneously on construction sites.

Modular construction simplifies progress monitoring.

Fabrication milestones can be verified at workshops, while installation progress can be measured accurately through completed modules.

This enhances transparency and enables more effective contract administration.

Environmental Benefits

Steel structures can often reduce material consumption and construction waste.

Many steel components are recyclable and reusable, supporting circular economy principles.

Reduced site activity also minimizes dust, noise, and environmental disruption, particularly in urban areas.

A Strategic Opportunity for Sri Lanka

Countries across Asia, Europe, and the Middle East are increasingly adopting industrialized building systems to improve productivity and address labour shortages.

Sri Lanka should not remain dependent solely on traditional construction methods developed decades ago.

By requiring alternative estimates for both conventional and steel-prefabricated solutions, government agencies can make informed decisions based on cost, speed, quality, and long-term value.

Such a policy would not only modernize public procurement but also stimulate domestic manufacturing, support small engineering enterprises, create skilled employment, and enhance national competitiveness.

The future of construction lies not merely in building structures, but in building them smarter, faster, and more efficiently. Sri Lanka has an opportunity to lead this transformation through visionary procurement reforms and a deliberate shift toward industrialized construction technologies.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Rear admiral ( Dr ) Sarath Weerasekera VSV RWP USP Former Public Security Minister

This is regarding the editorial of The Island on 19 th May 2026, titled Defeat of
Terrorism- Triumph of hypocrisy”.
I fully agree with the Editor when he says that Terrorism need to be eliminated in all
its forms and manifestations. Terrorism is generally defined as massacring
innocents to achieve a political aim”. Hence, whether the cause for terrorism is
justifiable or not, terrorism per se, cannot be justified and thus, should be
eliminated.
However I have different views with the rest of the editorial and believe that it
would be published in letters to editor”’ page.
The editor says what Rajapakshas did to the country was like saving a damsel in
distress and abusing her . Elaborating same, he says that Rajapakshas have thought
leadership to defeat terrorism was a special license to do as they pleased and sought
to politicise and monopolise war victory to accelerate their dynasty building
projects. He continues to say that the post war MR admin became a government of
Rajapakshas by the Rajapakshas and for Rajapakshas. In short the implication was
that Mahindar Rajapaksha (MR), after defeating LTTE, has done nothing except
furthering his and his family’s political interests.
MR,even during the critical period in war against LTTE , handled the economy
professionally. There was an upward trend in SL economy from 2005 – 2009
showing GDP growth from 24.4 billion dollars in 2005 to 42.5 billion dollars in 2009,
doubling the 2005 GDP. During 2010 – 2015 showed Sri Lanka’s strongest
economic performance with economy growing from US $ 56.7 billion to US $ 80.6
billion.
The annual growth rate was over 7.4%, per capita income more than tripled ( from
US $ 1200 to over US $ 3600 ) elevating SL to lower- middle income status. National
poverty level declined significantly, dropping from over 15% in 2006 to below 7% by
2012. Unemployment declined to 4 %. Transport and energy sectors received
significant boost. Massive power generation projects such as Norochchole coal power
plant and Upper Kothmale Hydro power plant were completed.
The expansion of Colombo port, development of Hambanthota port, Mattala
International Airport and building of expressways ( Southern and Cbo- Katunayaka )
greatly improved country’s transportation capacity and brought SL clear to a goal of
being a dynamic Maritime and Aviation Hub.
The above statistics of the Central Bank does not prove the fact that Rajapakshas
only looked after their interests after the war. Hence the proverbial Damsel” that
the editor was referring to, was not abused as he claimed, but had been looked after
very well.

Excesses may have happened and it happens everywhere in every field. But the fact
remains that MR defeated the most ruthless terrorist organisation in the world and
developed the country with roads, rails, ports, airports, expressways, bridges, power
plants, stadiums etc. which deserves appreciation.
The editor then says MR suffered a humiliating electoral defeat in 2015, again came
to power in 2019, but mismanaged the economy, indulged in corruption and
bankrupted the country. That too is far from truth.
The foreign exchange crisis that culminated in 2002 was not due to mismanagement
/corruption of Gotabhaya Rajapaksha (GR) government but mainly due to excessive
foreign borrowings during 2015-2019. By 2019 Nov, the economy was already in a
precarious state, with the IMF itself warning that SL was highly vulnerable to
external shocks.
The editorial never mention about Covid 19, the worst global pandemic the GR
government had to face. During this period the government revenue fell by approx.
Rs 534 billion. ( revenue lost from import restriction of motor vehicles, Covid
lockdown and closure of liquor shops were Rs 136 billion, 323 billion and 75 billion
respectively.) At the end of the MR regime in 2014, the outstanding ISBs were US $
5.3 billion and the reserves were US $ 8.2 billion. By the time GR came to power, the
outstanding ISBs were US $ 15.2 billion and the reserves were US $ 7.6 billion. In
2020-2021 GR never took any ISBs but settled them in time.
The decision to maintain debt servicing was not just about protecting the country’s
image in financial markets but to ensure critical health and humanitarian support
including vaccines, medicines, and essential supplies continued to flow into the
country during the worst global health crisis in the country.
It’s a pity that the public who remained silent when mountain of foreign debt were
piling up, launched an Aragalaya to expel the leader who settled the debts without
borrowing any fresh debts. Was it hypocrisy or treason ?
The claim that the tax reduction implemented in Dec 2019 caused a significant loss
of revenue was also not correct. When the economic activity is deliberately halted by
a global pandemic, with borders shut, businesses closed, citizens confined to their
residences, production at the lowest, no tax rate high or low, can generate revenue
from transactions that are simply not occurring.
The economic downfall was not due to mismanagement or corruption but due to the
promulgation of bankruptcy ( debt standstill ) by CB on the advise of former CB
governor Ananda Kumaraswami and consultant Shantha Devaraja. That decision
undermined the on going efforts to stabilise the economy. I consider allowing such
an announcement was the mistake done by GR.
It halted IMF staff level already agreed loan, Indian Credit Line of US $ 3 billion
and suspended WB and ADB loans. Also China had to halt the loans already

requested as China Secure ( the government insurance company ) could not insure
loans to a bankrupt country.
The reserves were carefully used by GR to buy vaccines giving priority to human
lives and due to lack of foreign exchange, procurement of gas and fuel was critically
effected. In the final stages there had been an organised campaign by saboteurs
to steal and hoard fuel. The JVP members publicly appealed to Sri Lankans abroad
not to send any dollars to the country. Anger and hatred was sown in the hearts of
the people calling Rajapakshas thieves.
A protest called Aragalaya established in Galle face. The entire episode was a
grand conspiracy to oust GR who took oath as the President at Ruvanveliseya,
the great symbol of Sinhalese Buddhist culture. The black Vesak lanterns, ridiculing
Buddhist sacred symbols, insulting the Mahanayakas, anti Unitary slogans and
glorifying Federalism and daily free biriyani for the entire crowd by unknown”
sponsors were ample evidence of it’s hidden agenda.
Aragalaya, which established villages and constructed toilets in Galle face and which
forcibly took over of the Presidential Secretariat was obviously illegal. The other
mistake done by GR was to allow it to operate without chasing them away using
force if necessary. Finally GR, the Commander in Chief of the three forces, left
the country without hurting anyone.
Editor says that Rajapakshas squandered an opportunity that presented itself, after
the war, to bring about national reconciliation and defeat LTTE ideology politically.
He says reconciliation has become a victim of hypocrisy.
MR, after the war, launched a large number of development projects in North
constructing roads, bridges, grounds, schools, hospitals, etc. All the roads were
carpeted. During the period 2010-2012 the growth rate in Jaffna was 22% compared
to 7% in the rest of the country. That was the first step he took towards
reconciliation.
Reconciliation needs an equal contribution from both sides. Unfortunately the good
will shown and the enormous economic support provided by MR was never
reciprocated by the Tamil politicians. MR held PC elections ( without abolishing 13A
even with two third majority in parliament ) and allowed them to elect their own
leaders. That was the second step towards reconciliation.
Mr. Wigneshwaran, who studied at Royal college and Colombo Law college, became
a Magistrate, High Court judge, a judge in the Court of Appeal and in the Supreme
Court. Having lived among Sinhalese for more than 65 years, after being elected as
the Chief Minister in the NP, he said that the Sinhalese have no right to live in
Jaffna . Every year he returned most of the funds allocated for Northern
development back to the government revenue without utilising it fully,
ostensibly, to indicate that there was no support from the central government. That
was how Tamil politicians contributed towards reconciliation.

After 2009, hundreds of Tamil students in North have become doctors, engineers,
lawyers, top government officials etc. due to their unhindered education. The
civilians who suffered under LTTE facing abductions, paying ransoms etc. are now
live in peace without any fear. Most of the Tamils have migrated to south and more
than 52% of the Tamil population are now living among Sinhalese without any
problem. The trade and some of the main businesses in Colombo are dominated
by Tamils. What else is required Mr. Editor for the so called reconciliation ?
granting a separate state on a platter?
With all the above, the Tamils in North annually commemorate the very person
who made their lives miserable for 30 years. How would the Sinhalese feel when
they see the terrorists who killed their pregnant mothers, novice monks, infants,
innocent female devotees are being garlanded and felicitated by their Tamil
brethren in North every year?
Yes, the editor was correct. Reconciliation has become a victim of hypocrisy.

Rear admiral ( Dr ) Sarath Weerasekera VSV RWP USP
Former Public Security Minister

By Eng. Sarath Obeysekera Former Chairman, Sri Lanka Land Reclamation and Development Corporation (SLLRDC)

The recent announcement  ( Sunday Times 7th June) of a major Beira Lake clean-up programme has generated renewed hope that one of Colombo’s most iconic water bodies can finally be restored. Dredging, aerators, landscaping, jogging paths, and beautification projects are all welcome initiatives. However, if the root cause of pollution is not permanently eliminated, we will simply be spending billions of rupees treating symptoms rather than curing the disease.

During my tenure at the Sri Lanka Land Reclamation and Development Corporation (SLLRDC), I witnessed firsthand how pollution entered the lake. Contrary to popular belief, the problem is not merely floating garbage or accumulated silt. The real culprit is the continuous discharge of wastewater, sewage, and contaminated runoff from surrounding buildings, businesses, hotels, and unauthorized connections.

I vividly recall an incident involving a leading hotel located near Navam Mawatha. The hotel was discharging laundry wastewater into the lake through a large pipe. Numerous warnings had been issued, but no corrective action followed. Finally, I made the decision to have the pipe sealed with concrete.

Within hours, representatives from the hotel arrived in panic. My response was straightforward: the discharge would remain blocked until a proper wastewater treatment solution was implemented. Faced with no alternative, the hotel eventually took the necessary action. The lesson was simple—polluters respond when enforcement is firm and uncompromising.

On another occasion, while supervising lake-cleaning operations, a well-known Buddhist priest who had encroached on the lake reservation without approval arrived and attempted to intervene, claiming authority over the area. I respectfully but firmly informed him that no individual, regardless of status, was above the law when it came to protecting public assets and waterways.

These experiences highlight a fundamental truth: Beira Lake’s pollution problem is not a technical mystery. We know where much of the pollution originates. What is needed is the political will and engineering discipline to stop it.

My proposal is straightforward.

The entire perimeter of Beira Lake should be protected using a combination of sheet-pile walls and gabion structures. Every stormwater outlet, drainage connection, and discharge point should be channelled through controlled inspection chambers. This would create a physical barrier preventing illegal discharges from entering the lake unnoticed.

Such a system would function like a security checkpoint. Any building, hotel, restaurant, commercial establishment, or residence attempting to discharge untreated wastewater would be immediately identified. Instead of searching for hidden pollution sources after contamination occurs, authorities would be able to monitor and control every entry point into the lake.

Simultaneously, all major establishments surrounding the lake should be required to install and maintain wastewater treatment facilities. Continuous water-quality monitoring sensors should be installed at strategic locations with real-time reporting to regulatory authorities.

The billions allocated for dredging and beautification will certainly improve the appearance of the lake. But unless we stop untreated wastewater and sewage from entering the water, the pollution will inevitably return.

Beira Lake is not merely a body of water. It is a national asset located in the heart of Colombo. It has the potential to become a world-class urban waterfront comparable to successful lake restoration projects in Singapore and other modern cities.

The challenge before policymakers is clear. We can continue to clean the lake repeatedly, or we can permanently prevent pollution from entering it.

Engineering experience tells us that prevention is always cheaper than endless rehabilitation.

If we truly want a clean Beira Lake for future generations, we must build barriers, enforce regulations without fear or favour, identify every polluter, and eliminate illegal discharges once and for all.

Only then will the restoration become permanent rather than another expensive cycle of cleaning and re-cleaning.

Dr Sarath Obeysekera
Former Chairman, Sri Lanka Land Reclamation and Develpment Corporation 

Senaka Weeraratna

The International Cricket Council (ICC) has not announced any formal disciplinary or legal actions against the three specific legal and administrative figures—David Becker (former Head of Legal), Jonathan Hall (General Counsel), and David Richardson (former CEO)—implicated by critics in the ongoing dispute over the Umpire Decision Review System (DRS). [1, 2, 3]

The growing geopolitical and institutional tension stems from allegations that these advisors provided flawed legal counsel that actively ignored the Doctrine of Constructive Notice to deny Sri Lankan lawyer Senaka Weeraratna the intellectual property and naming rights for inventing the “Player Referral” concept in 1997. [1, 2, 3]

While public intellectuals, legal advocates, and South Asian sports bodies are aggressively demanding accountability for what they label professional malpractice, any definitive remedies remain a matter of institutional pressure rather than finalized ICC sanctions. [1]

Demanded Actions and Legal Remedies Against the Counsel [1]

Because the ICC continues to rely on its legal team’s position that the governing body was unaware of Weeraratna’s prior art, critics and Sri Lankan legal advocates have publicly outlined the specific avenues available to hold the three lawyers accountable: [1, 2, 3]

• Bar Association Disciplinary Complaints: Sri Lankan advocates suggest filing formal ethical misconduct complaints directly with the respective regulatory bodies governing the attorneys, such as the Legal Practice Council in South Africa or equivalent bar associations, for failing professional due diligence.
• Independent Internal Reviews: There are heavy domestic calls for the ICC to appoint an independent audit panel to evaluate the legal advice historically given, which critics claim constitutes a “deliberate misrepresentation of fact” following discoveries that physical dossiers on the system were handed to the ICC in 2008 and 2009.
• Professional Negligence Lawsuits: Legal experts note that the ICC itself has the option to pursue a civil malpractice lawsuit or launch professional indemnity insurance claims against its past counsel to recoup any financial or reputational damages brought about by the flawed legal opinions. [, 4, 5]

Context of the ICC-Sri Lanka Tension

The friction has escalated from a private intellectual property dispute into a larger geopolitical issue. The ICC’s legal defense maintains that the system belongs to the organization because it was engineered by third-party contractors. [1, 2]

However, Weeraratna’s camp argues this ignores global copyright treaties (like the Berne Convention), which protect the original architect’s moral right to attribution. The refusal to accord credit to a South Asian pioneer has sparked solidarity from broader legal and cricketing circles across India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, placing significant pressure on the ICC’s moral authority in the region. [1, 2]

If you want to track how this dispute progresses, please let me know if you would like me to look into:

• The specific legal evidence regarding the 2008 physical dossiers handed to the ICC.
• The official statements or responses released by Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) or the Ministry of Sports regarding state-backed diplomatic intervention.
• How the Doctrine of Constructive Notice applies to international sports law. [1, 2, 3]

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Source:  AI Overview

Dr Sarath Obeysekera Blue economy promoter

Sri Lanka is once again celebrating agreements to send skilled graduates and engineers overseas. While foreign employment generates valuable remittances, we must ask a fundamental question: Are we exporting our most valuable resource because we have failed to create opportunities at home?

Recent discussions on providing employment opportunities in Japan for Sri Lankan fisheries graduates highlight a deeper issue. Instead of focusing solely on exporting our talent, why are we not investing in industries and technologies that can create sustainable jobs within Sri Lanka’s own coastal economy?

One promising opportunity lies in wave energy technology.

Countries such as South Korea have invested heavily in marine renewable energy systems, including wave-powered electricity generation. Sri Lanka, surrounded by the Indian Ocean and blessed with hundreds of kilometres of coastline, possesses a natural advantage that remains largely untapped.

Imagine every major fisheries harbour becoming a small renewable energy hub. Wave energy devices could generate electricity day and night, feeding battery storage systems strategically located within harbour premises. The stored energy could then be sold to multi-day fishing vessels at affordable rates before they leave for fishing grounds.

Today, fishermen face increasing operational costs, including fuel, ice production, refrigeration, communications, and onboard electrical systems. A reliable source of low-cost renewable electricity could significantly reduce these expenses while improving the competitiveness of Sri Lanka’s fishing industry.

The role of the Fisheries Harbour Corporation should extend far beyond maintaining jetties and auction halls. It should become a catalyst for innovation and enterprise development within the Blue Economy.

Each fisheries harbour could host:

• Wave energy generation facilities

• Battery energy storage systems

• Ice manufacturing plants powered by renewable energy

• Fish processing and value-addition centres

• Marine engineering workshops

• Boat maintenance and repair facilities

• Start-up incubators for young fisheries graduates and engineers

Rather than encouraging our brightest graduates to seek opportunities abroad, the government should establish a dedicated Blue Economy Innovation Fund. Such a fund could provide seed capital, technical support, and concessionary financing for start-ups operating within fisheries harbours.

Young engineers could design and maintain renewable energy systems. Fisheries graduates could develop modern fish handling and processing technologies. Entrepreneurs could establish cold chain logistics, marine electronics businesses, and ocean technology companies.

The economic multiplier effect would be substantial. Jobs would be created not only for graduates but also for technicians, welders, electricians, boat builders, and coastal communities.

Throughout history, nations that prospered from the sea invested in maritime innovation. The Netherlands, South Korea, Norway, and Japan transformed their coastal industries through technology and long-term planning. Sri Lanka has every opportunity to follow a similar path.

The answer to unemployment is not always another foreign employment agreement. Sometimes the answer is waiting on our own shores.

If Sri Lanka is serious about building a sustainable Blue Economy, the focus must shift from exporting human capital to creating opportunities for that human capital to flourish at home. Our fisheries harbours should become centres of innovation, renewable energy, and entrepreneurship—not merely departure points for the next generation of skilled Sri Lankans seeking opportunities elsewhere.

The waves that crash against our coastline every day are not just a natural phenomenon. They are a source of energy, wealth, and opportunity. It is time we learned how to harness them.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Blue economy promoter 

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Sri Lanka is currently engaged in a vigorous campaign against corruption in the public sector. Investigations, prosecutions, and public debate have rightly focused on the misuse of state resources and abuse of political power. However, an equally important question remains largely unaddressed: what about corruption and governance failures in the corporate sector?

Some of the largest financial disasters in Sri Lanka’s history were not caused by government institutions. They occurred within private corporations, finance companies, and conglomerates that were entrusted with billions of rupees belonging to shareholders, depositors, lenders, employees, and the public.

The collapse of companies such as MTD Walkers, Golden Key Credit Card Company, The Finance Company, Touchwood Investments, and several entities within the Ceylinco Group left behind a trail of shattered dreams, lost savings, unpaid creditors, and unemployed workers. While every corporate failure has its own unique circumstances, many shared common warning signs: excessive debt, weak governance, conflicts of interest, questionable transactions, and inadequate oversight.

When a government institution fails, public scrutiny is immediate and relentless. Yet when a major private corporation collapses, the discussion often centres on market conditions rather than the conduct of those who controlled the company. This imbalance raises serious concerns about accountability.

Corporate executives are entrusted with fiduciary responsibilities. They manage assets that belong not to them personally, but to shareholders, creditors, pension funds, and the wider public. When companies fail due to reckless decision-making or misconduct, the consequences can be devastating. Small investors lose their life savings. Suppliers are driven into bankruptcy. Employees lose jobs and retirement benefits. Banks are left with bad debts that ultimately affect the entire economy.

Therefore, Sri Lanka’s anti-corruption drive should not stop at the doors of government ministries and state institutions. It must also examine the governance practices of large corporations. Regulatory authorities should have the resources and independence necessary to investigate suspicious transactions, undisclosed related-party dealings, asset transfers, and any evidence of misconduct by senior management.

The objective is not to punish legitimate business failure. Entrepreneurship involves risk, and not every unsuccessful venture is the result of wrongdoing. However, where evidence suggests fraud, deception, misuse of company assets, or deliberate misrepresentation, there should be rigorous investigation and, where appropriate, prosecution.

History shows that great civilizations and economies have often been weakened not only by external threats but also by internal failures of integrity. From the empires of Alexander the Great and Emperor Ashoka to modern global corporations, sustainable prosperity depends on accountability, transparency, and ethical leadership.

Sri Lanka cannot build a resilient economy by focusing solely on state corruption while ignoring corporate misconduct. True economic reform requires a comprehensive commitment to integrity in both the public and private sectors.

The nation deserves a system where no individual—whether politician, public servant, or corporate executive—is above scrutiny. Only then can public trust be restored and long-term economic growth secured.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Courtesy Hiru News

The former Director of the State Intelligence Service, retired Major General Suresh Sallay, who is being detained and questioned by the Criminal Investigation Department under the Prevention of Terrorism Act, was admitted to the Colombo National Hospital, according to sources.

This comes against a backdrop where he commenced a fast-to-death since last night (06).

Courtesy Hiru News

Former intelligence chief Suresh Salle served the country by dedicating his entire life for 38 years, and the time arrived for the people of the country to stand up and show gratitude to him.

Suresh Salle, who is under detention orders in the custody of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), commenced a fast unto death, and his wife stated this to the media when she arrived at the CID to see him today (07). His wife, son, and brother arrived to see Suresh Salle this morning.

She alleged on this occasion that everyone knows her husband is an innocent man, and that authorities scapegoated him. She stated that the Judicial Medical Officer report even confirmed that he, who is still only a suspect, is treated very inhumanely inside the CID.

“We tried talking a lot to change his mind and stop the fast unto death. But he does not agree to it at all. He continues to stand up against the injustice happening to him. Conducting investigations is not an issue, but they must treat him humanely.”

“Because he was dedicated to the country all the time, he did not have time to at least go to a child’s school even once. Treating such a man in this ugly manner is highly unfair. We know who is responsible for this.”

“He will not give up the fast. Because he says that he is a person who was prepared to give his life for the country anyway. He was a man who always kept his backbone straight. I am very proud of him.”

She emphasised that responsible parties must take steps to hospitalise him immediately before harm comes to him, given the mental and physical condition Suresh Salle is in.

“Just like Suresh dedicated his whole life for the country, now this is your opportunity to stand up for him. You know who tells the truth. Please stand up,” she requested from the public.

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Sri Lanka is witnessing a renewed effort to combat corruption in the public sector. Investigations, audits, and legal reforms are being promoted as essential steps towards restoring public confidence and economic stability. These efforts are welcome and long overdue.

However, there is an equally important question that deserves national attention: Why is the spotlight focused almost exclusively on state-sector corruption while corporate corruption remains largely unexamined?

Over the years, several large Sri Lankan companies have collapsed, entered insolvency, or suffered severe financial distress. When such failures occur, thousands of employees lose their livelihoods, shareholders lose their investments, banks are left exposed, and the wider economy suffers. Yet public discussion often treats these events as mere business failures rather than potential failures of governance, accountability, and ethical leadership.

Corporate corruption can take many forms: manipulation of financial statements, abuse of company assets, conflicts of interest, related-party transactions, procurement irregularities, insider dealings, and excessive executive enrichment at the expense of shareholders and creditors.

When a major corporation collapses, regulators should not simply ask whether the business model failed. They should also ask whether directors and executives fulfilled their fiduciary responsibilities and whether corporate governance safeguards were effective.

The lifestyles and wealth accumulated by some corporate leaders before and during periods of corporate decline deserve scrutiny wherever there are reasonable grounds for concern. Transparency should not be demanded only of politicians and public servants. It should also be expected of those entrusted with managing large private enterprises that affect thousands of employees and investors.

Sri Lanka cannot build a culture of accountability by targeting only one form of corruption. Public-sector corruption and corporate-sector corruption are two sides of the same coin. Both undermine trust, distort economic decision-making, discourage investment, and weaken institutions.

The fight against corruption must therefore extend beyond government offices and into boardrooms. Regulators, auditors, shareholders, lenders, and law-enforcement agencies must work together to ensure that corporate power is exercised responsibly and transparently.

If Sri Lanka is serious about creating a fair and prosperous economy, accountability must apply equally to ministers, public officials, chief executives, directors, and corporate elites. No sector should be beyond scrutiny, and no individual should be above the law.

Only then can the country establish a truly comprehensive anti-corruption framework capable of restoring public trust and protecting future generations.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Source:  AI Overview

The three International Cricket Council (ICC) lawyers identified in public legal challenges and reports by advocates for the Sri Lankan inventor are David Becker, Jonathan Hall, and Sally Clark. [1, 2]

Supporters of Colombo-based lawyer Senaka Weeraratna—who conceptualized the “Player Referral” mechanism in 1997—allege that these legal figures provided flawed legal counsel that insulated the ICC and prevented him from receiving due credit. [1, 2, 3]

The Three ICC Lawyers Involved

• David Becker (Former Head of Legal): He issued a 2010 legal opinion adopting a “No Awareness” defense, claiming the ICC was completely unaware of Weeraratna’s published 1997 work and that openly publishing the concept effectively waived his rights.
• Jonathan Hall (General Counsel): He maintained the ICC’s official stance in 2023, asserting that the Decision Review System (DRS) was developed entirely as an independent product of internal employees and commercial contractors.
• Sally Clark (Company Secretary / Legal Team): Named alongside Becker and Hall in formal grievances regarding the legal team’s long-standing refusal to acknowledge the prior art originating from Sri Lanka. [1, 2, 3, 4]

The Core of the Malpractice Allegation

Weeraratna’s legal representatives, including the Sydney-based firm Carroll & O’Dea, argue that the ICC legal team’s defense constitutes a major ethical oversight and professional negligence. Their challenge relies heavily on the Doctrine of Constructive Notice. Because Weeraratna’s structural framework for the player-driven review system was widely published in prominent international media (like The Times of London and The Australian) between 1997 and 1999, the ICC is legally presumed to have had knowledge of it long before officially rolling out the DRS in 2008–2009. [1, 2, 3]

If you would like to explore this topic further, I can provide more details on the original 1997 proposal documents or the ongoing efforts by cricket advocates to rename the system to honor its Sri Lankan origin. [1, 2]

https://share.google/aimode/vOEhcCIMC3VyUNhZo

Source:  AI Overview

see also

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Green Hydrogen: Will Sri Lanka Become a Producer or Just Another Importer?

BOI in Sri Lanka has invited global companies for RFi to forward proposals to generate green hydrogen to bunker to ships Most suitable locations for such bunkering will in  be Trincomalee 

Glad to note that government is shifting attention to generate FDI under blue economy 

Based on current global trends, importing ammonia produced in China and then cracking it into hydrogen may, in some cases, be cheaper than producing green hydrogen locally from seawater, especially in countries where renewable electricity is expensive or insufficient.

However, the answer depends on the entire value chain.

Option 1: Import Chinese Green Ammonia and Extract Hydrogen

China has rapidly expanded solar and wind capacity and is developing large-scale green ammonia projects in regions with very low renewable electricity costs. Because electricity accounts for 60–80% of the cost of green hydrogen, Chinese producers can achieve significant economies of scale.

Advantages:

• Lower capital investment in Sri Lanka.
• No need for massive electrolyser installations.
• Hydrogen can be transported as ammonia using existing shipping technology.
• Potentially lower delivered cost if Chinese production remains subsidized.

Disadvantages:

• Energy losses when converting hydrogen to ammonia in China and then cracking ammonia back into hydrogen in Sri Lanka.
• Dependence on imports.
• Exposure to shipping costs and geopolitical risks.
• Ammonia cracking plants are expensive and energy intensive.

Option 2: Produce Hydrogen Locally from Seawater

Strictly speaking, electrolysers do not usually use raw seawater. They require desalinated water first.

Process:

1. Seawater intake.
2. Desalination.
3. Electrolysis.
4. Hydrogen production.

The cost of desalination is surprisingly small. About 9 litres of water are needed for 1 kg of hydrogen, and the water cost is usually less than 2–3% of total hydrogen production cost.

The real issue is electricity.

Sri Lanka’s challenge is not water availability but:

• High electricity costs.
• Limited large-scale renewable energy capacity.
• Grid constraints.
• Need for substantial investment.

What Makes Sense for Sri Lanka?

Sri Lanka may have a competitive advantage if it develops:

• Offshore wind resources around Mannar.
• Large solar parks in dry zones.
• Green hydrogen production close to ports such as Trincomalee Port and Port of Colombo.

For export-oriented projects, producing ammonia locally could be more attractive than importing ammonia and extracting hydrogen.

Strategic Question for Sri Lanka

The key question is:

Should Sri Lanka become a producer of green hydrogen and ammonia, or merely an importer and consumer?

If Chinese green ammonia lands in Sri Lanka at a lower cost than locally produced hydrogen, investors may prefer import-based projects. However, that would create fewer local jobs and less industrial development.

For a country seeking energy security and industrial growth, the long-term objective should probably be to exploit Sri Lanka’s own renewable resources rather than depend entirely on imported ammonia.

A concern for Sri Lankan policymakers is that, just as European producers are worried about cheaper imports, Sri Lanka could end up importing green molecules” rather than building a domestic green-hydrogen industry. The economic benefits of local production—employment, technology transfer, and renewable-energy investment—may outweigh a small difference in fuel cost.

For the BOI’s green hydrogen and ammonia initiatives, a detailed comparison should include:

• Chinese ammonia landed cost at Colombo or Trincomalee.
• Ammonia cracking cost.
• Local solar and wind electricity costs.
• Electrolyser CAPEX and OPEX.
• Carbon pricing and export market requirements.

The result may show that importing ammonia is cheaper in the short term, while local production offers greater strategic value in the long term.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Prof. Hudson McLean

Time Line – Now!

Katunayake Sri Lanka as a Free Trade Banking Hub for those leaving Dubai?
Posted on June 5th, 2026

Prof. Hudson McLean

Email: hudmc@yahoo.co.uk

Opportunity of a Lifetime to Sri Lanka
Posted on June 3rd, 2026 

Prof. Hudson McLean

Email: hudmc@yahoo.co.uk

To achieve a Realistic Successful Goal, The Government of Sri Lanka will need to Invite Top Qualified Professional Leaders from UK-USA-Singapore, to lead the operation Fast Track, with Pay Packages & Success-based Incentives.

Offer 100% Tax & Duty Free to Attract the Hub which will create 1000++ Employment Opportunities + Real Estate growth + Revalue the Rupee!

Simultaneously, qualified Sri Lankans may join the Middle Management.

Initially the Sri Lankan Government only has ot offer Basic Facilities, such as Office & Personal Accommodation by creating a 100% Tax & Duty Free Zone.

Looking at the content of LankaWeb, and many of the Ambassadors of Sri Lanka in Europe-USA-Japan, the outlook is pedestrian & grim!  Zero looking Out-of-the-Box!

Here are some of the Options which may compete with Sri Lanka-;

If by investors fleeing Dubai”  meaning wealthy individuals and entrepreneurs looking for alternatives to the UAE because of geopolitical risk, diversification needs, lifestyle preferences, or regulatory changes, the most commonly considered destinations are:

1. Switzerland
   • Political stability
   • Strong private banking sector
   • Asset protection and legal certainty
   • Attractive for family offices and wealth preservation rather than aggressive growth investing.
2. Singapore
3. Often viewed as the Asian equivalent of Switzerland
4. Strong rule of law
5. Major wealth-management ecosystem
6. Popular among investors with business interests in Asia.
7. Italy
8. Special tax programs for wealthy newcomers
9. High quality of life
10. Increasingly attracting former Dubai-based residents seeking a European base.
11. Portugal
12. Strong expat ecosystem
13. European Union access
14. Remains attractive despite some tax-program changes.
15. United States
16. Deep investment opportunities
17. Strong venture capital and private equity environment
18. Popular among entrepreneurs seeking growth rather than tax optimization.
19. Greece
20. Residency-by-investment pathways
21. Lower living costs than many Western European countries
22. Increasing appeal among international investors.
23. Bahrain
24. Tax-friendly environment
25. Lower cost of living than Dubai
26. Long-term residency options for investors.
27. Saudi Arabia
28. Large domestic market
29. Major government-backed investment projects
30. Increasingly competing with Dubai for regional headquarters and investment capital.

The best alternative depends on the investor’s goal:

Goal	Strong Options
Lowest taxes	Singapore, Bahrain
Wealth preservation	Switzerland
Access to EU markets	Italy, Portugal, Greece
Startup and growth investing	United States, Singapore
Staying in the Gulf	Bahrain, Saudi Arabia

Most of the writers on LankaWeb are hawking on yesterday or negative historical stories.!

Forget the Tamil Tiger Terrorists, the Easter Sunday bombings, Start thinking like Albert Einstein!

Express Your Opinion – Read What Others Say!
The Independent Interactive Voice of Sri Lanka on the Internet.

Please visit -: http://www.lankaweb.com/

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

 Million-Dollar Opportunity Floating in Our Harbours

How FRP Boat Waste Can Be Recycled

Old fishing boats and pleasure craft are mainly made from fiberglass reinforced polyester or vinyl ester resin.

The scrap can be:

1. Mechanically ground into fiberglass powder and short fibers.
2. Mixed with new resin, fillers, and additives.
3. Molded or pultruded into composite boards, panels, or beams.

Alternatively:

• Fiberglass powder can be used as a filler in concrete.
• Recovered fibers can reinforce polymer composites.
• Waste FRP can be incorporated into lightweight construction products.

The Challenge for Load-Bearing Beams

Structural beams require:

• Predictable strength
• Long-term durability
• Fire resistance
• Compliance with building codes

Recycled FRP powder alone is usually not strong enough to replace steel or reinforced concrete beams.

A more realistic approach is:

• Hybrid beams using recycled FRP + new glass fibers + resin.
• Composite floor panels.
• Roof trusses.
• Wall panels.
• Formwork systems.

Countries and Companies with Relevant Technology

Several organizations have developed FRP recycling technologies:

• Gen 2 Carbon – advanced composite recycling.
• Veolia – industrial recycling of composite waste.
• Fraunhofer Institute – research on FRP recycling and reuse.
• National Composites Centre – composite recycling technologies.
• Strongwell – structural composite beams and profiles.
• Creative Pultrusions – load-bearing FRP beams and bridge components.

Opportunity for Sri Lanka

Sri Lanka has hundreds of aging FRP fishing vessels that will reach end-of-life over the next 10–20 years. Instead of dumping or burning them, a national Boat Recycling Programme” could produce:

• Composite roofing members
• Modular housing panels
• Utility poles
• Walkway and jetty decking
• Marine fenders
• Non-corrosive beams for coastal housing

This would fit well within a national Blue Economy and Circular Economy strategy.

A More Advanced Option

Rather than grinding the boats into powder, it may be more economical to:

1. Cut hull sections.
2. Recover large fiberglass laminates.
3. Reprocess them into structural sandwich panels.

This approach retains much of the original fiber strength and is being studied in Europe and Japan.

For Sri Lanka, a pilot project involving the National Aquatic Resources Research and Development Agency, Industrial Technology Institute, and the University of Moratuwa could assess whether scrapped FRP fishing boats can be converted into affordable housing components for coastal communities. The concept is technically feasible, but engineering certification and testing would be essential before using recycled FRP beams as primary structural members in houses.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

By Dr. Sarath Obeysekera

Recent discussions on importing large numbers of foreign workers to address labour shortages in Sri Lanka specifically in construction industry , deserve careful scrutiny. While some policymakers view labour importation as a quick solution to workforce shortages in construction, manufacturing, and other sectors, the long-term social, economic, and political consequences could be profound and irreversible.

The decision by the Government of Hungary to stop issuing worker visas to citizens of the Philippines, Georgia, and Armenia is a reminder that many countries are reassessing the impact of large-scale foreign labour inflows. Hungary has described the move as a necessary step to regulate guest worker numbers and protect national interests. Sri Lanka should take note.

History offers important lessons. During the colonial era, the British administration imported large numbers of workers from India to support the plantation economy. While these workers contributed immensely to the country’s economic development, the migration also created complex demographic, social, and political issues that continue to influence Sri Lankan society more than a century later.

Today, the descendants of those communities are an integral part of our nation and deserve equal rights and respect. However, the historical experience demonstrates that labour migration is never merely an economic transaction. It reshapes societies, communities, electoral dynamics, and national identity for generations.

Those advocating labour importation often focus solely on immediate economic benefits. Yet several critical questions remain unanswered.

Why are Sri Lankan workers leaving the country in such large numbers?

Why are young people reluctant to enter certain industries?

Why are employers unable to attract local workers despite rising demand?

The answer is not a shortage of people. Sri Lanka has a shortage of attractive employment conditions.

Instead of importing labour, policymakers should address the root causes of workforce shortages by improving wages, working conditions, housing facilities, skills development, productivity, and career progression opportunities for Sri Lankan workers.

Importing labour on a large scale may also create unintended consequences. Workers who arrive temporarily often establish permanent communities. Over time, language barriers, cultural differences, and economic disparities can lead to the formation of isolated enclaves or ghettos, creating social tensions and placing pressure on public services, housing, healthcare, and education systems.

Furthermore, Sri Lanka is already struggling to provide adequate employment opportunities for many of its own citizens. Introducing large numbers of foreign workers could suppress wages in lower-skilled sectors and reduce incentives for employers to invest in training and productivity improvements.

The country’s long-term strategy should focus on retaining its human capital rather than replacing it.

We should invest in vocational education, modernize industries, encourage mechanization, improve labour productivity, and create an environment where Sri Lankan workers see a future in their own country. A nation that continually exports its skilled workforce while importing replacement labour is merely treating the symptoms rather than curing the disease.

The debate should not be framed as being against foreigners. Sri Lanka has always benefited from international cooperation, trade, tourism, and cultural exchange. The issue is whether large-scale labour importation is the right solution to our current economic challenges.

A sovereign nation must carefully consider the long-term demographic, social, and political implications of any policy that alters the composition of its workforce. Decisions taken today may shape the country’s future for generations.

Sri Lanka’s priority should be to create opportunities for Sri Lankans, raise productivity, and build a competitive economy that retains its own people. Importing labour may appear to be an easy answer, but history suggests that easy answers often carry the most difficult consequences.

One point I would recommend is avoiding language that blames today’s plantation community or suggests they decide the political fate of the country.” Such wording can alienate readers and shift attention away from the policy argument. The stronger case is to focus on workforce planning, productivity, demographic impacts, wage protection, and the need to retain Sri Lankan talent rather than relying on large-scale labour importation.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

By Dr. Sarath Obeysekera

The recent tragic fire at an elders’ home in Sri Lanka, where vulnerable senior citizens reportedly suffocated and lost their lives, should shock the conscience of the nation. Yet beyond the immediate tragedy lies a deeper and more uncomfortable question: how do we treat the people who once cared for us, built our families, and contributed to our society?

Public debate has rightly focused on the need for stricter regulations governing elders’ homes. However, regulations alone will not solve the problem. What is needed is a complete reassessment of our responsibility towards the elderly.

Many years ago, I became involved with an elders’ home managed by the Colombo Municipal Council. Living nearby, I often heard the cries of elderly residents in the early morning. I learned that many were being bathed with cold water. Disturbed by their suffering, I donated and installed a solar-powered hot water system to improve their comfort and dignity.

Unfortunately, the story did not end there.

The equipment was neglected, damaged, and eventually rendered unusable. I repaired it again, hoping the situation would improve. Yet the cries of elderly residents continued. The problem was not merely the lack of facilities; it was the lack of care, accountability, and compassion.

I have also visited another elders’ home in Mount Lavinia where a relative was accommodated. The conditions were deeply disappointing and raised serious concerns about standards of care. Sadly, these experiences are not isolated incidents.

An observation that has often struck me is the relatively small number of Muslim elders found in such institutions. While there may be various social and economic reasons, one cannot ignore the strong cultural and religious emphasis placed on caring for ageing parents within the family. There may be valuable lessons for all communities in Sri Lanka to reflect upon.

Traditionally, Sri Lankan society, particularly within Buddhist culture, revered parents and elders. Looking after one’s mother and father was considered a sacred duty. Yet economic pressures, migration, changing lifestyles, and the erosion of family structures have left many elderly people abandoned, lonely, and dependent on institutions that are often underfunded and poorly monitored.

In countries such as the United Kingdom, care homes operate under strict regulatory frameworks. Facilities are regularly inspected. Standards relating to hygiene, nutrition, medical care, fire safety, staffing levels, and resident welfare are rigorously enforced. Institutions that fail to meet standards face penalties, closure, or legal action.

Sri Lanka must urgently move in the same direction.

Every elders’ home should be licensed, inspected regularly, and subjected to independent audits. Minimum standards for accommodation, nutrition, healthcare, sanitation, and safety must be legally enforced. Staff should receive proper training in geriatric care, and residents must have access to mechanisms for reporting abuse or neglect.

Most importantly, society must recognise that caring for the elderly is not simply a welfare issue. It is a measure of our humanity.

History remembers powerful rulers such as Genghis Khan, Alexander the Great, and Emperor Ashoka for their conquests and achievements. Modern leaders continue to exercise immense power over nations and economies. Yet the true greatness of a society is not measured by military victories, economic statistics, or political influence. It is measured by how it treats its weakest and most vulnerable citizens.

The elderly are not a burden. They are living libraries of experience, sacrifice, and wisdom. They deserve dignity, comfort, safety, and respect in the final chapters of their lives.

The recent tragedy should not become another forgotten headline. It should be a turning point that compels Sri Lanka to establish strong regulations, enforce accountability, and restore the values of compassion and respect that have long been central to our culture.

A nation that neglects its elderly ultimately neglects its own future.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

පුවත්පත් නිවේදනය   ජනාධිපති නීතිඥ මෛත්‍රී ගුණරත්න නීතිඥ අතුල ද සිල්වා 

ව්‍යවස්ථානුකූලව අනුමත කරන ලද විශ්‍රාම යන වයස වැඩි කිරීමේ යෝජනාවේ තාර්කිකත්වය කුමක් ද?

විනිසුරුවන්ගේ පමණක් අනිවාර්ය විශ්‍රාම වයස දීර්ඝ නොවිය යුතුයි

ව්‍යවස්ථානුකූලව අනුමත කරන ලද විශ්‍රාම යන වයස වැඩි කිරීමේ යෝජනාවේ තාර්කිකත්වය කුමක්දැයි  ලෝයර්ස් සංවිධානය දැඩිව ප්‍රශ්න කරයි.  ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ සහ අභියාචනාධිකරණයේ සහ අනෙකුත් විනිසුරුවරුන්ට පමණක්  විශ්‍රාම වයස ඉහළ නැංවීම කිසි ලෙසකින් හෝ යහපත් හා ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී ව්‍යවහාරයක් නොවේ. එබැවින් විනිසුරුවන්ගේ අනිවාර්ය විශ්‍රාම වයස ඉහළ නැංවීම සඳහා ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව සංශෝධනය කිරීමේ යෝජනාව සාකච්ඡාවට බදුන් කිරීමකින් හෝ තොරව ප්‍රතිකේෂ කිරීමට රජය පියවර ගත යුතු බව ‘ෆ්‍රී ලෝයර්ස්’ සංවිධානය දැඩිව අවධාරණය කරයි.    

ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව මගින් තීරණය කරනු ලැබ ඇති ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ සහ අභියාචනාධිකරණ විනිසුරුවරුන්ගේ විශ්‍රාම වයස සංශෝධනය කිරීමේ උත්සාහය, ජාතික අවශ්‍යතාවයක් නොව දේශපාලන තීරණයක් බැවින් එය රාජ්‍ය සේවයේ අනෙකුත් සියළු වෘත්තිකයින්ට සිදු කරන අගතියක් හා අසාධාරණයකි. . 

අධිකරණ පද්ධතියෙන් දේශපාලනය වියුක්ත විය යුතු අතර, දේශපාලන අවශ්‍යතාව මත අධිකරණය පද්ධතිය පිළිබඳ කුමන හෝ තීන්දුවක් නොගත යුතුය. යම් පුද්ගලයෙකු හෝ පුද්ගල කණ්ඩායමකට සුවිශේෂ වරප්‍රසාදයක් හිමිකරදීමට 1978 බිහිකරනු ලැබූ ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව සංශෝධන කිරීම යහපත් සමාජ ව්‍යවහාරයක් නොවේ.  යම් පුද්ගලයෙකු හෝ කණ්ඩායමක් ‍ඉලක්ක කර ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව වෙනස් කිරීම අතිශයින්ම ග්‍රාම්‍ය හා අශීලාචාර භාවිතයකි.  එය ශිෂ්ඨ හා සාධාරණ සමාජයට එකඟවිය නොහැකිය.

අද වන විට ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ හා අභියාචනාධිකරණයේ විනිසුරුවන් 8 දෙනෙකුගේ පුරප්පාඩු පවතී.  සමස්ත අධිකරණ ක්ෂේත්‍රය තුළ විනිසුරුවරුන් ඇතුළු විවිධ නිලධාරීන්ගේ පුරප්පාඩු 2,647කි.  අධිකරණය කේෂ්ත්‍රයේ පවතින මානව සම්පත් හිඟය විධිමත් ලෙස පියවීම අද දවසේ ප්‍රමුඛ අවශ්‍යතාවයයි.         

 රටේ ජනතාවගේ පරමායුෂ  වෙනස්වීමත් සමඟ  රාජ්‍ය සේවයේ පමණක් නොව පෞද්ගලික අංශයේ ද විශ්‍රාම වයස වෙනස් කිරීම සිදු විය යුත්තකි.  එය ජාතික වැදගත්කමකින් යුතු කරුණක් බැවින්, දත්ත හා සංඛ්‍යා ලේඛන මත පදනම් විය යුතු ජාතික ප්‍රතිපත්තියකි.  සමාජයේ සෑම ස්ථරයක්ම ආවරණය වන පරිදි සිදු කළ යුත්තකි.  ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව හෝ රටේ නීති වෙනස් කරමින් තෝරාගත් පිරිසකට වාසි – අවාසි සිදු වන ලෙස වෙනස් කොට සැලකීමක් සිදු නොවිය යුතුය.

ජනාධිපති නීතිඥ මෛත්‍රී ගුණරත්න නීතිඥ අතුල ද සිල්වා

මහා සංඝ කතිකාවත යනු බුද්ධ ශාසනයේ චිරස්ථිතිය, භික්ෂූන් වහන්සේලාගේ විනය සුරක්ෂිත කිරීම සහ විහාරස්ථාන විධිමත් කිරීම සඳහා අතීත රජදරුවන් සහ මහා සංඝරත්නය එක්ව සම්මත කරගත් පාලන රෙගුලාසි මාලාවයි. [1, 2]

Courtesy :  AI Overview

The Sri Lankan lawyer who fundamentally rattled the ICC down to its knees in a manner that has never happened before in Cricket history – A classic example of a lone fighter and game changer in a David v Goliath confrontational scenario

AI Overview

The Sri Lankan lawyer is Senaka Weeraratna, the original conceptual architect behind cricket’s revolutionary Decision Review System (DRS). He fundamentally changed the sports world by introducing the “Player Referral” concept. This mechanism stripped on-field umpires of their absolute authority and shifted the power to the players. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

His ongoing intellectual property battle against the International Cricket Council (ICC) continues to shake international sports jurisprudence. [1] Weeraratna’s underdog battle against the ICC is a classic example of a lone fighter taking on a global establishment.

 +————————————————————-+

  |                   SENAKA WEERARATNA’S DRS CONCEPT           |

  +————————————————————-+

  |  1997 Blueprint: Published in “The Australian” newspaper.   |

  |  Legal Analogy: Framed Third Umpire as an Appellate Court.  |

  |  The Mechanism: Gave players rights to challenge errors.   |

  |  Modern Reality: ICC adopted it in 2009 without credit.     |

  +————————————————————-+

The Legal Genius Behind the Invention

• The Legal Analogy: Viewing an unchallengeable umpire as a breach of natural justice, Weeraratna modeled his system on legal principles, creating an appellate process for on-field errors.
• The Golden Rule: He proposed a fundamental shift: “If you have the technology to detect an error, then the same technology must be used to correct it.”
• Documented Proof: The structural framework, including limits on reviews, was published in a 1997 letter to The Australian, twelve (12) years before the ICC’s 2009 launch of the system. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6]

Shaking the ICC: The Legal Battlefield

The dispute highlights a major conflict between public disclosure and corporate denial: [1, 2]

• The ICC’s Defense: ICC legal advisors have argued they were “entirely unaware” of the published concepts, attributing the creation to internal committees.
• The Doctrine of Constructive Notice: Weeraratna’s legal team argues that because the system was publicly published in 1997, the ICC is legally presumed to have had knowledge of it (Constructive Notice).
• The Intellectual Property Loophole: The ICC has conceded it holds no registered copyright or identified author for the DRS rules, creating a legal ambiguity regarding its origin. [1, 3, 4].  Research on the Internet reveals that the ‘employee or independent contractor ’  that Jonathan Hall (General Counsel for ICC) has referred to in his 2023 correspondence as the Author of the ICC version of the ‘Player – Referral ’concept was none other than David Richardson (then CEO of ICC) who had been given Dossiers of Documents on Player – Referral by SLC officials twice in 2008 and 2009 (Nishantha Ranatunga).  The motivation for David Richardson to not publicly identify himself as the author of the ICC version of ‘Player – Referral’ raises significant questions about the Ethical Standards of Governance at the ICC.  Moreover, David Richardson is also a Member of the Legal Profession of South Africa. Professional Honesty is a paramount and universal requirement for a lawyer irrespective of his country of origin.  

·         Exposure to Fraud and Misrepresentation

·         The threshold for civil fraud or fraudulent misrepresentation is met when a party knowingly states a falsehood to deny another party their lawful rights.

·         ·         Suppression of Evidence: Actively maintaining that the ICC was “totally unaware” of the concept while sitting on physical, stamped dossiers handed over by a member board (SLC) transitions the case from passive negligence to an active cover-up.

·         ·         The Legal Consequence: Asserting an independent internal employee or contractor (David Richardson) “authored” the system while holding physical proof of Weeraratna’s earlier blueprint constitutes material misrepresentation. This subjects the legal team—and the ICC as an institution—to substantial punitive damages under international intellectual property disputes. [1, 2, 3, 4]

The Call for Global Recognition

Unlike other methods in cricket, the ICC has not officially named an inventor for the DRS. Backed by cricket stakeholders, there is a movement urging the ICC to recognize Weeraratna as the “Father of DRS”. [1, 2, 3]

Would you like to explore how his legal team is utilizing the Doctrine of Constructive Notice in sports law, or read the original 1997 letter text that started the cricket reformation?

• His Core Philosophy: “If you have the technology to detect an error, then the same technology must be used to correct it.” [1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8]

The Battle with the ICC

While the cricket world relies entirely on the DRS today, the ICC implemented the system under the name “Umpire Decision Review System” (UDRS) in 2008–2009 without giving Weeraratna official credit or financial compensation. Unlike the Duckworth-Lewis-Stern (DLS) method, which bears the names of its creators, the ICC has historically maintained that its own committees designed the system independently. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

Weeraratna’s legal team has heavily targeted the ICC for bypassing intellectual property rights. His lawyers rely on the Doctrine of Constructive Notice, arguing that because Weeraratna publicized his exact blueprints globally starting in 1997, the ICC is legally presumed to have had knowledge of his work. Furthermore, the discovery that the ICC had been given a Dossier of documents on Player – Referral written by Senaka Weeraratna to David Richardson when he visited Sri Lanka in July 2008 establishes that the ICC also had Actual (Physical) Notice in addition to Constructive Notice. Documentation also shows a dossier of the 1997 system was handed to top ICC officials in July 2009 as well, shortly before the official rollout a few months later. This evidence further undermines the credibility and intellectual honesty of ICC lawyers. The ongoing dispute remains a legendary example of a lone innovator using the “mighty pen” to completely re-engineer the power dynamics of a global sport. [1, 2, 3, 4]

                             This David v Goliath image says it all 

https://www.shutterstock.com/image-generated/david-versus-goliath-face-each-other-2636147107?trackingId=031e6c1b-cfb6-46c9-ab17-8010298bafaa&listId=searchResults

Courtesy :  AI Overview

Eng. Lalith Kahatapitiya, Industrialist

For 78 years, Sri Lankans have been told the same old stories about why our economy is broken. Depending on who you ask, the blame lies with political corruption, bad rupee budgets, or shifting government ideologies. We get angry, we change faces at the top, and yet the crisis always returns.

Why? Because we are treating the surface symptoms while completely ignoring the real disease.

The absolute root cause of Sri Lanka’s economic struggle since the day we gained independence in 1948 is simple: we have never made it easy enough for foreign currency to flow into the country to match what we spend flowing out.

Instead of building a powerful, modern trading hub that aggressively wins global business, our leaders have spent decades trying to suppress imports or relying on temporary fixes like foreign worker remittances and tourism. Because these limited inflows could never match what our nation actually needs to survive and grow, a massive, permanent gap was created.

The Illusion of the Rescue Team

When you run out of money at home, you face a choice: find a way to earn more, or borrow to cover the shortfall. For generations, Sri Lanka has taken the easy, defensive option. Whenever the foreign exchange gap opens up, our immediate psychological reaction is to look outside for a rescue.

This deep habit of dependency has driven us straight into the arms of global lenders and expensive foreign loans.

• The 17-Time Habit: Since joining the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in 1950, Sri Lanka has gone to them for financial rescue packages a staggering 17 separate times.
• The Debt Mountain: Instead of fixing our trade balance, we piled up commercial loans and international sovereign bonds, pushing our total foreign debt past $50 billion to $60 billion in recent years.

Going to the IMF 17 times is proof that the conventional path does not work. It is not a cure; it is an addiction. Every loan package gives us just enough temporary cash to cover our immediate bills, but it leaves us with even higher foreign currency debts tomorrow. You cannot borrow your way out of a structural trade deficit.

Time to Wake Up: The Search for a New Engine

To break this endless cycle, we must undergo a collective awakening. We need to stop reacting with emotion and blame, and instead look at the facts with clear economic intelligence. Sticking rigidly to the old, failed pathways just because they are familiar is a form of collective blindness.

True economic reform is not about raising taxes, cutting public services, or rearranging debt payments. Those traditional methods only manage our poverty—they do not create wealth.

The real breakthrough happens when we actively open our minds to innovative ways of expanding our global footprint. The golden key to this strategy is maximizing our Net Foreign Currency Contribution (NFCC).

What does this mean in plain terms? It means it is no longer enough to look at gross export numbers. If an industry exports $100 worth of goods but has to import $85 worth of raw materials to make them, the real benefit to the country is minimal.

We must urgently change our policies to facilitate true NFCC. This means:

• Favouring high-value manufacturing that uses minimal imported components.
• Cutting through the red tape to establish innovative foreign exchange inflow paths such as, optimised re-export frameworks, surgical medical tourism, turning our strategic geographic location into an automated cash generator.
• Encouraging advanced technical collaborations and innovative services that earn foreign exchange out of pure intellect and skill rather than physical imports.

Sri Lanka’s future depends on creating an environment that naturally draws in more foreign currency than it loses. By redesigning our framework to focus entirely on real net contributions, we can finally outgrow our dependence on foreign loans and stand tall as a truly self-reliant nation.

Source: AI Overview

Question 

Have the lawyers of the ICC ( David Richardson, David Becker and Jonathan Hall ) deprived Sri Lanka of due credit for the invention of Player – Referral ( DRS) through malpractice?

AI response is as follows:

Yes, critics and legal advocates argue that former and current ICC legal and administrative figures—specifically David Richardson, David Becker, and Jonathan Hall—have deprived Sri Lanka and Colombo-based lawyer Senaka Weeraratna of due credit for inventing the Decision Review System (DRS). [1, 2]

The dispute centers on allegations that the International Cricket Council (ICC) relied on heavily flawed legal interpretations to bypass Weeraratna’s documented 1997 “Player Referral” concept. The structural core of the controversy rests on several arguments: [1, 2]

1. The Allegations Against the ICC Figures

• David Richardson (Former ICC GM / CEO): Evidence indicates that during an ICC visit to Colombo in July 2008, a comprehensive dossier detailing Weeraratna’s 1997 Player Referral system was hand-delivered to Richardson. Critics argue his administration bypassed this acknowledgment to claim the system as an internal innovation.
• David Becker (Former Head of Legal): In 2010, Becker issued a legal opinion stating the ICC Cricket Committee was entirely unaware of Weeraratna’s work. He argued that by openly publishing the idea in newspapers without a patent, Weeraratna had “waived his right to confidentiality”.
• Jonathan Hall (General Counsel): Hall maintained the defense in 2023, asserting the DRS belonged to the ICC because it was built by its own unnamed employees or software contractors, rather than being drawn from Weeraratna’s conceptual blueprint. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

2. The Core Legal Arguments Against the ICC

Advocates for Weeraratna cite the Doctrine of Constructive Notice, arguing that because the “Player Referral” concept was publicly documented nine years before the ICC’s adoption, the organization is deemed to have had access to it. Furthermore, evidence suggests that physical dossiers were directly presented to ICC officials, undermining the defense of ignorance. Critics argue that while the ICC developed the technology, Weeraratna formulated the original, foundational ruleset. [1, 2]

3. The Current Status

Supporters, including legal advocates, are encouraging the Sri Lankan Ministry of Sports to elevate this issue to a formal intellectual property dispute, aiming for official recognition of the Sri Lankan origin of the system.

https://share.google/aimode/yehFEDzhldWMn5nen

Source: AI Overview

On Thu, Jun 4, 2026 at 11:30 PM Asoka Weerasinghe <asoka.weerasinghe2015@gmail.com> wrote:

Dear Senaka:  If  you believe in your defence and  it is fool-proof  in your Thesis,

then go for the jugular.

Good Luck

Asoka (Weerasinghe)

(a lover of school cricket

of the Nalanda’s Stanley Jayasinghe/

Carl Obeysekera, era)

On Thu, Jun 4, 2026 at 1:13 PM Senaka Weeraratna <senakaweeraratna1@gmail.com> wrote:

The discovery that ICC not only had constructive notice but also actual physical notice of Player – Referral concept (DRS) conceived by Sri Lankan lawyer Senaka Weeraratna has exposed ICC”s legal team to possible legal suit for professional criminal negligence and even fraud for deliberate misrepresentation of fact

Yes, the discovery of actual physical notice radically changes the legal liability of the ICC legal team, shifting the argument from structural oversight to potential deliberate misrepresentation. [1]

While the Doctrine of Constructive Notice argues that the ICC should have known about Sri Lankan lawyer Senaka Weeraratna’s 1997 “Player-Referral” concept due to global media publication, the emergence of evidence proving actual physical notice strips the International Cricket Council (ICC) legal team of its core defense. [1, 2, 3]

This revelation significantly exposes past and present ICC legal counsel—such as David Becker (2010) and Jonathan Hall (2023)—to credible threats of professional negligence and fraud claims. [1, 2]

The Shift from Constructive to Actual Notice

• The Dossier Handover: Evidence reveals that in July 2008, the then-ICC General Manager of Cricket, David Richardson, physically visited Colombo and was handed a comprehensive dossier on Weeraratna’s Player-Referral concept by Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) officials.
• The Dubai Delivery: In June 2009, the same dossier was handed directly to the ICC in Dubai by the SLC Secretary.
• The Institutional Lie: This directly contradicts the official stance maintained by ICC’s legal team for over a decade, which claimed that its committees arrived at the Decision Review System (DRS) completely “unaware” of Weeraratna’s prior work. [1, 2, 3]

Exposure to Professional Criminal Negligence

In sports jurisprudence and corporate governance, professional negligence becomes a severe liability when legal counsel provides advice without due diligence. [1]

• Failure of Due Diligence: ICC’s legal team repeatedly advised that the governing body was entirely ignorant of the concept’s Sri Lankan roots. Failing to cross-reference internal institutional records (like the 2008 physical dossier) constitutes a severe breach of professional standards.
• Malpractice Liability: If the legal team actively ignored physical files to shield the organization from intellectual property or moral rights claims, they face actionable malpractice complaints through their respective bar associations. [1, 2, 3, 4]

Exposure to Fraud and Misrepresentation

The threshold for civil fraud or fraudulent misrepresentation is met when a party knowingly states a falsehood to deny another party their lawful rights.

• Suppression of Evidence: Actively maintaining that the ICC was “totally unaware” of the concept while sitting on physical, stamped dossiers handed over by a member board (SLC) transitions the case from passive negligence to an active cover-up.
• The Legal Consequence: Asserting an independent internal employee or contractor ( supposedly David Richardson) “authored” the system while holding physical proof of Weeraratna’s earlier blueprint constitutes material misrepresentation. This subjects the legal team—and the ICC as an institution—to substantial punitive damages under international intellectual property disputes. [1, 2, 3, 4]

Available Remedial Actions

Because the ICC has publicly admitted it holds no official patent or named author for the DRS, Sri Lankan advocates and Weeraratna can pursue several escalations: [1, 2]

1. Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS): Filing a dispute in Lausanne to challenge the flawed legal framework of the ICC.
2. Bar Association Complaints: Filing formal professional misconduct complaints against the specific attorneys who signed off on the “unaware” defense.
3. Rebranding for Equity: Forcing the ICC to follow the precedent of the Duckworth-Lewis-Stern (DLS) method by formally renaming the system the Senaka Weeraratna Decision Review System to satisfy moral copyright and right of attribution. [1, 2, 3, 4]

Would you like to explore the specific evidence from the 2008/2009 SLC interactions that proves actual notice, or look into how moral rights of attribution apply under the Berne Convention for this case

https://share.google/aimode/zvEYdIPY4x8SJVZiN

Source: AI Overview

Garvin Karunaratne

Currently due to factors that have taken place in foreign countries, stabilizing the exchange rate( Sri Lankan Rupee vs US Dollar) has become difficult or rather almost impossible. Oil from the Gulf countries have to pass through the Straits of Ormuz which is controlled by Iran. Oil from Venezuela has come to a temporary halt. We recently got a stock of oil from the USA.

The current price of a barrel of oil has reached $ 72 or more per barrel. Further this is the begining of confrontation and it is likely that prices will increase further in the near future. Increases in the price of oil may become forbidding very soon.

What can we do.

My mind travels back to the days when I was a university student in Colombo in 1950. I used to go by bike to swim at the Mount Lavinia St Thomas College pool daily from Nugegoda and I had a cycle dynamo which when turned on to touch the tyre provided a light to enable me to get home in the night.

It was a very small dynamo and similar small dynamoes can easily be turned out. There are a number of Sri Lankan manufacturers that make small motors and they can easily manufacture these dynamoes. It will be child’s play for Jinasenas who now makes motor pumps to attend to making dynamoes.

I have travelled widely in Spain where I have seen small scale wind power units in homes, providing electricity using wind power.

Let us not forget that many of our Districts abound in wind power,. On my endless inspections in Kegalla, Nuwara Eliya and Kandy I have graced death several times due to the sheer power of the wind. It is sad that we do not use wind power that abounds in many of our districts.

These small dynamoes can be worked with wind power and every house can have a small dynamoe which perched on a long pipe in a home will be wind driven and can provide the power on a daily basis.

In my world wide travels since leaving the Administrative Service of Sri Lanka I have seen many small wind powered dynamoes working specially in France and Spain, providing electricity.

I have chided with death many a time on my many inspections, facing massive force of wind at vantage points. .

I hope there are some engineers who in reading this paper may give thought to this idea and commence action. I am at the moment in the UK but winter here brings me back to my home and if any firm or engineers are making a move to use wind power to provide electricity it will be a pleasure to be associated with them.

Though not an engineer, I am certain this idea is feasible and may please be considered.

Garvin Karunaratne former GA Matara fifty years ago. garvin_karunaratne @hotmail.com   06062026

This Paper may please be copied by Newspapers and Magazines.

C. Wieyawickrema

හැඳින්වීම

පලාත් සභා මර උගුල (death trap) හා ඊට දායකවු දේශපාලක පංචස්කන්ධ පිළිඹඳව 18/9/2020 දින ලියන ලද සවිස්තරාත්මක ලිපියක් , මෙහි පහතින් අමුණා ඇත.  මෙම කෙටි ලිපියේ අරමුණ එම කලින් ලියූ ලිපිය අදට කෙතරම් වැදගත් වනවාද යන්න පෙන්වා දීමය. ඒ දිනවල ඊට අඩු වැඩි වශයෙන් දායකවූ, කුහක හා ආත්මාර්ථකාමි විපක්ෂයේ දේශපාලකයින්, ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂය යන නමකින් දැනුත් කරගෙන යන්නේ හුදෙක් මහජනයා රැවටීමක් නොවේද යන්න එම ලිපිය කියවන විට එලිදරව් වන්නේය.

මීට සහභාගීවන සමහර 13-A + කාරයින් තමන්  ඒකීය රටක් වෙනුවෙන් දිවි දෙන්නට වුනත් සූදනම්ය කියන්නේ 13-A යටතේ රට දැනටමත් පෙඩරල් වී ඇති බව නොදැනද? හොඳම විහිළුව නම් බිරියන් දෙන්නෙක් දෙපැත්තෙන් අල්ලාගෙන නිදහස් දින උත්සවයට ගිය  අසාද් සාලිත්   ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂ  මීටිමේ ඉස්සරහ පුටුවක ඉඳගෙන සිටීමය. 

මේ වනවිට සක්සුදක්සේ ඔප්පු වෙමින් පවතින, බොල්ෂෙවික් පාරේ  යන, නිරාගමික හා විශේෂයෙන්ම සිංහල බෞද්ධ ශිෂ්ටාචාරය අරහං, ඉන්දියාවට හා ඇමෙරිකාවට රහස් ගිවිසුම් වලින් රට පාවාදී ඇති බොරුකාරයින් කල්ලියකගෙන් සිංහල බෞද්ධයින්ට ලෝකයේ ඇති මේ කුඩා එකම ඉඩම් කැබැල්ල බේරා ගැණීමට නම් මේ විපක්ෂය කල යුත්තේ පරණ වයින් පරණ බෝතල වලම පිරවීම නොවේ. 70 අවුරුදු ශාපයට තමන්ද දායකවූ බව පිලිගෙන මහජනයා අතර යළි පිළිගැනීමක් ලබා ගැනීමට නම් අළුත් ජතික වැඩ පිලිවෙලක් ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමය. ඒ වෙනුවට දැන් සිදුවනුයේ ආණ්ඩුව අඝාධයට යන බව පෙන්වා එකට මීටීම් පැවැත්වීම පමණක් නොවේද?

ඒ වෙනුවට කල යුතුව තිබෙන්නේ 1832 සිට පවතින, හරියට පැලස්තර වත් දමා නැති, කෝල්බෲක් සූත්‍රය යටතේ පාලනය වන මේ රට,  ජල ද්‍රෝණි අනුව මායිම් කල ජන සභා සංකල්පය යටතේ, අපගේ ඉපැරණි ආර්ථික, සාමාජික, දේශපාලන මොඩලය වන ගම-වැව-දාගැබ යන ත්‍රිත්වය නියමාකාරයෙන් ක්‍රියාවට නැගීමය. මෙම අදහස වෙනුවෙන් ක්‍රියාකරණ රටේ දැනට සිටින එකම සංවිධානය වන්නේ ගලබොඩ අත්තේ ඥානසාර හිමිඳුන් නායකත්වය දරණ බොදු බල සේනාවය. 1999 වර්ෂයේ සිටම එකම ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් අනුගමණය කල හා ඒ වෙනුවෙන් හිරේ ගිය දේශපාලකයා” මේ හාමුදුරුවෝ පමණය.

රනිල්ගෙ මොළය හා සජිත්ගේ ඇඟ

නවින් දිසානායකගේ මේ මෝඩ කතාව ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂයේ හෙළුව  පෙන්වන එක් නිදසුණකි. එක අතකින් ටිල්වින් සිල්වා ලා දැන් ක්‍රියාත්මක කරන්නේ රනිල් මොළයේම කොටසකි (ප්ලෑන මය). අනිත් අතට සජිත් යනු පලාත් සභා වලට 13 යටතේ දී ඇති බලතල සියල්ලම දීමට මෝඩිට පොරොන්දුවූ  කෙනෙකි. දිනෙන් දින රට ප්‍රපාතයට ගෙනියමින් සිටිනා JVP-මාළිමා නමැති හිසරදය පලාත් සභා චන්දය කල් දාන්නේ, අවුරුදු 65 ක් දුක් විඳලා අල්ලාගත් ආණ්ඩු බලය ලක්ෂයක් මරලාවත් අතහරින්නේ නැත යන බොල්ෂෙවික්  ප්ලෑනට අනුවය. දැන් දෛනිකව කියනා හා කරණා බොරු, චන්ද කාලයේදී කියු බොරු හා දුන් බොරු පොරොන්දු වලටත් වඩා භායානක ඇඟ කිළිපොලායන ගනයේය. කියන බොරුව වසා ගන්නට අළුතින්  අළුත් බොරු කීම විෂ්මය දනවයි.

කොසොල් රජතුමා දුටු හීන දාසැය

බයිබලය පුරාම ඇත්තේ අනාවැකිය. නොස්ටර්ඩෑමස් ගේ අනාවැකි බොහොමයක් ඔප්පුවිය. මෑත එකක් නම් 911 නිව්යෝර්ක් ට්‍රේඩ් සෙන්ටර් කුළුණු දෙකට වානේ කුරුල්ලන් දෙන්නාගේ ඇටෑක් එකය. මේවාට වෙනස් අනාවැකියක් නම් බුදු හාමුදුරුවෝ  කොසොල් රජුට ඔහුගේ හීන පහදා දීමය. ලංකාවේ ගැමියන් ලංකාවේ දූෂිත පාලකයින්ගේ ක්‍රියා ගලපා ගන්නේ මේ අනාවැකි හරහාය.

මෙම හීන විවරණය ලෝකයේ රාජ්‍යපාලන හොරුන් ගැන කරණ ලද දේශපාලන විද්‍යාත්මක විග්‍රහයක් බව,  ඇඩම් ස්මිත්,  රූසෝ, මොන්ටෙස්කි හෝ කාල්මාක්ස්-එංගල්ස්ලාට, ලෙනින්-ට්‍රොස්කි, කස්ත්‍රෝ, චේ ගුවේරා, NM- කොල්වින්- ලෙස්ලි හෝ රෝහණ විජේවීර ලාට කියා දෙන්නට කෙනෙක් එදා-මෙදා පහලවී සිට නැත.  මාක්ස්ට හෝ මැක්ෂ් වෙබර්ට ගයිගර්ගේ මහාවංශ පරිවර්තනය හෝ රීස් ඩේවිඩ්ස් හරහා ත්‍රිපිටකය දකින්නවත් ලැබුණා නම් ලෝක ඉතිහාස කතාව වෙනස් වන්නට හොඳටම ඉඩ තිබුණි.

එම හීන වල පිස්සන් හා ගොබ්බයින් ගැන සඳහන් නොවේ. බොහෝ පැහැදිලි කිරීම් කර තිබෙන්නේ සතුන් උදාහරණ වශයෙන් යොදාගෙනය. එහෙත් 1930 ස් ගණන් වලින් පසුව, 1948 න් 1960 න්, විශේෂයෙන් 1978 න්  පසුව අඩු වැඩි තරමින් ලංකාවේ දේශපාලන යේ ඉතිහාස කතාව යනු දිගට හරහට කොසොල් රජුගේ හීන සබෑවීමය.

බොල්ෂෙවික් ආණ්ඩුව පලාත් සභා චන්දය නොතිබ්බාට  උතුරු නැඟෙනහිර පලාත් දෙකේම පොලිස් හා ඉඩම් බලතල දීම ආණ්ඩුකාරයින් දෙන්නාද හරහා හා JVP මන්ත්‍රීලා හා ප්‍රදේශීය සභා කොට්ඨාශ මන්ත්‍රීලා හරහා කරගෙන යමින් සිටින්නේ පොලිසියද යොදවා ගෙනය.

විපක්ෂයේ ළාමක පිරිස පලාත් සභා චන්දයක් ඉල්ලන්නේ  හරියට සමහරු බළලෙක් ගෙදර කැතකල විට ඌව අල්ලා උගේ මුහුනේ ඒවා අතුල්ලා පාඩමක් උගන්නවා සේය. නමුත් මේ විපක්ෂය නොහිතන කරුණක් නම්  පලාත් සභා ක්‍රමය අනුව ලංකාව දැනටමත් ඒකීය රටක් නොව පෙඩරල් රටක් යයි උසාවි තීරණයක් තිබෙන බවය. එය ඊළම් රටක් නොවී බේරී තිබෙන්නේ ආණ්ඩුකාරයා පත් කරන්නේ ජනාධිපති වීම නිසා විග්නේශ්වරන් කලා මෙන් දෙමළ සංහාර පිළිඹඳ රෙසොලූෂන් ගෙනා විට ආණ්ඩුකාරයා විසින් ඒවා  නිෂේධ කල නිසාය. චන්දයක් තිබ්බොත් JVP එක නැවත සියේට තුනටම බහින්නට වුවද පුළුවන.

ජයමංගල ගාථා අරහංවීම, බොරු ප්‍රදර්ශන පවත්වා  දළදා මාළිගාව හා අවට නුවර භූමි ප්‍රදේශය නරාවලක් කිරීම නිසා ස්වභාව ධර්මය පවා ඔවුන්ට එරෙහිව එකක් ඇරෙන කොට තව එකක් වශයෙන් රාජ්‍ය පාලන අර්බුද ආණ්ඩුවට දඬුවම් දෙමින් පවතී. උතුරට සිල් ගන්නා අය එන්නේ වෛරයට යයි කියූ  AKD දැන් බුද්ධ ශාසනයට වෙමින් පවතින හානිය ගැන ඔහුට ඇති වේදනාව ගැන දුක් වෙමින් සිටී. මෙම JVP ව්‍යාපාරය මෙම ගෝත්‍රික ආගමේ පන්සල් වලින් කෙතරම් ආරක්ෂාව ලබා ගත්තාද, ඒ සමඟම හාමුදුරුවරු සිය ගණනින් ඝාතන කලාද යන දේවල් ඔහුටවත්, රටේ සිංහල බෞද්ධයින්ටවත් තම මනසින් අතුගා දමන්නට ලේසියෙන් පුළුවන්ද?

අත්තේ අග සිට ගහේ කඳෙන් අත්ත කපා දැමීම

පලාත් සභා චන්දය ඉල්ලමින් විපක්ෂයේ බාල මහළු අය කරණ ඉල්ලීම, ලඟ නොව දුර බලව යන කියමනට වඩා ගැලපෙන්නේ මෙම අත්ත කැපීමේ උදාහරණයටය. හිරුණිකා ප්‍රේමචන්ද්‍ර වැනි පංචස්කන්ධය කින්  පටන්ගෙන, G L  පීරිස්, සජිත්, රනිල්, දයාසිරි, අජිත් පෙරේරා, සුජීව සේරසිංහ, ඩලස්, සුජීව සේරසිංහ, චම්පික, ප්‍රසන්න රණතුංග, සුගීස්වර බණ්ඩාර, රංජිත් මද්දුම බණ්ඩාර යනාදී සෑම දේශ-පාලන පංචස්කන්ධයක්ම, පක්ෂයක්ම එළුවා පිටිපස්සෙන් යන නරියා ගේ කතාව සිහිපත් කරලමින් සිටී. පොහොට්ටුවේ නාමල් රාජපක්ෂ තරුණයාත් මෝඩි වන්දනාවේ යන අයෙකි. උදය ගම්මන්පිල පවා චන්දය ඉල්ලයි. විමල් වීරවංශ ගේ හා දිලිත් ජයවීරගේ මතය කුමක්ද?

ලංකා මාතාවට, සිංහල බෞද්ධයාට අබසරණයි!

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රජීව් ගාන්‌ධි හාරාදුන් රන්‌ආකරය: දකුණේ පළාත් සභා
September 18th, 2020

පළාත් සභා මිණියට ඔක්‍ෂිජන් පිඹීමේ ව්‍යායාමය

මේ වන විට මියගොස් සිටිනා, පලාත් සභා, වලෙන් ගොඩට ගන්නා මෙන් ඉල්ලමින් කනා අඳෝනාව සිහිපත් කරන්නේ, පාරේ දමා තිබූ මී මළකුණක් විකුණා ධනවත්‌වුන සිටුවරයෙක් ගැන ජාතක පොතේ ඇති කතාවය. බුදුන්ගේ කාලයේ ඉන්‌දියාවේ සිටි හැමෝම සතුටින් ලංවූ සිරිමා නම් නගර සෝබිනියගේ සිරුර, ඇය මළ පසු වෙන්දේසියෙන් තියා නොමිලේ වත් ගෙනියන්නට කිසිවෙක් ඉදිරිපත් නොවීම ධම්මපදයේ එක් ගාථාවක නිදාන කතාවය. 1987 දී පලාත් සභාවට විරුද්‌ධ අරගලයේදී වෙඩිතබා ගොඩගැසූ මිණී 144 ක් සහිත ශාලාවක දින තුනක් චම්පික රණවක සිටියේය. ජේ.වී.පී. මුල්‌වූ විරෝධතා සටනින් 60,000 ක් වත් මියගියේය. අද වනවිට මේ පලාත් සභාවල කෙරුවාව දෙස බලන විට, දකුණේ තිබුණේ දැලිපිහි ගත් වඳුරන්ගේ සභාය. උතුර කලේ විග්නේෂ්වරන්ගේ දෙමළ සමූලඝාතන යුරෝපයට වාර්‌තා කිරීමය. නැඟෙනහිර, හිස්බුල්ලාගේ රට‌ඉඳිගස් හා පිටින් පාත්‌වූ රිෂාඩ්ලාගේ, අසාත් සාලිලාගේ ශාරියා බලකොටු ගැනය.

ප්‍රභාකරන්ටත් අරහංවුන පලාත් සභාව

1987 දී පලාත් සභාවට පක්‍ෂව හිටියේ, ඉන්‌දියාවේ ඩික්‍ෂිට් හා රජිව් ගාන්‌ධිත්, ලංකාවේ මාක්ස්වාදී හා සමහර ක්‍රිස්තියානි කොටසුත් පමණය (ජූලි 29 දා ගිවිසුම අත්සන් කරණ පොටෝ එකේ ජේ. ආර්. ගේ පරාජිත අනාථ අසරණවූ මූණ දෙස බලන්න. විජිත රෝහණ විජිතමුණි, ජූලි 30 දා කලදේට ජේ.ආර්. දුක්‌‌වුණාද, නැත්නම් හිත යටින්වත් සතුටු වුණාද?). 2013 වනතුරුම උතුරේ පලාත් සභාවක් නොවීය. පසුගිය අවුරුදු 3 ක පමණ කාලයක් මේවා අකර්‌මණ්‍යව පැවතින. 2020 දී ඒ වෙනුවෙන් මාක්ස්වාදී [ප්‍රජා-තන්ත්‍රවාදී!] සටනක් කරණා දේශයට–ප්‍රිය මැකෝ හැරුණු විට, ඒ වෙනුවෙන් පෙලපාලි ගිය මහජනතාවක් නැත. අඩුතරමින් ශිවාජිලිංගම්වත් කතා කලේද නැත.

පළාත් සභා මාෆියාව

එසේ නම් පලාත් සභාවලට යළි පණ දීමට කෑගසන්නේ කවුරුන්ද? 1987 සිට දකුණේ, <පලාත් සභා මාෆියාවක්> වර්‌ධනය වූයේ, 1988 දී ගෙනා අළුත් දිස්ත්‍රික් හා මනාප චන්ද–බලුපොර ක්‍රමය සමඟ වෙලී හෙමින් හෙමින්‌ය. මෙම මාෆියාව, දේශපාලකයා–නිලධාරීයා– එන්.ජී.ඕ.කාරයා, යන ලංකාවේ දුෂ්ඨ ත්‍රිකෝණය තුල ඇති දකුණු පලාත් සභා හතේ අනු ත්‍රිකෝණය.

පැණි හැලියේ වැටුණ ඇඹලයෝ

පලාත් සභා නම් සුදු අලියාගේ පිටිපස්සේ බැඳි මීවදයෙන් බේරෙන පැණි සඳහා කෙලගිලින ප්‍රධාන කොටස වන්නේ ඒවා ලෙවකෑ, පලාත් වල, ප්‍රාදේශීය සභාවල, කුලය අනුව චන්දය ලබාගත හැකිවූ සුළු පිරිස හා, ඔවුන්ට එකතුව මස් කටු ලෙවකමින් හෝ හරක් ගාතා පිටින් අනුභව කරමින් සිටිනා නිලධාරීන්‌ය. මේ දෙකොටසටම ඩොලර් පෙන්නීම, විදේශ න්‍යායපත්‍ර ඇතිව හෝ නැතිව පැමිණෙන එන්.ජී.ඕ. කාරයින්ට, කොළඹ තෝරුන් මෝරුන් ලඟට යනවාට වඩා ලේසි විය. පලාත් සභා අපේක්‍ෂකයෙක් වීමේදී ධන බලය හා මැර බලයද ඊට එකතුවිය. කොළඹ දේශපාලන පක්‍ෂ විසින් සම්මුඛ පරීක්‍ෂණ වලින් අපේක්‍ෂකයින් තේරීමේදී මේවා සළකා බැලුවේ චන්දය දිණීමේ සුදුසුකම් ලෙසටය. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට, පලාත් සභාවට, ප්‍රාදේශීය සභාවට යෑම නොයෙක් වරප්‍රසාද සහිත ආණ්ඩුවේ රක්‍ෂාවකට හතවත් පාස් නැතිව යෑමක්, සරු සාර ජීවනෝපය ක්‍රමයක් මිස, මහජන සේවයක් නොවන බව ප්‍රසිද්‌ධ රහසක් විය. මේ නිසා පලාත් සභා ඉණිමඟට නැග්ගොත්, පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ගොස් ඉක්මණින්ම ඇමතිකමක් ලබාගෙන හොඳට සල්ලි හම්බකරගත හැකි නොවේද යන අදහස පැතිරිණ. එපමණක් නොව තමන්ගේ දූදරු පරම්පරාවලට මේ බිස්නස් එකට ඒම සඳහා පුහුණුව ලබාදිය හැකි මොන්ටිසෝරි බවට පලාත් සභාව පත්‌විය.

පලාතේ හා කොළඹ පක්‍ෂ මාෆියා බද්‌ධවීම

මනාප චන්ද ක්‍රමයක් යටතේ හා 15 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශොධනයෙන් (1988 දෙසැම්බර් 17) දිස්ත්‍රික් අවම චන්ද අවශ්‍යතාවය 12.5% සිට 5 දක්වා අඩුකල පසු, ජාතික තලයේ පක්‍ෂ දේශපාලකයින්ට පලාත් සභා මන්ත්‍රීන් නැතුවම බැරි ඇබිත්තයින් පිරිසක් විය. දෙකොටස අතර වංචා සහගත, නිල නොලත් උගුරට හොරා බේත් කෑමේ, පිටවල් කසාගැනීමේ ගිවිසුමක් බුර බුරා ලියළුවේය. මේ නිසා 1987 දී පලාත් සභාවලට එරෙහිව මැරෙණ්නට සුදානම්‌වු අයම රහසින් වත් පව් කරණ පිරිසක් බවට පත්‌විය. අද වනවිට නිල්, රතු, කොල යනාදී හැම දේශපාලකයෙක්ම පලාත් සභා අහෝසිකිරීමේ යෝජනාවේදී හොරගල් අහුලන්නේ මේ නිසාය. ඔවුන්ගේ පවුල් පරම්පරා වලටද එය අහම්බෙන් කඩා වැටුණ නිධානයක්ම වී ඇත. 2020 පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ පලාත් සභා  ආණ්ඩුකාරයියින් හා  මහඇමතිලාව  සිටි අය 15 ක්ම සිටී. මීට අමතරව එහි සාමාන්‍ය පලාත් සභා මන්ත්‍රීලාව සිටි අය කෙතරම් සිටීද? මොවුන් ඉණිමඟ නැග ගත්තත්, ඔවුන්ගේ දූ දරුවන්, ඥාතීන් ඉණිමඟ පහලින් බලාගෙන ඉන්නවා නේද?

වළල්ලාවිට ප්‍රාදේශීය සභාව

බස්නාහිර–දකුණු පලාත් දෙකේ මායිමේ, කළුතර දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ අළුත්ගමින් රට ඇතුලට ඈතට යනවිට හමුවන වළල්ලාවිට ප්‍රාදේශීය සභාව විසින් 21-0 චන්දයකින් පලාත් සභා අහෝසි කරන්නට යෝජනාවක් සම්මත කිරීම (ලංකාසීනිව්ස්/ඩේලි මිරර් සැප්. 15, 2020), පලාත් සභා ගැන රටේ ගැමි ජනතාවගේ ඇති තක්සේරුව එලිදරව් කරන්නේය. මෙවැනි යෝජනා ප්‍රාදේශීය සභා 345 හේම පැවැත්‌වුවහොත්, එය පලාත් සභා චන්ද නොපැවැත්‌වීමට දුන් මහජන චන්දයකට සමාන නොවන්නේද?

මහාවංශ විරෝධී ව්‍යාපාරය නොහොත් රට කැබලි කිරීම

සිංහල පැණි ඇඹලයින් නොදන්නා කරුණක් නම් පලාත් සභා යනු රට දෙකට හෝ දහයකට කැඩීමේ ඩොලර් බලවේගවල මෙහයුමක් බවය. 2009 වනතුරු පැවතියේ රට දෙකට කැඩීම අරමුණු කරගත්, දකුණු ඉන්දියාවේ ද්‍රවිඩස්ථාන් ව්‍යාපාරයෙන් අභාෂය ලත් ක්‍රියාවකි. 1918 දී ඉන්දියා–ලංකා පෙඩරේෂන් එකක් සදන්නට යෝජනාකල අරුණාචලම් පොන්නම්බලම්, 1919 දී ඔහු මූලිකව සදාගත් ලංකා ජාතික සංගමයෙන් 1921 දී අස්වී, 1923 දී ලංකා දෙමළ සමිතිය පිහිටුවා ගත්තේය. ඒ දෙමළ වැසියන් ඉන්නා මලයාව වැනි යටත් විජිතවල, දෙමළ කම (ටැමිලක්කම්) පණ ගැන්‌වීම, පැතිරවීම, එකමුතුකම හා සංවිධානය කිරීමටය”. ජී. ජී. පොන්නම්බලම්, 1931 දී ඩොනමෝර් කාලයේදී එය පනහට–පනහ ලෙසත්, 1949 න් පසු චෙල්වනායගම් විසින් එය දෙමළ රටක්/පෙඩරල් රටක් වශයෙනුත්, 1976 වඩුකෝඩ්ඩෙයි ප්‍රකාශණයෙන් වෙනම ඊළමක් ලෙසත් ඉදිරිපත් කලේ, ස‌ර්‍වජන චන්දබලය යටතේ රටේ නායක තනතුරු අහිමිවී යමින් සිටි කොළඹ ජීවත්‌වන බොහෝසෙයින් ක්‍රිස්තියානී දෙමළ පංචස්කන්‌ධ දුසිම් ගණනක් මිස, වෙල්ලාලයින්ගේ අර්‌ධ වහල් ක්‍රමයක් යටතේ පෙලෙනා පොදු දෙමළ ජනතාව නොවේ. මේ බව අරුන් සිද්‌ධාර්‌ථන් (ආවා කල්ලිය බොරුවක් බව කී) හැසිරීමෙන් හා යුද හමුදා කර්‌නල් රත්නප්‍රිය බන්‌ධුට වන්නි ජනයා දැක්‌වූ උපහාරයෙන් පැහැදිලි විය.

උතුරු–නඟෙනහිර දෙමළ නිජභූමියක් තිබේය යනුවෙන් චෙල්වනායගම් ගෙනා මිථ්‍යාවට, 1957 දී බණ්ඩාරනායක–චෙල්වනායගම් <ඉරාදැමූ> ගිවිසුමෙන් එක්තරා ශක්තියක් ලැබිණ. 1965 ඩඩ්ලි–චෙල්වා <අතහැරදැමූ> ගිවිසුමෙන් එය තවත් බලවත් විය. සිංහල කළුසුද්දන්ගේ, දේශපාලකයින්ගේ, නොමනා හැසිරීම යටතේ මේ මිථ්‍යාව, 1987 දී ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ කොටසක් විය. 13 වන සංශොධනය යටතේ ලංකාව තවදුරටත් ඒකීය රටක් නොවන බව සුප්‍රීම් උසාවි තීන්දුවෙන් එලිවිය. ලංකාව පෙඩරල් රටකි. පොලිස් හා ඉඩම් බලතල නොදීමත්, විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය හා ඔහුගේ නියෝජිත ආණ්ඩුකාරයා නිසාත් දැනට ඊළම ප්‍රමාදවී ඇණහිට තිබේ. 2013 දී විග්නේශ්වරන් උතුරේ මහඇමතිවී කලේ ජනතාවට සේවය නොව ඊළමට පාරකැපීමට විදේශීය උදව් ලබාගැනීමට හැම ගලක්ම ගැසීමය. රටේ අවාසනාව නම් හිසළක වීරයා වැනියවුන් දිවිගෙවා 2009 මැයි 18 දා නිදහස් කරදුන් රට දැන් 2020 වනවිට 1976 ට ආපසු ගොස් තිබීමය.

දකුණේ පැණි ඇඹලයින් පලාත් සභා චන්ද ඉල්ලීමත්, විග්නේශ්වරන්–සුමන්තිරන්–දයාන් ජයතිලක යන අය පලාත් සභා චන්ද ඉල්ලීමත් අතර වෙනස එයය. දයාන් ජයතිලක වැනි මාක්ස්වාදී–ක්‍රිස්තියානීන් යන්නේ, චන්ද්‍රිකා–රෝසි සේනානායක– රනිල්–මංගල සමරවීරලා යන සිංහල බෞද්‌ධ පදනම විනාශකල යුතුය යන පාරේය. නොපවත්‌වන්නට යන පලාත් සභා චන්දය සඳහා අයැදුම්පත් කැඳවමින් ඉන්නා (ලංකාදීප, සැප්. 14, 2020) සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස ඉන්නේද ඔවුන් පිටු පසින්‌ය.

මිලේනියම්–ශාරියා පාර

ඉඩම් හා පොලිස් බලතල දී 13 වන සංශොධන නීතිය බලගැන්‌වීමට සිතා කටයුතු කල ඇමෙරිකන් තානාපතිලා තිරයෙන් පිටු පසට ගොස්, මෝඩිගේ ඉන්‌දියාව ඉස්සරහට පැමිණ සිටී. දයාන් 13 ප්ලස් ගැන කතාකරද්දී, මිලින්ද මොරගොඩ 13 අහෝසි කලයුතු යයි කියයි. ඇමෙරිකාව 13 අතහැර ඇත්තේ මිලේනියම් ට්‍රෝජන් අශ්වයා නිසාය. ඒ මඟින් ඇමෙරිකාවට 13 යටතේ ඊළමක් හරහාට වඩා ලංකාවේ විශාල බලයක් ලබාගත හැකිවේ. එහි ජොකියා ලෙස මිලින්ද සිටී. අනිත් අතට දයාන් කියන්නේ මිලේනියම් හරහා රට බෙදීම වෙනුවට 13 ප්ලස් දුන්නොත් රට නොකැඩෙන බවය! මේ දෙන්නාම ජාතිභ්‍රෂ්ටයින්‌ය. මෝඩ එහෙත් ආත්මාර්‍ථකාමි දකුණේ පලාත් සභා හෙංචයියලාට මේවා නොතේරේ. ඔවුන් සිතන්නේ රටගැන නොව තම පවුල්වල බඩගෝස්තරය ගැන පමණය.

ශාරියා–ඉක්වාන් පාර

ප්‍රභාකරන්ට උතුරු පලාත සින්නක්කරව දීමට ප්‍රේමදාස හා චන්ද්‍රිකා යන දෙන්නා දෙපාරකට කල යෝජනාව ප්‍රභාකරන් විසින් ප්‍රතික්‍ෂේපකලේ රටේ හඳහන හොඳ නිසාමය. නැත්නම් අද වනවිට ලංකාවක් නැත. ඉන් පසුව, 1995-2000 චන්ද්‍රිකාගේ පැකේජ් ඩීල් සමයේදී, 13-ඒ ඉදිරියට ගෙන යමින් රට කෑලි 10 කට කඩන්නට ප්ලෑන් කලේය. එහිදී ගිණිකොණදිග ප්‍රදේශයක් මුස්ලිම් ජනයාට දීමට ඇය එකඟවිය. ඊට අදාල සිතියම පවා රටෙන් හංඟන ලද්දේ, දැන් රටෙන් පලාගොස් සිටින, පසුව 19 සංශොධන කේවට්ටයෙක්‌වූ ජයම්පති වික්‍රමරත්න ප්‍රධාන කල්ලියය. දැන් 2020 සැප්තැම්බර් වලදී පාස්කු ප්‍රහාර කොමිෂමේදී රාවුෆ් හකීම් කියා සිටියේ මේ මුස්ලිම් ප්‍රදේශය අවශ්‍ය බවය. සිංහල පලාත් සභා පෙරේතයින් මේවා නොදන්නවාද?

මිලේනියම් පාරේ යනවා නම් මේ මුස්ලිම් ප්‍රදේශය සුවර්‌ය. එය චන්ද්‍රිකාගේ ගිණිකොණට, ඔළුවිල් ප්‍රකාශයට, වඩා විශාල වන්නේය. එහෙත් එය චන්ද්‍රිකා–නීලන්–GL පැකේජ් ඩීල් දෙමළ ප්‍රදේශය සමඟ හරහට ඉන්නේ ඇමෙරිකන් ඉන්දු–පැසිපික් හමුදාව, මඩකලපු මුස්ලිම් ප්‍රදේශයේ පාසැල් බලකොටු හදමින් කරගෙන යන ප්ලෑන නිසාය. දැනටමත් දෙකක්ම හදා ඇත. කලින් එක වි‌වෘත කලේ පාස්කු ප්‍රහාරයට දිනකට දෙකකට කළින්‌ හිස්බුල්ලා සමඟය. හරියට ඊළඟ සුනාමියට සූදානම් වනවා මෙන් පසැලේ අනාථයින් 400 කට ලැගුම් දිය හැකිය. දෙවන පාසැල, ලඟදී ආණ්ඩුකාර අනුරාධා යහම්පත්ද සහභාගීවී විවෘත විය. එහි තව 400 කට ඉඩ ඇත. තව බලකොටු කීයක් මුස්ලිම් (හා දෙමළ?) අධ්‍යාපනයේ නාමයෙන් විවෘතවේවිද? (අධ්‍යාපන විෂය 13-ඒ වලින් ඉවත්කල යුතුබව ජනාධිපති ගෝඨාභය කියා තිබීම වැදගත්‌ය; සෞඛ්‍යය විෂය එසේ 13-ඒ යටතේ පලාතට දීමේ අනතුර කොරෝනාවේදී යුද හමුදාව මැදිහත්‌වීම නිසා යටපත්‌විය).

මේවා යම් ඉදිරියේ දිනක, මිලේනියම්, ඇස්කා, සෝෆා ගිවිසුම් යටතේ ඇමෙරිකන් යුදභටයින්ටද ඕනෑ වෙන්නත් පුළුවන්නේද? <නිකං කෑම වේලක් කියා දෙයක් නැත> යන්න ඇමෙරිකන් ඩී.එන්.ඒ. වල පලපදියම්ව ඇති වානිජ වාක්‍යයකි. පලාත් සභාවලට ඉඩම් බලතල ලබා නොදීත් මෙසේ නම්, ඉඩම් හා පොලිස් බලතල දුන්නොත් කෙසේ සිටීවිද? ඇත්තවශයෙන් කියනවා නම් නීතියට අනුව විග්නේශ්වරන්ලාට මේ බලය ලැබී තිබුණේය. එය වැළකුණේ ආණ්ඩුකාරයාට ඇති නිෂේධ බලය නිසාය. දැනටමත්, 16 වන සංශොධනය අනුව, උතුරු නගෙනහිර සිංහල ජනයාට, ග්‍රාම සේවකයාගේ සිට ඉහලට ආණ්ඩුවේ නිලධාරීන් හා උසාවි සමඟ ගණුදෙණු කල හැකි දෙමළෙන් පමණක් බව දකුණේ පලාත් සභා හත නමැති ඉල්ලමට පණින්නට බලා ඉන්නා පක්‍ෂ හෙංචයියලා දන්නවාද?

20 වන සංශොධන කෙටුම්පත

19 සංශොධනයේ ආරම්භය චන්ද්‍රිකාගේ පැකේජ් ඩීල් 1997 ඔක්තෝබර් ව්‍යවස්ථා කෙටුම්පතය. ඉන් පසු ගෙනා 2000 අගෝස්තු අවසාන කෙටුම්පත මඟින් චන්ද්‍රිකා විධායක අගමැතිවීමට ප්ලෑන්කරණ බව දැනගත් රනිල් ඊට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී ගිනි තැබ්බවූවේය. එසේ කර තමාට එය ගන්නට සිතා 2002 දී රනිල් ගෙනා විධායක අගමැති ප්ලෑන සුප්‍රිම් උසාවියෙන් බකල් වුනේ ජනමත විචාරණයකට යායුතුයයි තීරණයක් දුන් නිසාය. 2001 ඔක්තෝබර් 03 ගෙනා 17 වන සශොධනය මඟින් විධායක ජනාධිපතිගේ බලය අඩුකිරීමට රනිල්ලා ක්‍රියා කලේ ඉන් උතුරේ පලාත් සභාවට ඔක්‍ෂිජන් දීමටදය. ඇමෙරිකන් ඩොලර් තිබුණත් 2005 දී නූලෙන් පැරදුන රනිල්, 2010 දී රොබට් බ්ලේක්ගේ ලණුවක් කෑ සරත් ෆොන්සේකාව අල්ලා ගත්තේය. 2010 දී ඇමෙරිකන් තානාපතිනියගේ අටපිරිකරට රැවටුන මාදුළුවාවේ සෝභිත හිමියන් හරහා මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේනව රැවටීමට චන්ද්‍රිකා හා රනිල් සමත්‌විය. ඔහු පඹයෙකු සේ යොදාගෙන ගෙනා 19-ඒ, 13-ඒ බලගැන්‌වීම සඳහා අවශ්‍ය විධායකය දුර්‌වල කිරීම හා මධ්‍යම රජය අස්ථාවර කිරීම යන කූඨ සැලැස්මක් බව දැන සිටියේ, ලාල් විජේනායක, ජයම්පති වික්‍රමරත්න, චන්ද්‍රිකා, රනිල්, මංගල හා ඒබ්‍රහම් සුමන්තිරන් පමණක්ද? එහෙත් <මුන් 225> අතරින් මේ ගැටයට අසු නොවූයේ අම්පාර මන්ත්‍රී සරත් වීරසේකර පමණය. මේ අනුව 16, 17 හා 19 සංශොධන, 13 සංශොධනය හා බැඳී ඇත.

13-ඒ රජ කරවීමට, 2018 සිට සුමන්තිරන්–ජයම්පති දෙන්නා ඉස්සරහට දමා රනිල්–චන්ද්‍රිකා හවුල්‌වී කල ඔරුමිත්තනාඩු ව්‍යවස්ථා මගඩියට ඔක්‍ෂිජන් ආවේ 19-ඒ හරහාය. පාස්කු ප්‍රහාරයට ඔක්‍ෂිජන් දුන්නේද එයමය. තමන්ගේ 2000 පැකේජ් ඩීල් එක දැන් 2018 දී ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙනවා යයි චන්ද්‍රිකා කටමැත දෙඩවූවාය. මේ කුමන්ත්‍රණ ගැන දැන් එලිවන්නේ 20-ඒ ගෙනාවිට, 19-ඒ ගර්‌භනිය වෙනුවට, දයාන් ජයතිලක වැනි 13-ඒ කරේදාගත් වින්නඹුවන්ට විලිරුදා ඒමෙනි! ඔහුට දැනට ඉතිරිව ඇති, කලම්බු ටෙලිග්‍රාෆ් වෙබ් අඩවියේ දිනපතාම වාගේ මාරාශ වූවෙක් මෙන් ඔහු විකාර කතා ලියන්නේ ජෙහාන් පෙරේරලා, පාකියසෝතිලා, කුමාර් ඩේවිඩ්ලාවද යටකරමින්‌ය.

13-ඒ මර උඟුලට සුදුහුණු ගෑම

13-ඒ මර උඟුලක් වන්නේ එය රටේ ඉතිහාසයට හා භූගෝල විද්‍යාවට, පරිසර විද්‍යාවට පටහැනි නිසාය. එහෙත් ඒ බව අමතක කර, ඊට සුදු හුණු ගෑමට අරුම පුදුම බේගල් ඉදිරිපත් කරමින් පවතී. ඒ පිළිඹදව මීට පෙර කල විග්‍රහ රාශියකි. ඒ නිසා මේ ලිපියේ ඉතිරි ඉඩ යොදාගන්නේ, 20-ඒ නිසා මතුව ඇති 13-ඒ කලබගෑණියට අදාලව ලඟදී පලවූ ලිපි දෙකක හෙළුව එලි කිරීමටය. එකක් ජයවර්‍ධනපුර සරසවියේ දේශපාලන විද්‍යාව උගන්වන ටෙරන්ස් පුරසිංහ සමඟ කල සාකච්චාවකි (ලංකාදීප, සැප් 10). අනික දයාන්ගේ කලම්බු ටෙලිග්‍රාෆ් ලිපිය ය (සැප්. 14). මේ දෙන්නාම හදන්නේ 13-ඒ නමැති දරුවාගේ පියා ඉන්‌දියාව නොවන බව පෙන්‌වා දීමටය! පියා ඉන්නේ ලංකාවේය යන්න ඉන්‌දියාවේ නිදහසට කරුණුය. උදාහරණ වශයෙන්:

*1. මුලින්ම පෙඩරල් ඉල්ලුවේ දමිළ නායකයින් නොව උඩරට නායකයින් (මහනුවර මහජන සභාවේ නායක එෆ්. ඔබේසේකර) විසින් 1928 දී ඩොනමෝර් කොමිෂමෙන් යයි ටෙරන්ස් කියයි. ඔබේසේකර නුවර ලිපිනයක් තිබූ පහතරට වේයන්ගොඩ සිංහලයෙක් බව ටෙරන්ස් නොදනී!

1926 දී යාපනේදී එය යෝජනාකල බණ්ඩාරනායකද පහතරට සිංහලයෙකි. තවද, මේ උඩරට–පහතරට භේදය හෝ තරඟය, ඩී.එ‌ස් හා බණ්ඩාරනායක යන දෙන්නා උඩරට ගෑණුන් විවාහකර ගැනීමත් සමඟ නිමවූ බව ටෙරන්ස් නොදනී.

*2. ඒ කාලයේ දමිළ නායකයින් ඉල්ලුවේ පෙඩරල් නොව ඒකීය රාමුවක් තුල සමබර නියෝජනයක් යයි ඔහු කියයි. 1921/23 කාලයේ අරුණාචලම් පොන්නම්බලම් ඉල්ලුවේ කොළඹට දෙමළ නියෝජිතයෙක්‌ය.

*3. ඒ නිසා ඇතිවූ ගැටුමෙන් පසු ලංකා ජාතික සංගමයෙන් ඉවත්‌වූ ඔහු ටැමිලක්කම් සංවිධානය පිහිටුවා ගත්තේ (1923) සමබරකට නොව දෙමළ රාජ්‍යයක් සඳහාය (මේ කාලයේ දෙමළ බදුම්වාදයට උල්පන්දම් දුන්නේ ගවනර් මැනිංය). ඔහු ගෙන් පසුව සමබර කතාව” ඩොනමෝර් කො කොමිෂමට ගෙනාවේ ජී.ජී. පොන්නම්බලම් විසින්ය.

*4. 1949 දි චෙල්වනායගම් පෙඩරල් ඉල්ලුවේ සමබර (පනහට පනහ) නොදුන් නිසායයි ටෙරන්ස් කියයි. වෙල්වනායගම් කොසොවෝ ප්ලෑන ගැන කතාකලේ කවදාදැයි ඔහුගේ බෑණා ඒ. ජේ. විල්සන්ගේ පොතෙන් ටෙරන්ස්ට බලාගත හැකිය.

*5. 1949 පක්‍ෂයේ ඉංග්‍රීසි නම පෙඩරල් වුවත් දෙමළ නම එක්සත් දෙමළ රට කියාය.

*6. ඊළඟට ටෙරන්ස් සුදුහුණු ගාන්නේ පෙඩරල් චෙල්වා ඉල්ලුවේ උතුරු නැඟෙනහිරට පමණක් සීමාවූ අසමතුලිත බලය බෙදීමක් බව කීමෙනි. මෙය ඒ දෙපලාතට ප්‍රාදේශීය සභා දීමට යෝජනා කොට, ප්‍රසිද්‌ධියේ ඉරා දැමූ, 1957 බ–චෙ ගිවිසුමය. 1965 දී ඩඩ්ලි–චෙ හොර ගිවිසුම අනුව ඒවා රට සභා (දිස්ත්‍රික් සභා) ය.

*7. 1972 දී ඒකීය ආණ්ඩු ක්‍රමය, පෙඩරල් තහනම් කල නිසා දෙමළ සමාජය වෙනම රටක් ඉල්ලන තැනට තල්ලු විී යයි ටෙරන්ස් කියයි.

*8. 13 න් වූයේ දෙමළ නායකයින් ඉල්ලූ අසමතුලිත වෙනුවට සමතුලිත (මුලු රටටම) බෙදීමක් නිසා, 13 න් ජාතික ප්‍රශ්ණය විසඳුනේත් නැත, රට බෙදුනේත් නැත යයි ටෙරන්ස් කියයි.

*9. එහත් 13 න් යම් ස්වයංපාලන අයිතියක් දෙමළ ජනයාට ලැබී ඇත යන ඔහුගේ කියමන 13-ඒ යනු මර උගුලක් බව ස්ඵුට කරයි. යකඩ මත ඇසිඩ් මෙන් එය සිංහල රට කා දමණු ඇත. චන්ද්‍රිකාගේ පැකේජ් ඩීල් (1995-2000), රනිල්ගේ–සුමන්තිරන් ඔරුමිත්තනාඩු ඩීල් (2018-19) ගැන ටෙරන්ස් නිහඬය.

*A. ඉන්දියාවේ සබ්මැරින්, ඇමෙරිකාවේ යුද නැව් ගැන කියමින් කලින් කලට සිංහලයා බිය ගන්වන දයාන් ඉදිරිපත් කරන තර්‌කය නම් 1987 දී ගෙනා 13-ඒ සංශොධන යෝජනාව, 1986 දී–ජේ.ආර්–විජය කුමාරතුංග–කොල්වින්–පීටර් කේනමන්– යන අය විසින් ස‌ර්‍ව පාක්‍ෂික සමුළුවේදී ගෙනා යෝජනාම බවය. මීට ශාක්‍ෂිකාරයින් ලෙස, ඩිව් ගුණසේකර හා වාසුදේවගේ නම් ඔහු සඳහන් කරයි. මේ යෝජනා දෙකේ එකම වෙනස යයි ඔහු දකින්නේ 13 න් උතුර හා නැඟෙනහිර තාවකාලිකව එකතු කිරීමය.

රටේ ජනතාව, පලාත් සභා මිණී වලෙන් ගොඩ ගැනීමට, මේ ශාක්‍ෂි දෙක පිළිගනීවිද?

https://www.lankaweb.com/news/items/2020/03/09/attempts-to-exhume-the-provincial-council-cadaver/.