Sri Lanka is one of the top gem bearing countries in the world. It has the highest density of gems in the world and is known the world over as a destination for over 75 varieties of precious and semi-precious gemstones.
Sri Lanka is best known for the following gemstones: Agate, ,Amethyst, Aquamarine, Citrine, Cymophane(Cats eye), Garnet, Moonstone, Rose Quartz, Ruby, Sapphire, Spinel, Topaz, Tourmaline and Zircon. Sri Lanka, is specially known for blue sapphire, yellow sapphire, ruby, Alexandrite , Cat’s-eye and Garnet, experts added. The Sri Lankan origin of the gemstone is determined by certain characteristics, they said.
It has been estimated that nearly 25% of the total land area of Sri Lanka is potentially gem-bearing, making Sri Lanka one of the countries with the highest density of gem deposits compared to its landmass. Nearly all these gem formations are located in within the Highland and to a lesser extent Southwest complex, with a few in the Eastern Vijayan Complex. About 30 years ago people in Passara and beyond realized, quite by accident, that they were living on rich gem land, said Milroy Ratwatte in 2004.
Gem deposits can exist within a couple of feet from the surface of the ground but some are only to be found at depths of 70-80 feet. A unique feature in Sri Lanka is that a variety of different gems may be found within the same pit. Gem deposits vary widely in the gems they contain. Most deposits mainly contain chrysoberyl, garnet, ruby, sapphire, spinel, topaz, tourmaline and zircon . The gemstones found in the deposits have different origins. Residual deposits are mainly found in the flood plains of rivers and streams.
Gem stones are found primarily in Ratnapura and Elahera. The Ratnapura and Elahera gem fields are extensively mined. Ratnapura contains the most gem deposits. Gemstone rich Ratnapura region is a delta of sorts, with sapphire rich gravel buried 7-30 meters below the soil, in old river beds, observed an expert. The top layers of soil, which do not contain sapphire, are rich in other gems such as black tourmaline, quartz, zircon, and spinel.
Ratnapura, city of gems” is still the heart of the industry, though new pits are being explored in other parts of the island, experts said. Yellow and blue sapphires from Ratnapura mines are the most sought after in the world. The sapphires of these mines have been used in some of the most premium jewellery grade pieces in the world.
Sri Lanka’s Elahera gem fields are located near the Wasgomuwa Nature Reserve. Because the soil in Elahera is relatively dry gem mining is less complicated than in wet zones like Ratnapura. The Elahera gem field is now second only to Ratnapura in the production of gemstones. Elahera is considered an excellent source for large gem-quality corundums. Crystals weighing as much as 200 carat have been found .
Gunawardene and Rupasinghe (1986) said that while total exports of loose gems from Sri Lanka had dropped significantly from their 1980 peak of more than $40 million annually, they appear to have stabilized at between $15 million and $20 million in mid 1980s. Although specific production figures are as elusive for Elahera as they are for most others, they estimated, in 1986, that Elahera contributed 35% of these exports, or approximately 15,000kg of sapphires and 8,500 kg of other stones.
There are other gem mines in Sri Lanka which are not so well known. Sri Lanka also has the Bibile sapphire mines, which yield blue sapphires, Pelmadulla sapphire mines, Meetiyagoda moonstone mines and the mines at Morawaka in Matara district.
Pelmadulla mines are the traditional hand-dug pit mines found under paddy fields as well as mechanized small-scale mining operations, said experts. Pelmadulla yielded many white and cornflower-blue sapphires. Ceylon-blue and Padparadscha sapphires were also found at Pelmadulla.
In 2005 The National Gem and Jewellery Authority found two large gem deposits covering more than six acres in Wellandura estate (Kahawatta) and Akarella estate (Opanayake). They contain aquamarine, topaz and quarts. A high quality blue sapphire deposit were found in the Kataragama klippe in the Thammannawa, Kataragama area in 2012.
RATNAPURA
Ratnapura mining region has produced an incredible variety of gemstones, many of them outstanding in comparison with stones from other countries said gemologist Peter Bancroft (1974). Sapphire occurs in all hues of blue, as well as yellow, violet, green, pink, and the remarkable pinkish-orange Padparadscha .
Ratnapura also had topaz in bright yellow with a reddish tinge, brownish yellow to cinnamon-colored Grossular, orange-yellow Spessartine, blood-red Pyrope and red to brownish red Almandine. The world’s finest Zircon in a broad spectrum including brown, yellow, orange, green, and colorless .
Green, yellow, and brown Tourmaline, and yellow, green, and brown chrysoberyl were also present in Ratnapura. A 5000-carat cat’s-eye” chrysoberyl, the size of a man’s fist, was found in a mine near Ratnapura in the 1970s. The unique white translucent variety of microcline with a blue sheen known as Moonstone and great quantities of Spinel in brown, green, blue, purple, violet, yellow, pink, and red were also found in Ratnapura. Ratnapura also yielded unusual and rare stones such as Sillimanite, Andalusite, Scapolite, Enstatite, Kornerupine, Diopside and Sinhalite, said Bancroft.
ELAHERA
Mahinda Gunawardene and Mahinda Rupasinghe (1986) studied the Elahera gem mines in the 1980s. They said that Elahera produced a wide variety of gem materials.
The gems produced at Elahera included blue, pink, yellow, violet, and Padparadscha sapphires, marvelous color ranges of spinel, rhodolite and hessonite garnets, chrysoberyls including alexandrite and other varieties, brown, green ,yellow, reddish brown and yellowish brown zircons, lovely green and cognac” tourmalines.
Gem-quality Kornerupine is quite abundant in Elahera. The most common colors range from brownish green to greenish brown. Elahera also has near-colorless to yellowish or greenish Sinhalites. Many rare stones such as Sillimanite and Taaffeite were also found, Gunawardene and Rupasinghe said.
Sapphires from the Elahera region are reputed to be the best in quality Elahera produces particularly fine blue sapphires. The majority are of good to excellent quality, with even coloration and transparency. The Elahera gem field also produces fine yellow, pink, and violet sapphires. Ruby is not common in Elahera, but the locality is noted for the particularly fine pink sapphires found there. Yellow stones vary in color from intense “golden yellow” to light or pale yellow. Violet sapphires from Elahera are often heat treated to remove the reddish hue and obtain a blue color. Occasionally, good-quality Padparadscha sapphires are found in Elahera, concluded Gunawardene and Rupasinghe.
In February 2012 high-quality blue sapphires were discovered in a in a road construction site at Thammannawa near Kataragama. The new deposit generated considerable excitement since the gems occurred as sharp-edged, well-formed crystals with a pure blue color and vitreous luster that is unprecedented in Sri Lankan sapphires. Their blue color is different from the violetish blue typically observed in sapphires from other parts of the country.
Several kilograms of rough were obtained. There were well-formed crystals large enough to facet fine blue sapphires weighing more than 20 ct. some crystals were larger than 200 g. Faceted blue sapphires of fine color and weighing more than 20 ct have been cut from these. Unlike other gem mines, the Thammannawa deposit had only corundum, mainly blue and a few yellow sapphires. Other deposits on the island contain several gem varieties.(Continued)
The SJB has proposed an amendment to the Constitution to abolish the Executive Presidential system without changing the current electoral system or repealing the 13th Amendment. The Bar Association proposal to abolish the Executive Presidential System is on similar lines.
The Need to Change the Electoral System.
The proportional representation system was introduced by the UNP to fulfil their political aspirations. Under the existing proportional representation system so introduced there is no space for honest and independent professionals and intellectuals to contest an election. Even though the popular demand is that all existing 225 members of Parliament should go home”, with expectation of electing honest men and women there is no way that an honest citizen can contest outside the existing party system at the next General Election. There is no internal democracy in any of these parties and only those who are supported by the corrupt leaders of these political parties could get nominations. The public have now unequivocally expressed the view that they have no faith in the existing party system. Therefore it is a sine qua non that we revert to the First Past the Post System” that existed prior to the promulgation of the present Constitution so that independent candidates not representing any political party could contest. At least 2/3rd of the Members of Parliament should be elected to represent electorates if we are to change the colour and culture of the legislature and ensure a cleaner Parliament.
Abolition of Executive Presidency
SJB and BASL proposes the abolition of the Executive Presidency, introducing a clause to the effect that the President should always act on the advice of the Prime Minister” (not the Cabinet). What difference would it make by replacing the President with a Prime Minister? Although it may be said that when executive power is vested with the Cabinet of Ministers the Prime Minister implement the collective will of the Cabinet. We know however that the reality is that when a powerful party leader is appointed Prime Minister he runs the show. The Ministers of the Cabinet will be beholden to the Prime Minister for appointing them and it would be unlikely, that any Minister would go against the Prime Minister’s decisions.
In the seventies, over 20,000 youth got killed and, the country was governed under emergency without any press freedom not under a Presidential system but under a Cabinet form of Government. Many a country, particularly in East Asia, recorded remarkable economic and social advancement under various forms of Presidential systems. Therefore, it is evident that the autocracy, mismanagement and corruption in Government stem not from the Presidential system, but due to the lack of an appropriate legal framework to curb corruption, and concentration of power in one power centre, without appropriate checks and balances. The abolition of the executive Presidency, in effect, is synonymous to concentrating all executive and legislative power in one power centre, namely the Parliament, which the NJC considers as inappropriate.
Besides, it is now obvious that, after the next General Election, it is likely that there would be a hung Parliament, with which, a future Prime Minister will be compelled to satisfy the political demands of his coalition partners and will not be acting in the national interest. This will be an ideal environment for extremist to flourish, and take control of the State as it has happened in the past. In this respect, it may be pertinent to underline that the Provincial Council System has given Provincial Councils powers with regard to 73 different subjects and functions of Government including Police and Land powers. If any of these provincial administrators act in a manner detrimental to national interest, it could not be possible to rectify any mischief with no Executive President and a hungParliament manipulated by extremists. Therefore, we are strongly of the view that the executive presidency should be retained.
A set of 13 proposals have been submitted by the BASL. We appreciate their initiative to bring the Opposition to the negotiation table to resolve the present crisis. We understand that at an emergency meeting of the Bar Council had been hurriedly called and these set of proposals, including the Proposal to abolish the Executive Presidency, had been adopted without adequate notice to the members. The proposals were issued under the signature of the President of the Bar Association Mr. Saliya Peries, President’s Counsel and former Chairman of the controversial office of missing persons established by the Yahapalana Government. Whether a county needs an Executive Presidential System or a Cabinet form of Government cannot be decided by the Bar Association. The general membership of the Bar Association had no opportunity of expressing their views on this question. Whilst we recognise that the Bar Association should be vigilant to safeguard the rights of the ordinary citizen it has no role to play in deciding disputed political issues in the country. We would not be surprised if the present management of the Bar Association would next agitate to convert Sri Lanka from a unitary form of Government to a federal form of Government, a project which the Yahapalana Government was carrying through so enthusiastically. The Bar Association should stop pursuing objectives of political parties their leaders sympathise with.
No Attempt to Seriously Address Corruption
The SJB through their proposed Constitutional Amendment has proposed the reintroduction of the provisions in the 19th amendment. We have not forgotten the mess it created. The National Procurement Commission created by the 19th Amendment had no teeth they has no power to stop a corrupt deal. Corrupt deals continued under the 19th Amendments. The Hambantota port was handed over for 99 years without competitive bidding The conduct of the Election Commission and the Bribery and Corruption Commission was equally repulsive. Although allegation after allegation is made against the Rajapakse administration not a single successful prosecution was done. The reason for its failure is because the 19th Amendment in fact created politically motivated commissions replacing Public Officers from the SLAS. Their sole objective was to satisfy the political needs of their masters and not to address corruption.
Therefore the National Joint Commission wish to reiterate the following;
The Presidential System of Government should not be changed. Any constitutional reform to abolish it, should be adopted only if
(a) The 13th Amendment is abolished and
(b) The First Past the Post System” introduced to enable a Member of Parliament to represent an electorate. However not more than 1/3 of the Members of Parliament can be accommodated under the proportional representation system to accommodate minority interest.
Police and Land powers should be removed from the Provincial Council List
Provincial Statutes should be subject to laws enacted by Parliament. Parliament should be able to repeal Provincial Statutes if they so wish.
Alienation of State land to foreigners, foreign states and foreign companies should be prohibited.
No Government contract or agreement relating to strategic enterprises and land should be permitted without approval of the Supreme Court and the Parliament. However, when such contracts or agreements on strategic assets or lands being considered would have effective duration beyond the unexpired legitimate tenure of an incumbent Government, such contracts or agreements should also obtain 2/3rd majority of the Parliament, in addition to the approval of the Supreme Court, where the latter may even instruct to refer the matter for a referendum, if the said deal/contract/agreement could possibly have national (economic or political) sovereignty implications.
All Government procurement contracts which fall within the categories, referred to under (v), should be based on competitive bidding, but with a transparent margin of local preference given for Sri Lankan bidders, stipulated to encouragee domestic industrialization and national economic value added.
22nd Amendment of 11 Parties
We also observe that the 22nd amendment proposed by the Group of 11 parties (submitted on their behalf by Mr. Wijedasa Rajapaksha) fortifying the 13th Amendment and to ensure that the Provincial Police Commissions introduced by the 13th Amendment is untouched. The PHU, JNP and Yuthukama Sansadaya was against the 13th Amendment. It is unfortunate that they have forgotten these principles in such a short period.
Therefore, we urge the proponents of the 21st and 22nd Amendments to reconsider these proposals without taking this country towards further ruination.
In an address to the Nation yesterday the President said that he will take necessary action to abolish the executive presidency. However as for the present Constitution he does not have the mandate to do so.
ByDanielle-Kate Wroe Steven SmithNetwork Content Editor Courtesy Cornwalllive
TUI has cancelled holidays to the destination until May 31
Holidays to Sri Lanka are being cancelled as the British government advises people not to travel there. TUI has cancelled all trips until May 31.
The Foreign Office has advised against all but essential travel to the country amid unrest there. Protests have been taking place across Sri Lanka against the backdrop of a growing economic crisis.
There have been shortages of fuel, medicines and food and electricity is being rationed, leading to power cuts. Protests began at the end of March and a state of emergency and curfew was declared earlier this month.
Violence against those peacefully protesting in recent days has prompted the Foreign Office to update its travel advice to warn UK travellers not to travel unless they have an essential reason, reports the MEN.
TUI has released a statement regarding the decision to stop all flights to Sri Lanka. It said: Due to the ongoing political and economic instability in Sri Lanka, the Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO) have advised against all but essential travel.
As a result, we’ve unfortunately had to cancel all holidays to Sri Lanka departing up to and including May 31, 2022. We will be proactively contacting all impacted customers in departure date order to discuss their options.
“Please note this advice does not apply to customers transiting through Sri Lanka’s international airport and customers currently in resort can continue to enjoy their holiday as planned. We will continue to monitor the situation and update customers should there be any further updates. We would like to thank our customers for their understanding at this time.”
The Foreign Office warns that “several incidents took place on May 9 involving violence against peaceful protesters” including areas in Colombo and Kandy, and that “further incidents could take place”.
If you have a holiday or trip booked to Sri Lanka, you’ll need to get in touch with your tour operator and airline directly.
When the Foreign Office advises against all but essential travel, travel firms such as TUI will usually cancel any trips they are operating and offer customers options such as rebooking to a later date, or receiving a full refund. They may also offer you an alternative holiday for the same dates you were due to travel on, which you can also choose if you wish.
The Indian Ocean Island nation faces its worst economic crisis since independence in 1948.
Sri Lanka’s newly appointed prime minister, Ranil Wickremesinghe, announced Monday that the country has run out of petrol stock.
Reuters reports that Mr Wickremesinghe disclosed this in an address to the nation amid uncertainties over fuel and medicine shortages.
At the moment, we only have petrol stocks for a single day. The next couple of months will be the most difficult ones of our lives,” Mr Wickremesinghe said.
We must prepare ourselves to make some sacrifices and face the challenges of this period.”
The country needed to secure an urgent $75million in foreign exchange to pay for essential imports, he said, warning that fuel and electricity tariffs will be raised substantially and his government will also sell off its loss-making national carrier to reduce losses.
He urged Sri Lanka citizens to patiently bear the next couple of months” and vowed he would overcome the crisis.
Two shipments of petrol and two of diesel using an Indian credit line could provide relief in the next few days, he said, but the country is also facing a shortage of 14 essential medicines.
Sri Lanka, an Indian Ocean island nation, faces its worst economic crisis since independence in 1948.
The country said it has been hit hard by the COVID pandemic, rising oil prices and populist tax cuts by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his elder brother, former prime minister Mahinda Rajapaksa.
Since March, protests have been going on in the island nation between pro-government supporters and those calling for an immediate change in authority.
On Thursday, Mr Wickremesinghe assumed office after his predecessor, Mahinda Rajapaksa, was forced out in the wake of protests over the government’s handling of the economic crisis.
Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, on Monday said the next couple of months will be the most difficult ones in the lives of all citizens and the country must prepare to make some sacrifices and face the challenges of this period.
In a special statement, Wickremesinghe said he had no desire to hide the truth and to lie to the public. Although these facts are unpleasant and terrifying, this is the true situation. For a short period, our future will be even more difficult than the tough times that we have passed. We will face considerable challenges and adversity. However, this period will not be long. In the coming months, our foreign allies will assist us. They have already pledged their support. Therefore, we will have to patiently bear the next couple of months. However, we can overcome this situation. Doing so will require taking a new path, Wickremesinghe said.
Full speech –
Last Thursday, I accepted office as the Prime Minister. I did not request this position. In face of the
challenging situation facing the country, the President invited me to take up this position. I assumed this duty not only as a political leader, but also as national leader who has benefited from free education at the Faculty of Law of the University of Colombo.
At present, the Sri Lankan economy is extremely precarious. Although the former government’s budget projected a revenue of SLR 2.3 trillion, SLR 1.6 trillion is the realistic projection of this year’s revenue.
The estimated government expenditure for this year is SLR 3.3 trillion. However, due to the increase in interest rates and additional expenditure of the former government, the total government expenditure is SLR 4 trillion. The budget deficit for the year is SLR 2.4 trillion. This amount equals 13% of the GDP.
The approved debt ceiling is SLR 3200 billion. By the second week of May, we had spent 1950 billion. Therefore, the remainder is SLR 1250 billion. Yesterday, a cabinet decision was made to present a proposal to parliament to increase the approved limit for issuing treasury bills from 3000 billion to 4000 billion.
In November 2019, our foreign exchange reserves were at USD 7.5 billion. However, today, it is a challenge for the treasury to find USD 1 million. The Ministry of finance is finding it difficult to raise USD 5 million required to import gas.
Amidst all these issues we are faced with several grave concerns. To ease the queues, we must obtain approximately USD 75 million within the next couple of days. At the moment, we only have petrol stocks for a single day. Due to the diesel shipment that arrived yesterday, the diesel lack of diesel will be resolved to some extent. Under the Indian credit line, two more diesel shipments are due to arrive on the 18th May and 1st June. In addition, two petrol shipments are expected on 18th and 29th May. For over 40 days 3 ships with crude oil and furnace oil have been anchored within the maritime zone of Sri Lanka. We are working to obtain dollars in the open market to pay for these shipments.
A quarter of electricity is generated through oil. Therefore, there is a possibility that the daily power outages will increase to 15 hours a day. However, we have already obtained money to avert this crisis. We must also immediately obtain USD 20 million to provide gas to consumers. The situation of kerosene and furnace oil is even more urgent. At present, the Central Bank, local state and private banks, and foreign banks functioning in Sri Lanka are all facing a dollar shortage. As you are already aware, we possess a very low amount of US dollars. Nevertheless, we succeeded in bringing in a diesel shipment yesterday despite these adverse circumstances with Indian assistance. Therefore, you can obtain that diesel from today onwards. We will also work towards making a payment for the gas shipment that arrived on Tuesday. Therefore, you will have some respite from the gas shortage.
Another grave concern is the lack of medicine. There is a severe shortage of a number of medicines including medicine required for heart disease as well as surgical equipment. Payments have not been made for four months to suppliers of medicine, medical equipment, and food for patients. The payment owed to them amounts to SLR 34 billion. In addition, payments have not been made for four months for medicine imported by the State Pharmaceuticals Corporation. As a result, pharmaceutical companies are taking steps to blacklist the SPC. Unfortunately, our Medical Supplies Division is unable to provide even two critical items of the 14 essential medicines that we currently need. These two are a medicine used in treating heart disease and the anti-rabies vaccine. The latter has no alternative treatment.
We have planned to present a new alternative budget to the development budget proposed for 2022. Intend to present it as a concessionary budget.
I further propose to privatise Sri Lankan Airlines which is incurring extensive losses. The loss for the year 2020-2021 alone amounts to SLR 45 billion. By 31st March 2021, the total loss was at 372 billion. Even if we privatise Sri Lankan Airlines, this is a loss that we must bear. You must be aware that this is a loss that must be borne even by the poor people of this country who have never stepped on an airplane.
In the short term we will have to face an even more difficult time period. There is a possibility that inflation will increase further.
At present, the government incurs a loss of SLR 84.38 per liter of 92 octane petrol, 71.19 per liter of 95 octane petrol, 131.55 per liter of diesel, 136.31 per liter of super diesel, and 294.50 per liter of kerosene oil. The Petroleum Corporation can no longer bear this loss. Similarly, although the Electricity Board charges SLR 17 per unit of electricity the cost of production is at around SLR 48 amounting to a loss of about SLR 30 per unit. This is also a serious problem.
Against my own wishes, I am compelled to permit printing money in order to pay state-sector employees and to pay for essential goods and services. However, we must remember that printing money leads to the depreciation of the rupee. Under the current circumstances, even the Petroleum Corporation and the Electricity Board are unable to obtain rupees.
The next couple of months will be the most difficult ones of our lives. We must prepare ourselves to make some sacrifices and face the challenges of this period.
I have no desire to hide the truth and to lie to the public. Although these facts are unpleasant and terrifying, this is the true situation. For a short period, our future will be even more difficult than the
tough times that we have passed. We will face considerable challenges and adversity. However, this period will not be long. In the coming months, our foreign allies will assist us. They have already pledged their support. Therefore, we will have to patiently bear the next couple of months. However, we can overcome this situation. Doing so will require taking a new path.
I thank the opposition leader and the leaders of the political parties who replied to the letters that I sent them informing them of the current situation.
We must immediately establish a national assembly or political body with the participation of all political parties to find solutions for the present crisis. This will enable us to discuss with all parties and to arrive at decisions for short-, medium-, and long-term action plans that will enable us to rebuild our nation within a specified time frame.
We will build a nation without queues for kerosene, gas, and fuel; a nation free of power outages, a nation with plentiful resources where agriculture can freely flourish; a nation where the future of the youth is secure; a nation where people’s labour need not be wasted in queues and in struggles; a nation where everyone can lead their lives freely with three square meals a day.
I am undertaking a dangerous challenge. In the Caucasian Chalk Circle, Grusha crossed the broken rope bridge carrying a child that was not her own. This is an even more difficult undertaking. The precipice is deep and its bottom cannot be seen. The bridge is made of thin glass and there is no handrail. I am wearing shoes with sharp nails that cannot be removed. My task is to safely take the child to the other side. I am accepting this challenge for our nation. My goal and dedication is not to save an individual, a family, or a party. My objective is to save all the people of this country and the future of our younger generation. I will undertake this task willingly risking my life if needed and will overcome the challenges facing us. I ask you to extend your support to me in this endeavour.
Some 230 people have been arrested over various charges including violation of curfew, attacking public, causing damages to public and private properties since May 9.
Police spokesman SSP Nihal Thalduwa said 68 out of them have been remanded.
He said among the arrested, 71 were from the Western Province, 43 from Southern Province, 17 from Central Province, 36 from North Western Province, 47 from North Central, 13 from Sabaragamuwa and two from Uva Province.
Meanwhile, Police today released pictures of several persons and seek public assistance to identify and arrest them for indulging in violent attacks on unarmed, peaceful protesters at Galle Face and Kollupitiya on May 9.
Police requested to alert the police by dialling the following telephone numbers: 071-8594901, 071-8594915 and 071-8592087. (DarshanaSanjeewaBalasuriya)
The buses that were provided to support the struggle by our association on May 9 were burnt as if they were destroyed during the height terrorist activities.
Therefore, the police should take action to arrest those involved the incidents, Lanka Private Bus Owners’ Association (LPBOA) Chairman Gemunu Wijeratne said.
He told media that some 45 private buses were completely gutted during the carnage.
“This was a willful attack launched by a section of the public. They have attacked and torched down private and Sri Lanka Transport Board (SLTB) buses involved in transporting passengers and the commuters in those buses too came under assault, he said.
Therefore, the Inspector General of Police (IGP) should swing into action to arrest those who involved. If not, there would be an uncertainty in conducting public transportation in the future, Wijerathne said.
Most of the parts from the destroyed buses were removed by looters in Maharagama, he said. He requested the IGP to provide security to the buses that were damaged during the unrest. (ChaturangaSamarawickrama)
Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has appointed a committee led by former Minister Ruwan Wijewardene to look into the security, health and other needs of “GotaGoGama” at Galle Face.
The committee includes officials from the Colombo Municipal Council, Urban Development Authority, Health Ministry, Police and Army.
Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s special statement addressing the nation commenced, a short while ago.
He stated that last Thursday, he had accepted the Premiership of Sri Lanka.
I did not ask for that position. In the face of the crisis situation in the country, the President invited me to accept this position,” he said.
At this moment, Sri Lanka’s economy is at a very dangerous position, the PM said.
He said that although the last Budget (2022) had forecasted government revenue of Rs. 2,300 billion for 2022, the actual revenue is now Rs. 1,600 billion.
He said government expenditure for the rest of the year is Rs. 3,300 billion, however due to several reasons and extra expenditure it has climbed to Rs. 4,000 billion.
The PM said that the budget deficit is Rs. 2,300 billion or 13% of the GDP.
He added that a decision was taken by the Cabinet of Ministers yesterday to table a proposal in parliament to increase the approved issuance limit of treasury bills from 3,000 billion to 4,000 billion.
He said Sri Lanka’s foreign exchange reserves were USD 7.5 billion in November 2019, however today the treasury is unable to find even one million US dollars.
He said the Ministry of finance is finding it difficult to raise USD 5 million required to import LP gas.
Wickremesinghe said that amidst all these issues the country is faced with several grave concerns. He said to ease the queues, they must obtain approximately USD 75 million within the next couple of days.
At the moment, we only have petrol stocks for a single day,” he said, adding that due to the diesel shipment that arrived yesterday, the shortage of diesel will be resolved to some extent.
He stated that under the Indian credit line, two more diesel shipments are due to arrive on the 18th May and 1st June. In addition, two petrol shipments are expected on 18th and 29th May.
The PM said that for over 40 days three ships with crude oil and furnace oil have been anchored within the maritime zone of Sri Lanka. We are working to obtain dollars in the open market to pay for these shipments, he said.
The prime minister said that currently a quarter of electricity is generated through oil and that therefore, there is a possibility that the daily power outages could increase to 15 hours a day.
However, we have already obtained money to avert this crisis. We must also immediately obtain USD 20 million to provide gas to consumers,” he said. The PM said the situation of kerosene and furnace oil is even more urgent.
He said at present, the Central Bank, local state and private banks, and foreign banks functioning in Sri Lanka are all facing a dollar shortage. As you are already aware, we possess a very low amount of US dollars.”
Nevertheless, he said that they succeeded in bringing in a diesel shipment yesterday despite these adverse circumstances with Indian assistance. Therefore, you can obtain that diesel from today onwards, he said.
He said they will also work towards making a payment for the gas shipment that arrived on Tuesday. Therefore, the public will have some respite from the gas shortage, he said.
Another grave concern is the lack of medicine, the prime minister said. There is a severe shortage of a number of medicines including medicine required for heart disease as well as surgical equipment, he conceded.
He said payments have not been made for four months to suppliers of medicine, medical equipment, and food for patients while the payment owed to them amounts to SLR 34 billion.
In addition, payments have not been made for four months for medicine imported by the State Pharmaceuticals Corporation. As a result, pharmaceutical companies are taking steps to blacklist the SPC, he said.
Unfortunately, our Medical Supplies Division is unable to provide even two critical items of the 14 essential medicines that we currently need. These two are a medicine used in treating heart disease and the anti-rabies vaccine. The latter has no alternative treatment.”
The PM said they have planned to present a new alternative budget to the development budget proposed for 2022. Intend to present it as a concessionary budget.
He further proposed to privatise Sri Lankan Airlines which is incurring extensive losses. The loss for the year 2020-2021 alone amounts to SLR 45 billion. By 31st March 2021, the total loss was at 372 billion.
Even if we privatise Sri Lankan Airlines, this is a loss that we must bear. You must be aware that this is a loss that must be borne even by the poor people of this country who have never stepped on an airplane.”
In the short term we will have to face an even more difficult time period.” There is a possibility that inflation will increase further, he warned.
Against my own wishes, I am compelled to permit printing money in order to pay state-sector employees and to pay for essential goods and services. However, we must remember that printing money leads to the depreciation of the rupee.”
Under the current circumstances, even the Petroleum Corporation and the Electricity Board are unable to obtain rupees, he revealed.
The next couple of months will be the most difficult ones of our lives. We must prepare ourselves to make some sacrifices and face the challenges of this period.”
I have no desire to hide the truth and to lie to the public. Although these facts are unpleasant and terrifying, this is the true situation. For a short period, our future will be even more difficult than the tough times that we have passed.”
We will face considerable challenges and adversity. However, this period will not be long. In the coming months, our foreign allies will assist us. They have already pledged their support. Therefore, we will have to patiently bear the next couple of months. However, we can overcome this situation. Doing so will require taking a new path.”
I thank the opposition leader and the leaders of the political parties who replied to the letters that I sent them informing them of the current situation.”
We must immediately establish a national assembly or political body with the participation of all political parties to find solutions for the present crisis. This will enable us to discuss with all parties and to arrive at decisions for short-, medium-, and long-term action plans that will enable us to rebuild our nation within a specified time frame.”
We will build a nation without queues for kerosene, gas, and fuel; a nation free of power outages, a nation with plentiful resources where agriculture can freely flourish; a nation where the future of the youth is secure; a nation where people’s labour need not be wasted in queues and in struggles; a nation where everyone can lead their lives freely with three square meals a day.”
I am undertaking a dangerous challenge. In the Caucasian Chalk Circle, Grusha crossed the broken rope bridge carrying a child that was not her own. This is an even more difficult undertaking. The precipice is deep and its bottom cannot be seen. The bridge is made of thin glass and there is no handrail. I am wearing shoes with sharp nails that cannot be removed. My task is to safely take the child to the other side. I am accepting this challenge for our nation. My goal and dedication is not to save an individual, a family, or a party. My objective is to save all the people of this country and the future of our younger generation. I will undertake this task willingly risking my life if needed and will overcome the challenges facing us. I ask you to extend your support to me in this endeavour.”
I will fulfill my duty towards our nation. That is my promise to you,” he said in conclusion.
The parliamentary group of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) has unanimously decided to fully support all progressive steps taken by the new government and development activities through parliamentary processes, without accepting any posts.
The party said in a statement that the decision was taken at a meeting of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya’s parliamentary group today (16).
As a responsible political party, the Samagi Jana Balawegaya believes that at this moment it is essential to rescue the country from the crisis situation it is currently facing.”
Accordingly, the parliamentary group of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) has unanimously decided to fully support all progressive steps taken by the new government to uplift the economy, for the benefit of the country through a parliamentary process, without accepting any posts in the government.
However, the SJB said that the group had decided that it would unconditionally suspend their support for the ruling party if any action is taken to exploit the members representing the Samagi Jana Balawega and to involve the members in the ruling party outside the basic policy of the SJB.
During a discussion with the Prime Minister, the 10 political parties that quit the former government have assured that they would contribute to the new government’s efforts through the National Council and the Parliament Oversight Committees proposed to be set up.
Pivithuru Hela Urumaya (PHU) leader MP Udaya Gammanpila stated this while speaking to reporters following a meeting between the representatives of the 10-party alliance and the Prime Minister held at the PM’s Office this morning (16).
Following the invitation of PM Wickremesinghe to form an all-party government, members of 10 independent political parties who left the SLPP government had decided to support it.
However, it is further reported that the 10 parties have refused to accept any ministerial portfolios in the new government.
The special discussion between Prime Minister Wickremesinghe and the leaders of the 10 parties had commenced at the Prime Minister’s Office this morning.
Meanwhile, political sources say that the other ministers of the new government will be sworn in today if a final agreement is reached.
Four ministers have already been sworn in and 14 more are expected to be sworn in.
This time the cabinet will be limited to 20 ministers, including the president and prime minister.
The Cabinet meeting is scheduled to be held this afternoon under the chairmanship of President Gotabhaya Rajapaksa.
This is the first cabinet meeting to be held after Ranil Wickremesinghe became the Prime Minister.
Meanwhile, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party had also engaged in another discussion with the Prime Minister this morning.
The Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) has decided to support the formation of an all-party government at the invitation of the Prime Minister.
It is reported that the chairman of the party Maithripala Sirisena has sent a letter to the Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe informing him about this.
However, a discussion was held between Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party this morning to reach a final agreement in this regard.
MPs Dayasiri Jayasekara, Shan Wijayalal De Silva, Ranjith Siyambalapitiya and Dushmantha Mithrapala had participated in this meeting.
Myanmar is one of the closest neighbors of Bangladesh. Which is also known as Burma. Before the Second World War, many people from Bangladesh used to travel to Burma in search of livelihood. Since then, the people of this country have developed an economic and social relationship with Burma. Apart from India, Bangladesh shares a border with Myanmar. The 271 km long Bangladesh-Myanmar border is very important for Bangladesh due to geographical reasons. Bangladesh can use Myanmar by land for communication in Southeast Asian countries including China. Road connectivity is possible through Myanmar. Maybe a new horizon of relationships and possibilities unfolds.
Myanmar can also use Bangladesh to reach South Asia specially Nepal, Bhutan, Mainland India. Bangladesh and Myanmar both share a common regional platform like ‘BIMSTEC’. On the other hand, Bangladesh is considered as a ‘Hub ‘between South Asia and South East Asia. It is true that Bangladesh is a South East Asian country geographically but South Asian country culturally, demographically and historically. This is an outstanding geo-strategic characteristic of Bangladesh. Therefore, without the involvement of Bangladesh, any connectivity amongst the states of ASEAN and SAARC is absolutely impossible.
Myanmar is a country rich in natural resources. There are huge amounts of natural resources like tin, zinc, copper, tungsten, coal, marble, limestone, natural gas, hydropower etc. The major resource of this country is mineral resources. Myanmar can be a major source of energy for Bangladesh to ensure its energy security. Food and grains are produced in large quantities in Myanmar. Myanmar can also be a big helper of Bangladesh in the field of food security.
Myanmar has a huge potential of rice cultivation. But lands of Myanmar are unutilized for decades due to lack of human resource. Myanmar needs labors. Rice production in Myanmar accounts for approximately 43% of total agricultural production in the country, making it the seventh largest producer of rice in the world. Out of 67.6 million hectares of land, 12.8 million are used for cultivation. In 2019 alone, Myanmar accounted for 13,300 million metric tons of milled rice production. Rice production in Myanmar is heavily dependent on human and animal power, both traditional methods of cultivation. Myanmar has lack of Manpower and technology in this regard. But Bangladesh has these two things. Bangladesh has surplus human resource. Myanmar can utilize the human resource of Bangladesh for the maximum gain.
But Bangladesh has never been able to take full advantage of this opportunity. This country of 135 tribes and different ethnic groups has been under military rule for many years. That may be one of the reasons why the relationship is not deep. If Bangladesh had good relations with Myanmar, its dependence on India could be reduced in many cases. If contacts were made in Southeast Asia and China through Myanmar, there would be immense potential for investment and trade.
Bangladesh and Myanmar are both on the way to be developed countries. Bangladesh is going to be a South Asian Economic Miracle. Bangladesh can play a significant role in Myanmar to some extent whole South East Asia. For this, Myanmar should increase its diplomatic relations with Bangladesh for the better mutual interest for whole South Asia and South East Asia. EU, China, India, Russia and North Korea are becoming allies in Myanmar’s oil, gas, mineral resources and military markets. Taking advantage of the US negligence, Myanmar’s military junta extended a helping hand to China to invest. So, China is now the biggest investor in this country. According to Earth-Rights International, a private group, more than 26 Chinese companies are investing in Myanmar’s oil, gas, mineral resources and allied sectors. China has already become its biggest ally in building and supplying arms to Myanmar. Myanmar has developed relations not only with China but also with India. India and China are building trade relations with Myanmar. The United States is also changing its approach to the Myanmar question. That is why America, a strong economic country, has started taking new initiatives to develop relations.
Recently, a 41-year dispute over the maritime border with Bangladesh-Myanmar has been settled by the International Court of Justice. As a result, the rights of Bangladesh have been established in an area of 1 lakh 11 thousand square kilometers. Myanmar’s waters have also been identified. As a result, this problem has been eliminated. The path of creating tension in the Bay of Bengal has been blocked.
Myanmar is rich in minerals, ores, oil, gas, precious stones and other natural resources. The country is a major supplier of natural wood to the world. While attracting foreign investment has been limited to the oil and gas sector, the country has recently shifted its focus to attracting production-based investment. The country is well ahead in power generation due to good investment in hydropower generation. The tourism industry is also a promising sector of the country. Myanmar’s economy has so far been limited to extracting natural resources, said Nobel laureate economist Professor Joseph Stiglis, who warned that the country would suffer a “curse of wealth” if it continued. Some resource-rich countries in Africa, including Nigeria, Sudan and Benin, have been plagued by corruption, internal strife and poverty. These countries could not adopt proper wealth management system. Economists have the opinions that if democracy is restored in Myanmar and corruption is reduced, it will not have to go to the level of countries that have failed in wealth management. Therefore, it can be assumed that Myanmar will become a country with rapid economic growth in a few years. The country’s biggest economic advantage is that they are members of the ten-nation ASEAN. ASEAN is one of the three most successful trade blocs in the world. The trade consists of Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, Philippines, Brunei, Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar. The alliance controls about 24 percent of total world trade and their share in world trade is growing every year. Their trade relations with China, Japan and South Korea are deepening due to the increase in trade. ASEAN countries account for more than 50 percent of total trade between themselves and the three countries. As a result, Bangladesh has the opportunity to benefit by strengthening ties with this trade alliance, that is, Myanmar. Bangladesh and Myanmar are among the seven member countries of the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC). Therefore, there is ample opportunity to increase trade and investment relations between the two countries through BIMSTEC.
There are many opportunities to enhance Bangladesh’s bilateral trade and investment relations with Myanmar. Through the import of gas and electricity, Bangladesh can get future energy security. The two countries can jointly explore for oil and gas in the Bay of Bengal. Bangladesh can also contribute to the development of Myanmar’s infrastructure.
The proposed construction of the Asian Highway, funded by the Asian Development Bank and other donor groups, could also increase land connectivity between the two countries. And there is ample opportunity to increase shipping. Besides, joint investment can be made in fertilizer, plastic, cement, furniture etc. Both countries will benefit if Myanmar produces raw materials and Bangladesh with skills, technical knowledge and labor. Because, Myanmar imports every product. Bangladesh can also export readymade garments.
Bangladesh produces medicines, electronics. Myanmar can import these from Bangladesh hugely. On the other hands, Myanmar is a source of agricultural products. Bangladesh can import these from Myanmar. During the moment of Bangladesh’s onion crisis with India in 2019, Myanmar provided onions to Bangladesh. Bangladesh understood the importance of bilateral trade with Myanmar at that time. On the other hands, Bangladesh is keen to provide assistance to Myanmar.
Covid-19 vaccine diplomacy, counter terrorism approach for the regional security are some sectors. Rohingya refugee problem has made distance between Bangladesh and Myanmar. Myanmar should solve this problem to serve its own and reginal interest. Myanmar should understand that it is the issue of the region. Whole South Asia and South East Asia may be volatile and unstable for this problem.
However, the two countries can also increase production in the agricultural sector through joint ventures. Apart from adopting joint investment projects, Bangladesh can increase imports of various agricultural products including pulses, spices, fish and rice. Thus, enhancing bilateral relations could contribute to the growth of trade and investment relations with ASEAN and BIMSTEC countries. This will create an opportunity to solve the Rohingya problem and stop militant activities. Therefore, Myanmar should take effective steps to strengthen bilateral relations. Pathik Hasan, Dhaka based NGO activist and Writer on contemporary international issues. He can be reached at pathikhasan1141@gmail.com
Colombo, May 15: Sri Lanka’s new Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremesinghe, has been subjected to jibes and invectives from political opponents, armchair pundits and the media, both mainstream and social. But political realties being what they are, the 73 year-old sixth time Prime Minister is more likely to survive in office than be hounded out of it.
In fact, he is expected to get majority support in parliament, though his party, United National Party (UNP), has only one MP (that is himself). When his support base is tested in parliament on May 17, he might romp home with a comfortable majority. Many political parties and groups have now come round to accepting him as PM if only to have a stable government to tackle the grave economic crisis. MPs, across the board, are now realizing that the major powers of the world, who are also the donors or potential donors, are watching their antics with increasing anxiety, and the flow of funds from abroad might stop if instability continues. ADVERTISEMENT
Be that as it may, Wickremesinghe’s real challenge is not so much within parliament, but outside parliament, on the economic front. The country’s forex reserves continue to be abysmally low – US$ 50 million according to the Central Bank Governor Nandala Weerasinghe. But US$ 70 million is immediately required to offload a consignment of fuel which has arrived. Indian aid, now notching up to US$ 3.5 billion, is keeping the economy from sinking, but in three months’ time, that flow will come to a halt. The promised Chinese aid of US$ 2.5 billion is yet to materialize due to some conditions placed by Beijing, according to Sunday Times. Reportedly Sri Lanka immediately needs US$ 1 to billion.
The expected IMF facility will take six months to be extended, according to the Governor of the Central Bank. But once the Staff Level Agreement with the IMF is signed, the World Bank and the ADB will extend help it is said. The World Bank has already given US$ 600 million.
Western countries have not even offered bilateral or multilateral help. As a Sri Lankan academic once out, the Americans come with a bagful of advice not money.” Japan is the only country from the Western camp which is likely to help because of its long-standing position as a leading donor. Even now, its loans to Sri Lanka are slightly more than China’s, accounting for 10.8% of the total Sri Lankan external debt of US$ 51 billion.
Wickremesinghe is keenly aware of the dire economic situation and has told the media that his first task will be to see that the public get their basic needs such as food and fuel. I will see that every Sri Lankan has three meals a day,” he said.
Towards this end, he has set up a small task force and held preliminary talks with the envoys of India, China, the US and Japan, which have resulted in promises of cooperation. The West and India have welcomed his appointment as Prime Minister as they view him as their friend. He is Right of Center in ideology and is pro-West, though not antagonistic China. He is a known advocate of integrating Sri Lanka’s economy with India, especially, the five South Indian States of Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Telangana, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh. He was keen on giving the contract to build and run the Easter Container Terminal in Colombo port to India, but President Maithripala Sirisena thwarted it.
Wickremesihghe’s relations with China were frosty in the initial stages of his last stint as Prime Minister. He called a halt to the Chinese-funded and executed Colombo Port City project, but after a year and a half, entered into a deal with the Chinese, re-naming the project as the Colombo Financial City and giving them a give piece of land there for their exclusive use. He gave the Hambantota port to China on a 99-year lease for US$ 1.1 billion, terms deemed very favorable to the Chinese.
However, China appears to be a bit wary about recent developments in Sri Lanka, mainly due to the active role being taken by India with the active cooperation of the Sri Lankan government. But India stepped in partly because the Chinese were prevaricating on helping Sri Lanka. Beijing wanted Colombo to go by its advice on how to tackle the economic problem. Beijing was overlooking the fact that what Sri Lanka was facing was an economic emergency needing an urgent infusion of loads of cash. India understood the Lankans’ plight better and responded with alacrity and generously, earning the gratitude of the powers-that-be in Colombo as well as the man-in-the-street.
Eventually, China may come up with an aid package if only to keep its place in Sri Lanka which in terms of investment is substantial (over US$ 5 billion). China is especially interested in checkmating India geo-politically in the island, including the Tamil-speaking Northern and Eastern provinces. The Chinese Ambassador Qi Zhenhong had had a much publicized visit to the North. He is now eying the East, where India has a strategic interest, especially in Trincomalee.
On the domestic political front, matters are now going Wickremesinghe’s way. He has already secured the full support of the biggest party in parliament, the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP). Rebels from the SLPP-led ruling alliance, who are sitting in parliament as Independents, have stated that they will support Wickremesinghe’s good policies and oppose the bad ones. The main opposition party, the Samage Jana Balawegaya (SJB) has come round to saying the same thing. The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and the Tamil Progressive Alliance (TPA) have also joined the chorus on giving selective and principled support to tide over the economic crisis. The Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), led by former President Maithripala Sirisenam has also said that it will support the government.
Only the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) with 3 MPs is adamant about opposing the government as it feels that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa should not have made Wickremesinghe Prime Minister when the latter’s party had been wiped out in the last elections and Wickremesinghe himself had entered parliament only as a nominated member.
Though political circles give many reasons for President’s decision to make Wickremesinghe Prime Minister, the most cited reason is that he has entered into a deal with Wickremesinghe to run the administration smoothly and successfully so that, at a suitable time, he will be given a safe exit from power and perhaps the country itself. It is said that the President had agreed to assist the repeal of the 20 th.Amendment of 2020 which had given him dictatorial powers and substitute it with the 21 st.Amendment which will be a new avatar of the 19 th.Amendment under which the President would only be a figurehead and not a functioning Executive President. Reportedly, Gotabaya Rajapaksa had also told Wickremesinghe to take all decisions and promised to sign on the dotted line.
With the political decks cleared or about to be cleared, Wickremesinghe will be able attend to the urgent task of ensuring a steady flow of foreign exchange. He would engage in intensive diplomacy with all major powers and international financial institutions to meet the basic needs of the much deprived and helpless people of Sri Lanka and also put the derailed Lankan economy back on the rails.
The new Sri Lankan PM, Ranil Wickremesinghe, on Saturday said that a committee has been appointed to look after the interests of the ‘Gota Go Home’ protesters who have been camping at Colombo’s Galle Face Green since April 9.
In an unusual move, Sri Lanka’s new Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has extended public support to the protesters, who have been camping at a popular beachfront here for over a month calling for President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s resignation for mishandling the country’s worst economic crisis.
The Prime Minister on Saturday said he had appointed a committee to look after the interests of the ‘Gota Go Home’ village protesters who have been camping at Colombo’s Galle Face Green since April 9.
Wickremesinghe, who was appointed by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa as Prime Minister after asking his elder brother Mahinda Rajapaksa to quit, said the young protesters in the village would be safeguarded and their views would be sought for the shaping of future policy.
In an interview with the BBC Sinhala Service, the Prime Minister said the ‘Gota Go Gama’ protest should be continued to bring a change in the political system in the country and let the country’s youth take the responsibility for leading.
Wickremesinghe, the 73-year-old United National Party (UNP) leader, was appointed as Sri Lanka’s 26th prime minister on Thursday as the country has been without a government since Monday when prime minister Mahinda Rajapaksa resigned after violence erupted following an attack on the anti-government protesters by his supporters.
The attack triggered widespread violence against Rajapaksa loyalists, leaving nine people dead and wounding over 200 others.
Rajapaksa’s Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna Party (SLPP) has extended their support to Wickremesinghe and almost all parties represented in the 225-member Parliament have said although they wouldn’t be a party to Wickremesinghe’s government, they would support him in his effort to pull Sri Lanka out of the current economic crisis.
Political sources said two more ministers are to be appointed to the interim Cabinet on Sunday. Rajapaksa appointed four of them on Saturday.
At least 78 parliamentarians, including the former prime minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, faced arson attacks on their private properties during the unrest on May 9.
At the government parliamentary group meeting held on Saturday, the attendance was low as parliamentarians still fear for their lives despite the imposition of a curfew.
Those present blamed the Inspector General of Police for what they alleged was “police inaction” to prevent arson attacks on the properties of government parliamentarians. Sri Lanka is going through the worst economic crisis since independence in 1948.
A crippling shortage of foreign reserves has led to long queues for fuel, cooking gas and other essentials, while power cuts and soaring food prices have heaped misery on people.
The economic crisis also triggered a political crisis in Sri Lanka and a demand for the resignation of the powerful Rajapaksas.
President Rajapaksa sacked his Cabinet and appointed a younger Cabinet as a response to the demand for his resignation. A continuous protest opposite his secretariat has now gone on for well over a month.
Wickremesinghe appoints committee to look after interests of ‘Gota Go Home’ leaders camping at Colombo’s Galle Face Green since April 9.
In an unusual move, Sri Lanka’s new Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has extended public support to the protesters, who have been camping at a popular beachfront here for over a month calling for President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s resignation for mishandling the country’s worst economic crisis.
Appointment of a new prime minister in Sri Lanka has failed to appease anti-government protesters demanding the resignation of the president for the country’s disastrous economic crisis.Advertisement
The Prime Minister on Saturday said he had appointed a committee to look after the interests of the ‘Gota Go Home’ village protesters who have been camping at Colombo’s Galle Face Green since April 9.
Wickremesinghe, who was appointed by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa as Prime Minister after asking his elder brother Mahinda Rajapaksa to quit, said the young protesters in the village would be safeguarded and their views would be sought for the shaping of future policy.
In an interview with the BBC Sinhala Service, the Prime Minister said the ‘Gota Go Gama’ protest should be continued to bring a change in the political system in the country and let the country’s youth take the responsibility to lead.
Wickremesinghe, the 73-year-old United National Party (UNP) leader, was appointed as Sri Lanka’s 26th prime minister on Thursday as the country was without a government since Monday when prime minister Mahinda Rajapaksa resigned after violence erupted following an attack on the anti-government protesters by his supporters.
Rajapaksa’s Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna Party (SLPP) has extended their support to Wickremesinghe and almost all parties represented in the 225-member Parliament have said although they wouldn’t be a party to Wickremesinghe’s government they would support him in his effort to pull Sri Lanka out of the current economic crisis.
Political sources said two more ministers are to be appointed to the interim Cabinet on Sunday. Rajapaksa appointed four of them on Saturday.
At least 78 parliamentarians, including the former prime minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, had faced arson attacks on their private properties during the unrest on May 9.
At the government parliamentary group meeting held on Saturday, the attendance was low as parliamentarians still fear for their lives despite the imposition of curfew.
Those present blamed the Inspector General of Police for what they alleged as “police inaction” to prevent arson attacks on the properties of government parliamentarians.
Sri Lanka is going through the worst economic crisis since independence in 1948.
A crippling shortage of foreign reserves has led to long queues for fuel, cooking gas and other essentials while power cuts and soaring food prices heaped misery on the people.
The economic crisis also triggered a political crisis in Sri Lanka and a demand for the resignation of the powerful Rajapaksas.
President Rajapaksa sacked his Cabinet and appointed a younger Cabinet as a response to the demand for his resignation. A continuous protest opposite his secretariat has now gone on for well over a month.
JVP General Secretary Tilva Silva yesterday (10) said that Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa shouldn’t have visited Galle Face during the SLPP goons attacks on protesters.
Silva was commenting on protesters attacking the SJP leader and his colleagues as they walked towards the crowds.
The JVP General Secretary said so addressing the media at the party headquarters in Pelawatte.
Everybody should be careful. People hate to see politicians travelling in luxury cars with security contingents. People detested the politicians’ attitude of trying to stay above them. The Opposition Leader went there in his luxury vehicles with his security guards and henchmen. So, he had to face the wrath of the people.
Go and see what happens on the roads. Angry people stop only luxury vehicles. They have a reasonable anger against them because they know that they have to live without food because the politicians and their officials travel in those petrol guzzlers.
The Opposition leader should know where he should go. On the other hand, the prevailing public anger is also against him,” Silva said.
Asked to comment on his party leaders visiting Galle Face and coming out without incidents, Silva said: Our party has been there right from the beginning. We have our youth, cultural, student and women wings at the Galle Face. Our leaders did not go there because we did not want to stamp our seal on a people’s struggle. We are part of that struggle. Yet, there was an incident when the SLPP set its goons on the struggle. So, our leaders had to rush there. Leaders have to do that. Our leaders did not go there with escorts of security and VIP vehicles. We went there and saw what happened and supported them in whatever possible manner and left that place. We did not go there to mark our presence. The Opposition Leader and others have been rejected by the people because they too are responsible for the crisis, and on the other hand their intentions are to score political points.”
SLFP Leader Maithripala Sirisena has written to Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe today saying the SLFP will support forming a new government with Wickremesinghe, senior sources said.
In the letter, Sirisena said party members had sought a meeting with Wickremesinghe and a time and date are now being worked out for the discussions.
So far the SLPP and SLFP have pledged support to Wickremesinghe with political sources saying discussions were also ongoing with the 11 party alliance members and opposition political groups. (Jamila Husain)
Four suspects have been arrested on charges of the murder of MP Amarakeerthi Athukorala and his security officer during the recent unrest earlier this week.
The arrests were made today (May 15).
Two of the accused have been handed over to the Criminal Investigation Department for further investigations.
The other two were produced before the Attanagalle Magistrate’s Court today.
Sri Lanka Police says it has arrested a total of 230 suspects in connection with curfew violations, looting, assaults, public and private property damages and other offences following the unrest that broke out on the 9th of May.
According to police spokesperson, 68 of the arrestees are currently in remand custody.
In a statement, SSP Nihal Thalduwa said 71 suspects were arrested in the Western Province, 43 in the Southern Province, 17 in the Central Province, 36 in the North-western Province, 47 in the North-central Province, 13 in Sabaragamuwa Province, one in Northern Province and two from Uva Province.
Since early 2020, the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government appeared to implement a plan with several components for the external sector. These components included securing of multi-lateral and bi-lateral loans, monetization of selected assets, obtaining Central Bank SWAPs, promoting Hambantota Industrial & Pharmaceutical Zones, Colombo Port City and other FDIs, and increasing non-debt inflows, remittances and exports. That plan did not contemplate an IMF programme. That official government stance was well known and in place until the President announced that he was seeking an IMF programme on 15th March 2022.
It will also be noted that those who were constantly urging the Government to seek an IMF programme, were claiming that Sri Lanka would then be able to access funding of about USD 3,000 million via an IMF programme and other borrowings.
In that background, it would be helpful to assess what was achieved by the Sri Lankan authorities in the last year through the alternative strategies, without an IMF programme.
The analysis of publicly available data shows that the Government secured forex cash loans of almost USD 1,300 million from the China Development Bank, while the CBSL obtained a SWAP of USD 1,550 million from the Peoples Bank of China.
The CBSL also secured bridging finance” of over USD 1,500 million from India through the postponement of the Asian Clearing Union (ACU) settlements and a further SWAP of USD 400 million from the Reserve Bank of India.
In addition, another SWAP from the Bangladesh Bank was obtained for USD 200 million.
All those inflows added up to USD 4,950 million.
In fact, it was by using these new funds, and the brought forward reserves of the CBSL that the 3 ISBs totalling USD 2,500 million in 2020, 2021 and 2022 plus other maturing debt had been
settled, while also providing significant liquidity support of nearly USD 2,000 million to the State Banks, and forex for urgent essential imports of around USD 1,500 million for food, fuel, gas, coal, medicines, etc.
In addition, the Government finalized a trade credit line of USD 1,000 million for oil imports and USD 1,000 million for other essential imports from India and these facilities have already been accessed from late March 2022 onwards.
Further, based on an appeal from the Sri Lankan President to the Chinese President in January 2022, China had also indicated that it was ready to arrange USD 1,000 million as a liquid finance facility and USD 1,500 million for import financing. In fact, that was officially referred to by China’s Ambassador in Sri Lanka on 17th March 2022 and Sri Lanka’s Ambassador in China on 12th April 2022. On the basis of the above assurances from China and India, further commitments of USD 4,500 million were also assured.
In addition, it has also been reported at intervals that negotiations with several other Middle Eastern Governments and Central Banks were also on-going and although by the end March 2022, those had not been successful, some of those engagements may still have potential for success in the future.
It may also be noted that the Government’s effort to raise USD 250 million from the partial divestment of West Coast Power, and a further USD 100 million from the partial divestment of the Eastern Terminal of the new Colombo Port, did not bear fruit due to political reasons, although that was also a part of the Government’s plan to raise non-debt inflows.
It may also be noted that the secondary market for Sri Lankan ISBs was trading at highly elevated levels throughout 2020 and 2021, and it is very unlikely that the Government would have been able to access funds from the international bond markets during that Covid-stricken period, even atexorbitantly high interest rates. Hence, obtaining funds at low single-digit interest rates from bi-lateral sources was the better option, if not the only option, from that point of view as well.
In any event, in the light of the materialised receipts of USD 4,950 million and credible commitments of USD 4,500 million, the decision taken by the Government to pursue its stated path could be justified, since the option of bilateral support and other declared strategies was a lot less controversial and risky than pursuing a tough IMF programme that could have been quite painful to the people (high taxes and interest rates, depreciated currency, sale of national assets, etc) and long-drawn out.
In fact, the situation would have been grave from about a year ago, if the aforementioned forex inflows had not been arranged by the authorities and the commitments not obtained, whilst only relying on a possible IMF programme, which could have been delayed or dragged on for whatever reason, even if the IMF had been approached an year earlier.
It must also not be forgotten that it was during the period 2015-2019, while following an IMF programme, that the then Government issued an additional net USD 10,000 million of ISBs which could be termed the origin of the current external debt problem.
As a direct consequence, the Government’s external debt shot up by 65% and forex debt servicing tripled, while the GDP was almost stagnant at around the USD 80 to 84 billion levels.
Sri Lanka’s external debt problem was further aggravated from 2020 onwards, by about USD 4.5 billion of the country’s annual forex inflows suddenly drying up due to the collapse in tourism, and about USD 1.5 billion reducing in 2021, due to the Hawala proliferation affecting Workers remittances.
In any event, it must be clearly understood that seeking a programme with the IMF is a decision to be taken by the Cabinet of Ministers, and not by officials. If the Cabinet had taken a policy decision one year or even two years ago to approach the IMF and informed the country of the Government’s intention to do so, the entire governmental machinery including the CBSL and MOF would have complied with that decision. In fact, that happened on 15th March 2022, when the President made the official announcement that the Government would seek an IMF programme.
Unfortunately, the true situation has been misinterpreted, which explains why the blame is being pinned on the former Governors of the Central Bank, former Secretary to the President, and former Secretary to the Treasury as being responsible” for Sri Lanka not embarking on an IMF programme. They seem to have forgotten that such a decision should have been taken by the Cabinet of Ministers, and not by officials.
In any event, even at this stage, it may be useful for those persons to familiarize themselves with case studies of past IMF programmes” in similar circumstances in other countries, as well as understand the repercussions of sovereign debt default”. They should probably do that before hailing a possible “IMF programme” and the sovereign debt default” as Sri Lanka’s new panacea for all ills.
It may still be possible that those steps which are today being hailed, may be the very cause of a very serious, irretrievable and unmanageable economic and social outcome that may haunt Sri Lanka for a long time to come.
Dr. Chula Rajapakse MNZM United Sri Lanka Association.
To:
Hon Nanaia Mahuta,
Minister of Foreign Affairs,
Ministry of Foreign Affairs .
NZ Parliament.
Dear Minister,
I am writing to say how pleased I was to read your tweet and that of NZ High Commissioner in Colombo, informing us of your decision to make the above donation to help Sri Lanka in it’s hour of need.
It makes me immensely proud, as a New Zealander of Sri Lankan origin, that despite being a small nation and economy, New Zealand has been the first cab off the rank, from among western nations, to come to Sri Lanka’s aid in it’s current crisis. You have also chosen a group in Sri Lanka that has been significantly affected currently, demonstrating not only your concern but also of your being well informed of SL’s current needs.
My mind goes back to the 2004 Asian Tsunami, when New Zealand, then under PM Helen Clark, was again a most prominent & generous donor that enabled our association to build 60 brand new homes of SL’s western coast to replace 60 destroyed by the tsunami.
I haven doubt with these thanks and reflections , I am also reflecting the thoughts of many thousands of Sri Lankan origin, who now call New Zealand, home.
Permit me also to record our appreciation of the efforts of the Sri Lankan born MP in the NZ parliament, Vanushi Walters, who I know, has been advocating very vigorously to help Sri Lanka. This outcome , which though the first hopefully will not be the last, will no doubt please her too.
The Muslim Council of Sri Lanka wishes our Buddhist brethren peace and contentment on the auspicious day of Buddha Jayanthi (Vesak) where millions around the world follow the teachings of the Buddha and commemorate the birth, attainment of enlightenment and the passing away of the Buddha.
Vesak”, on the Day of the Full Moon in the month of May, is the most sacred day to millions of Buddhists around the world. It was on the Day of Vesak two and a half millennia ago, in the year 623 B.C., that the Buddha was born. It was also on the Day of Vesak that the Buddha attained enlightenment, and it was on the Day of Vesak that the Buddha in his eightieth year passed away.
We pray for peace and prosperity for all Sri Lankans and to get over the difficult social and economic crises that our country is facing.
We call upon all Sri Lankans to support the recovery efforts and austerity measures of the Government that may be necessary in the immediate term, reduce consumption to the minimum and help those in need with food and other basic essentials in keeping with the traditions of Vesak and the spirit of giving taught by all faiths practiced in Sri Lanka.
Crises prompt proposals for management, recovery and future prosperity. Of the many we’ve seen, perhaps on account of public profile, the set of proposals submitted by the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) is one which calls for serious consideration. Indeed, the BASL proposals have been approved by multiple political groups/individuals including the President and the main party in the Opposition, the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB). What is offered here is a review. The BASL document is organised under three headings, background, objectives and proposals. Let us consider them in this order.
Background: Yes, the economic crisis is grave. The crisis however has little to do with the political architecture . The political unrest was spurred by the economic debacle which of course was exacerbated by horrendous policy decisions and brought to tipping point by the unleashing of goons by ruling party politicians in an exercise where the then Prime Minister is clearly culpable.
All this, however, has little to do with the alleged failures of the Executive Presidency as the BASL insists. The BASL believes that ‘meaningful parliamentary oversight’ would have done the trick. However, we’ve had presidential terms without such economic hardships even though there wasn’t any meaningful parliamentary oversight. On the other hand, there have been and there are countries without executive presidencies that have suffered and are suffering economic collapses. The ‘background’ as articulated by the BASL, appears more like a necessary preamble to shoot down the 20th Amendment which of course has its flaws.
The people are demanding a system change, the BASL claims.‘System change,’ though, was but a footnote in the agitational tract. The BASL speaks of constitutional amendments and institutional rearrangement. Good. Political stability. Yes. Calling for responsibility is fine too. Obtaining it is another matter. However, the BASL has sketched the situation decently enough.
Objectives: Let’s move to the five stated objectives: a) create political, economic and social stability in the country, b) create an environment to address the fundamental problems that have brought about the current crisis (and imperil future reforms), c) restructure external debt and enter into appropriate programmes with multilateral institutions including the IMF and for that purpose to appoint the financial and legal advisers and negotiate a debt standstill pending debt restructuring, d) obtain bridging finance [which] together with the savings arising from the debt standstill to be used to procure uninterrupted supply of essentials to the People until such time the debt restructuring, and the IMF program is in place, will eliminate the shortages in power, fuel, gas, medicines, food etc., and e) create an environment to combat corruption and to ensure accountability and strengthening independent institutions.
Of these, ‘a’, ‘b’ and ‘e’ are hard to object to. They are easily written as well. Everyone wants stability, everyone wants root causes addressed and everyone wants corruption ended, accountability ensured and independent institutions strengthened. The other two, ‘c’ and ‘d’ are the giveaways.
I can understand ‘economic recovery’ or ‘economic stability’ as an objective (which of course is already in ‘a’), but it is puzzling that the BASL thinks seeking IMF support is an objective. A suggested means to an end would have been defensible. More on the IMF (as per the specifics in the BASL proposals proper) later.
Proposals: The proposals are framed by a clearly stated ‘overarching requirement,’ viz a stable Government with the ability to implement reforms domestically and the ability / credibility to negotiate with the IMF, other multilateral agencies, and friendly countries to help Sri Lanka get out of the economic crisis.’
The first part is almost intuitive. We do need political stability and a government capable of implementing domestic reforms. The second part is about seeking outside support, again understandable. Why the IMF though? And why is it an ‘overarching requirement’? Cannot the BASL see beyond the IMF? Is the BASL aware of what that particular path to salvation has resulted in? Surely the post-1977 history of Sri Lanka has taught all of us that the IMF is a) part of the system that got us into this mess, and b) is a problem and cannot be part of the solution? Is neoliberalism, discredited and proven untenable on multiple counts, some kind of overarching touch-me-not for the BASL? It would be interesting to know a) if the BASL sought and obtained advice from economists, and b) if so, who these economics are (as it is said, ‘before studying economics, study the economists).
Let’s move to the proposals proper. The first is a useful and important caveat. The BASL demands adherence to constitutional provisions. More critically, the BASL insists that ‘transitional provisions’ recommended not be used as precedent. If any of these proposals are worked into policy at this time, such caveats should be included and emphasised.
Proposals 2-6 relate to constitutional reform. Proposals 7 and 8 are about an interim operational architecture (logically, these should have preceded constitutional matters, given the initial and cautionary note). Number 9 refers to the Presidential Commission of Inquiry appointed to Investigate Allegations of Political Victimisation during the Yahapalanaya years. This seems to be a cherry-picked issue (a first year law student could come up with several dozens of issues similar to this). Proposals 10-12 are nuts and bolts stuff pertaining to a Common Minimum Program (CMP) put together by the the proposed ‘Cabinet of National Unity (CNU)’, in consultation with the proposed ‘Advisory Council’ which would be appointed as per Proposal No 8. The last, i.e. No 13, sets timelines: the duration of the ‘Government of National Unity’ and when parliamentary elections are to be held. Let’s consider these sets of proposals.
Constitutional Reform (Proposals 2-6) via a 21st amendment: With respect to immediate amendments, it’s essentially a matter of repealing the 20th Amendment and restoring the 19th while retaining the current number of judges in the higher courts. Provisions regarding the Constitutional Council (CC) and Independent Commissions (ICs) are to be complemented by, the BASL proposes, enhanced financial independence, transparency and accountability.
The following needs to be stated, if only parenthetically:
[The passage of the 19th Amendment made a mockery of judicial review and set a very bad precedent which, interestingly, was not leveraged in the passage of the 20th Amendment. An article published in the Daily Mirror on the 21st of February, 2019 titled ‘Constitutional Council and the poverty of independence, intellect and integrity’ elaborates on this. Then there’s also the issue of dual-citizenship. The 19th effectively blocked dual-citizens and the 20th removed it. The former was politically motivated and the latter too. The fact remains that this country has been wrecked by citizens as well as dual citizens. Most importantly, those in whose hands the BASL, among others, wants to put the country and its future, the IMF, is not run by citizens or even dual-citizens but foreigners].
The BASL has ignored completely the fact that the composition of the CC completely reneges on the spirit of the 19th Amendment, i.e. clipping the wings of the President and inserting independent oversight. Seven out of the ten members were to be parliamentarians. The other three, nominated jointly by the Leader of the Opposition and Prime Minister were to be ‘persons of eminence and integrity who have distinguished themselves in public or professional life and are not members of any political party.’ The majority of ‘independents’ who sat on the CCs from the time the 19th was operationalised were ideologically/politically aligned with the then ruling coalition. In effect then, the CC of the 19th Amendment was no better than the Parliamentary Council of the 18th Amendment (which of course was an even worse piece of legislation for other reasons).
The CC, then, would inevitably be a slanted body. The impartiality of the ICs that the CC sets up, would be, again, inevitably compromised. We know in hindsight that the conduct of the various CCs in appointing ICs was marked by political bias and incompetence. Independence (or otherwise) is dependent on the process of selection and if the composition of the CC and the constitutionally sanctioned process are flawed, it is hard to obtain. The BASL ought to have paid more attention to the relevant clauses of the 19th Amendment.
Next the BASL suggests additions. Necessitating approval of the CC for appointments of the Governor of the Central Bank and the Monetary Board, certainly broadens the process. This is not necessarily a bad thing except, as mentioned, the CC as per the 19th is necessarily a politically compromised body. If the composition issue is fixed, then it’s fine, one could argue. Then again, why only the Governor and the Monetary Board? How about the Attorney-General, the Auditor-General and heads of similar institutions? The BASL need not have been selectively specific. The proposal could have been worded in general terms to cover all such posts. On the other hand, why leave it to the whims and fancies of a group of people oddly chosen? Couldn’t the BASL have proposed the setting up of robust mechanisms to affirm meritocracy?
The last sub-proposal, that of the CC-recommended body recommending presidential pardons, seems to have been hurriedly inserted. There is already an established procedure for presidential pardons. A revisit wouldn’t have harm. Shifting the power to give the final green light from the president to some other body would make the term ‘presidential pardon’ ridiculous. One wonders if the BASL took into consideration all the powers of the Executive Presidency or responded to what the BASL knows about or what has had media traction over the past few years.
Next (No 4) comes appointments of ministerial secretaries and the ICs. These are routine exercises. No 5 forbids the President from holding [cabinet] portfolios. Since the 21st seeks to turn the President (who, by the way, secured way more votes than any politician in Parliament and, unlike anyone in the ICs and the three independent members of the CC, is accountable to the people of the country) into a rubber-stamper of the new executive arrangement (Prime Minister and Cabinet), this makes sense. It, however, violates the entire spirit of the current Constitution. Ideally a new constitution or abolition of the executive presidency (which the BASL recommends and which we will discuss presently) should precede these kinds of changes which, essentially, amount to constitutional tinkering. It is also disconcerting that the BASL has not taken issue with the fact that ‘National Government’ as per the 19th Amendment remains undefined. The problems of this vagueness came to the fore during the Yahapalana dispensation, especially at the time of the parliamentary crisis in 2018. No 6 sets a timeline for abolishing the Executive Presidency. It may require a referendum though since the incumbent was elected by the people. The Supreme Court would have a say, no doubt. Attributing all ills to the Executive Presidency is downright silly. Curtailing of presidential powers is defensible, but calling for the abolishing the office without addressing important safeguards embedded in the Executive Presidency on other matters amounts to gross negligence. The BASL appears to be unaware of the implications in relation to the (illegally ‘enacted’) 13th Amendment. If the BASL had proposed relevant caveats/amendments or even a repeal of the 13th, the demand could be half-way legitimate. They have not. Indeed, if the BASL proposal is implemented as is, it opens the path not to federalism but to separation. The BASL has not addressed this serious issue.
Now, is an executive presidency by definition made for error and curtailing of freedoms? Are systems that do not have executive presidencies necessarily better and do they ensure countries don’t go bankrupt and are insured against political crises? It’s all about checks and balances, but these need to be discussed and carefully crafted. The BASL has not proposed any new checks and balances. They have gone with what they, erroneously, believe to be a fantastic piece of legislation, the 19th Amendment. They are so wrong.
The operational architecture (Proposals 7-9): ‘The immediate’ is laid out in Proposal No 7. The BASL proposes a cabinet of 15 ministers in an Interim Government of National Unity. The swearing in of Ranil Wickremesinghe has of course scuttled the idea of unity. The BASL proposes that in the absence of ‘unity’ a vacancy be created to shoo-in an outsider. We are no longer talking about legitimacy and mandate given ‘exigencies of the situation,’ so this could also be considered. If Wickremesinghe’s government collapses that might be an option that will be brought back into the discussion. Overall, there’s nothing seriously wrong with No 7.
Number Eight is where the BASL does itself the greatest disservice. Here, the BASL proposes an independent Advisory Council (AC) consisting of 15 qualified professionals from disciplines corresponding to the 15 ministries. The BASL insists, ‘All major policy decisions of the Government to be taken in consultation with the Advisory Council in a transparent manner.’
What is this Advisory Council? The BASL says the AC will be appointed following consultation between the Interim Government and ‘all relevant, independent, apolitical professional/trade/civil society organisations.’ Is the BASL going to guarantee relevance, independence, the apolitical nature of these organisations and the people who run them? And to whom, pray, are these organisations and their bosses answerable? Certainly not the people of this country.
We have seen what ‘advisors’ can do. We have seen what additional centers of administrative authority can do to the institutional arrangement and the institutions therein. Pundits and punditry are ace put-offs. We do have an administrative service and therefore each ministry will have a secretary with specific functions. Where needed, there is provision for such individuals to obtain advice from relevant experts. At the end of the day, if the BASL proposals are implemented, ’experts’ will call the shots but they won’t land anywhere close to the intended target.
The ninth proposal seeks the Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry mandated to investigate allegations of political victimisation rescinded. Implied here is that the BASL believes there was no victimisation whatsoever during the Yahapalana years. However, if one assumes that the BASL, although this is not spelled out, objects to the possibility of witch-hunts, Number 9 makes sense. The BASL could have gone beyond this measure and insisted on provisions to ensure that such witch-hunts don’t get off the ground.
The Program (Proposes 10-13): Number 10 is about preparing a ‘Common Minimum Program (CMP)’. The Cabinet is required to design this in collaboration with the AC. Even if we assumed (and we are being generous here) that the AC is ‘independent’ and have ‘expertise,’ the BASL essentially straight-jackets the AC and the Cabinet by way of an operational framework.
The CMP ‘conditions’ have some valid features such as enacting necessary amendments to the Monetary Law, strengthening the independence of the Central Bank, immediate resolution of the shortages of essential goods and services, upholding the Rule of Law, recovery of state assets, campaign finance, declaration of assets and liabilities, revisiting the Prevention of Terrorism Act, timeframes for elections etc. Essentially the BASL wants problems alleviated, fiscal discipline, professionalism and accountability. The BASL stops short of demanding better measures to audit one and all, not just politicians the President downwards, but, say, professionals such as lawyers, doctors, tuition teachers etc. Yes, those are ‘details,’ but then again in this document the BASL does fiddle with details on occasion.
The meat of the BASL brief with regard to the CMP is economic. Again, the IMF is seen as a saviour. Not surprisingly the BASL wants to sell off state assets. It’s perfectly fine to ensure that awarding of tenders is conducted in a transparent manner. Such procedural caveats are good. However, the BASL does not seem to understand or care about the fact that the IMF is a part of the system, that the Bretton Woods institutions keep systems/countries on the edge, ensure scandalous value appropriation by a few at the cost of disempowering the vast majority of the particular population.
Number 11 proposes that the CMP must include the abolition of the Executive Presidency. We’ve discussed the matter above. Number 12 insists that the Interim Government presents a budget based on the CMP. This goes without saying and in the saying we will have all the problems raised above adequately mirrored. It cannot be a pretty picture.
The last proposal is about the tenure of the Government of National Unity, 18 months. So, the incumbent president will be out in 15 months, and as things stand Ranil Wickremesinghe would have free rein for three months plus six weeks as head of a caretaker government overseeing General Elections. Enough time to obtain a decisive edge over political rivals. An insurance policy written for a preferred political force, then? The BASL could have done better.
Conclusion: Taken as a whole, the BASL proposals have merits and demerits. That they were accepted without reservation by political groups such as the Samagi Jana Balavegaya says a lot about the seriousness of that political party and anyone else which doffed hats to the BASL. All that said, it is worthy of study, but only if it is considered to be nothing more than a ‘discussion paper’ for a program that seeks to resolve the multiple crises Sri Lanka is ridden with. An uncritical embrace would be out of order. malindadocs@gmail.com
[Malinda Seneviratne is the Director/CEO of the Hector Kobbekaduwa Agrarian Research and Training Institute. These are his personal views.]
Whatever the aspiration of the protesters in Sri Lanka, the chaos they created has caused the messiah to appear in the form of the IMF. For the IMF to be effective, it needed a government it could vibe with. That there could not have been a better choice for the job of Prime Minister than Ranil Wickremesinghe became clear as daylight the moment he was sworn in.
Ranil Wickremesinghe’s appointment and the quick formation of an inclusive government are first steps in addressing the crisis and promoting stability. We encourage meaningful progress at the IMF and long term solutions that meet the needs of all Sri Lanka.”
This instant approval of RW is by US Ambassador Julie Chung.
She knows RW as someone who has always been supportive of American presence in Sri Lanka in every shape and form. He clashed with President Srisena who was not inclined to sign the Status of Forces agreement exactly as the Americans wanted. There can be no better candidate for such abject surrender than someone as politically weak as RW. His UNP was decimated in the last elections and he did not win a single seat.
This is farcical democracy with the military on the roads and people under curfew” wrote Activist Social Scientist, Dr. Darini Rajasingham Senanayake.
RW’s appointment has been greeted with dismay across the board. For political oxygen he was seen prostrating before hawkish Sinhala clergy who would bless the US presence to eliminate Chinese presence from the island. China is on their wrong side because of Tibet. This wing of the clergy is also happy with India for having created the Union Territory of Ladakh by bifurcating Kashmir. There were celebrations in their Viharas when the Union territory was created.
This is all part of the comeback that the US is staging in South Asia after the excruciatingly painful debacle in Afghanistan in August. Even that may not have been such a humiliating retreat in retrospect. President Vladimir Putin’s adviser, Valery Fadeyev told me as much in the course of an hour long zoom interview last week. Who knows, he said, the US may have simply transferred power to the Taleban.
Sometimes political shifts alter geography as well. After 1947 Indian diplomacy, to a large extent, consisted in neutralizing Pakistan everywhere. With the creation of Bangladesh in 1971, the geography of South Asia changed. India become a large country surrounded by small ones. These countries, in concert, began to balance power by flourishing a Chinese card in their pocket. It was to neutralize this card that Atal Behari Vajpayee, as External Affairs Minister, made what he thought would be an epoch making visit to China in 1979. Den Xiaoping had other priorities: he had just launched his four modernizations in 1978. A somewhat charged up Deng decided to teach Vietnam a lesson” in 1979, same year as Vajpayee’s visit.
The visit was something of a disaster. Later, several Prime Ministers, including Vajpayee visited Beijing. Bilateral relations were up and down but the border, viewed from two different perspectives, remained insoluble.
The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1990-91 provided the US with is Sole Super Power moment. Manmohan Singh’s economic reform 1991 onwards brought India in line with the US on many issues. It is forgotten that Narendra Modi’s arrival in Gujarat on 7 October, 2001 to take over from Keshu Bhai, coincided with the US fireworks in Afghanistan in pursuit of Osama bin Laden. It electrified Hindutva.
Islamophobia was the flavor of the season when the Godhara disaster leading to an anti Muslim pogrom of February 2002 happened. There was perfect harmony between the Bush-Blair Islamophobia and our communalism. Intelligence agencies kissed each other and became chums sharing or creating data on terrorists.
The US began to look in weak health after the collapse of Lehman Brothers in 2008. What magnified American decline was the corresponding rise of China. With diligence and with Chinese help, Vladimir Putin build Russia up into a power which it is today.
China-Russia declaration of friendship without limits”, set the cat among the pigeon, in the Western camp. Just about this time came the humiliating images from Afghanistan.
The American century was a pipedream. The US was in retreat. Even steady camp followers like India began to cultivate other options. Yes, we were in the Quad but then what is this exclusive Anglo Saxon club called AUKUS? How reliable is the US?
India’s balanced votes in the UN on Ukraine are clear indications of diminishing faith in a policy of relying too much on one power.
The image of a tennis racket comes to mind to understand how New Delhi may have felt when the US left Afghanistan. Imagine the wiring of the racket as Afghanistan where once the American presence gave New Delhi comfort. Taleb-Pakistan nexus was the Indian nightmare.
Post American departure, Iran, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, China and Russia are all peering into Afghanistan. India is somewhere at the throat, joining the shaft to the rim or frame. The US has gone beyond two oceans. This altered Geography was disconcerting, a pressure on New Delhi to live in peace with neighbours, even the ones with border issues.
Pakistan is part of our internal politics, just as India is Pakistan’s. We need communal temperatures on tepid heat for the national mood to be boosted to a feverish pitch when required by, say, a Balakot. Remember Love Jihad, beef, hijab, stone pelting from mosques keeps the mood in a saffron hue. The national mood is galvanized only when communalism is tied to nationalism. In other word for big game hunting Kashmir and Pakistan are required as issues. Settlement of Kashmir or peace with Pakistan is not in our interest atleast until 2024.
So, we are relieved that the Americans are making a comeback in South Asia, first Pakistan, now Sri Lanka, next……… The people in these countries can stand in long queues till eternity because there is neither food in the shops nor petrol in the pumps.
