“බෞද්ධයින් සමග ගැටුම් ඇති කරගත් මියන්මාර මුස්ලිම් අනාථයන් බෞද්ධ ලංකාවට ඒම භයානකයි..” – ගම්මන්පිල

May 11th, 2017

ගම්මන්පිල

මහ බැංකු වාර්තාවට අනුව දශක ගණනාවකට පස්සේ 2015 දී සහ 2016 දී ලංකාවේ සංක්‍රමණ ධන අගයක් ගෙන තිබෙනවා. 2016 මහ බැංකු වාර්ථාවේ පනස් දෙවන සංඛ්‍යාසටහනේ පෙන්වනවා ලංකාවේ ශුද්ධ සංක්‍රමණ අනුපාත දශක ගණනාවකට පසු 2015 දීත් 2016 දීත් ධණ අගයක් ගෙන ඇති බව. වෙනත් වචන වලින් කියනවා නම් ලංකාව අත්හැර වෙනත් රටවල පදිංචියට ගිය පිරිසට වඩා වෙනත් රටවලින් ලංකාවේ පදිංචියට පැමිණි පිරිස වැඩියි. අතීතයේ දී සංක්‍රමණ ධන අගයක් ගත්තේ ඉන්දියානු වතු කම්කරුවන් පැමිණි යුගයේ දී. නමුත් ලංකාවේ ජනතාව බුරුතු පිටින් ඔස්ට්‍රේලියාව, ඇමෙරිකාව සහ බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය වැනි රටවල පදිංචියට යන වර්තමානයේ දී ලංකාවේ සංක්‍රමණ ධන අගයක් ගත්තේ කොහොම ද? ඒ ඇෆ්ගනිස්ථානය, මියන්මාරය සහ ඉන්දියාව වැනි රටවලින් ලංකාවේ පදිංචියට එන පිරිස් නිසා.

මේ සංක්‍රමණ නිසා ලංකාවේ ජන සංයුතියට බරපතල බලපෑමක් වෙමින් තිබෙනවා. විශේෂයෙන්ම මියන්මාරයේ සිට ලංකාවට පැමිණෙන රෝහන්ගියා මුස්ලිම් අනාථයින් මේ ආණ්ඩුව භාර ගැනීමට අපි විරුද්ධයි. මේ පිරිස් ලංකාවට එන්නේ මියන්මාරයේ බෞද්ධයින් සමග ගැටීම් ඇති කර ගෙන. ඒ නිසා ඔවුන් සිටින්නේ බෞද්ධයින් සමග වෛරයෙන්. මේ වන විටත් ඉතා සුළු පිරිසක් ලංකාවේ බුදු පිලිම කුඩු කරන පැරණි බෞද්ධ නටබුන් විනාශ කරන මුස්ලිම් අන්තවාදයක් ක්‍රියාත්මකකරනවා. එවැනි අන්තවාදින් සමග බෞද්ධයින් සමග වෛරයෙන් පසු වන මියන්මාර් අනාථයින් එකතු වුණොත් ආණ්ඩුව නිතර කතා කරන ජාතික ආගමික සමගියට බරපතල හානියක් අනිවාර්රයෙන් වෙනවා.

මරණයේ ගොවිබිම් (Killing Fields)

May 11th, 2017

වෛද් රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග 

Cheoung Ek (Killing Fields) වැනි මරණයේ ගොවිබිම් ලෙස හැඳින්වුණු භූමිවල මිලියන දෙකකට ආසන්න නාගරික ජනතාව බලෙන් පදිංචි කරවන ලදී. ඔවුන්ට ගොවිබිම්වල ශ්‍රමය වගුරුවන ලෙස බලකරනු ලැබූ අතර, ආහාර හිඟය, ලෙඩරෝග හා වදහිංසා නිසා මිලියන 1.7 මිය ගියහ.

මරණයේ ගොවිබිම්වලට කම්පුචියාවේ ජීවත්වූ සුළු ජාතීන්ද රැගෙන එන ලදී. මේ අතර 90,000 පමණ වූ මුස්ලිම් ගෝත්‍රික ජනයාද මරා දමන ලද බව වාර්තා වේ.

නගරයෙන් පිටමං කළ ජනතාව මරණයේ ගොවිබිම් වලට දැක්කුවේ ඇයි? මේ පිළිබඳව නොයෙක් මත තිබේ. කැමරුජ්වරු නාගරික ජනයා කෙරෙහි තිබූ වෛරය, ඊර්ෂ්‍යාව එක් හේතුවකි. තවද නගරයේ දේශපාලන කඩාකප්පල්කාර ක්‍රියා කළ හැකි නිසා නාගරිකයන් ගොවිබිම්වලට පිටමං කිරීමෙන් ඔවුන් අකර්මන්‍ය වන බවට විශ්වාස කළහ. Killing Fields හි සමූහ මිනී වලෙන් දැනට මිනිස් හිස් කබල් 8000 ක් සොයා ගෙන තිබේ. දැනට මෙම ප්‍රදේශය සංරක‍ෂිත භූමියකි. වාර්ෂිකව සංචාරකයන් දහස් ගණන් මරණයේ ගොවිබිම නැරඹීමට පැමිණෙති.

පොල්පොට්ගේ මරණයේ ගොවිබිම පිළිබඳව වඩාත්ක ම්පනයක් ඇතිකළ චිත්‍රපටයක් ලෙස 1984 දී නිෂ්පාදනය කළ Killing Fields හැඳින්විය හැක. කම්පුචියානු පුවත්පත් කලාවේදියකු හා නිව්යෝක් ටයිම්ස් පුවත්පතේ වාර්තාකාරයෙකු අතර මිතුදහම හා කැමරුජ් ආගමනය පාදනකොට නිපදවා ඇති මෙම චිත්‍රපටය නිසා කෙමරුජ් භීෂණය පිළිබඳව යථාර්ථය ලෝකයාට දැන ගැනීමට හැකිවිය.

සිඩ්නි ෂෙන්බර්ග් නම් නිව්යෝක් ටයිම්ස් පුවත්පතේ වාර්තාකරුවා කෙමරූජ්වරුන්ගේ ආගමනයේදි නොම්පෙන් අගනගරයේ සිරවෙයි. කෙමරුජ්වරුන්ට මැදිවූ ඔහු ඇතුළු අනෙකුත් බටහිර මාධ්‍ය වාර්තාකරුවන් දිවිගලවා ගන්නේ ඩිත්ප්‍රාන් නම් කම්පුචියානු පුවත්පත් කලාවේදියා හා භාෂා පරිවර්තකයා නිසාය.

විදේශිකයන් රටින් පිටමං කරන අතර, ඩින්ප්‍රාන් කෙමරූජ්වරුන් විසින් මරණයේ ගොවිබිමකට පිටුවහල් කරති. ජීවිතයත් මරණයත් අතර දෝලනය වන ඩිත්ප්‍රාන් අවසානයේදී තායිලන්තයට පලායයි. එහිදී ඔහුට යළිත් තම අමෙරිකානු මාධ්‍ය මිතුරා සිඩ්නි ෂෙන්බර්ග් හමුවෙයි.

කෙමරූජ්වරුන්ගෙන් දිවිගලවාගත් ඩිත්ප්‍රාන් අමෙරිකාවට ගිය අතර නිව්යෝක් ටයිම්ස් පුවත්පතේ ඡායාරූප ශිල්පියෙකු ලෙස දේශණ පවත්වන ඔහු කම්පුචියාවේ වර්තමාන පරපුර කෙමරුජ්වරුන් කරන ලද විනාශය පිළිබඳ අවබෝධයක් ලබාගත යුතු බව අවධාරණය කරයි.

මරණයේ ගොවිබිම්වල ගතකළ කාලය මතක් කරන ප්‍රාන් නිරාහාරයෙන් කුඹුරුවැඩකළ, මිනිසුන් – මීයන්, හූනන්, ගොළුඛෙල්ලන්, සර්පයන්, අනුභව කළබව පවසයි. කුසගින්න නිසා ඇතැමෙකු මියගිය මිනිසුන්ගේ මෘතශරීරවල මාංශ කොටස් ආහාරයට ගත්බව පිළිගනිති. ඔහු දැනට Dith Pran Holocausl Awareness Project මගින් කෙමරුජ්වරුන්ගේ දිවිගලවාගත්, කම්පුචියානුවන්ට උපකාර කරයි.

අප්රේල් 17 1975

කම්පුචියාවේ අගනගරය වන Phnom Penh හි නගරවාසීන්ට එදින උත්සව දවසක් විය. දහස් ගණනින් ජයග්‍රාහි කැමරුජ් හමුදා නගරයට ඇතුළුවූහ. පාර දෙපස රැස්ව සිටි ජනයා කෙමරූජ් භටයන් පිළිගනිමින් ජයඝෝෂා පැවැත්වූහ. තමන් සාදරයෙන් පිළිගත් මේ හමුදාව තව නොබෝ දිනකින් නගරයේ ඉරණම වෙනස්කරන බව බහුතරයක් නොදැන සිටියහ.

දෙවන ලෝක යුධසමයේ බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය හමුදා භාවිතා කළ පැරණි යුධ ටැංකියක් නගර මධ්‍යයට පැමිණියේ ධූලි කුණාටුවක් නංවමිනි. යුධ ටැංකියේ කෙමරූජ් නිල ඇඳුම් ඇඳගත් භටයන් රොත්තකි. ඔවුන් අත ගිනිඅවි මෙන්ම කොඩිද තිබුණි. මේ අතර බාලවස්කාර කෙමරූජ් භටයන්ද දැකිය හැකි වීම විශේෂත්වයකි.

මග දෙපස රෑඳී සිටි ජනයා ජයග්‍රාහී හමුදාව පිළිගත්තේ උද්ධාමයෙනි. දීර්ඝ කාලයක් තිබුණු යුද්ධය නිම වී දැන් කම්පුචියාවට සාමය උදාවනු ඇතැයි ඔව්හු බලාපොරොත්තු වූහ. එහෙත් එම බලාපොරොත්තුව සිහිනයක් බව දැන සිටියේ සුළුපිරිසකි.

නගරය හිස් කිරීම

කම්පුචියානු නව පාලන පක‍ෂය විසින් ගත් නව තීරණයක් අනුව සියළුම නගරබද ජනයා ග්‍රාමීය ප්‍රදේශවලට පිටමං කරන ලදී. Phnom Penh හි වීදි පිරි තිබුනේ අවතැන්වූ ජනතාවගෙනි. මිනිසුන් තම චංචල දේපල අතින්ගෙන අරමුණු රහිතව ඉදිරියට ගමන් කරන ජන ගංඟාවට එක්වූහ. ගමන් කිරීමට ශරීර ශක්තිය නොතිබුණු මහල්ලන් පවා හැරමිටි ගසමින් මෙම දීර්ඝ ගමනට එක්වූයේ නගරයේ රැඳන්නන්ට වෙඩි තබන බවට දුන් නියෝගයට බියෙනි. මිලියන දෙකකට ආසන්න ජන සංඛ්‍යාවක් පා ගමනින්ම නගරවලින් පිටමං කෙරුණි.

ජනගංගාවේ අතරමංවූ කුඩා දරුවන් තම මාපියන් සොයමින් ඒ මේ අත දිවූහ. අසරණ වූ ජනතාව කිසිවෙකුට උදව් කරනු තබා තමන්ටවත් උදව්කරගත නොහැකි තත්වයක හෙම්බත් වී සිටියහ. වෙහෙස හා කුසගින්න ඔවුන් දැවූහ. මග දෙපස රැඳී සිටි කැමරුජ් භටයන් සෙමෙන් ඇදෙන ජනතාවට පහරවල් එල්ල කළේ ඔවුන්ගේ ගමන ඉක්මන් කරවනු සඳහාය. මග දෙපස ක්ලාන්තව ඇද වැටුණු මිනිසුන්ට වෙඩි තබන ලදී. නගරයේ රහසේ රැඳී සිටි පුද්ගලයන්ට ද අත්වූයේ මේ ඉරණමයි.

සුළු ව්‍යාපාරිකයෙකු වූ මියැං ජනගංඟාවට එක්වී ඉදිරියටම ගමන් කළේය. තදබල වෙහෙස නිසා ඔහුට ගමන් කරන්නට හැකි වූයේ සෙමින්ය. එක් කැමරුජ් භටයෙන් ඔහුට තුවක්කු මිටෙන් පහර ගැසීය. පහර කෑමෙන් බියට පත් වූ ඔහු ගමන ඉක්මන් කළේය.

හිස්වූ නගරයට කඩාවැදුණු කෙමරුජ් භටයන් කඩ හා නිවාස කොල්ල කෑහ. අත්පත් කරගත් භාණ්ඩ ඔවුන්ගේ මධ්‍යස්ථාන වලට ගෙනගියේ ලොරි පුරවාගෙනය. පාරේ තැනින් තැන වැටී ඇති මළකුණු හා දඩාවතේ යන බල්ලන් හැර නාගරිකයෙකු දක්නට නොලැබිණ. අවිගත් කෙමරූජ් භටයන් නගරය මුර කළහ.

ග්‍රාමීය ප්‍රදේශවලට පිටමං කළ ජනයාගෙන් දහස් ගණනක් අතර මගදී ආහාර හිඟකම, වෙහෙස, විජලනය, පාචනය වැනි තත්ව නිසා මරුමුවට පත්වූහ. Phnom Penh නගරවාසීන් සහමුලින්ම පිටමං කිරීම නිසා 2000-3000 අතර පිරිසක් මිය ගිය බව පසුකාලයක කියු සම්පෙන් ප්‍රකාශ කළේය. එහෙත් සත්‍ය සංඛ්‍යාව ඊට වැඩි ප්‍රමාණයකි. කෙමරුජ්වරු බලය අල්ලාගෙන පැය 24 ගතවීමට ප්‍රථම නගරයේ ජනතාව පිටමං කළහ. අමෙරිකානු ගුවන් ප්‍රහාර නිසා ජනතාව අගනුවරින් පිට කරන බව ඔවුන් පැවසුවද එය අසත්‍යයක් බව බොහෝ දෙනෙක් දැන සිටියහ. එහෙත් කිසිවෙක් මෙම තීරණය ගැන ප්‍රශ්න කළේ නැත. මිලියන 2.5 ක පමණ ජනතාවක් දින 5 ක් පුරා පා ගමනකින් ග්‍රාමීය ප්‍රදේශ කරා යවන ලදී. පළමු දිනයේදීම මිය ගිය ප්‍රමාණය 20,000 ක් වූහ. මෙලෙස මිය ගිය පිරිස අතර පුවත්පත් කළාවේදියෙකු වූ පොල්පොට්ගේ සහෝදරයා ක‍යය්හ ද විය.

පසු කාලයක පුවත්පත් කලාවේදියකු වූ පිලිප් ෂෝට් 1975 නොම්පෙන් නගරයේ බලහත්කාරයෙන් පිටකළ ජනයා හැසිරවූ කෙමරුජ් සොල්දාදුවෙකු හමුවී ඔහුගේ අත්දැකීම් විචාළේය. සොල්දාදුවා පැවසූ කරණු අනුව ගමන් කිරීමට නොහැකි මහළු පුද්ගලයන් මහා මාර්ගය අද්දරදී වෙඩි තබා ඝාතනය කල බව දැනගැනීමට ලැබුණි. මේ පිළිබඳව එම සොල්දාදුවාට කිසිම පශ්චාත්තාපයක් නොතිබූ බව එම මාධ්‍යවේදියා තවදුරටත් පවසයි.

අරමුණක් නොමැතිව මහාමාර්ගයේ ඇවිද යමින්

කෙමරුජ්වරු අගනුවර බලය අල්ලා ගත්විට ඔව්හු නගරවැසියන්ට නිවෙස් තුළින් එළියට එනලෙස අණ දුන්හ. අණ නොතකා නිවෙස් තුළ රැඳී සිටි පුද්ගලයන්ට වෙඩිතබා මරා දැමූහ. මෙගා ෆෝන් යන්ත්‍රවලින් සියළුම නගරවාසීන්ට නගරයෙන් පිටත්වන ලෙස දැනුම් දෙන ලදී. විදේශිකයන් පිටමං කළහ. බොහෝ විදේශිකයෝ ප්‍රංශ තානාපති කාර්යාලයේ රැකවරණය ලබාගත්හ. ඔව්හු බලා සිටියේ කොයි අවස්ථාවේ හෝ ලැබුණු ගමන් කම්පුචියාවෙන් පිටවීමටයි.

හිටපු සොල්දාදුවන්, රජයේ නිලධාරීන්, පුවත්පත් වාර්තාකරුවන්, ආදීන්ට අත්වූ ඉරණම වූයේ මරණයයි. මහා මාර්ගයට ඇද දැමූ මිනිසුන් මහජන ගංඟාව සමඟ එක්වී පෙරට ගමන් කළේ කිසිම අරමුණක් නැතිවය. ඔවුන් තුළ භීතිය නොඅඩුව තිබිණි. තමන්ගේ ඉරණම රුදුරු කෙමරූජ්වරුන්ට භාරදී මහජනයා කුසගින්නෙන්, වෙහෙසින්, පිපාසයෙන් හා භීතියෙන් ගමන් කළහ. වෙහෙස නිසා බිම ඇද වැටෙන්නන්ට යළිත් ජීවත් වීමට වාසනාව ලැබුණේ නැත.

1976 සිවු අවුරුදු සැලැස්ම

කෙමරූජ් සංවිධානය විසින් 1976 වසරේ සිවු අවුරුදු සැලැස්ම හඳුන්වා දෙන ලදී. මෙම සැලැස්මේ මුලික අරමුණ කෘෂි ආර්ථීකයක් කරා සමස්ත දේශයම ගෙනයෑමය. පොහොර හෝ දියුණු තාක්ෂණික ක්‍රම අතහැර සාම්ප්‍රදායික ක්‍රම මගින් කෘෂිකර්මය ප්‍රචලිත කිරීමට ඔව්හු තැත් කළහ. දේශයේ භුවිද්‍යාත්මක ලක‍ෂණ, පස පිළිබඳ අධ්‍යනයන් ආදී කිසිඳු කරුණක් පිළිබඳව සොයා නොබලා මෙම සැලැස්ම අසංවිධානාත්මකව එලි දක්වන ලදී. මෙම ළදරු සිව් අවුරුදු සැලැස්ම ඇති කළේ මාරක සුනාමි රැල්ලකි.

අලූත් ගමක්

බිම්මල් සමූහයක් මෙන් පොල් අතුවලින් තැනූ නිවාස සහිත අලූතින් ඉඳිකල ගම දිස්විය. කන්ඩාල් ප්‍රදේශයට අයත්වූ මෙම ප්‍රදේශය අතීතයේ සරුසාර ගොවි බිමකි. යුද්ධය හා බිමිබෝම්බ නිසා පාළුවී ගිය කුඹුරු පෙන්නුම් කළේ ශෝකාන්ත දසුනකි. කුකුල් කූඩුමෙන් තැනූ පොල්අතු නිවාස වලට නාගරික ප්‍රදේශ වලින් බලහත්කාරයෙන් ගෙන ආ පිරිස් පදිංචිකරවනු ලැබීය. පවුලේ සාමජිකයන් මියයෑම හෝ අවතැන් වීම නිසා වියෝදුක්ගිනි දරාසිටි ඔවුන් කුසගින්න හා වෙහෙස නිසා තමන්ට හිමි බිම්කඩවල වැතිරී ගිමන් ඇරියහ. ඔවුන් සැමදෙනාගේම මුහුණින් දිස් වූයේ භීතියයි. අපට කුමක් සිදුවේද යන අවිනිශ්චිතතාව සෑම පුද්ගලයෙකුගේම සිතේ ඇවිළුණු ගින්දර වූ අතර අන්‍යයන් සමඟ කතාබස් කිරීමට පවා බියගත් ඔව්හු වටපිට බැලූවේ මීළඟට කුමන හෙනයක් කඩා පාත්වේදෝ යන දෙගිඩියාවෙනි.

කෙමරූජ් භටයන් ඔවුන්ව මුර කළහ. කෙඳිරිලි හඬින් තවකෙනෙකු සමඟ කථා කිරීම වතුර හෝ කෑම ඉල්ලීම වැනි ක්‍රියා කළ පුද්ගලයන්ට තුවක්කු මිටෙන් පහරදීමට භටයෝ සූදානම්ව සිටියහ. රැස්ව සිට පිරිස අමතා කෙමරූජ් නායකයෙක් කථා කළේය. සහෝදරතුමා අංක 1 ගේ (මෙනමින් හැඳුන්වූයේ පොල්පොට්ය) නියෝගය අනුව කෘෂි ගම්මානයක් ඉඳිකිරීම සඳහා පැමිණි පිරිසට වැඩරාජකාරි පැවරෙන බවත්, එම වැඩ අනලස්ව ඉටුකළයුතු බවත්, දන්වා සිටියේය. තවදුරටත් කථාකළ ඔහු ගම්මානයේ නව නායකයන්ට අවනත නොවීම, වැඩ පැහැර හැරීම ආදිය සඳහා දඬුවම මරණය බව කීවේ රළු හඬකිනි.

තමන්ගේ පෞද්ගලික පාවිච්චියට කිසිඳු පැළයක් වැවීම තහනම් ක්‍රියාවකි. වපුරන අස්වැන්න රජයට අයත්වන නිසා නිසි කලට අස්වැන්න රජයට බාරදිය යුතුවේ. ගම්මානයෙන් පලායාමට මොහොතකටවත් නොසිතන ලෙස හෙතෙම අනතුරු ඇඟවීය. වැඩ මුරය උදෑසන හතරට ආරම්භ වන අතර, රාත්‍රී දහය තෙක් වැඩ කළ යුතුවේ. වැඩකරන්නන් සඳහා දෛනිකව ආහාර සපයනු ලැබේ. නිසිලෙස ශ්‍රමය ලබා නොදෙන්නන්ගේ ආහාරය සලාක කපා දැමීමට නව නායකයාට බලය ඇත.

අතීතිය ගැන කථා කිරීම, ප්‍රකෝපකාරී අදහස් ප්‍රචාරය කිරීම, මාධ්‍යයන්ට සවන් දීම, විදේශ භාෂාවලින් කථා කිරීම, තදබල දඬුවම් වලට යටත් කෙරේ. පිරිස ඔහුට සවන් දුන්නේ භිතිය, සැකය, හා පිළිකුල වැනි සඟවාගත් ආවේග මතිනි. ඔවුන්ට අළුත් ජීවිතයක් කැමරුජ්වරුන් විසින් ලබා දී තිබේ. මෙම ජීවිතයට කෙසේ හෝ පුරුදු විය යුතුයි. නැතහොත් භූමියට පොහොර විය යුතුයි.

සෑම පවුල් 10-15 අතර සංඛ්‍යාවක් සභාපතිවරයෙකු යටතේ ශ්‍රමය කැප කළහ. උදේ හතරේ සිට රාත්‍රී 10 දක්වා වැඩකළ යුතුව තිබූ අතර, දින දහයකට වරක් විවේක දිනයක් ලැබිණ. වැඩකරන අතරතුර කෙමරූජ් නායකයන්ගේ දේශන ශබ්ද විකාශන යන්ත්‍ර මගින් ඇසීමට සලස්වන ලදී.

මේ භීතිය රජ කරන යුගයයි.

කෙමරූජ් පාලන කාලය තුළදී ජනතාවට භිතිය කාවද්දන ලදී. නිරන්තරයෙන්ම අභ්‍යන්තර හා බාහිර සතුරන් පිළිබඳව පුන පුනා පවසනු ලැබීය. සතුරන් විනාශ කිරීම ජනතා ජයක් ලෙස ප්‍රකාශයට පත්කරන ලදී.

කෙමරූජ් නායකයන් තුළ නිරන්තරයෙන් තිබූ භීතිය හා සැකය ජනතාව තුළටද සම්ප්‍රේෂණය කරනු ලැබීය. අදිසි සතුරන් පිළිබඳව සියළු දෙනාම විමසිලිමත් වූ නමුදු කල්යෑමේදී මුළු රටම එකිනෙකාට සතුරු යැයි උපකල්පනය කළ හැකි මට්ටමට සැකය වර්ධනය විය. එබැවින් සුළු හේතූන් නිසා වුවද මිනිසුන් මරා දැමීම නොනවත්වාම සිදු කෙරිණි. නිබඳවම සතුරන් සෙවීම කෙමරූජ් සංවිධානයේ දෛනික රාජකාරියක් විය. සතුරන් පිළිබඳ මායාවට මුලාවූ ඔවුන් එකිනෙකාට චෝදනා කළහ.

බලෙන් කුඹුරට ඇද දැමූ ලක‍ෂ සංඛ්‍යාත ජනයා තමන්ගේ ඉරණම භාරදෙනු ලැබුවේ ගොරතර සංවිධානයකටය. ඔවුන් විසින් සාමූහික භීතියක් ජනතාව තුළ ඇති කරන ලදී. සෑම පැයකටම, සෑම මිනිත්තුවකටම භීතිය ඔවුන්ගේ ජීවිතවලට බද්ධව පැවතුනි.

බලය අහිමිවූ පසු කාලයක පොල්පොට්ගේ ප්‍රබල සහායකයෙකුවූ කියුසම්පන් මෙසේ කීවේ. කෙමරූජ්වරු කරන ලද එකම වැරැද්ද වූයේ තවත් වැඩිපුර මිනිසුන් තොගයක් නොමැරීමයි. කෙමරූජ්වරුන්ට මීට වඩා ඝාතන කිරීමට අවස්ථා තිබුණි. එසේ කළේ නම් එක්සත් ජාතින්ගේ සාම සාධක හමුදා කම්පුචියාවට එනවිට ඔවුන්ව සාදරයෙන් පිළිගන්නට ජනතාව ඉතිරි නොවනු ඇත.”

Duch හෙවත් වධකාගාර පාළකයා

Duch යන අන්වර්ත නාමයෙන් හැඳින්වූ කෙං ගෙක් ඉව් S-21 වධකාගාරයේ පාළකයා විය. ඔහුගේ නියම නම Kang Kech Eav වූ අතර වෘත්තියෙන් ගණිත ගුරුවරයෙකි. කෙමරුජ්වරු බලයට පැමිණීමත් සමඟ පාසලක් වූ Tuol Sleng ආයතනය වධකාගාරය බවට පරිවර්තනය කරන ලදී. මෙම වධකාගාරයේ ඔහුගේ පාළන සමයේදී පුද්ගලයන් රාශියක් මරා දැමුණු අතර මෙම වධකාගාරයෙන් ගැලවුනේ අතලොස්සකි. කෙමරුජ්වරුන්ගේ පරාජයත් සමඟම 1990 දී ඔහුව අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන යුධ අපරාධ සඳහා චෝදනා ගොනු කරන ලදී. එළිසඛෙත් බේකර් පවසන අන්දමට Duch S-21 වධකාගාරයේ රැඳවියන්ට කිසිඳු අනුකම්පාවක් දැක්වූයේ නැත. ඔහුගේ නියමව පරිදි සිරකරුවන් වධකාගාරයට ගෙන ආ විගසම වධයට ලක් කරද්දී ද හා සිරකරුවන් මිය යමින් සිටිය දී ද ඡායාරූප ගත කළේය.

ඔහු ඝාතන දින නියම කරන ලදී. එක් දිනක වදකරුවන්ගේ ළමුන් ය. අනෙක් දින භාර්යාවන්ය. මෙලෙස ම්ලේඡ වධක දින නියම කිරීමේ උන්මාදයෙන් ඔහු පෙළුනේය.

S-21 වධකාගාරයේ පාලක Duch හට මිනිසුන් වධයට ලක් කිරීමටත්, මරා දැමීමටත් තිබුනේ නොමඳ ආශාවකි.

අතීතය පිළිබඳ පාපොච්චාරණය කරනු

මහජනතාව විප්ලවයට පෙර තමන් කළ, කියූ දෑ පිළිබඳව මහා රැස්විම් වලදී එලිදරව් කරන ලෙස කෙමරුජ්වරු ඔවුන්ට බල කළහ. විශාල රැස්වීම් වලදී ප්‍රසිද්ධියේ පාපොච්ඡාරණය කිරීමට මිනිසුන්ට සිදුවිය. විදේශිකයන් හමුවීම, වෙළඳ ගණුදෙනුවල යෙදීම්, විශේෂ වෘත්තීන්වල නිතරවීම, මෙවැනි දෑ භයානක අපරාධ ලෙස ලැයිස්තු ගතකර තිබිණි. පාපොච්චාරණය කරන්නන්ට සමාව දෙන බව කීවද ඔවුන්ට සමාවක් ලැබුණේ නැත. ලැබුණේ මරණය පමණකි.

කුණුවූ සියල්ල කපා ඉවත් කළ යුතුය.

කෙමරුජ් සංවිධානය විසින් පුද්ගලයන් දෙදෙනෙකුට වඩා එකවර ඒකරාශී වීම තහනම් කරන ලදී. නිරන්තර සැකය නිසා දිනපතා දහස් ගණන් පිරිස් ඝාතනයට ලක් වූහ. ඒ අතර බලයෙන් පහකළ කෙමරුජ් ප්‍රාදේශීය නායකයන් ද වූහ.

දේහය කුණුවීමට ප්‍රථම කුණුවූ කොටස කපා ඉවත් කළයුතු බව කෙමරුජ් නායකයන් ප්‍රසිද්ධියේ ප්‍රකාශ කළ අතර, සංවිධානයට ද්‍රෝහිවූ බවට නාමික සැකය නිසා වුවද මිනිසුන් නිසල කරන ලදී.

යේල් සරසවිය” විසින් සිදුකල අධ්‍යනයක් අනුව කෙමරුජ්වරුන් විසින් මරා දමන ලද සංඛ්‍යාව මිලියන 1.7 කි ඇම්නෙස්ටි ඉන්ටනැෂනල් ආයතනයේ දත්ත අනුව එය මිලියන 1.4 කි. ඇමෙරිකානු රාජ්‍ය දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ අදහස අනුව එය මිලියන 1.2 කි. එහෙත් සිදුවූ මිනිස් ඝාතන සංඛ්‍යාව පිළිබඳව නිශ්චිත අගයන් නොමැත. ඊට හේතුව සිහනුක්ගේ කාලයේ සිට රටේ පැවති අවුල් වියවුල්, ගුවන් ප්‍රහාර, ජනයා අවතැන්වීම වැනි තත්වයන් නිසා නිශ්චිත සංඛ්‍යාලේඛන නොමැති වීමය.

සමාජය තුළ කුණුවී වැගිරෙන දෑ අතර, පූජකයන්, වෛද්‍යවරුන්, නීතීඥයන්, ගුරුවරුන් වැනි කොටස්ද වූහ. කෙනෙකුට සැඟවිය ලැබිය හැකි වූයේ කලාතුරකිනි. බොහෝ දෙනෙකු තම ඉරණම ගොරතර කෙමරූජ්වරුන්ට බාර දුන්හ.

වධ බන්ධනයට ලක්කළ මිනිසුන්

කෙමරූජ්වරු ජනතා සතුරන්, පන්ති විරුද්ධවාදීන්, ඔත්තුකරුවන්, ප්‍රතිවිප්ලවවාදීන් ලෙස නම්කොට මිනිසුන් දස දහස් ගණන් වධබන්ධනයට ලක්කොට මරාදැමූහ. ඔව්හු වධබන්ධන සඳහා විවිධ ක්‍රම යොදාගත්හ. පිහිවලින් ශරීරයේ අවයව කැපීම, ශරීර කපා වෙන්කිරීම, මියයන තෙක් හුස්ම හිර කිරීම, අසූචි හා මුත්‍රා අනුභව කිරිමට හා පානය කිරීමට බලකිරීම, කකුල් දෙකෙන් එල්ලා තැබීම, දීර්ඝකාලයක් එලිමහනේ වැඩවල යෙදවීම, වැනි අමානුෂික ක්‍රියා වාර්තා වී තිබේ.

ප්‍රශ්න කිරීමේදී සිරකරුවන්ගේ නියපොතු ඇඟිලි වලින් උදුරා දමන ලදී. මේ අතර වාරයේදී නියපොතු රහිත තුවාල වූ ඇඟලිවලට මධ්‍යසාර වත්කරන ලද්දේ වේදනාව උත්සන්න කරවීමටය.

ඇතැමෙන් සිරකරුවන්ගේ හිස් වතුරේ එබූහ. හුස්ම ගැනීම සඳහා ඔවුන් දුබල ලෙස සටන් කළ නමුදු ඔවුන්ගේ හිස් නැවත නැවතත් වතුරේ එබීම නිසා ඔවුන් නිසල වූහ.

මරාදැමීමට නියමවූ සිරකරුවන්ට තමන්ගේ මිනීවල තමන් අතින්ම සෑරීමට නියමිතව තිබුණි. ඇතැමෙක් ගෙළ දක්වා පොළොවේ වළලා හිසට පෙට්‍රල් වත්කොට ගිනි තබන ලදී. 1997 ජුනි 30 දින නිවුස් වීක් සඟරාවේ පළමු ලිපියකට අනුව කෙමරූජ් සංවිධානය මගින් කෙලින්ම ඝාතනය කරන ලද පුද්ගලයන්ගේ සංඛ්‍යාව 100,000 කි. Jean Äcouture විසින් ලියන ලද Cambodia year zero කෘතිය මගින් පෙන්වා දෙන අන්දමට කෙමරූජ් නායකයන් ඔවුන් ප්‍රතිවිප්ලවවාදීන් හා ජනතා සතුරන් මිලියන දෙකක් මරාදැමූ බවට වහසිබස් දොඩා තිබේ. ජනයා විශාල ප්‍රමානයන් වක්‍රාකාරයෙන් ඝාතනය කළ බව සත්‍යයකි.

1979 වනවිට ග්‍රාමීය ජනයාගෙන් 15% ද නාගරික ජනයාගෙන් 25% ක් ද විනාශකර දැමීමට කෙමරුජ් සංවිධානයේ මාරක යන්ත්‍රය සමත් විය. මරා නොදමා සිරකරුවන් බවට පත්කළ පිරිස්වල ඉරණම වඩාත් භයාංකර විය. සිරකරුවන් සතුන් මෙන් මඩගොඩේ ගාල්කර තිබුණි. එකිනෙකා හා කථා කිරීම තහනම් විය. ඔවුන් නිදාගත්තේ සිමෙන්ති පොළොවේය. කොට්ට, මෙට්ට, මදුරුදැල් පේනතෙක් මානයක නොවීය. සුළු කරුණකදී වුවද ඔවුන්ට දැඩිලෙස පහරදෙනු ලැබීය.

ඔවුන්ට ආහාරලෙස නිසරු හාල් කැඳ ස්වල්පයක් පමණක් ලැබුණි. බීමට වතුර පවා ලැබුණේ දිනකට වරක් හෝ දෙකකි. වතුර ඉල්ලීම නිසා බොහෝ සිරකරුවෝ රැකවලූන්ගෙන් පහර කෑහ. ප්‍රශ්න කිරීම්වලිදී අභූත චෝදනා සිරකරුවන්ට ඉදිරිපත් කරන ලදී. ප්‍රතිවිප්ලවවාදී ක්‍රියා රජයේ ප්‍රතිපත්ති විවේචනය, ඔත්තු බැලීම වැනි බොරු චෝදනා මේ අතර සුලබ විය. සිරකරුවන් චෝදනා පිළිගන්නා තෙක් ඔවුන් දරුණු වධහිංසා වලට පත්කරන ලදී.

චෝදනා පිළිගත් පසු තමා සමඟ එක්වී ක්‍රියා කරන ලද සහායකයන්ගේ නම් හෙලිකිරීමට බලකර අතර, වධබන්ධනවලින් බේරීම සඳහා සිරකරුවෝ තම මිතුරන්ගේ, ඥාතීන්ගේ අසල්වැසියන්ගේ නම් පවා ඉදිරිපත් කළහ. සිරකරුවන් පැවසූ සෑම නමක් හා ලිපිනයන් සටහන් කරගෙන ඉන්පසු එම පුද්ගලයන් දඩයම් කිරීම ඇරඹිනි.

හෙන්රි ලොකාර්ඩ් කෙමරුජ් වධකාගාර පිළිබඳව ගවේෂණය කළ විද්වතෙකි. ඔහු පවසන අන්දමට S-21 ලෙස හැඳින්වූ Toul Sleng වධකාගාරය වැනි වධකාගාර 150 කට ආසන්න සංඛ්‍යාවක් කම්පුචියාවේ තිබුණි. S-1 වධකාගාරයේ රඳවාසිටි සිරකරුවන්ගේ සංඛ්‍යාව මෙසේය.

1976-2250

1977-2330

1978-5765

මෙම වධකාගාරයේ ළමුන් 2000 කට ආසන්න සංඛ්‍යාවක් මරා දමන ලදී. බොහෝවිට ළමුන් මරා දමන ලද්දේ කකුල් දෙකෙන් අල්ලා හිස බිත්තියේ ගැසීමෙනි. S-1 වධකාගාරයේ පමණක් පුද්ගලයන් 20,000 ක් මරාදමන ලදී.

NU Nim ගේ පාපොච්චාරණය

වධයට ලක්කිරීම නිසා NU Nim ඔහුට එදිරිව කළ සියළු චෝදනා වලට වරදකරු බව පවසන ලදී. ඔහු තමා සිහිනෙන්වත් නොසිතූ හා නොකළ වැරදි ලැයිස්තුවක් කියාගෙන ගියේය. මේ අතර කෙමරුජ් සංවිධානයට ද්‍රෝහි වීම, ඔත්තු බැලීම, විදේශිකයන් හා සබඳතා පැවැත්වීම වැනි බරපතල වැරදිද විය. අතරමගදී ඔහුගේ පීඩකයන් ඔහුට අසූචි කැවීය. මුත්‍රා පෙවීය. මුත්‍රා පානය කිරීමට කට අරින තෙක් පොලූ පහර දුන්හ. ඉක්බිතිව ඔහුට මෙසේ කීමට බල කරන ලදී.

මා මිනිසෙකු නොවේ

මම නිරි සතෙකි

මා මිනිසෙකු නොවේ

මගේ නම NU Nim නොවේ

මා සිව්පාවෙකි.

මොවුන් කුඹුරට දක්කනු. වැඩ කිරීමට නොහැකි උන් පොහොර කරනු.

කඩමාළුවී ගිය, කළු ගැමි ඇඳුම් වලින් සැරසුන දුක්බර මුහුණු සහිත කණ්ඩායමක් මොරසූරන වැස්සේ අගලක් කපමින් සිටියහ. දුෂ්පෝෂනයට ලක්වූ ශරීරකූඩු මෙවැනි බරපතල වැඩක් කරන්නේ කෙසේද? යැයි යමෙකුට සිතිය හැකිය. එහෙත් එය නිදහසට කරුණක් නොවේ. හාමතින් සහ දැඩි ශීතෙන් පීඩා විඳිමින් ඔවුන් තම කාරිය කරගෙන ගියේ මොහොතකටවත් විවේකයක් නොගනිමිනි. ඔවුන්ගේ මුහුණු වලින් දිස්වූයේ මිනිස් සිතකට හා කයකට දැරිය නොහැකි පීඩා නිසා විඳවන දුක් ගිනිය. එහෙත් ආයාචනා හෝ ඇවිටිලි බල රහිතබව ඔව්හු දැන සිටියහ. එම නිසා නා කපන වැසසේ, සීතලේ වෙවුලමින් ඔව්හු තම කාරිය කරගෙන ගියහ.

මඩේ එරී ඇති ඔවුන්ගේ දෙපා රිදුම් කන්නට විය. දුබල අත්වලින් එසවෙන උදළු මඩ සහිත පොළොවේ වදින්නේ බොල් හඬක් නංවමිනි. ඉරී ඇති කළු කලිසම්වල මඩ පහරවල් දක්නට තිබේ. ඇතැමෙකුගේ උඩුකය නිරුවත්ය. මඩ ගොහොරුවක දඟලන පනුවන් මෙන් ඔවුන් මෙම දුෂ්කර කාර්යය කරගෙන ගියේ රහසින් තම රැකවළුන් දෙස බලමිනි. එහෙත් එක එල්ලේ රැකවලූන් දෙස බැලීමට ආත්ම ශක්තියක් නොතිබුණු ඔවුන් තම පීඩකයන් නිරීක‍ෂණය කළේ යට දෑසිනි. එසේම තමන් ඔවුන්ව නිරීක‍ෂණය කරන බවට හැඟීමක් හෝ ලබා නොදීමට ඔව්හු වගා බලා ගත්හ. එම නිසා ඔවුන් රැකවළුන් දෙන බැලූවේ උදළුකෙටිය ඔසවන ගමන් වපරැසිනි. මෙම නිරීක‍ෂණය තත්පර දෙක තුනකට වඩා දීර්ඝ නොවීය. රැකවළුන් ඇඳසිටියේද කළු පැහැති ඇඳුම්ය. කළුදිග කලිසම, කළු කමිසය හා රතු තිත් සහිත මෆ්ලර් නිසා ඔව්හු ශ්‍රමය වගුරුවන්නන්ගෙන් වෙනස් වූහ. එසේම ඔවුන්ගේ දෙපා ආවරනය වූයේ සෙරෙප්පු වලිනි. ඔවුන් අතරෙන් කණ්ඩායම් නායකයා ලෙස ක්‍රියාකළ රැකවලා වැඩි වයසක් නොපෙනෙන තරුණයෙකි. රැකවළුන් අතරින් වැඩිමලා වූ ඔහු හිටපු ගරිල්ලා භටයෙකි. ඔහු වැඩකරන මිනිසුන් දෙස බැලූවේ ප්‍රිය නොඋපදවන, සතුරු බැල්මකිනි.

මී හරකා” ඔහු ආමන්ත්‍රනය කළේ වැඩකරමින් සිටි වයෝවෘධ තැනැත්තාටය. තෝ, අගල කපනවද? නැත්තං වැස්සේ නානවද?”

මහල්ලා නපුරු රැකවලා දෙස බැලූවේ භීතිය මුසු අනුකම්පාව ඉල්ලන බැල්මකිනි. එහෙත් අනෙක් ශ්‍රමිකයන් තම වැඩය පෙර පරිදි බිය මුසුව කරගෙන ගියහ.

මෙහෙ වර බැල්ලිගෙ පුතා”

භටයා වයස්ගත මහල්ලාට ඔවුන් රැඳී සිටි මඩුව වෙත එන ලෙස අණ කළේය. එක් අතකින් උදැල්ල හා අනෙක් අතින් හිස්වැස්ම සකස් කරමින් මහල්ලා රැකවළුන් වැස්සෙන් ආරක‍ෂාවීමට රැඳී සිටි මඩුව වෙත ගියේ දෙවියන් යදිමින් තොල්මතුරමිනි. මේ බලපිය, තෝ විප්ලවයට පෙර වැඩ කළේ කොහේද?”

මහල්ලා ගොත ගැසීය.

මී හරකා තෝ මට බොරු කිව්වොත් මම තොගේ දිව කපනවා” මෙසේ කියමින් භටයා මුවහත් පිහියක් අතට ගත්තේය. මහල්ලා දණින් වැටුනි. මම හිටපු කම්කරුවෙක්. මම කම්කරුවෙක්. මම නූගත් කම්කරුවෙක්. මම කෙමරූජ්වරුන්ට උදවු කරලා තියෙනවා” ඔහු ගාථාවක් කියන්නාක් මෙන් දෙඩවීය.

බල්ලා, තෝ බොරු කියන්නේ, තෝ වැඩ කලේ විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ, තොට අකුරු කියවන්න පුළුවන්. තෝ මට බොරු කරන්නද හදන්නේ. නැගිටපිය පරයා” මෙසේ කියමින් තරුණ රැකවලා මහල්ලාගේ ඉලඇටවලට පයින් ඇන්නේය.

කෙට්ටු කටු ගොඩක් වැනි මහල්ලා මඩ ගොඩේ මුණින් අතටය. ඔහුගේ මුහුණෙන් හා හිසකේ වල මඩ තැවරී තිබිණ. යළි ඉල ඇටවලට පයින් අනිනු ඇතැයි බියවූ මහල්ලා අසීරුවෙන් නැගිට්ටේය.

මම අකුරු දන්නේ නෑ. මම කම්කරුවෙක්.”

මහල්ලාට කීමට හැකිවූයේ මෙපමණකි. කෙමරුජ් භටයා මහල්ලාගේ මුහුණට දුන් පහරින් හෙතෙම යළි බිම වැටුණි. මෙවර මහල්ලාගේ තොල් පුපුරා ගේ ගලන්නට විය.

මී හරහා, තෝ දන්නේ විශ්වවද්‍යාල වල පහරන්න විතරයි. තෝ මකුණෙක්, ජනතාවගේ ලේ උරා බොන ඉනිකුණෙක්. තොට උදැල්ලක් අරගන වැඩකරන්න දන්නේ නෑ. බොරුවට මඩ ගාගන්නවා.” කෝපයෙන් වියරු වැටී සිටි කෙමරුජ් භටයා මහල්ලාගේ පපුව පාගන්නට විය. මහල්ලා හුස්ම ගත්තේ අසීරුවෙනි. ඔහු කුමක්දෝ තොල්මැතිරීය. එහෙත් එය කෙඳිරියක් බඳුය.

මෙහෙ බලපිය පරබල්ලනි,”මෙවර භටයා ආමන්ත්‍රණය කළේ වැඩකරමින් සිටි මිනිස් කණ්ඩායමටය. විස්සක් පමණ වූ පිරිස මොහොතකට උදළුතල බිම තබා කෙමරුජ් භටයා දෙස බැලුහ. තොපිට තාම අගල කපාගන්න බැරි උනාද?

තොපි මීහරක්, බලපිය මේ උගතා ඌට උදැල්ල පුරුදු නෑ. මූ කම්පුචියාවට බරක්. මම මූව පොහොර කරනවා. මුගේ ශරීර කූඩුව වී පැළ උරාගත්තාවේ. තොපි හැමෝම මේ අගලේ දමලා පස් ගහනවා. හිටපිය තොපිට”මෙසේ කියමින් තරුණ භටයා ගලක් අතට ගෙන පිරිස වෙත දමා ගැසීය. සියළුම දෙනා එකවර කථාකර ගත්තාක් මෙන් හිස් පාත්කර ගත්හ. එහෙත් පිරිසේ වූ අවාසනාවන්ත ශ්‍රමිකයාගේ නළලේ ගල වැදිනි.

බලපිය ශරීර හොරුන්ට අපි කරන දේ” සෙබලා තම සහකයන් දෙදෙනෙකුට ඉදිරියට එන ලෙස නියෝග කළේය. කළු කලිසම් හා කළු කමිසය ඇඳ, රතු තිත් සහිත මෆ්ලර් දමා සිටි අවුරුදු දොළහේ පමණ කොළු ගැටව් දෙදෙනෙකු පොලූ දෙකක් ගෙන මහල්ලා වෙත ලංවූහ.

මූව පොහොර කරපන්” ඔහු ළමා සොල්දාදුවන්ට නියෝගයක් දුන්නේය. එම විධානයත් සමඟම ළමුන් දෙදෙනා මහල්ලාගේ හිසට පොලූවලින් තඩිබාන්නට වූහ. මහල්ලා වේදනාවෙන් දැඟලීය. මඩගොඩේ වැටී දඟලන මහල්ලාගේ හිසෙන් ගලන ලේ කළු පැහැයක් ගත්තේය. තමන්ගේ දරුවන්ගේ දරුවන් බඳුවූ වධකයන්ගේ පහර නිසා ඔහු අසරණව වැද හොත්තේය. මේ අතර ළමුන් දෙදෙනා තරගයට මෙන් මහල්ලාගේ හිසට පොලූ පහර දෙන්නට වූහ. මැටි කළයකට පොල්ලෙන් ගසන විට එන හඬ වැනි හඬක් නිකුත් වූ අතර සෑම පහර කෑමකදීම මහල්ලාගේ මුවින් කෙඳිරියක් පිටවිය.

මඩේ එරී අගල කපමින් සිටි පිරිස භීතියට හා ශෝකයට පත්ව අසරණව මේ බිහිසුණු දර්ශනය දෙස බලා සිටියහ. ඇතැමෙකුට මෙම බිහිසුණු ජවනිකාව දැක තමන් සිහිසුන්ව වීමට යන්නාක් මෙන් දැනිනි. ඔව්හු තම දෑස් වසාගෙන පපුව ඇතුලෙන් පිළිස්සෙමින් සිටියහ. එහෙත් මේ දෙස නොබැලීමෙන් තමන් රැකවලූන්ගේ උදහසට ගොදුරුවේදැයි බියෙන් සැලිනි. ඒ සමඟම රැකවලූන්ට පෙනෙන ලෙස ඒ දෙස බැලීමටද අමතක නොකළහ.

ළමා සෙබලූන්ගේ පොලූපහර නිසා මහල්ලාගේ හිස කුඩුපට්ටවම් වී මොළයේ කැබලි එළියට පැන්නේය. රුධිරය ද ගලායමින් තිබිණි. මහල්ලාගේ පණ නිරුද්ධ වූ දේහය ඔව්හු මඩේ ඔබා ඊට කෙළ ගැසූහ.

වල්ඌරනි, වැඩ කරව්”යනුවෙන් කෙමරුජ් භටයා දුන් විධානය අනුව යළිත් උදළු ඔසවාගත් පිරිස තවදුරටත් අගල් කැපූහ. ඔව්හු වැඩකලා මිස කිසිවෙකු තම කණ්ඩායමේ සාමාජිකයෙකුගේ මුහුණ දෙස නොබැලීමට වගබලා ගත්හ.

වැස්ස නොකඩවා ඇද හැළුනි. තෙත බරිතවූ පිරිස වැස්සට තෙමෙමින්, පස් ඉවත් කරමින් අගල කැපූහ. පස් කණ්ඩි තෙත නිසා අගල කපන විට දෙපස කන්ඩිවල පස් නැවත අගලට වැටෙයි. එම නිසා ඔවුන්ගේ ශ්‍රමය අපතේ ගියේය. රැකවලූන්ගෙන් පහර කෑමට ඇති බිය නිසා ඔවුන් නිහඬව යළි පස් ඉවතට ගෙන අගල සකස් කළහ.

කණ්ඩායම සෙමෙන් වැඩකරන බවට චෝදනා කළ රැකවල් නායකයා ඔවුන්ට දහවල් ආහාරය දුන්නේ නැත. මේ නිසා හාමතින් පෙළෙමින් ඉතා අමාරුවෙන් මඩගොඩේ තම ශ්‍රමය මුදාහැරියේය. ක්ලාන්ත ගතිය දැනුනද තම ශරීර සිරස්ව තබා ගැනීමට හැකි උපරිම වෑයම ගත්හ. ක්ලාන්ත වන්නන් පසට පොහොර කිරීමට යක‍ෂයන් මෙන් රැකවලූන් බලා සිටින නිසා ඔව්හු උදළු මතට බරවෙමින් හෝ සිරුර නොවැටී තබා ගැනීමට උත්සාහ කළෝය.

වැස්සෙන් බේරීමට මඩුව ඇතුළේ සිටි රැකවළුන් පස්දෙනා දිවා ආහාරයට සූදානම් වූ අතර වරින් වර වැඩකරන කණ්ඩායම දෙස නෙත් හෙළීමට අමතක නොකළහ.

කාන්තා සෙබලියක විසින් බයිසිකලයේ පිටුපස ලෑල්ලකට තබා බැඳගෙන ආ මුට්ටි ප්‍රවේශමෙන් මඩුව තුළට ගන්නා ලදී. පිඟන් වෙනුවට තිබුණේ ඛෙලෙක් තැටිය. බත් හා දුඹුරුවන් හොද්දක් බේදාගත් ඔව්හු ශබ්ද නගමින් ආහාර ගත්හ. ඔවුන් ආහාරගත් මඩුවට යාබද මැටි පසේ අඩක්වැලලී ගිය මහල්ලාගේ මෘත දේහය කිසිවෙකුගේ අවධානයට ලක් නොවීය. මහල්ලාගේ ලේ හා මොළයේ කොටස් දැන් මඩ පසේ දක්නට නැත. නිරන්තරයෙන්ම ඇද හැළුන, වර්ෂාව විසින් මිනිස් ද්‍රව පටක වැසි ජලයේ දියකර හැරිනි.

මළසිරුරේ පිට හා හිසේ කොටස් බාහිරයට දිස්වෙයි. තුවාල වී ඇති හිසේ අතරින් පතර සුදු හිසකේ දක්නට තිබේ. මළ සිරුර මඩේ ඔබා ඇති නිසා මහල්ලාගේ නෙත් ඇරී තිබේදැයි කිසිවෙකු නොදනියි. ඔහුගේ කළු හිස් වැස්ම පමණක් වැසිදියේ පාවෙමින් තිබේ.

රැකවලූන් දිවා ආහාරය ගත්තේ ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ භටයාට සවන් දෙමිනි. අතරින් පතර වල්ඌරන්, මීහරක්, ප්‍රතිගාමීන්, යන වචන ඔහුගේ මුවෙන් පිට වෙයි.

ශ්‍රම කණ්ඩායම මුළු සවස් වරුවම වැඩ කළේය. එහෙත් තවමත් අගල කපා අවසන් නැත. කුසට ආහාර නොමැති විට ශක්තිය වැය කරන්නේ කෙසේද? මෙම සරල සමීකරණය කෙමරුජ්වරුන්ට නොතේරුනද එය ප්‍රායෝගිකව පහදා දීම වනාහි මරණයට විවෘත ආරාධනයකි.

එහෙත් බිය හා සන්ත්‍රාසය එක්වූ විට මිනිස් ශරීරය යාන්ත්‍රික ශරීරයක් බවට පත්වේ. වෙහෙස, කුසගිනි, නොදැනෙන මෙම කයට කාලය, අවකාශය, පිළිබඳව ඇති වැටහීම කෙමෙන් පහවී යයි. ඒකාකාරව බොල්හඬ නගමින් උදළු වලින් අගල කපාගෙන ගිය ඔවුන් රාත්‍රී දහය වන විට ශරීර ශක්තිය පිරිහීගිය හෙවනැළි බවට පත්වී සිටියද සිය කාර්යය නොකඩවා කරගෙන ගියහ.

ඔවුනට රාත්‍රි ආහාරය හා විවේකය ලැබිණි. හාල් ස්වල්පයක් දමා පිසින ලද කැඳ කෝප්පය ඔව්හු උගුරට දෙකට අවසන් කළහ. බඩගිනි ඉවසාගනු නොහැකිව ඇතැමෙක් අඳුරට මුවාවී වැස්සට පෙඟී ගිය කොළ හා දළු අමුවෙන්ම කටේ දමාගෙන ගිල්ලේ රැකවළුන්ට රහසිනි. පිරිහී ගිය ශක්තිය ඇති සිහින් උස් පුද්ගලයෙකු ගසකට හේත්තු විය. ඔහු මැදිවියේ සිටියද මුහුණ මහල්ලෙකුගේ මෙනි. ඊට හේතුව විය හැක්කේ නීරක්තයයි. සමට යටින් ඇති මේද පටක දියවී ගොස් තිබූ නිසා ඔහුගේ හකුඇට නෙරා තිබුණි. එහෙත් දෙනෙත් ගැඹුරුය. ඔහුගේ ඉතිහාසය කිසිවෙකු නොදනී. ඔහු කඳවුරේ සිටියේ අකුරු ලිවීමට හා කියවීමට නොහැක්කකු විලසිනි. දහවල කෲරලෙස වදදී මරා දැමුවේ ඔහු සමඟ නොන්පෙන් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ සිටි කථීකාචාර්යවරයෙකි. තමාගේ ඉතිහාසය එළිදරව් විය හැකි නිසා ඔහු සිටියේ නිරන්තර සැකයෙනි. එක එල්ලේ අන් අයකුගේ දෙනෙත් දෙස බැලීමට ඔහු බියවිය. නිතරම හිස පහත් කොටගෙන සිටි ඔහු දුටුවේ තමාට අඩි කීපයක් ඈතින් සිටි පුද්ගලයන් පමණකි.

වෙහෙස නිසා ඔහුගේ නෙත් පියවෙයි. නොදැනුවත්මව ඔහුට ප්‍රංශ ගායිකා එතුවාල්ගේ දුක්මුසු ගීතයක් සිහියට නැගිනි. පෙරදාමෙන් දුක්මුසු ප්‍රංශ ගිතය ඔහු මිමිනීය. එහෙත් මොහොතක් තුළදී ඔහුට පියවි සිහිය ආවේ. තම ගීතය යම් අයෙකුගේ අවධානයට යොමු වූයේද යන්නට බියගත් ඔහු දකුණු අතින් මුඛය වසාගත්තේ තවදුරටත් මුවින් හඬක් පිට නොවීම සඳහා ය.

ඔහු අසල සිටි තරුණයා මැලේරියා උණෙන් පීඩා වින්දේය. මාමේ, මට බෑ තවත් දුක් විඳින්න. මට මියයාම සැපතක්.” ඔහු කෙඳිරීය. මැදිවයසේ පුරුෂයා ඈතින් සිටි රැකවළුන් දෙස බැලූවේය. උඹට පිස්සුද? නිදාගන්න එපා. උන් උඹව පොහොර කරයි.”

කමක් නෑ මාමේ, මුන්ට මට කරන්න දෙයක් ඉතිරිවෙලා නැහැ. මගේ මව, බිරිඳ කුඩා දරුවා මුන් මරා දැම්මා. මට තව මොනවද ඉතිරිවෙලා තියෙන්නේ?” තරුණයා බොල් හඬකින් පැවසීය.

නැහැ, අපි කොහොම හරි මේක දරාගත යුතුයි. අපි කවදාහරි ජීවමාන සාක්ෂි වෙයි. ඒ දවස එනතෙක් අපි ජීවත් වෙමු. ඔහු තරුණයාට බලාපොරොත්තුවේ සේයාවක් දුන්නේය.

තව කොච්චර කාලයක් ඉවසන්නද? මාමේ මේ මොන අවුරුද්දද?”

මම හිතන්නේ 1977 මුල් මාසේ” ඔහු පිළිතුරු දුන්නේය.

කොච්චර කාලයක් ගියාද? මම මෙහෙ ආවේ 1975 අවුරුද්දේ. ඒ අවුරුද්ද තමයි මගේ ළමයයි, ගෑනියි සාගතේට අහුවෙලා මළේ. අම්මයි මමයි කැලේ කොළ කාලා ජීවත් උනා. මුං මාව කඳවුරට ගෙනල්ලා හොඳටම ගැහුවා. අම්මා කැලෑ උණ හැදිලා මලා. මම වහලෙක් වගේ තවමත් කඹුරනවා.”

ධෛර්ය ගනින් පොහොර වෙන්න එපා. කොහොම හරි ශරීර කූඩූව තියාගනින්. ඔහු තරුණයාට අවවාද කළේය.

මාමේ උඹේ නම මොකක්ද?”

මගේ නම Bou Meng දැන් ඇති කථා කළා. අපි නිහඬ වෙමු.”

පෞද්ගලික දේපොළ අහිමි කිරීම

කෙමරූජ් සංවිධානය පෞද්ගලික දේපොළ අවලංගු කළේය. පුද්ගලයන් සතුව තිබූ යානවාහන, මිළ මුදල්, රජයට භාරදෙන ලෙසට අණ කරන ලදී. ගුවන් විදුලි යන්ත්‍ර, බයිසිකල් පවා පවරාගනු ලැබීය. ග්‍රාමීය ප්‍රදේශවලට පිටමං කරන ලද ජනතාවට කෙමරූජ් සංවිධානය මගින් නියම කරන ලද නිළ ඇඳුම් විනා අන් ඇඳුම් ඇඳීම සපුරා තහනම් කෙරිණි. මුදල් සංසරණය නවතා දැමීම නිසා ව්‍යාපාර කඩා වැටුණි. ඉඩම්වල වහළුන් සේ ශ්‍රමය වැය කිරීම විනා ඉඩම් අයිතියක් කිසිවෙකුට නොවීය.

සුළු ජාතීන්ගේ අයිතීන් අහිමි කිරීම

1978 එළිදක්වන ලද කුප්‍රකට කළු පත්‍රිකාව මගින් කම්පුචියාවේ සුළුජන වර්ගවලට ජීවත් වීමට තිබේන අයිතිය අවලංගු කරනු ලැබීය. කම්පුචියාවේ ජීවත් වූ චීන, වියට්නාම්, ලාඕස් සම්භව ඇති ජනයා ජන සංහාරයට ලක් කරන ලදී. 1975 වන විට ග්‍රෝත්‍රික ජනයා 425,000 මරා දමන ලදී. මෙම සංඛ්‍යාව එම ජනගහනයෙන් 50% පමණ විය.

අවශේෂ ජනවර්ගයන් වෙත දියත් කරන ලද ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වයේ කූට ප්‍රාප්තිය සනිටුහන් වූයේ කම්පුචියා, වියට්නාම් දේශසීමා ආසන්නයේ සිදුකළ ඝාතන වලිනි. මෙම ප්‍රදේශවල ජිවත් වූ වියට්නාම් ජනවර්ගයට නිරතුරුවම ප්‍රහාර එල්ල කරන ලදී. කෙමරුජ් භටයෙකු විසින් දිනකට වියට්නාම් ජාතිකයන් 30 දෙනෙකු ඝාතනය කළයුතු බවට නොනිල මට්ටමේ අණක් පනවා තිබුණි. මේ නිසා වියට්නාමයට කම්පුචියාව ආක්‍රමණය කිරීමට මග සැලසුනි. සුළු ජාතීන්ට ඔවුන්ගේ භාෂාව කථා කිරීම සිරිත් විරිත්, සංස්කෘතික උත්සව පැවැත්වීම තහනම් කරනු ලැබීය.

යළි උපන් භූමියට පැමිණිය නොහැකිය.

කෙමරූජ් සංවිධානය විසින් ග්‍රාමීය ප්‍රදේශ කරා මිනිසුන් පිටමං කළේ ඔවුන්ගේ නිවාස පවා ගිනි තබමිනි. මෙයින් යළි ඔවුන්ට නැවත තමන් උපන් භූමිය වෙත පැමිණිය නොහැකි විය. ඔවුන් සන්තකයේ තිබුණ ද සියල්ල විනාශකොට තිබේ. එවැනි තත්වයකදී මිනිසුන්ට උපන් භූමියෙන් පිටුවහල් කඳවුරුවලට පියමනිනවා හැර වෙනත් විකල්පයක් නොවීය.

කෙමරුජ් නවරජයේ තීරණයක් අනුව සියළුම පුද්ගලයන් කුඹුරු වැඩ සඳහා සහයෝගය දිය යුතුවේ. සමෘධිමත් කෘෂිකාර්මික රටක් බිහි කිරීම සඳහා සියළු දෙනාම කුඹුරට බැසිය යුතුය. කර්මාන්ත ශාලා සේවකයින්, සුපවේදීන්, ටැක්සි රියදුරන්, කාර්මිකයන් ලිපිකරුවන් මෙකී නොකී සියළුම වෘත්තිකයන්ගේ වෘත්තීන් අහෝසි කොට තිබේ.

රජය විසින් සියළුදෙනාම එක රැයකින් ප්‍රවේනි දාසයන් බවට පත් කරන ලදී. ප්‍රග් විප්ලවය රුසියාවේ ක්‍රෙපස්නෝයි හ්රිස්තියාන් යනුවෙන් හඳුන්වන ලද ප්‍රවේනි ගොවීන්ට තිබූ නිදහසින් කාලක්වත් කම්පුචියාවේ ගොවීන්ට ලැබුනේ නැත. ඔවුන්ගේ ජීවිතය හා මරණය රැඳී තිබුණේ සංවිධානයේ තීරණ මතය. කම්පුචියාවේ අගනුවර වූ ඡයබදප ඡැබය හි වාසය කළ මිලියන 2 ක ජනයා කුඹුරු වැඩ සඳහා පිටමං කරවනු ලැබීය. කුඹුරට යැවීමට ප්‍රථම පුද්ගලයන්ගේ දෑත් පරීක‍ෂා කොට බලන ලදී. කරගැට රහිත අත් ඇති, බුද්ධිමත්, වෘත්තියක යෙදුණු පුද්ගලයන් වහා අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන අතුරුදහන් කරවන ලදී. මිනිසුන් කුඹුරු වැඩට වන විට දෙපස සුපරික‍ෂාවෙන් බලා සිටි කෙමරූජ්වරු සැක සිතූ ඕනෑම පුද්ගලයෙකු මරා දමන්නට පසුබට නොවූහ.

ඔබට ගොවියෙකුගේ මුහුණක් තිබුනේ නම් ඔබ වාසනාවන්තයෙකි. මන්ද, ඔබ අද දවසේ මරා දමන්නන්ගේ ලැයිස්තුවට ඇතුලත් නොවෙනු ඇත. එහෙත් සාගින්දර ඔබගේ ඉරණම හෙට තීරණය කරනු ඇත. කුඹුරුවල ශ්‍රමය වැයකළ මිනිසුන් සඳහා දින තුනකට වරක් සහල් ග්‍රෑම් 180 ක් ලබාදෙන ලදී.

ළමුන් අහිංසකය

අවුරුදු 6 ට වැඩි ළමයින් දෙමව්පියන්ගෙන් පැහැරගනු ලැබිණි. දෙමව්පියන්ගෙන් වෙන් කරන ලද ළමයින් කෙමරූජ් සංවිධානය යටතේ අන්කා දහමට අනුකූලව හදා වඩා ගනු ලැබිණ. පාරම්පරික ගති සිරිත් වලින් ඈත් කරන ලද මේ ළමයින් කෙමරූජ් ළමා බළකායේ සෙබළු බවට පත් කරන ලදී.

ළමුන් වැඩිහිටියන් මෙන් අතීත මතකයෙන් දූෂිතව නොමැති නිසා ළමුන්ට ගෞරව කළ යුතු බව කෙමරූජ්වරු අවධාරණය කළහ. ළමුන්ගේ නියෝගයන්ට වැඩිහිටියන් අවනත විය යුතු බව කෙමරූජ්වරු යටතේ නීතියක් බවට පත්විය.

ළමුන් අයිති කෙමරුජ් සංවිධානයට මිස දෙමාපියන්ට නොවේ.

මා පිය දූදරු සබඳතාව කෙමරුජ්වරු හැඳින්වූයේ ප්‍රතිගාමි සබඳතා ලෙසටය. එම නිසා පවුල යන ඒකකය විනාශ කිරීමට ඔව්හු කටයතු කළහ. ළමුන් දෙමාපියන්ගෙන් ඉවත් කරන ලදී. ඔවුන්ට කුඩා වියේ සිටම අන්කා දහම උගන්වන ලදී. එසේම ළමුන් වැඩිහිටියන් මෙන් දූෂිත නොවුණු කෙමරූජ් හිතවාදී කොටසක් ලෙස සලකනු ලැබූ අතර ප්‍රතිවිප්ලවවාදීන් ලෙස ලේබල් ගැසූ කොටස් ඝාතනයන් සඳහා යොදවා ගන්නා ලදී. ළමා වියේ සිටම මිනීමැරීමට ඔවුන් පුහුණු කරවන ලදී.

ආගමික නිදහස නැති කරයි.

කෙමරූජ් සංවිධානය විසින් ආගම ඇදහීම තහනම් කරන ලදී. බෞද්ධ හා කතෝලික හා ඉස්ලාම් ආගම් අදහන්නන් කෙරෙහි කෙමරූජ්වරු දැක්වූ වෛරය සනිටුහන් වන්නේ කෙමරුජ්වරු කරන ලද ආගම් අදහන අය ඝාතනය කිරීමත්, ආගමික සිද්ධස්ථාන විනාශ කිරීමත් මගිනි. 1975 සිට 1979 දක්වා අතර කාලය තුළ පන්සල්, පල්ලි විශාල ප්‍රමාණයක් විනාශ කරන ලදී. පොල්පොට් යුගයේදී කම්පුචියාවේ බෞද්ධ භික‍ෂුන 40,000 සිට 60,000 දක්වා සිටි අතර, ඔවුන්ට කෙමරූජ් සංවිධානය විසින් නම් කරන ලද්දේ සමාජ පරපෝෂිතයන් හෙවත් Social þ¾sites වශයෙනි.

බලෙන් සිවුරු ඉවත් කරවන ලද භික‍ෂූන් කුඹුරුවල වැඩ කිරීම සඳහා යොදවන ලද්දේය. මුස්ලිම් ජන කොටස් පීඩනයට පත් කළ අතර, ඔවුන්ට වද බන්ධනය පමුණුවන විටදී ඌරුමස් කෑමට බල කරන ලදී. ඌරුමස් කෑම ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කළ මුස්ලිම්වරුන්ට වෙඩිතබා මරා දැමූ බව සාක‍ෂිකරුවෝ පවසති.

 

නුඹලා විවාහ විය යුත්තේ , සංවිධානයේ නියෝග මතය.

කෙමරූජ්වරු බාල සහ නව යොවුන් වියේ ළමයින් හා තරුණයන් පවුල්වලින් ඉවත් කළහ. ඔවුන් කෙමරූජ් සංවිධානය යටතේ අන්කා දහම අනුව ඇතිදැඩි කරන ලදී. පුද්ගලයෙකුට තමන් රිසි අයෙකු සමඟ විවාහ වීම වෙනුවට කෙමරූජ් සංවිධානයේ අවශ්‍යතා මත විවාහයන් සිදු කළහ. සාමූහික උත්සව වලදී මෙලෙස සංවිධානයේ තීරණ මත යුවතිපතීන් එක්තැන් කරන ලදී. මෙහි මූලික අරමුණවූයේ සැමියාගෙන් බිරිඳ පිළිබඳවත්, බිරිඳගෙන් සැමියා පිළිබඳවත් තොරතුරු සංවිධානයට ලබා ගැනීමයි. මෙවැනි යෝජිත විවාහයන් කෙමරූජ්වරුන්ගේ කාලයේ සුලබ විය.

වෛද් රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග 

Buddhism and Science: Probing the Boundaries of Faith and Reason

May 11th, 2017

Dr. Martin J. Verhoeven Religion East and West, Issue 1, June 2001, pp. 77-97

Abstract

Western interest in Eastern religions, especially Buddhism, historically coincided with the rise of modern science and the corresponding perceived decline of religious orthodoxy in the West. Put simply: Modern science initiated a deep spiritual crisis that led to an unfortunate split between faith and reason—a split yet to be reconciled. Buddhism was seen as an “alternative altar,” a bridge that could reunite the estranged worlds of matter and spirit. Thus, to a large extent Buddhism’s flowering in the West during the last century came about to satisfy post-Darwinian needs to have religious beliefs grounded in new scientific truth.

As science still constitutes something of a “religion” in the West, the near-absolute arbiter of truth, considerable cachet still attends the linking of Buddhism to science. Such comparison and assimilation is inevitable and in some ways, healthy. At the same time, we need to examine more closely to what extent the scientific paradigm actually conveys the meaning of Dharma. Perhaps the resonance between Buddhism and Western science is not as significant as we think. Ironically, adapting new and unfamiliar Buddhist conceptions to more ingrained Western thought-ways, like science, renders Buddhism more popular and less exotic; it also threatens to dilute its impact and distort its content.

Historians since the end of World War II, have suggested that the encounter between East and West represents the most significant event of the modern era. Bertrand Russell pointed to this shift at the end of World War II when he wrote, If we are to feel at home in the world, we will have to admit Asia to equality in our thoughts, not only politically, but culturally. What changes this will bring, I do not know. But I am convinced they will be profound and of the greatest importance.”

More recently, the historian Arthur Versluis, in a new book, American Transcendentalism and Asian Religions (1993), pieced together five or six major historical views on this subject, and presented this by way of conclusion:

However much people today realize it, the encounter of Oriental and Occidental religious and philosophical traditions, of Buddhist and Christian and Hindu and Islamic perspectives, must be regarded as one of the most extraordinary meetings of our age. . . . Arnold Toynbee once wrote that of all the historical changes in the West, the most important—and the one whose effects have been least understood—is the meeting of Buddhism in the Occident. . . . And when and if our era is considered in light of larger societal patterns and movements, there can be no doubt that the meeting of East and West, the mingling of the most ancient traditions in the modern world, will form a much larger part of history than we today with our political-economic emphases, may think.

These are not isolated opinions. Many writers, scholars, intellectuals, scientists, and theologians have proclaimed the importance of the meeting of East and West. Occidental interest in the Orient predates the modern era. There is evidence of significant contact between East and West well before the Christian era. Even in the New World, curiosity and interchange existed right from the beginning, as early as the 1700s. One can find allusions to Asian religions in Cotton Mather, Benjamin Franklin, Walt Whitman, and of course, more developed expressions in Henry David Thoreau, and Ralph Waldo Emerson.

By the mid-twentieth century this growing fascination with Asian thought led Arnold Toynbee to envision a new world civilization emerging from a convergence of East and West. He anticipated that the spiritual philosophies of Asia would touch profoundly on the three basic dimensions of human existence: Our relationships with each other (social); with ourselves (psychological); and, with the physical world (natural). What is the shape and significance of this encounter? What does Buddhism contribute to the deeper currents of Western thought; and more specifically, to our struggle to reconcile faith with reason, religion with science?

Science was already the ascendant intellectual sovereign when Buddhism made its first serious entry on the American scene in the latter decades of the 19th century. A World’s Parliament of Religions, held in conjunction with the 1893 Colombian Exposition in Chicago, brought to America for the first time a large number of Asian representatives of the Buddhist faith. These missionaries actively and impressively participated in an open forum with Western theologians, scientists, ministers, scholars, educators, and reformers. This unprecedented ecumenical event in the American heartland came at a most opportune time. America was ready and eager for a new source of inspiration, ex orient lux, the ‘light of Asia.’

By the 1890s America was caught in the throes of a spiritual crisis affecting Christendom worldwide. Modern scientific discoveries had so undermined a literal interpretation of sacred scripture, that for many educated and thoughtful people, it was no longer certain that God was in his heaven and that all was right with the world. These rapid changes and transformations in almost every aspect of traditional faith, had such irreversible corrosive effects on religious orthodoxy, that they were dubbed, “acids of modernity.” They ate away at received convictions, and ushered in an unprecedented erosion of belief. People like my grandparents, brought up with rock-solid belief in the infallible word of God, found their faith shaken to its very foundations. It was as if overnight they suddenly awoke to a new world governed not by theological authority but by scientists. New disclosures from the respected disciplines of geology, biology, and astronomy challenged and shattered Biblical accounts of the origins of the natural world and our place and purpose in it.          Sigmund Freud captured the spirit of the age well when he said the self-love of mankind has been three times wounded by science.” The Copernican Revolution, continued by Galileo, took our little planet out of the center position in the universe. The Earth, held to be the physical and metaphysical center of the Universe, was reduced to a tiny speck revolving around a sun. Then Darwin all but eliminated the divide between animal and man, and with it the “special creation” status enjoyed by humans. Darwin, moreover, diminished God. The impersonal forces of natural selection kept things going; no divine power was necessary. Nor, from what any competent scientist could demonstrate with any factual certainty, was any Divinity even evident—either at the elusive “creation,” or in the empirical present. Karl Marx people portrayed people as economic animals grouped into competing classes driven by material self-interest. Finally, Freud himself characterized religious faith as an evasion of truth, a comforting illusion sustained by impulses and desires beyond the reach of the rational intellect. Nietzsche’s famous declaration that God is Dead” may have seemed extreme, but few would have denied that God was ailing. And certainly the childhood version of a personal, all-powerful God that created the world and ruled over it with justice and omniscience was for many a comforting vision lost forever.

One of the lingering side effects of this loss has been the unfortunate disjunction of matter and spirit that afflicts the modern age. It can assume many forms: a split between matter and spirit, a divorce between faith and reason, a dichotomy between facts and values. At a more personal level, it manifests as a mind-body dualism. An unwelcome spiritual and psychological legacy from the late 19th and early 20th centuries, it is still very much with us today, something that haunts our psyches.

Much of today’s near-obsession with therapy in the West, and even the shift toward psychologizing religion (including the New Age” phenomenon) could be seen as attempts to heal this deep sense of alienation. The pragmatic philosopher, John Dewey, wrote: The pathological segregation of facts and value, matter and spirit, or the bifurcation of nature, this integration [i. e. the problem of integrating this] poses the deepest problem of modern life.” This problem both inspires and confounds contemporary philosophy and religion. Wholeness eludes us while the split endures; and yet, almost tragically, the very means we have available to heal it insure its continuation. For, all of our philosophies, academic disciplines, therapies, and even religious traditions are informed by and rooted in aspects of this dualism. Perhaps the most visible expression of this pathological segregation is the gap between science and religion.

Thus, when the eminent philosopher and mathematician Alfred North Whitehead scanned the broad outlines of our time, he wrote: The future course of history would center on this generation’s resolving the issue of the proper relationship between science and religion, so fundamental are the religious symbols through which people give meaning to their lives and so powerful the scientific knowledge through which we shape and control our lives.” And it is in regard to this troubling issue, I think, that Eastern religions, particularly Buddhism, are seen to hold out the promise of achieving some resolution. The idea dates back over a hundred years.

After the 1893 Chicago Parliament of World Religions, one Paul Carus, a Chicago-based editor of the Open Court Press, invited some of the influential Japanese Buddhist delegates to a week-long discussion at the home of Carus’s father-in-law, Edward Hegeler. Both deeply felt the spiritual crisis of the times. Both were trying to reform Christianity to bring it in line with current thought; in short, to make religion scientific. It occurred to them that Buddhism was already compatible with science, and could be used to nudge Christianity in the same direction. Toward this end, Carus wanted to support a Buddhist missionary movement to the United States from Asia. His thinking was to create something of a level playing field. Carus had witnessed the most ambitious missionary undertaking in modern history that send thousands of Protestant missionaries abroad to convert the people ‘sitting in darkness.’ He wished to conduct a Darwinian experiment of ‘survival of the fittest.” His goal: to bring Buddhist missionaries to America where they could engage in healthy competition with their Christian counterparts in the East, and thus determine the “fittest” to survive.

With the aid of his wealthy father-in-law who put up money, they sponsored a number of Eastern missionaries to the United States: Anagarika Dharmapala, from what was then Ceylon, now Sri Lanka; Swami Vivekananda, from India representing the Ramakrishna Vedanta movement; and Soyen Shaku, a Japanese Buddhist monk, and Shaku’s young disciple D.T. Suzuki. During his stay in the United States in the late 1890s and early 1900s, Suzuki lived in the small town of LaSalle/Peru, Illinois. He was in his twenties then, and for about eleven years he worked closely with Paul Carus translating Buddhist texts into English and putting out inexpensive paperback editions of the Asian classics. Suzuki later became the leading exponent of Zen in the West, when he returned in the 1950s on a Rockefeller grant to lecture extensively at East Coast colleges.  He influenced writers and thinkers like Carl Jung, Karen Horney, Erich Fromm, Martin Heidegger, Thomas Merton, Alan Watts, and the “beat Buddhists”—Jack Kerouac, Alan Ginsberg, and Gary Snyder. Suzuki died in 1966 in Tokyo. His influence in the West was profound—making Zen an English word, translating Asian texts into English, stimulating a scholarly interest in the Orient among American intellectuals, and deepening American respect and enthusiasm for Buddhism. The historian Lynn White Jr. praised Suzuki as someone who broke through the “shell of the Occident” and made the West’s thinking global. His introduction to the West came about through the hands of Paul Carus.

These early missionaries of Buddhism to the West, including Carus himself, all shared the same modern, reformist outlook. They translated Buddhism into a medium and a message compatible and resonant with the scientific and progressive spirit of the Age. They selectived passages of text to favor that slant, and carefully presented the Buddhist teachings in such a way as to appeal to modern sensibilities—empirical, rational, and liberal. Americans wanted religion to “make sense,” to accord with conventional wisdom. Then, as now, our primary mode of making sense of things was positivist—reliable knowledge based on natural phenomena as verified by empirical sciences. So firmly entrenched is the scientific outlook that it has for all practical purposes taken on a near-religious authority. Few, then or now, critically question our faith in science; we presume its validity and give it an almost unquestioned place as the arbiter of truth.

Thus, the early missionaries of Buddhism to America purposely stripped Buddhism of any elements that might appear superstitious, mythological, even mystical. Dharmapala, Suzuki, and Vivekananda clearly ascertained that Americans measured truth in science, and science posed little theological threat to a Buddhist and Hindu worldview. After all, Buddhism had unique advantages for someone who rejected their faith (Christian) due to its authoritarianism and unscientific outlook:

1) Buddhism did not assert or depend upon the existence of a God

2) Buddhism was a superstition-free moral ideal; it conformed to the scientific view of an ordered universe ruled by law (Dharma)—a system both moral and physical where everything seemed to work itself out inexorably over vast periods of time without divine intervention (karma)

3) Buddhism posited no belief in gods who could alter the workings of this natural law

4) Buddhism was a religion of self-help with all depending on the individual working out his/her own salvation

5) “Original” Buddhism was seen as the “Protestantism of Asia,” and Buddha as another Luther who swept away the superstitions and rituals of an older, corrupted form and took religion back to its pure and simple origins

6) Buddhism presented an attractive personal founder who led life of great self-sacrifice; parallels were drawn between Jesus and Buddha as the inspiration of a personal figure exerted strong appeal to seekers who had given up on theology and metaphysics.

Thus, Buddhism was packaged and presented in its most favorable light viz a viz the current spiritual crisis in the West; and, not surprisingly, Buddhism seemed immensely reasonable and appealing to Americans. Darwinism might be undermining Biblical Christianity, but it only enhanced Buddhism’s standing.

In fact, Darwin’s theory of evolution, which struck the most severe blow to the Judaeo-Christian edifice, was taken up as the leading banner for Buddhist propagation. With Darwin the concept of evolution became enshrined in the popular mind. Everything was evolutionary—species, races, nations, economies, religions, the universe—from the micro to the macro. Social Darwinists even saw evolution operating behind the vicissitudes of free-market capitalism. As the constant interaction of stimulus and response in nature, evolution seemed to match nicely with the notion of karma—the cyclical unfolding of events governed by the law of cause and effect. So Anagarika Dharmapala could announce in Chicago to his largely Judaeo-Christian audience that “the theory of evolution was one of the ancient teachings of the Buddha.” As it was in nature (at least in the new natural world of Darwin), so it was in the Buddhist universe.

Most people drawn to Eastern religions did not examine very closely the supposed identity of Darwin’s evolution and the Buddhist concept of karma. They were content, even predisposed, to imagine them the same. Buddhists ardent to convert Americans to Buddhism, as well as Christians eager to find some correspondence between modern science and their beleaguered faith, were happy to say, Yes, the similarities are close enough;  look, how the ancient Eastern religions anticipated our modern science!” Vivekananda, the charismatic and eloquent Ramakrishna delegate from India, met only hurrahs of affirmation when he proclaimed to a Chicago audience that the latest discoveries of science seemed “like the echoes from the high spiritual flights of Vedantic philosophy.”

This facile view that Buddhism and science were cut of the same cloth accorded nicely with the longing to reconnect the sacred and the secular. It held out hope that religion could once again assume its rightful place alongside (if no longer in the lead of) the emerging disciplines of biology, geology, and physics. It also fit neatly with the presumed “unity of truth” that Victorians held to so dearly—there could only be one truth, not two. The very nature of reality demanded that the truths of science and religion be one and the same.  Carus called his new system of thought “the Religion of  Science,” and Max Muller called his new theology “the Science of Religion.”

This trend linking Buddhism to science continued, even accelerated, into the 20th century. Einstein’s work and further developments in the new cutting-edge physics seemed to provide even further evidence that science and Buddhism were merely different rivers leading to the same sea. Where the old theologies crumbled under the juggernaut of science, Buddhism seemed to hold its own, even thrive. The early (and even contemporary) exponents of Buddhism pushed this idea. It remains an area of great promise and interest; but it is not one without difficulties.

One of the first to question this marriage, interestingly, was also one of its earliest  proponents, D.T. Suzuki. When Suzuki came to the United States to collaborate with Paul Carus, both were outspoken advocates of the link between Buddhism and science. Suzuki’s early writings make virtually no distinction between Buddhism and science. For Suzuki, Buddhism was eminently modern and progressive, compatible with the latest discoveries in Western psychology and philosophy. It was, in a word, scientifically sound.

By the time Suzuki returned to the United States in the 1950s, however, he had experienced a change of heart. He then wrote that his initial thinking—that religion must be based on scientific grounds and that Christianity was based on too much mythology—was a little ill-founded. An older, perhaps wiser Suzuki, came to doubt the sufficiency of a religion based on science, and even saw the need for religion to critique science. In 1959, Suzuki wrote that his early modernist agreement with Hegeler and Carus that “religion must stand on scientific grounds…Christianity was based too much on mythology,” was ill-founded. “If it were possible for me to talk with them now,” he reflected, “I would tell them that my ideas have changed from theirs somewhat. I now think that a religion based solely on science is not enough. There are certain ‘mythological’ elements in every one of us, which cannot be altogether lost in favor of science. This is a conviction I have come to.”

What had changed? First of all, two world wars. As the contemporary writer Kurt Vonnegut  has wryly observed, We took scientific truth and dropped it on the people of Hiroshima.” Suzuki was, of course, Japanese; he felt directly the negative weight of modern science. Having survived the brutal experience of a war initiated, carried out, and ended with weapons of mass destruction born of modern science, he was left less sanguine about the idyllic marriage with religion and science that he had heralded at the turn of the century. Suzuki was enjoying the wisdom of hindsight; but in fairness to Suzuki, so were many other people.

Since Suzuki’s turnabout in 1959, there have  been even further, more fundamental challenges to the presumed closeness of Buddhism and science. Questions have arisen in two areas. One, as a society we have come to reassess the blessings and the promise of modern science in terms of the socio-psychological impact. While people are mesmerized by science and dream about what science can do for them, they also have nightmares about what science can do to them. This bittersweet realization lingers in the contemporary psyche: we dream about all the wonderful things science is going to do for us; at the same time we are haunted by unsettling specters of the dreadful things science could do to us. This concern and troubling ambivalence seems to grow, not diminish, with each scientific advance.

At the popular level, movies and television play on variations of the Frankenstein, Godzilla, the X-Files motif, reflecting anxieties over science-gone-wrong. These “monsters” give form (albeit imaginary) to some of humanity’s deepest fears. They reflect not only the apprehension of Pandora’s box unearthed, but more significantly, the hubris of human pride and lust for power unrestrained. Nowhere is this more evident than in the new field of biotechnology—the actual manipulation of life at the subtle genetic source. Scientists now talk of the end of evolution, the end of nature, in the sense that humans will soon replace nature to direct the course of creation themselves. Doctor Panayiotis Zavos, who is now actively engaged in producing the first human clone, announced proudly, “Now that we have crossed into the third millennium, we have the technology to break the rules of nature.”

Thus, the development and unleashing of “advanced” weapons of mass destruction through two World Wars, the Cold War, and now almost daily in “hot spots” throughout the world; the unenlightened tampering with nature that has brought about widespread environmental pollution; the almost cavalier experiments with human reproduction, cloning, genetically engineered life, chemical-biological warfare—all threaten to make reality more frightening than fiction.

The second area of doubt regarding modern science arises from within the scientific community itself. The last decades of the 20th century have seen an internal reexamination take place within almost every scientific discipline, as each has been forced to question its own foundations and exclusive claims to truth. We are in the midst of a major paradigm shift, the outcome of which still remains unclear. It revolves around a loss of the positivistic certainty that science once enjoyed and now finds slipping away. Ironically, the scientific “establishment” finds itself confronting a challenge to its exclusive authority that in many ways mirrors the spiritual crisis that religious orthodoxy faced with the triumph of modern science.

Sigmund Freud exemplifies this ironic shift. Perhaps more than any modern thinker, he contributed to the undermining of religious certainty. He stated quite unequivocally that an illusion would be to suppose that what science would not give us, we can get elsewhere.” Elsewhere, of course, refers to religion, as he made clear in his pessimistic indictment of religion in The Future of an Illusion. And yet his own psychoanalytic theory has become a matter of intense debate, and has come under the critical scrutiny of the very scientific system he felt would validate his ideas. But it is in areas other than psychology, most notably in physics, and increasingly in the life sciences, that a growing body of new knowledge is beginning to strain existing models of explanation and understanding.

With the ground-breaking work of Niels Bohr, Heisenberg, and Sir Arthur Eddington, the rock-solid presupposition central to that classical scientific thought began to crumble. With the “new science” that started to emerge in the post-World War II era, the  observer and the observed could not be presumed separate and distinct. Gone too was the neat subject/object distinction that had come to define classical science. This shift away from the study of the “outside” objective world of nature to the “inner” subjective world of the observer is a hallmark of the new science. As Heisenberg observed, Even in science, the object of research is no longer nature itself, but man’s investigation of nature.”

For example, Heisenberg pointed out that the very act of measurement interfered with what one was attempting to measure. You cannot separate the subject from the object of the experiment. So, if the scientist changes the very nature of the “reality” he or she investigates, then what is truth? What is purely objective fact? Where does the boundary lie (indeed, if there is one) between the mind and the external world? Consequently, the quantum theory of the new physics no longer claims to be describing “reality.” It describes probable realities. The new physics looks for possible realities and finds them so elusive that no one model can exhaustively account for everything. The indeterminacy of models has replaced earlier certainties.

Some, like Thomas Kuhn, even questioned the notion of science as an objective progression towards truth. In The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (1962), Kuhn observed that science, like religion, becomes heavily encumbered with its own baggage of non-rational procedures. Science accumulates its peculiar set of  presuppositions, doctrines, and even heresies. Kuhn essentially demolished the logical empiricist and purist view that science personified the impartial progression towards a universal truth. Instead, he saw it as a series of shifting “paradigms”—a global way of seeing things which is relatively immune from disconfirmation by experience. One paradigm would hold sway for awhile, only to be displaced in a “revolution” by another conceptual worldview.  These paradigms, both self-contained and self-perpetuating, tended to conserve and perpetuate their own ideas, just as religion tends to conserve and perpetuate its own beliefs.

For example, Galileo declared in the early 1600s that Copernicus was correct: The earth moves, and the sun is the center of our galaxy. The Church denounced these views as heresies and dangerous to the Faith. They forced Galileo to recant during a trial under the Inquisition. Although he was publicly compelled to affirm the existing “scientific” paradigm, Galileo still defied the authorities. After getting up from his knees, he is said to have mumbled “E pur si muove” (nevertheless it still moves).  Placed under house arrest, Galileo lived out the rest of his life in seclusion.

The world, of course, shifted paradigms to accept the Copernican worldview. The Church, however, lagged behind, and only in 1992 did the Vatican lift the 1616 ban on the Copernican teaching. Einstein, whose theory of relativity was at first met with skepticism and doubt, later became an icon of scientific genius. And yet, even Einstein found himself resisting the new theories of the quantum physicists towards the end of his life—once again adding credibility to Kuhn’s thesis.

Whether Kuhn is correct or not is beside the point. His critique illustrates a larger trend: the suspicion that science does not have absolute answers, nor even ultimate authority. Thus, modern science presents less of a unified front, less of a final bastion of truth. Certainly many people still see themselves as living in a black and white world. But, in general, many scientists are coming to define their discipline in a more humble and tentative way. Science, for people at the turn of the century, stood for absolute, fixed truths and principles that held good forever; it embraced and explained an unchanging reality, or at least a reality that was changing according to constant and predictable laws. Today we are more modest, less presumptuous. A better working definition of science now might be a form of inquiry into natural phenomena; a consensus of information held at any one time and all of which may be modified by new discoveries and new interpretations at any moment.” In contemporary science, uncertainty seems to be the rule.

Thus, it grows increasingly difficult to believe in an external world governed by mechanisms that science discloses once and for all. Thoughtful people find themselves hesitant, unmoored, with an up-in-the-air kind of feeling regarding the most basic facts of life. It is said that “we live in an age when anything is possible and nothing is certain.” This post-modern dilemma highlights the felt need to reconcile facts and values, morals and machines, science with spirituality. And while traditional Judaeo-Christian theologies struggle to address this particularly contemporary malaise, Buddhism maneuvers this tricky terrain with apparent ease and finds itself sought after with renewed interest and popularity.

Moreover, some observers have puzzled over this anomaly: Asia accelerates in its secular and material modernization (read “Westernization”), while the West shows signs of a spiritual revitalization drawing on largely Asian sources—especially Buddhism. Buddhism is being ‘Westernized’ to be seen as a teaching that can mesh with both the good life and mitigate the stress of the faith/reason divide. Part of Buddhism’s immense appeal lies in its analysis of the mind, the subject/self—exactly the area where modern science now senses the next breakthroughs are to be made.

The Buddha, well before Aquinas or Heisenberg, stressed the primacy of the mind in the perception and even “creation” of reality. A central concept of Buddhism is the idea that “everything is made from the mind.” Any distinction between subject and object is false, imagined, at best an expedient nod to demands of conventional language. In the Avatamsaka Sutra, the Buddha uses metaphor to elucidate: “The mind is like an artist/It can paint an entire world. . . If a person knows the workings of the mind/As it universally creates the world/This person then sees the Buddha/And understands the Buddha’s true and actual nature.” (Chap. 20) We think we are observing nature, but what we are observing is our own mind at work. We are the subject and object of our own methodology. Moreover, this mind encompasses the entirety of the universe; there is nothing outside of it, nothing it does not contain, according to the Buddha.

Such insights early on intrigued Western thinkers, as Buddhism hinted of a new avenues of travel through the mind/matter maze. It led scientists like Albert Einstein to declare:

The religion of the future will be cosmic religion. It should transcend a personal God and avoid dogmas and theology. Covering both the natural and the spiritual, it should be based on a religious sense arising from the experience of all things, natural and spiritual and a meaningful unity. Buddhism answers this description. . . If there is any religion that would cope with modern scientific needs, it would be Buddhism.

The Nobel Prize winner was not alone in his positive assessment of the Buddhism’s  potential for going beyond the boundaries of Western thought. The British mathematician, philosopher Alfred North Whitehead declared, “Buddhism is the most colossal example in the history of applied metaphysics.” His contemporary Bertrand Russell, another Nobel Prize winner, found in Buddhism the greatest religion in history because “it has had the smallest element of persecution.” But beyond the freedom of inquiry he attributed to the Buddha’s teaching, Russell discovered a superior scientific method—one that reconciled the speculative and the rational while investigating the ultimate questions of life:

Buddhism is a combination of both speculative and scientific philosophy. It advocates the scientific method and pursues that to a finality that may be called Rationalistic. In it are to be found answers to such questions of interest as: ‘What is mind and matter? Of them, which is of greater importance? Is the universe moving towards a goal? What is man’s position? Is there living that is noble?’ It takes up where science cannot lead because of the limitations of the latter’s instruments. Its conquests are those of the mind.

As early as the 1940’s, the pioneering physicist Niels Bohr sensed this congruence between modern science and what he called Eastern mysticism.” As he investigated atomic physics and searched for a unified field of reality, he often used the Buddha and Lao Tzu in his discussions on physics in his classes. He made up his own coat of arms with the yin/yang symbol on it. The American physicist J. Robert Oppenheimer also saw in Buddhism a scientific parallel to the puzzling riddles of modern physics; his cutting-edge discoveries seemed to echo the enigmatic wisdom of the ancient sage. Wrote Oppeheimer:

If we ask, for instance, whether the position of the electron remains the same, we must say ‘no;’ if we ask whether the electron’s position changes with time, we must say ‘no;’ if we ask whether the electron is at rest, we must say ‘no;’ if we ask whether it is in motion, we must say ‘no.’ The Buddha has given such answers when interrogated as to the conditions of man’s self after his death; but they are not familiar answers for the tradition of seventeenth and eighteenth-century science.

In the 1970s, in The Tao Of Physics: An Exploration of the Parallels Between Modern Physics and Eastern Mysticism, Fritjof Capra expanded on some of Bohr’s and Oppenheimer’s tentative impressions. He argued that modern science and Eastern mysticism offer parallel insights into the ultimate nature of reality. But, beyond this, Capra suggested that the profound harmony between these concepts as expressed in systems language and the corresponding ideas of Eastern mysticism was impressive evidence for a remarkable claim: That mystical philosophy offers the most consistent background to our modern scientific theories.

In the 1970s this notion came as something of a bombshell. Suddenly religion and science reunited—though in a rather unexpected way—Eastern religion and Western science. This echoed the excitement of a hundred years previous that Carus and other late Victorians sensed in Buddhism’s potential. Then, however, the emphasis was on how Buddhism could help establish religion on a more scientific basis; now, it seems the other way around—that science is seeking Buddhism to stake out its spiritual or metaphysical claims.

Regardless, those familiar with Buddhist texts immediately saw (or thought they saw) the correctness of Capra’s revelation. Certain Buddhist scriptures in fact seemed most solidly to confirm the linking of science and Dharma. The most oft-quoted is the famous teaching called the Kalama Sutta. 

In this short discourse, we find the Buddha in his wanderings coming upon the village of the Kalamas. Religious seekers themselves, the Kalamas were bewildered by the plethora of divergent philosophies and teachers vying for their attention. They proceeded to ask the Buddha a series of questions. Here is the relevant portion of the text:

The Buddha once visited a small town called Kesaputta in the kingdom of Kosala. The inhabitants of this town were known by the common name Kalama. When they heard that the Buddha was in their town, the Kalamas paid him a visit, and told him:

            “Sir, there are some recluses and brahmanas who visit Kesaputta. They explain and illumine only their own doctrines, and despise, condemn and spurn others’ doctrines. Then come other recluses and brahmanas, and they, too, in their turn, explain and illumine only their own doctrines, and despise, condemn and spurn others’ doctrines. But, for us, Sir, we have always doubt and perplexity as to who among these venerable recluses and brahmanas spoke the truth, and who spoke falsehood.”

            “Yes, Kalamas, it is proper that you have doubt, that you have perplexity, for a doubt has arisen in a matter which is doubtful. Now, look you Kalamas, do not be led by reports, or tradition, or hearsay. Be not led by the authority of religious texts, not by mere logic or inference, nor by considering appearances, nor by the delight in speculative opinions, nor by seeming possibilities, nor by the idea: ‘this is our teacher’. But O Kalamas, when you know for yourselves that certain things are unwholesome (akusala), and wrong, and bad, then give them up…And when you know for yourselves that certain things are wholesome (kusala) and good, then accept them and follow them.”

The Kalamas voiced their doubts, their perplexity in determining truth or falsehood, as a result of having been exposed to all the competing teachers and doctrines of India at the time: not unlike our modern world today. Each teacher, each school, expounded different and often conflicting notions of the truth. The Buddha’s response was to set down a methodology that was in many ways ahead of its time in anticipating the skeptical empiricism of the modern scientific method.

He said, Do not be led by reports, or tradition, or hearsay. Don’t be led by the authority even of religious texts, nor by mere logic or inference, nor by considering appearances”—all of which eliminate exclusive reliance on cultural convention, received tradition, and deductive speculation, as well as mere sense impressions. Also rejected were opinions and “seeming possibilities”—the stuff of preconceived bias and subjective imagination and fancy. (Some might argue that being “led by appearances” would include a narrow scientific method, at least as it has come to be popularly understood—i.e. an exaggerated reliance on natural phenomena as the only basis of what is true or real. It would also dismiss the equally exaggerated claim that scientific knowledge is the only valid kind of knowledge.The Buddha even discounts blind faith in one’s teacher.

So what’s left? Here the Buddha lays out a subtle and quite unique epistemology: Oh Kalamas, when you know for yourselves that certain things are unwholesome and wrong and bad, then give them up. And when you know that certain things are wholesome and good, then accept them and follow them.” But how to interpret this key passage?

Many scholars and believers, both recently and at the turn of the century, jumped at this passage as confirmation that ancient Buddhist wisdom validates modern science. Early popularizers of Eastern religions in America like Anagarika Dharmapala, D. T. Suzuki, Paul Carus, and even Vedantists like Vivekananda, generally waxed enthusiastic about the compatibility of Eastern spirituality and Western science. They saw in passages like the Kalama Sutta proof positive that the Buddha prefigured the modern scientific outlook. Buddhism seemed eminently scientific: detached skeptical investigation of empirically testable phenomena; no faith, no dogma, no revelation. Experiments carried out by and confirmed by individuals regardless of time or place suggested “intersubjective testability”—one of the hallmarks of the scientific method. I do it, you do it; anyone can do it and obtain the same results. That Buddhism and science should be so nearly identical was understandably immensely appealing; it is also misleading.

While American thinkers and newly converted Western Buddhists thought they saw a natural fit between Buddhism and science, Buddhist teachers more steeped in the traditional discipline were less apologetic and often more critical of such facile comparisons. Two notable contemporary examples come to mind: Master Hsuan Hua, from the Mahayana tradition, and Wapola Rahula, a Theravada scholar-monk, both threw cold water on this notion.

The Venerable Hsuan Hua, a Ch’an and Tripitika master from China, arrived in America in the early 1960s to propagate the Dharma in the West. As he observed and studied the trends and currents of contemporary thought, he showed little enthusiasm for what seemed to him the exaggerated claims of modern science—theoretical or applied. He said, Within the limited world of the relative, that is where science is. It’s not an absolute Dharma. Science absolutely cannot bring true and ultimate happiness to people, neither spiritually nor materially.” This is strong criticism that portrays science as a discipline limited to relative truths, and as an unsatisfactory way of life. In another essay, he wrote:

Look at modern science. Military weapons are modernized every day and are more and more novel every month. Although we call this progress, it’s nothing more than progressive cruelty. Science takes human life as an experiment, as child’s play, as it fulfills its desires through force and oppression.

In 1989, Venerable Walpola Rahula, a Theravadin monk from Sri Lanka, also warned that daily life is being permeated by science. He cautioned, We have almost become slaves of science and technology; soon we shall be worshipping it.” His comments come well into the final decades of the twentieth century, when many people had in effect turned science into a religious surrogate. The Venerable monk observed, Early symptoms are that they tend to seek support from science to prove the validity of our religions.” Walpola Rahula elaborated on this point:

 We justify them [i.e. religions] and make them modern, up-to-date, respectable, and accessible. Although this is somewhat well intentioned, it is ill-advised. While there are some similarities and parallel truths, such as the nature of the atom, the relativity of time and space, or the quantum view of the interdependent, interrelated whole, all these things were developed by insight and purified by meditation.

Rahula’s critique goes to the heart of the matter: the capitulation of religion to scientific positivism; the yielding of almost all competing schemes of values to the scientific juggernaut. Huston Smith, the eminent scholar on the worlds religions, recently said that the weakness of modern religions in the West stems from their successful accommodation to culture. The contribution that Buddhism and other religions can make to the spiritual crisis facing modern society, therefore, may not lie in their compatibility with science, but in their ability to offer something that science cannot.

More importantly, as Rahula argues, Dharma, or abiding spiritual truths, were discovered without the help of any external instrument. Rahula concluded, It is fruitless, meaningless to seek support from science to prove religious truth. It is incongruous and preposterous to depend on changing scientific concepts to prove and support perennial religious truths.” Moreover, he echoes the deeper moral concerns expressed by Master Hua regarding the unexamined aims and consequences of the scientific endeavor:

Science is interested in the precise analysis and study of the material world, and it has no heart. It knows nothing about love or compassion or righteousness or purity of mind. It doesn’t know the inner world of humankind. It only knows the external, material world that surrounds us.

Rahula then suggests that the value of Buddhism redoubles, not as it can be made to seem more scientific, but in its reaffirming a different sensibility, an overarching and unyielding vision of humanity’s higher potential. He concludes emphatically:

On the contrary, religion, particularly Buddhism, aims at the discovery and the study of humankind’s inner world: ethical, spiritual, psychological, and intellectual. Buddhism is a spiritual and psychological discipline that deals with humanity in total. It is a way of life. It is a path to follow and practice. It teaches man how to develop his moral and ethical character, which in Sanskrit is sila, and to cultivate his mind, samadhi, and to realize the ultimate truth, prajna wisdom, Nirvana.

Both of these eminent monks pre-date and, in many ways, stand outside the popularization and “Westernization” of Buddhism. Unlike the Western-leaning translators of Buddhism Carus, Suzuki, Dharmapala, et al., they emerged from a monastic discipline grounded in a more traditional understanding, one less enamored of modern science and more critical of Western philosophy. They would not so readily concur with Sir Edwin Arnold, who wrote in his best-selling Light of Asia (1879) that “between Buddhism and modern science there exists a close intellectual bond.”

With this in mind, it would do well to take another look at the passage quoted above from the Kalama Sutta:

But O Kalamas, when you know for yourselves that certain things are unwholesome (akusala), and wrong, and bad, then give them up…And when you know for yourselves that certain things are wholesome (kusala) and good, then accept them and follow them.

These lines, I believe, hold the key to understanding the difference between Buddhism and modern science. The passage needs to be understood not simply as a nod to Western empiricism, but within a specific context of moral inquiry. This “knowing for yourself” locates knowledge (‘scientia’) firmly within the moral sphere, both in its aims and its outcomes. It employs a meditative form of insight to penetrate the ultimate nature of reality. It implies a concept quite foreign to modern science: that the knower and what is known, the subject and object, fact and value, are not merely non-dual, but that knowledge itself is inescapably influenced by our moral and ethical being. Perhaps this is exactly what Suzuki intuited was lacking in modern science when he wrote in 1959, “I now think that a religion based solely on science is not enough. There are certain ‘mythological’ elements in every one of us, which cannot be altogether lost in favor of science.”

Regardless, none of this critical reassessment should come as a surprise to thoughtful Buddhists. The Shurangama Sutra clearly notes, “when the seed planted is crooked, the fruit will be distorted.” The close link between intention and result, cause and effect, is central to all Buddhist philosophy. It should be obvious and expected that the very fabric of modern science, lacking as it does a firm grounding in the moral sphere, would result in deleterious discoveries and incomplete uses. Tragic examples abound attesting to the ill-fated marriage of scientific technology and human ignorance.

Nor, from a Buddhist perspective, can these examples be seen as unintended consequences or accidents—they are, rather, unavoidable and logical outcomes of a partial though powerful system of thought. There is nothing in science per se that would lead one to equate its advancement with increased social benefits and enhanced human values. And certainly the absence of ethical imperatives should alert any knowledgeable Buddhist to a fundamental flaw in equating the Eightfold Way with the practice of science. In fact, a close reading of the Buddhist sources, it seems, would lead one to question: Is science in itself sufficient for describing reality? Is it capable of meeting human needs?

Thus, the aforementioned Kalamas passage, depending on one’s frame of reference, could be seen more as a critique of than a correspondence with modern science. The key to understanding this difference lies in a correct Buddhist interpretation of “know for yourselves,” “wholesome,” and “unwholesome.” As Walpola Rahula indicates, these concepts are part of a specific and disciplined form or methodology of self-cultivation which, when diligently practiced, leads to true knowledge and wisdom. This method is referred to in Buddhism as the “three non-outflow science” (san wu lou xue), and consists of morality, concentration, and wisdom (Sanskrit: sila, samadhi, prajna).

The ethical component cannot be overemphasized, as “seeing things as they really are” entails an indispensable preliminary: “purification of the mind.” This clarity of mind and concentrated awareness in turn begins with and must be sustained by moral conduct. The Visuddhimagga (Path of Purification), an early Buddhist manual compiled in the 4th century by Buddhagosha, lists the Buddha’s “science” of inquiry as an interrelated three-step exercise of virtue, meditation, and insight. This is quite a different approach to knowledge than a modern-day scientist would presume or pursue. It is interesting that these ancient wisdom traditions considered moral purity as the absolute prerequisite of true knowledge, and that we today regard it as immaterial, if not downright irrelevant. Thus, fundamental and qualitatively different views of what constitutes knowledge and the acquisition of knowledge separate Buddhism and science.

Aspects of the above epistemological formula appear throughout the Asian religious traditions. For example, Taoism speaks of cultivating the mind (hsin), regarding it as the repository of perceptions and knowledge—it rules the body, it is spiritual and like a divinity that will abide “only where all is clean.” Thus the Kuan Tzu (4 to 3rd century B.C.) cautions that “All people desire to know, but they do not inquire into that whereby one knows.” It specifies:

What all people desire to know is that (i.e., the external world),

But their means of knowing is this (i.e. oneself);

How can we know that?

Only by the perfection of this.  1

Are we studying ourselves when we think we are studying nature? Will the “new science” eventually come to Kuan Tzu’s conclusion that only by perfecting this,” can we truly know that?  These ancient writings raise an interesting question: How accurate and objective can be the observation if the observer is flawed and imperfect? Is the relationship between “consciousness” and matter as distinct as we are inclined to believe?

The “perfection” mentioned above refers to the cultivation of moral qualities and in Buddhist terminology, the elimination of “afflictions” (klesa) such as greed, anger, ignorance, pride, selfishness, and emotional extremes. It seems less an alteration of consciousness than a purification and quieting of the mind. Mencius talks of obtaining an “unmoving mind” at age forty, again referring to the cultivation of an equanimity resulting from the exercise of moral sense. He distinguished between knowledge acquired from mental activity and knowledge gained from intuitive insight. This latter knowledge he considered superior as it gives noumenal as well as phenomenal understanding. Advaita Vedanta, the philosophical teaching of Hinduism, as well emphasizes that jnana (knowledge) requires a solid basis in ethics (Dharma). Chuang Tzu, spoke of acquiring knowledge of “the ten thousand things” (i.e., of all nature) through virtuous living and practicing stillness: “to a mind that is ‘still’ the whole universe surrenders.” 2  Even Confucius’s famous passage concerning the highest learning (da xue) connects utmost knowledge of the universe to the cultivation of one’s person and the rectification of one’s mind. 3

The challenge from these eminent Buddhist teachers to the nearly ex cathedra  authority generally accorded to science should give pause to anyone attempting a facile identification of Buddhism with science. Their aims and methods, though tantalizingly parallel, upon closer analysis diverge. Correspondences do exist, but fundamental differences inhere as well. To gloss over them not only encourages sloppy thinking, but approaches hubris. So we must ask: to what extent is our conception of science as the arbiter of knowledge culture-bound, even myopic? Could our near total faith in science blind us to an inherent bias in such a stance: we presume that the logic, norms, and procedures of the scientific method are universally applicable and their findings are universally valid. Science may not only have limited relevance for interpreting Buddhism, but may distort our very understanding of its meaning.

Thus, in a quest to reach an easy and elegant reconciliation of faith and reason, we may unwittingly fall prey to “selective perception”—noticing and embracing only those elements of Buddhism that seem consonant with our way of thinking and giving short shrift to the rest. Overplaying the similarities between science and Buddhism can lead into a similar trap, where our dominant Western thought-way (science) handicaps rather than helps us to understand another worldview. In Buddhism, this is called “the impediment of what is known.”

It may prove more salutary to allow Buddhism to “rub us the wrong way” — to challenge our preconceptions and habitual ways, to remain strange and different from anything to which we have been accustomed. To borrow a metaphor from Henry Clarke Warren, we might enjoy a “walking in Fairyland” in shoes that do not quite fit:

A large part of the pleasure that I have experienced in the study of Buddhism has arisen from what I may call the strangeness of the intellectual landscape. All the ideas, the modes of argument, even the postulates assumed and not argued about, have always seemed so strange, so different from anything to which I have been accustomed, that I felt all the time as though walking in Fairyland. Much of the charm that the Oriental thoughts and ideas have for me appears to be because they so seldom fit into Western categories. 4

 

1 ArthurWaley, The Way And Its Power: A Study of the Tao Te Ching and Its Place in Chinese Thought (New York: Grove Press, 1958), 47.

2 ibid, 58.

3 James Legge, Confucius: Confucian Analects, The Great Learning, and The Doctrine of the Mean [Translated by James Legge], (New York: Dover, 1893, 1971), 4-7.

4 Henry Clarke Warren,  Buddhism In Translations (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1896), 283-84.

 

Sri Lanka rejects China sub visit after India protest

May 11th, 2017

Courtesy Presstv

Sri Lanka refused permission for a Chinese submarine to dock at Colombo next week after a similar visit in 2014 angered regional superpower India, a top defense official said Thursday.

Chinese authorities had sought clearance for a port call at Colombo where a Chinese state-owned company operates a mega container terminal, the official said asking not to be named.

“They have asked for permission, but we have said no,” the official told AFP. “It is a very sensitive matter.” He did not elaborate.

The rejection came as Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi was visiting Sri Lanka as chief guest of Vesak, the island’s main Buddhist celebration.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi (R) shakes hands with Sri Lankan Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe prior to a meeting in New Delhi on April 26, 2017. (Photo by AFP)

The request for the Chinese submarine visit was for next week, after Modi’s departure on Friday evening, official sources said.

There was no immediate comment from the Chinese embassy in Colombo, but two submarine calls at the Colombo harbor in 2014 had reportedly angered India which considered them as undermining its security.

New Delhi traditionally regards its smaller neighbor as being within its sphere of influence. New Delhi is said to have been worried about Beijing’s growing influence on Colombo under the former regime of strongman president Mahinda Rajapakse.

Sri Lanka’s new President Maithripala Sirisena came to power in January 2015 promising to loosen ties with China after a decade of hefty funding by Beijing under his predecessor.

However, analysts have noted that Beijing’s influence was on the rise again as Colombo struggles to find alternative sources of much needed foreign capital.

(Source: AFP)

India, Sri Lanka celebrates spiritual connectivity

May 11th, 2017

Courtesy The Economic Times

NEW DELHI: The Sri Lanka High Commission in India has made arrangements to display a Vesak Pandol, known in Sinhala language as “Thorana”, from 15-21 May here coinciding with PM Narendra Modi’s visit to Colombo to celebrate Lord Buddha’s life.

The inauguration of this Vesak Pandol will take place on May 15 by Akila Viraj Kariyawasam, Minister of Education, Sri Lanka and Kiren Rijiju, Union Minister of State for Home Affairs.

‘Vesak’ is the holy tri-festival that symbolizes the Birth (of Siddhartha Gautama in Lumbini, Nepal), the Enlightenment (in Bodhgaya, in India) and the Passing Away (in Kusinara, in India) of the Buddha, one of the most venerated philosophers in the world, celebrated by the Buddhists the world over with great reverence. It is known “Vesakha” or “Buddha Purnima” in India.

The Vesak is celebrated on the day of full-moon in the month of May commemorating these three holy events that took place 2561 years ago. This year, the “Vesak” full moon day falls on the 10th of May.

“Vesak” full-moon day has been recognized by the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 54/115 of 1999 as an international day of observance. Arrangements are underway for the annual UN Vesak celebrations to be held in a grand scale in Sri Lanka this year.

The “Vesak” season begins on the full-moon day of May with brightly lit Pandols, called “thorana”, erected mainly in the cities and scattered in the public places island-wide Sri Lanka. Usually each Pandol carries a Jataka story of the Buddha’s 550 previous births or any important event/s in the life of the Buddha. They are colourfully illustrated and illuminated with thousands of electric bulbs. The “thorana” in New Delhi depicts the story of “Angulimala”. The message given by this story to the humanity is that ‘Any untamable could be tamed by compassion’.

This is a 40 feet high artwork lit up with 15,000 bulbs, considered the first ever “thorana” (Pandol) erected in New Delhi, India. The story of Angulimala will be played in hindi language for the public to understand the story. Arrangements are also underway to have a Bakthi Gee Session (Buddhist religious songs) sung by the members of the Sri Lanka High Commission staff and their family members, Sri Lankan Students and Sri Lankans living in New Delhi deriving the true spirit of the qualities andand life of Buddha which will add colour to this auspicious event.

..

 

A Sacred Geography

May 11th, 2017

C. RAJA MOHAN Courtesy Carnegie India

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s second visit to Sri Lanka in two years would hopefully launch a productive new phase in bilateral relations. In his first visit during March 2015, Modi promised to end India’s prolonged neglect of the very special relationship with Sri Lanka. Many reasons, including narrow domestic political considerations of previous governments, led to Delhi’s monumental errors in dealing with Colombo.

This had huge costs — in terms of generating a trust deficit and entrenched negative perceptions of India as a regional bully, insensitive to Lankan nationalism and sovereignty. Since the first visit, there has been an intensification of sustained high-level political engagement with Lanka. The Modi government also put new emphasis on expanding economic engagement with Sri Lanka.

Delhi’s new commercial possibilities in Lanka were highlighted by the expansive MoU on economic cooperation that was signed during Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s visit to Delhi last month. The MoU identified many major projects, including infrastructure projects relating to ports and the energy and transportation sectors. Delhi is trying to change the perception that India does not have the will or the capability to undertake and implement large projects in the neighbourhood.

To be sure, there is some political backlash in Lanka against India’s new economic activism. Delhi can only overcome this resistance, part-genuine and part-simulated, through patience and sustained engagement. Above all, Delhi must address the deep sense of nationalist hurt in Colombo that has arisen from India’s intervention in Sri Lanka’s internal affairs over recent decades. Delhi now appreciates the importance of being seen as a well-wisher helping to promote reconciliation after a brutal civil war in Lanka, and not an external demandeur on its internal political arrangements.

Modi has also sought to restore the deeper cultural connect between the two nations as part of his effort to go past the divisive discourse of the last few decades and rebuild mutual trust between Delhi and Colombo. That, precisely, is where an important dimension of Modi’s second visit to Colombo comes — the bonds of Buddhism that bind India and Lanka.

Although Buddhism was an important part of Indian diplomacy in the 1950s, it is only over the last decade that efforts have been made to revitalise it. What was started by the UPA government at the turn of this decade has been given an unprecedented personal push by Modi. During the last three years, Modi has pushed consistently for rebuilding India’s Buddhist bridge to the world.

Some have seen this as part of India’s competition with China for regional influence. That, however, is too narrow a construction. Modi had, in fact, put Buddhism at the centre of his initial outreach to China’s President Xi Jinping. Modi sees Buddhism as integral to India’s international engagement. That the PM has been invited as the chief guest at Sri Lanka’s special international celebration of the Vaishakhi Day underlines Colombo’s recognition of Modi’s special attachment to Buddhism. On his part, Modi is acknowledging that Buddhism is a defining element of Sri Lankan national identity and is eager to build on the long-neglected spiritual links between the two nations.

Vaishakhi Day is a very special date for Buddhists around the world, for it marks the birth, enlightenment and death of Gautama Buddha. Thanks to the efforts of the late foreign minister of Lanka, Lakshman Kadirgamar, the United Nations General Assembly in 1999 called for the international commemoration of Buddha Purnima to acknowledge the rich contributions of the ancient faith to human civilisation. Although it was a Lankan diplomatic initiative, this is the first time Vaishakhi Day is being celebrated in Lanka.

As he joins the celebrations, Modi has an opportunity to applaud Sri Lanka’s special role in preserving Buddhist heritage through the centuries and playing a leading role in its revival in the 20th century. The PM must acknowledge the special role of the Sri Lankan scholar, Gunapala Piyasena Malalasekera, who convened the World Fellowship of Buddhists in 1950 in Colombo. Malalasekera, then president of the All Ceylon Buddhist Congress, dreamt of promoting exchanges between different sects of Buddhism around the world and building a global Buddhist organisation.

Modi must also recall the special role of Sri Lanka in the evolution of contemporary Indian Buddhism. It was a Sri Lankan monk, Anagarika Dharmapala, who set up the Mahabodhi Society in 1891. Shocked by the sorry state of these sites during a visit to Bodh Gaya in 1891, Dharmapala led a life-long campaign to restore them. The Mahabodhi Society moved its offices to Calcutta in 1892 and worked to revive the Subcontinent’s Buddhist heritage. Dharmapala’s address to the 1983 World Parliament of Religions at Chicago contributed in a big way to the global interest in Buddhism in the modern era.

Modi’s second visit to Lanka, focused on the Buddha Purnima celebrations, can lay a very different basis for India’s engagement with Sri Lanka. For too long, Delhi has viewed Sri Lanka as a part of India’s problems — domestic or foreign. Colombo was seen either as an adjunct to Delhi’s management of Tamil Nadu politics or a location in the grand contestation with China — a pearl on a long string across the Indian Ocean. It is time we moved beyond that awful and constricting frame in bilateral relations.

In reclaiming the shared spiritual heritage with Lanka, recognising its special position in the sacred geography of Buddhism, and acknowledging Colombo’s leadership role in Asia and the Indian Ocean, Modi can help rebuild the special relationship with Lanka based on sovereign equality, mutual trust and common benefit. That could generate a more helpful environment for the resolution of long-standing problems and the expansion of all-round bilateral cooperation.

This article was originally published in the Indian Express.

PM Modi meets former Lankan president Rajapaksa

May 11th, 2017

Courtesy ANI

Colombo [Sri Lanka], May 12 (ANI): Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Thursday met former Sri Lankan president Mahinda Rajapaksa here, in an unscheduled meeting.

Indian High Commisioner to Sri Lanka Taranjit Singh Sandhu told reporters, while briefing them about the Prime Minister’s itinerary over the day, that the meeting was held at Rajapaksa’s request.

The meeting comes days after Rajapaksa called for a black flag protest around Prime Minister Modi’s visit.

Rajapaksa had earlier accused Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena of compromising the country’s sovereignty and declared that black flags would be shown to the visiting Prime Minister.

In a recent media interview, however, Rajapaksa said that he admired Prime Minister Modi, years after blaming India for his defeat in the January 2015 Presidential polls.

Meanwhile, Prime Minister Modi also met his Sri Lankan counterpart Ranil Wickremesinghe and discussed various issues that concern with the growing cooperation between the two countries.

Prime Minister Modi also met President Sirisena.

Sanjay Panda, MEA, said there were no MoUs signed between the two neighbouring nations on the opening day of Prime Minister Modi’s visit and the focus of the discussions was Buddhism, promotion of tourism, and enhancing the connectivity between the two nations.

“The visit assumes importance because of our common Buddhist heritage that spans over centuries,” Panda added, while briefing the media about Prime Minister Modi’s itinerary over the day.

“Space cooperation also featured in the discussions and India assured Sri Lanka of her help,” Panda added. (ANI)

ගාල්ලේ එජාප පරාජිතයෝ කුලප්පු වෙති.. ගාල්ලේ සන්ධාන ලයිස්තුවම අහෝසි කරන්නැයි නඩු දමන්න යයි..

May 11th, 2017

ලංකා සී නිවුස්

ගීතා කුමාරසිංහගේ මන්ත‍්‍රී ධුරය පිලිගත නොහැකි බව අභියාචනාධිකරණය විසින් තීරණය කිරීමත් සමග ගිය මැතිවරණයේදී ගාල්ල දිස්ත‍්‍රික්කයේ එක්සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂයෙන් තරග වැද මනාප ලයිස්තුවේ ඊළගට සිටින අපෙක්‍ෂකයින් විසින් සන්ධාන ලයිස්තුව අහෝසි කරන්නැයි ඉල්ලමින් නීතිමය ක‍්‍රියාමාර්ග ගැනීමට සූදානම් වෙයි.

එජාප ලයිස්තුවේ පරාජිත අපේක්‍ෂිතයින් කිහිප දෙනෙකු ඊයේ පස්වරුවේ මුණ ගැසී මේ ගැන සාකච්චා කර ඇති අතර දුරකතන මගින් දිස්ත‍්‍රික්කයේ එජාප ඇමතිවරයෙකුගෙන්ද උපදෙස් ලබා ගෙන ඇත.

ගාල්ලේ සන්ධාන ලයිස්තුවම අහෝසි කරන්නැයි මැතිවරණ කොමසාරිස්ට නියෝග කරන්නැයි ඉල්ලමින් ඉදිරි දින කිහිපය ඇතුලත මෙම පිරිස මුලින් මැතිවරණ කොමිසමටත් දෙවනුව අධිකරණයටත් යනු ඇති බවද වාර්තා වෙයි.

ගාල්ලේ එජාප පරාජිතයෝ කුලප්පු වෙති.. ගාල්ලේ සන්ධාන ලයිස්තුවම අහෝසි කරන්නැයි නඩු දමන්න යයි..

ගාලු සන්ධාන ලයිස්තුව අහෝසියි.. අතුරු මැතිවරණයක් කැදවිය යුතුමයි..- නීතිඥ ප‍්‍රතිභා මහනාමහේවා

May 11th, 2017

නිමල කොඩිතුවක්කු – රිවිර

ගාල්ල දිස්ත්‍රික් පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රිනී ගීතා කුමාරසිංහ මහත්මියගේ මන්ත්‍රී ධුරය අහෝසි කළ යුතු බවට අභියාචනාධිකරණය ලබාදුන් තීන්දුවත් සමග ගාල්ල දිස්ත්‍රික් එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සන්ධාන ලැයිස්තුවම අභියෝගයට ලක්ව ඇතැයි හිටපු මානව හිමිකම් කොමසාරිස් කොළඹ විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ නීති පීඨයේ කථිකාචාර්ය, ආචාර්ය නීතිඥ ප්‍රතිභා මහානාමහේවා මහතා පැවසීය.

අදාළ මැතිවරණය සමානුපාතික ඡන්ද ක්‍රමය යටතේ පැවැත්වීම හේතුවෙන් අදාළ තීන්දුව සමස්ත අපේක්ෂක ලැයිස්තුවට බලපෑම් එල්ල වන බවත් ඒ අනුව එම ලැයිස්තුවම ප්‍රතික්‍ෂේප කිරීමට මැතිවරණ කොමිසමට හැකියාව ඇති බවත් ඒ මහතා අවධාරණය කළේය.

එහි දී දැනට සන්ධාන ලැයිස්තුවේ පවතින මන්ත්‍රී ධුර 06 එජාපය සහ ජවිපෙ අතර බෙදීයා හැකි බවත් නොඑසේ නම් එම මන්ත්‍රී ධුර සියල්ල අහෝසි කර ගාල්ල දිස්ත්‍රික්කය සඳහා නව මැතිවරණයකට යොමුවීමේ හැකියාව මැතිවරණ කොමිසමට පවතින බවත් ප්‍රතිභා මහානාමහේවා මහතා කීය.

හිටපු මානව හිමිකම් කොමසාරිස්, කොළඹ විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ නීති පීඨයේ කථීකාචාර්ය, ආචාර්ය නීතිඥ ප්‍රතිභා මහානාමහේවා මහතා මෙසේ පැවැසී ය.

‘මෙය අභියාචනාධිකරණ තීන්දුවක්. එම තීන්දුව තමයි කතානායකවරයා ළඟට ගිහින් මහලේකම් හරහා මැතිවරණ කොමිසමට දැනුම් දීලා තියෙන්නේ. ස්වාධීන මැතිවරණ කොමිසම රටේ කරන්න යන පළමු වැඩේ මේ. මැතිවරණ කොමිසම දෙපැත්තකින් හිරවෙනවා. එක තමයි මැතිවරණ කොමිසමට පුළුවන් එකවරම අභියාචනාධිකරණ තීන්දුව මත කි්‍රයාත්මක වෙන්න. ඔවුන්ට ඊළඟ නම ගැසට් කරන්න වෙනවා. ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ තීන්දුව එනතුරු ඔවුන්ට සිටිය හැකියි. එක එක ඇමැතිවරු කෑගැහුවට මැතිවරණ කොමිසම ස්වාධීනයි. ඔවුන්ට පුළුවන් ඔවුන්ගේ ස්වාධීන බව කොන්ද කෙලින් තීරණ අරගෙන පෙන්වන්න.

දෙවැන්න මෙතැන ගැටලූවක් තිඛෙනවා. මේක ගෙනැවිත් ඇත්තේ මැතිවරණය අවසන් වී දින 21 කින් නොවෙයි. මැතිවරණය අවසන් වී දින 21ක් තුළදී ඔවුන්ට පුළුවන් මැතිවරණයට අළව සුදුසුකම් නැති අය ඉන්නවා නම් එ අයට එරෙහිවන්න. මේක ගෙනැත් තියෙන්නේ මැතිවරණය නිමාවෙලා දින 21ක් තුළ නොවේ නිසා ස්වාධීන මැතිවරණ කොමිසමට සිදුවෙනවා මොකක්ද ඔවුන් අනුමගමනය කළ යුතු ක්‍රමවේදය යන්න විමසා බලන්න. 1978 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 10 වැනි පරිච්ඡේදයේ 66 (උ) වගන්තියේ සඳහන් යම්කිසි තැනැත්තකු මන්ත්‍රීවරයකු වශයෙන් තෝරාපත් කරගැනීම තත්කාලය බලපවත්වන නීතිය යටතේ නිෂ්ප්‍රභ කරනු ලැබේ. එකෙන් තමයි මොවුන්ට යන්න සිද්ධ වෙන්නේ. මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙක් මැරුණා නම් ගැටලූවක් නෑ. එතැනදී 66 වගන්තිය (අ) යටතේ මන්ත්‍රීවරයකු මියයාම, ඉල්ලා අස්වීම එතකොට පුළුවන් ඊළඟ එක්කෙනා යොදන්න. දැන් මතක තබාගත යුතුයි සමානුපාතික නියෝජන ක්‍රමය කේවල එක වගේ නෙවෙයි. මේ ලැයිස්තුවකින් එන්නේ. මේ ලැයිස්තුව අනිවාර්යයෙන්ම එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සන්ධානය තමයි හදන්නේ. එහි ලේකම්වරයා, පක්ෂයේ බලයලත් නීතිඥවරු තමයි මේ ලැයිස්තුව හදලා ලැයිස්තුවේ ඇති නිරවද්‍යභාවය දිවුරුම් ප්‍රකාශයකින් ගාල්ල දිස්ති්‍රක්කයේ ඉන්න සහකාර මැතිවරණ කොමසාරිස්වරයාට දිය යුතුයි. එකෙ කියලා තියෙනවා මේ ඉන්න සියලූම අපේක්ෂකයන් එ සුදුසුකම් සපුරා ඇතැයි කියලා. දැන් මැතිවරණ කොමිසමට ප්‍රශ්නයක් එනවා මේ ලැයිස්තුවේ කෙනෙක් සුදුසු නැතිනම් මුළු ලැයිස්තුවම ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කිරීමේ හැකියාව මැතිවරණ කොමිසමට තියෙනවා. එතකොට මුළු ලැයිස්තුවම ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කළොත් එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සන්ධානයේ සියලූම දෙනා නැතුව යනවා ඊළඟට එජාපයටයි, ජවිපෙටයි එ මන්ත්‍රී ධුර ඛෙදිලා යනවා.

අවශ්‍ය නම් ස්වාධීන මැතිවරණ කොමිසමට පුළුවන් මේක අවලංගු කරලා නව මැතිවරණයක් එ දිස්ත්‍රික්කය සඳහා ලබාදෙන්න. නීති ක්ෂේත්‍රයේ අපි කියන්නේ අතුරු මැතිවරණයකට වගේ ඔවුන්ට යා හැකියි. ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ තීන්දුව ආවත් ලැයිස්තුවට යම් බලපෑමක් සිදුවෙනවා. එ නිසා ස්වාධීන මැතිවරණ කොමිසම මේ වෙලාවේ බුද්ධිමත්ව ජනතාවගේ සර්වජන ඡන්ද අයිතිය තහවුරු කළ යුතුයි. මෙතැනදී ස්වාධීන මැතිවරණ කොමිසම උගතෝකෝටිකයකට ගිහින්. මේක කල් අරගෙන විශ්ලේෂණය කරන්න ඔවුන් කටයුතු කළ යුතුයි. මොකද මේකත් එක්ක ඉදිරියේදී තවත් මෙවැනිම වූ පෙත්සම් ආ හැකියි’ යැයි ආචාර්ය ප්‍රතිභා මහානාමහේවා මහතා අවධාරණය කළේ ය.

ගාල්ල දිස්ත්‍රික් එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සන්ධාන ලැයිස්තුවෙන් මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් 6 දෙනකු තේරී පත්ව තිබේ.
ඉන් තිදෙනකු මේ වනවිට ආණ්ඩුවට සහයෝගය පළකර ඇති අතර, අනෙක් තිදෙනා එකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂය නියෝජනය කරති.

එ අනුව යම් හෙයකින් මෙම ලැයිස්තුව අහෝසි කළහොත් අමාත්‍යවරුන් වන චන්දිම වීරක්කොඩි, නියෝජ්‍ය අමාත්‍යවරුන් වන මනුෂ නානායක්කාර සහ නිශාන්ත මුතුහෙට්ටිගම යන මහත්වරුන්ගේත් පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් වන රමේෂ් පතිරණ, ගීතා කුමාරසිංහ සහ මොහාන් ප්‍රියදර්ශන ද සිල්වා යන අයගේත් මන්ත්‍රී ධුර අහෝසි වනු ඇත.

නිමල කොඩිතුවක්කු
– රිවිර

An open letter to Prime Minister Modi; An invitation to make history in Indo/Lanka relations

May 10th, 2017

Dr Sudath Gunasekara (SLAS) Ex Perm Sec to Mrs Sirirmavo Bandaranayaka and Ex President Sri Lanka Administrative Service Association 2017.5.10

Hon Prime Minister.

You are most welcome to this blessed Island of ours for the noble Vesak celebration as a special guest. Among all Heads of States invited undoubtedly you have a special place for two reasons. First you are our immediate neighbour. Second, you are the Head of State of the Buddha’s birth place, whose three notable events, that is the birth, attaining Buddhahood and Parinibbana are commemorated on this full moon day of Vesak. And third you are the ‘Present day Emperor’ of India, the land of Emperor Asoka the Great (The Greatest Emperor in the world as H.G. Wells said), who was responsible for the most precious gift India ever gave us by sending his own Son Manhinda Mahathera with the Buddha’s message and daughter Sanghamitta as noble religious emissary, with the Sacred Bo sapling,.

Though Buddha was born in your country, today you are stepping on to the Land of the Buddha which had been offered to him thrice and thenceforth had come to be known as the ‘Buddha’s Land’, the only country in the world to be offered to the Great Teacher and the only land on earth that has earned that noble epithet and thrice blessed by the Lord, where his Doctrine was predicted to last for 5000 years.

On the eve of this historic visit of yours let future historians write a memorable epithet in the annals of history in both countries, of cause if you do the right thing on this visit without getting involved in covert Indian politics by ‘mixing milk with cow dung’ as the Sinhala saying goes.

*Modi makes history in Indo-Sri Lanka relations after Asoka the Great. Will he go down in history as a second Asoka?

*Modi ends ugly and strained Indo-Lanka relations created by Gandhi dynasty, on this holey Vesak Fulmoon Day in the year 2561 of Buddhist era.

*Modi resolves the Tamil problem in Sri Lanka forever and rewrites Sri Lankan history by paving the way for Sinhala –Tamil integration leading to sustained peaceful co-existence and reconciliation between the two historically antagonistic ethnic groups

* Modi tells Tamils in Sri Lanka that they are Sri Lankan citizens and as Prime Minister he has no authority over them therefore they have to sort out their problems with the Sri Lankan Government

As you know it was Lord Buddha’s noble teachings that gave life and form to the unique Sinhala Buddhist civilization in this country.  It was that indelible cultural imprint that spans the length and breadth of the whole Island from Kankasanture in the North to Devundara in the south and Batticaloa in the East to Puttalama in the West that gives its distinctive cultural identity.  Every grain of sand on this Island’s entire 25,000 square mile area is soaked with the warm blood of Sinhala Buddhist men and women of chivalry who fought for centuries against  invaders from your own country from the second century BC  to the 12th century  AD and then from 1983 to 2009 against the LTTE of Tamil terrorists trained and largely financed by Indira and Rajiv  and from 1505 to 1948 by the Western colonial invaders, the Portuguese (1505-1640), Dutch (1640-1797) and English 1797-1948).

In spite of untold destructions and devastation done by these invaders what is visible on the surface of the landscape in the form of ruins and some renovated Stupas like Ruwanweli seya, Abhya giriya (the fourth highest brick structure in the world 400 ft h) and Jetavanaramaya in Anuradhapura, Great irrigation tanks like Parakrama samudra (P’Naruwava), Tisa Weva,Nuwara Weva (in A’pura and  Padaviya or Yoda Weva in Mannar District and temples, Buddhist sculpture on stone like Galviharaya in polonnaruwa and Avukana, Samadhi Pilimaya and Toluvila in Anuradhapura and Yapahuwa in Kurunegala and Sigiriiya the aesthetic Wonder of Sri Lanka and the hydraulic wonder of Asia comprising thousands of miles on the surface and what is found below buried under the surface that  form the solid and veritable palimpsest of the Sinhala Buddhist  heritage evince the true story of this Great Nation.

As you know our earliest ancestor Prince Vijaya came from your Motherland. The rich legacy of our whole civilization, though transformed in to a unique Sinhala Buddhist mould of our own owes its origin to ancient Bharata Desh. Though we are also of Indian origin we Sinhalese don’t have any interest in India. We don’t call ourselves PIO. We proudly call ourselves Sinhala people descending from the Sinha clan.  Besides the vast wealth of archaeological and religious monuments mentioned above, the fabulous wealth of religious and literary writings like the Tripitaka, Mahavamsa and the classical literary creations such as Amavatura, Dharma pradeepikava and Pujawaliya in Sinhala. Pali and Sanskrit bare  irrefutable testimony to the Great mono Sinhala Buddhist civilization that was there from 6th Century BC to 1815 AD.

Sri Lanka is our Motherland. Like the Tamils living here we don’t bother you saying we are also people of Indian origin and give us this and that etc. Our ancestors found and perfected the civilization on this Island. Therefore we claim it as ours.

All those Indians who came from different parts like Kerala Malabar Orissa etc in large numbers  during the medieval times learned the language of the land, took Sinhala names and embraced Buddhism and became Sinhala Buddhists and got integrated in to the  main Sinhala society, just as our ancestors did in 543 BC. Subsequently they in fact became better Sinhalese Buddhists than even the original settlers.  At that time we had Sinhala Kings and any foreigner who wanted to be a citizen of this country had to learn the language of the land and embrace Buddhism and that was a must. Those who did not, were never accepted as Sri Lankan citizens. They had to leave. There were no room for agitation and no international communities unlike today to threaten us or impose so-called international rules on human rights or reconciliation. We had enough freedom as a free and sovereign nation at that time. Therefore it was the best example of such social integration and reconciliation model never seen anywhere in the world.

Most of the Sinhala Buddhist community living in the stretch south of Colombo going up to Matara in the South comprise of this community. There is hardly any difference between them and the original Sinhalese Buddhists living here or in any other parts of the country. They are strongly bound together by blood, tradition and religion to that inseparable extent, no one can make any distinction among them. Today I must say these people are the best Buddhist in this country even though they too have undergone certain minor changes like their names due to Western colonial invasions that started in 1505 and continued up to 1948. But even that they have being changing. For example Don David became Anagarika Dharmapala and George George Pieris became  Gunapala Piyasena Malalasekara. Of cause in medieval times (14th 15th 16th and 17th Cs) the law of the land was that any immigrant to qualify to be a citizen of Sinhale (the name of this country up to 1948 was Sinhale as it was given in the 1815 Kandyan Convention) had to learn the language of the land, take local names and embrace Buddhism.

Even at that time this country was much sought after by south Indians for obvious reasons like its salubrious and pleasant climate and bounty. The famous saying among Malayalam people those days ‘ IIlam Kandavar illam kanukka illei’ (Those who saw the land  of the Sinhalese or Lanka will never come home) proves the high attraction this country had even at time.

But see how things have changed since then. The new generation of South Indians was brought here by the colonial powers as slaves to work on their farms and roads etc, like in the case of Africans to America. Today even illicit immigrants use force through India and western countries and often by themselves by various devices like local Tamil politicians to get citizenship. They even encroach on state land and they now want a claim self-rule and separate state too in certain parts of this country.

As you know Mr Prime Minister we have the northern Tamils and those in the central hills. Northerners, though they too have similar origin don’t regard Estate Tamils as equals. The Estate Tamils were brought here after 1835 by the British to work on their Coffee and later tea plantations after 1865 as the proud Sinhalese refused to work as labourers for the whites. The Indian labourers were herded in to large line rooms as in concentration camps. They were allowed to visit their homes in South India with their earnings once a year and finally in 1948 they were left behind destitute high and dry as the British left, without repatriating them to either India, their homeland, or to UK as British citizens, leaving behind an ugly bone of contentions for India and Sri Lanka to quarrel forever.

But the fact remains that all these people (in the North as well as on the hills) are outsiders and they are not original settlers who founded the civilization or contributed to the wellbeing of the country. They only devastated what was built by the Sinhalese both in the past and even in the present context where LTTE played havocs for 30 years killing tens of thousands both Sinhalese and Tamils and vandalizing Buddhist sacred places, including Sri Dalada Maligawa Kandy, and government properties including buildings, Airports and aero planes, trains, bridges and roads worth billions many prominent Sinhala and Tamil leaders including our President Premadasa and your own Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. Tamils are not conquerors either like in the case of white men conquering North and South America, Australia and New Zealand. As such they have to either leave for their Motherlands or get integrated to native society if they want to be equal citizens in the host country and live amicably with the native Sinhalese. There is absolutely no other way.

So why can’t these people do as former immigrant generations did without asking for separate states, this right and that for which they have absolutely no claim either historically, morally or ethically.

Though they are Sri Lankan citizens for all intent and purposes (how most of them have become citizenship is a different question) none of these Tamils think this is their mother land. They all think India as their motherland. Their allegiance is to India. For them this is the land of the Sinhalese (their EELAM robbed by them as they think). The attitude of the Indian Government and particularly the Tamilnadu State that wants to annex this country has heavily contributed to this notion and behavioral pattern.  So, my question is,

1 As to why India and you as PM cannot tell them that India and Sri Lanka are two separate, independent, sovereign, free countries

2 That you are only the Prime Minister of India and as such you have no legal authority over the Tamils in Sri Lanka who are not Indian citizens or no power to interfere or intervene with the policies of the Sri Lankan Government.

3 And there is a Prime Minister and above him a President who is head of government here

4 Therefore as citizens of Sri Lanka they are governed by the Laws of the Land and therefore get their things done from the government of Sri Lanka and not India.

Having said so I suggest that you cancel your trips to Dickoya on the central hills and Jaffna

5 Ask the Tamils of Sri Lanka to be loyal to the Government of the country and resolve to live with the Native Sinhalese, the sons of the soil, amicably without picking bones of contention with them unnecessarily for every imaginary minute issue  without creating unnecessary problems for Sri Lanka as well as India and stop all agitations for this ism and that ism like Federalism separatism etc. Stop trying to behave as a Tamil nation within this country. Tamil is only a language in this country not a nation. Even in India where 79 million Tamils live and where the traditional Homeland of Tamils was found in the South Tamils are not a Nation. What is more is Tamil is not even an Official language either. Then how come they try to be a nation here and you are trying to give them the impression that they are a nation here. Ask them to forget about India and Tamil diaspora as their saviors.

The so-called Tamil Diaspora, who are citizens of other countries, are only trying to create a ‘Home land ‘for Tamils in Sri Lanka as they have lost it in India and as there is no any hope of creating one there either as India has legally banned it.  Long ago. Today they constitute only a terrorist group like ISIS creating problems all over the world. They are people who have left Sri Lanka, India and other Tamil colonies created by the colonial powers and migrated to Industrial West and perhaps Australia and New Zealand in search of greener pastures. These fellows have no love either to India or Sri Lanka. They in fact hate both countries. They are trying to do it in Sri Lanka thinking Sri Lanka is a weak country and could be captured by the gun the same way as Prabha dreamt.

Reg the Tamils on the central Hill country estates the best solution id Nehru/Kotalawal Pact of 1954

Let them learn the language of the natives, Sinhala, as agreed in above Accord within 10 years (Already they know it), though mad fellows like Muthhu sivalingam have now started to call for parity like the Tamils in the North. These people by now would have become 100 percent Sri Lankans if not for the old Thonda who never spoke a single Sinhala word and kept all estate labour under his boots to collect the money to build up his Malaya Nadu in Sri Lanka. Thonda, a 11 year old boy from Munapudur who came here with this father to work as a labourer and later shrewdly got in to the higher echelons of Plantation world and became the owner of large tea estates like Weveldon and conspired against the Sinhalese.

In Sri Lanka both Tamils and Muslims are very ungrateful people. You know how Rajiv helped the LTTE Military with training, weapons, money logistics and Intelligence and finally the bullet proof jacket worn by him was given to Prabha karan to wage war against Sri Lanka. Finally what happened; Prabha got Rajiv assassinated by a suicide bomber woman  In fact about three months before he was assassinated I got the Mahanayaka Thero of Asgiriya chapter to send a letter asking Rajive not to help the LTTE and if continues I warned him he will be assassinated even before our leaders . Had he taken that advice sometimes he would have been alive even today.

Then about the communal politicians in the north why don’t you tell them to give up allegiance to India and behave like Sri Lankan citizens. It will put an end to this headache for us as well as you.

Mr Prime Minister this is the only way out for this vexed Indo-Lanka problem. There is no other way. As long as Tamils in Sri Lanka pursue the policy they are following now the country will ever remain in turmoil and poor. The Sinhalese will one day unite once they fully understand the western trick and the dangers ahead of them. Then they will fight back like how they did it against Indian invaders in the past and Colonial powers in the medieval times and against the LTTE in 2009. This is nothing new to them.’ They have done it from the 2nd Century BC against Indian invasions. Indian invaders could never capture the whole Island thou they have been holding sway for short time in parts of the North.

If you adopt the correct policy respecting our freedom and sovereignty the problem will come to an end in no time.  This is what Nehru dynasty failed to do. If you have the courage to depart from their arrogant India-Italian policy I have no doubt you will succeed and create history as Modern Asoka of India. Please don’t make it your problem. Leave it to us .Then we will handle it the way we have been doing it for 2500 years.

Asoka won the world through Dharmavijaya and not through Dikvijaya (war) or Kautillya tactics. Even Asoka rejected Kautilya and adopted the Buddhist approach That is why finally he won the major part of the contemporary world.

Then to complete perfect reconciliation

Official records show that South Indian labour was brought firstly, as local labour was not available; second Indians were cheaper; third strategically and politically  they could be used to fulfill their divide and rule policy by disintegrating the Island on ethnic basis and destroy the Sinhala Buddhist society.

The present Indo-Sri Lanka Tamil problem was created mainly by the British, though Portuguese and Dutch were also partly responsible. You know what they did to India. They robbed it, its technology and even people by packing them out to all countries around the Indian Ocean and Pacific. And finally divided it in to two as India and Pakistan and made Pakistan you arc adversary. They robbed the whole world boasting that they have the empire where the sun never set. While doing that they destabilized and destroyed almost all countries they captured with their guns. So Mr Prime Minister we have to identify our common enemy.

In Sri Lanka they laid the foundation strategically from 1832 onwards. But though they could leave behind colonial legacies their language, administrative and legal systems, education, religion and parts of their culture and values  conspiracies like separate laws to Tamils and Muslims like Thesavalamei and Muslim law, nearly 1 million Indian labour force in the central hill country as a political, social and economic cancer and even dividing the Native Sinhala  people artificially as Kandyans and Low country to create dissention, they could not destroy this country fully. What they are trying now to do is to complete what they could not do before they left in 1948 by empowering and assisting the Tami community, not because they like Tamils more but they want to destroy the Sinhala Buddhist imprint from this country by converting this country in to a fighting ground where different communities will eternally fight and all will lose at the end making room for the west to come again to this strategic hub in the Indian Ocean.

I know you are an ardent Hindu. At the same time I know you are a devout Buddhist too. That is why I like you been invited for this celebration. Your role in the RSS is known all over the world. I admire your leadership qualities and chivalry in defeating the feudalist Congress and your commitment to India and its People. But I see you are still caught in the crafty trap of the Indian bureaucracy and communal politicians like those in Tamilnadu.

So as a Man who can understand other people and their values much better than many other Indian politicians do I have no doubt that you are aware that India has antagonized almost all your nieghbores. Last Feb I met a prominent Buddhist scholar a monk in Nepal when I visited Lumbini, I remember the harsh words he had for India as a neihgbour. I am no expert on foreign policies but most of your problems with countries are created by your foreign policy advisors who inherit the Kautilyan strategies of statecraft of matsya niyaya of ‘the big fish swallowing the small.’ I think it is high time India under you leadership keep out of Kautilan and Machaeavelian policies and adopt a more pragmatic and friendly policy towards your neighbours.

Perhaps Asokian policies would be the best for you to emerge as the leader in South and South East Asia. In my opinion You cannot protect Indian Interest by antagonizing your neighbours and by trying to keep them under Indian grip. By trying to do that you are only making more adversaries. After all they all are free and Independent and sovereign States. Antagonizing them and trying to impose Indian hegemony is definitely not the way to keep India out of Chinese threat. The same principle applies to Sri Lanka as well.

As a trial case you try with Sri Lanka on this noble day you will succeed. Don’t depend too much on what Ranil or President Sirisena say. Because unlike you in India both of them are utterly unpopular at present, back at home. I can assure you there will be a change of Government very soon if they have an election. Also I must tell you that majority in Sri Lanka hate India for what Rajiv and Indira did in helping the LTTE and what Raw did in regime change in 2015 and how your Government is handling Sri Lanka Tamil problem at the moment, there is not a single Sinhala man or women out of the 75% who likes the attitude of India towards this country.

Your proposed visit to Dickoya and Jaffna to meet Tamils and participate in any function will only aggravate the situation. So by going there you are only antagonizing the Sinhala people of Sri Lanka and you become the target of their anger and hate. Why should an ascetic like man like you and a religious man should get that bad name. So my advice is please return to your country after taking part in this most important religious ceremony as the leader of 1.3 billion Indian citizens. No one will be against your visit to the Sacred Temple of the Tooth in Kandy So you can get the blessing there as well.

Imagine a Sri Lankan Head of State visiting India and trying to instigate the Sri Lankan community living in Buddhagaya or Benarese to rise up as Sri Lankans and hatch conspiracies to disintegrate India. I am sure you will not like it or allow it. You might most probably ask the Head of state to pack up and return to his country immediately. Similarly why don’t you put yourself in that position and suspend these meeting our own people” programmes without spoiling a sacred visit as the Head of the country  that is the birth place of Lord Buddha, who is regarded as the Greatest human being India has given to the world.

Visiting these places and addressing public meetings to please Tamil people will give the wrong impression that you are their savior. That will also devalue the Sri Lankan PM and President. The Tamils will thereafter always look up to you and Indian Government as their mentors. This will further complicate the Tamil problem in this country. The Sinhalese will regard you as their enemy who is helping Tamil to separate and finally get aligned with India.  I don’t see any difference between your attitude and that of Rajiv in this matter,

Therefore I earnestly request you to

1 Cancel these two visits and all other meetings with Tamil people living heror Jaffna

2 Stop all direct assistance to Tamil areas in future and all such assistance should be sent to the Government of this country as assistance to all Sri Lankans on a bilateral basis.

3 Your Governments present practice of offering scholarships only to Tamils also should be discontinued it would tantamount to India’s selective treatment to Tamils Indian assistance must come to Sri Lankans and not to any particular community or area as it will make other communities. (I am compelled to ell you this as I have seen some paper advertisement by you Embassy in Colombo calling for applications for Indian Scholarships only from Estate Tamils)

These practices have lasted long enough. This is how the Indian Government has driven a wedge between native Sinhalese and immigrant Indian Tamils. As such India is more responsible for ethnic clashes and ethnic separatism here even than Britain. Aren’t both parties are contributing to create ethnic compartments and communal unrest and building Chinese walls to keep the communities separately for ever.

Also tell them to drop Indian identity if they want to be Sri Lankans and develop a Sri Lannkan identity learn the language of the natives Then they will be equal with native Sinhalese

Actually it is the Government of this country that should make these requests from you. But I am compelled to make these request from you as a responsible Citizen on behalf of the Sinhala Community who are sick Indian interference in our domestic affairs and secondly, as there is no patriotic  Government in this country to do so and stand for its own people.

Such action may bring short term political gain to you. But they are detrimental to both countries in the long run. You must not act like a third grade Tamilnadu politician when it comes to matters like this. You must act and behave like an exemplary Statesman representing the land of the Buddha whom we worship day and night.

This is how your visit to Norwood had been reported in daily papers.

*Prime Minister Modi on May 12 will inaugurate a well- equipped hospital in the central hill area of Dickoya built with the Indian assistance. He will later address a public rally at the Norwood grounds.

* Modi’s visit: Wasp nests in estate sector to be removed

Ahead of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to the upcountry areas, action has been taken to remove hornets and wasps nests found in certain parts of the estates to avoid any possible attack on the visiting dignitary.

These two paras speak volumes on popular protest on your visit. The mention about the removal of ‘hornets and wasps nests found in certain parts of the estates to avoid any possible attack on the visiting dignitary’ looks as if even the hornets and wasps are against your visit.

Only an intelligent man like you Mr Prime Minister who can read between lines and grasp the hidden meaning can understand the scale of underlining public resentment that is latent under this huge dormant volcano.

Finally,   In the light of this background I would like to suggest that you Mr Prime Minister don’t spoil you sacred visit by engaging in utterly unsacred and undiplomatic political ventures by trying to behave like a Tamilnadu politician. We Sri Lankans particularly the Sinhala Buddhist would like you to take care of India and it’s 1.3 Billion for which god has given you a mandate.   We will take care of Sri Lanka and its people. Please leave it to us.

The SAITM nonissue: The neck or the necklace?

May 10th, 2017

BY ROHANA R. WASALA

The landmark appeal court ruling delivered  on January 31, 2017 upholding the right of a graduate of the South Asian Institute of Technology and Medicine (SAITM) to be granted provisional registration with the Sri Lanka Medical Council (SLMC) was thought by many to have put an end to the private medical college crisis. However, there still appears to be a question mark over the issue, since the finality of the appellate court decision does not seem to have been yet accepted by the SLMC. The apex body itself is apparently in a quandary. The thing is that the problem has been so insensitively politicized that few people other than their parents appear to be concerned about the unenviable fate of the SAITM students. In spite of the appeal court decision, uncertainty still prevails regarding the students’ future. Whatever final solution is implemented, their welfare must be fully guaranteed by the government, because the future of these innocent students is synonymous with the future of the innocent youth of the whole country.

The irrational demand for the abolition of SAITM is likely to be met neither by the present nor by a future government. If continuing SAITM as a private medical college is not acceptable, then it is possible to nationalize the institute and the associated teaching hospital, the same way as the North Colombo Medical College (NCMC) started in 1980 was turned into the medical faculty of the Kelaniya University in 1989 during late Mr R. Premadasa’s presidency. The call to nationalize SAITM is one of the three key demands of the Government Medical Officers’Association (GMOA) that held a token strike on  May 05, 2017. However, the government seems determined to continue SAITM as a private institute.

About three weeks ago, it was reported in the media that, in answer to continued protests led by GMOA, the government was initiating a process to list SAITM in the Colombo Stock Exchange (CSE). It had also asked Dr Neville Fernando, the SAITM chairman, to bring the institute under a broad-based administration by appointing a board of directors. Along with the claim that steps were being taken to turn SAITM into a CSE-listed corporate firm, it was reported that the government made several proposals regarding the future of the institute: (1) that MBBS graduates from SAITM receive additional clinical training in relevant subjects, of one month’s duration for each subject, at the Homagama and Avissawella base hospitals, (2) that candidates sit an examination that must be taken for qualifying for provisional registration under the supervision of the SLMC and the UGC, (3) that the Ministry of Health (MoH) gazette the minimum standards for medical education submitted by the SLMC with the approval of the Attorney General, and (4) that the MoH bring the Neville Fernando Teaching Hospital under it (the MoH) and continue it as a teaching hospital.

What the government is offering seems to be something close to (but not identical with) what is available in the Kotalawala Defence University (KDU), that is, a combination of free and paid medical education. Now the General Sir John Kotalawala Defence Academy (KDA) was inaugurated on October 11, 1980, and established as a statutory institution by act of parliament in 1981 during the UNP government of  Mr J.R. Jayawardane. It was originally meant for the pre-commission training of officer cadets of the three wings of the Sri Lanka Armed Forces: Army, Navy, and Air Force. Its principal objective today is educating males and females to be commissioned officers of the armed forces of Sri Lanka. From 1980 to 1986, under UNP rule, a temporary arrangement was made for service officer cadets to follow courses in engineering and physical science at the universities of Colombo and Moratuwa. Later the KDA was raised to university status. It began offering degree courses in Defence Studies. Based on an amendment bill passed on March 18, 2007, the institute was renamed General Sir John Kotalawala Defence University” on October 11 the same year. The KDU is governed by a board of management with the Secretary of Defence as chairman. The board of management includes the commanders of the tri-forces and representatives of the University Grants Commission and the General Treasury, among others. It was Mr Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, former Secretary of Defence who was instrumental in inaugurating a medical faculty in the KDU as an ad hoc measure to meet a shortage of doctors in the defence forces at the time. Since 2012, the KDU has been open for non-military students on a payment basis. The KDU is now a fully fledged state university, which is a member of the Association of Commonwealth Universities, United Kingdom. It has evolved as such in response to an important national need, surviving and flourishing through a number of governments committed to different political ideologies. Under the new government, the KDU began enrolling paying students including from foreign countries in October 2015. Why can’t the SAITM be nationalized, but remain a fee-levying state university somewhat on the lines of the KDU, that is, as a state university that accommodates an optimum number (as determined by authorities depending on the  amount of resources it possesses) of prospective medical students from among those who get left out of medical faculties of state universities and are denied access to free education every year simply because of the paucity of vacancies in them?

The current controversy over the fate of the medical faculty of SAITM has arisen from the basic perception prevalent among university students, government doctors, trade unionists, politicians and the general public that privatizing medical education would invariably mean the production of low quality doctors through the possible compromising of standards as a result of prioritizing the profit motive on the part of the entrepreneurs behind the private institution, while at the same time threatening to undermine the free education system of the state. Of course, it is not wise to entrust medical education entirely to private entrepreneurs; the state must introduce strict regulatory measures to ensure that standards are maintained at any cost. Both the aforementioned dangers can be averted by bringing SAITM under proper state oversight as implied in the above proposals of the goverment. As we know, the medical graduates of the KDU are not challenged in this regard.

In reality, the SAITM case is now a nonissue. It may be characterized thus not in the usual sense of ‘a subject of little or no importance’, but in the sense that, in the context of a more or less informal, unregulated private education sector having evolved with the connivance or the tacit approval of successive governments over the past forty years (parallel to the state’s free education system), we are obliged to accept private education, including private medical colleges, as a fait accompli. All that we can now do is to introduce the necessary improvements to make the best of it in the general national interest. The government’s proposals are a step in that direction.

Unfortunately, among the three main demands of the GMOA, the SAITM nonissue has become the most prominent in the public eye. Though the doctors conduct their strike action as humanely as possible, few among the patients sympathize with their cause. But some are intelligent or knowledgeable enough to blame the government for all the inconveniences caused. Actually, the whole point of a strike is to bring pressure on a government and force it to listen to workers’ complaints and take action to resolve them. We can all see what is happening now. All the public anger, or much of it, is turned on the doctors by the wily politicians who, ironically, have their exclusive claim to it. My humble opinion as a concerned ordinary citizen is that the SAITM problem be shelved for the time being if not abandoned altogether in the interest of the other more important demands.

These centre on such things as forced constitutional reforms, Economic and Technical Cooperation Agreement (ETCA) with India, ‘foreignization’ of state assets, deteriorating national security, and a plethora of other similar really substantive issues, which should be resolved for us to survive as a nation/country. The late veteran trade unionist and SLFP stalwart Mr Alawi Maulana used to say, thaellata issarawela bella paressam karaganta onae” when talking about the subject of strategies for overcoming the separatist terrorism. The words literally mean: Protect your neck before you protect your necklace”. Mr Mahinda Rajapaksa remembered the late patriotic labour leaders words in his speech at the recent May Day rally of the Joint Opposition in the Galle Face Green. I too remember Mr Maulana uttering those words during the August 2015 parliamentary election campaigning. What he wanted to stress was that we needed to focus on the really important issues rather than on the ephemeral that could safely wait. It’s time that the doctors and all other patriots heeded Mr Alawi Maulana’s words of wisdom.

WHAT MODI DELIBERATS ON CASTE HIERARCHY IS A MALIGNANT CANCER IN INDIA AND SRI LANKA WHICH HE CANNOT SUPPRESS EASILY.

May 10th, 2017

By Dr.sripali Vaiamon-Canada

MODI JI WHO WILL LOOK INTO SEVERAL INTRICATING PROBLEMS OF INDIAN PEOPLE MIGRATED HERE CENTURIES AGO, WHILE PARTICIPATING IN RELIGIOUS AND BENIFICIAL ACTIVITIES AND STUDY THE CASTE PROBLEM SIMILER TO WHAT IS EXISTING IN INDIA.AUTHOR HAS WELL ILLUSTRATED THIS INTRICASY IN HIS BOOK ON SOCIOLOGY,RELEASED ABOUT FOUR YEARS BACK IN America- PRE-HISTORIC LANKA TO END OF TERRORISM AVAILABLE AT CARSON BOOK DEPOT,TORONTO.

The abominable 30 year barbaric WAR ended up by massacring thousands of innocent human beings, devastating billions from government coffers and extorting hard earned dollars and starlings from Tamils living abroad was not a result generating strife. Tamils in foreign soils didn’t realize the background clearly to understand the real issue of the LTTE.

Actually this dissension in a critical form cropped up several decades back. All because one of our political leaders, who were adamant to become the head of the country, issued an election pledge to make Sinhala the official language within 24 hours, and make Buddhism the State religion.

Indian Govt. at that time has made Hindi her official language which inspired SWRD to follow the same. 75% of the entire population was Sinhala Buddhists and he was dead sure they will cast their votes for him which will enable him to become the Prime Minister of the country.

Let me elaborate this misadventure from the beginning. SWRD was a son of a wealthy aristocrat. He was an Anglican Christine. When he was riding on the horse back, passerby get into the gutter and remove the neck towel as a mark of respect. Labour women in his estates were not allowed to cover their upper body. They were topless. May be that they were low caste people.

For 1956 election with the aforesaid pledges, he became the Prime Minister. Tamils kicked out Sinhalese who were in Jaffna and riot cropped up. He signed a pact with Tamil Leader Chelvanayagam to allocate from Manner to Jaffna and Jaffna to Batticalo for Tamils. Demarcated the same in the map. Because he was adamant to hang on to power. Riot started. A Buddhist monk shot at him.

Since Kandy period where there was a Tamil king Buddhist clergies in Srilanka was attacked with this caste cancer and it cannot be annihilate now. Laymen do not adhere to it so strongly, but monks who started with Siam Nikaya strictly confirmed it to Radala and Goigama castes. Subsequently all the other Nikayas implemented and structured their Nikaya system on caste hierarchies that their Teacher abhorred totally which is clearly annunciated in the Pharad Sutta. Even with regard to Indian Brahmins Buddha made a distinct clarification by the Gatha, NAJACHCAHOTI BRAHMANO.

Indian Prime Minister, Narendra Modi broke the crust of the upper cast with his brillant victory over Brahmin and Kshsthriya castes nearly 70 decades after independence which is something worth of mediation.

Indian Prime Minister, is not from a Kshastriya or Brahamin or any other so-called upper caste, but supposed to be from a lower caste. He is from a caste as some may have branded as, ‘Oil pressing caste. ‘Chekkali  Mundan’.It was a profession. Not a birthright. If he had possessed an oil Mill, perhaps could he be called a Chekkali Brahmin? India has twisted what few thousand years back Aryans who migrated first to Mohanjodaro during the great flood occurred in Mesopotamia and Ur regions established four groups of professions in the society.  Later these professions have multiplied today   up – to 3000 according to a research.  So now there are more than 3000 castes in India. Earlier terms were Srenis or Varna vadaya. Caste is a Portuguese term. Primitive Indian Pundits have made this a diabolical issue to suppress poor people by powerful groups. The so-called caste hierarchy now has become a cancer. An incurable cancer in this monumental landmass of India. It is an alien subject to western people. If this cancer could be cured, societies and the countries could be easily developed. Otherwise this cancer would be an indelible malignant. It is good and praiseworthy if the Hon. Prime Minister could gradually systematize the society and cure this social malady! He has the guts, he has the power, he has the support.Let him in due course of time take a remedial measure to wipe out what is unwanted for the 21st century. He very well has realized the sufferings undergone by poor Dalit people in India.

Narendra Damodara Modi was borne and brought up in Vadnagar. A town North of Gujarath with a history of more than 2000 years . It is few miles away from ancient Sinhapur or Sihor in Gujarath,where there was a massive forest that Indian lions were living. This has the connection to the yarn that Suppadevi of Vanga met a lion and lived in a cave in the jungle, where Vijaya, the son of Sinha Bahu and Sinha Seevali, sailed with a retinue of 700  and landed in Lanka in 543 BC. It was the year of Lord Buddha’s Parinirvana had taken place, according to Sri Lankan Chronicle, Mahavansa. The author of this ancient piece of literature compiled in the 5th century minus proper evidence and facts. He says this event marked the origination of the Sinhala race. This has a controversy; however, Sri Lanka has a long relationship with Gujarath where Modi served well as the Chief Minister for three consecutive terms.  Mr.Modi started his life as a tea seller. It is nothing wrong in it! His dazzling ascent from that low job to the top most job in this vast India is an amazingly rewarding! It is an unprecedented phenomenon where historians will take years to analyze. He is familiar with the masses from bottom to top. Dalits to Brahmins. He will generally look after 1.6 billion of population in India with special emphasis on the lower class whom he has to uplift to uplift the entire vast country for amicable living. Unlike many previous leaders in India Narendra Modi is not from upper Brahmin caste but from lower middle class. He has a modest upbringing that stands in contrast to that of his chief political rivals. I am sure he will deliver the goods what National Congress could not do during the past 60 odd years. But of course he needs time!

Papers were commenting that after the election people are expecting excellent road net work, nice buildings, better jobs, cars and luxury in modern India. People may have got the inspiration from present Sri Lanka where infrastructure development activities are unprecedented. But he may not kick out Brahmins and upper class. They have the money. They have the power. Without them PM, possibly can’t develop the country. He must be very shrewd and tactful.

He will get the support from China, Japan and Singapore. He will undoubtedly follow the steps taken by Sri Lankan Government, which is paramount for economic development.

What went wrong in Sri Lanka was, Prabakaran wanted to kick out the Brahmin type upper class, Vellalas who were harassing the low caste people in the North and East. I wish to quote a few paragraphs from my book on Sociology,`Pre Historic Lanka to end of Terrorism’, published in America couple of  years back, where I have with facts and figures substantiated the reasons for a 30 year war. (P.9- Tamil community had valid grounds to create dissension and conflict in the society. In nineteen fifties there was in the parliament a very ferocious Tamil politician who did not allow low caste people to enter their Kovils to make obeisance. They were scolded hammered and driven away. Lots of harassments were meted out to them by their land lords who were mostly Vellalas. In this situation country cannot forget the MP late Mr.Suntharlingam in early fifties.

These Vellalas were got down by Dutch from Tanjore for farming purposes. They earned plenty of money and purchased lands. Ultimately became land lords in the region. They treated low caste people most dastardly. One Scandinavian lady made an extensive research in the Tamil society in the North and released a publication where she had highlighted so many harassments to low caste people. For an example in a working place where all of them are working together, if a low caste person accidently touches a food parcel of a high caste, it won`t be consumed. It would be thrown away stating it got polluted.

If an outcaste is in urgent need of transport, usually as a result of accident, illness or complicated childbirth someone has to go to the neighbouring village, perhaps 5 kilo meters away to get a taxi. High caste taxi drivers close by will never oblige, even the person died they are not concerned. She had quoted so many similar situations.

Mostly women and elderly men in high caste categories were strongly caste conscious.

Caste system has given rise to serious social evils. It denied certain civil and religious rights to a large number of people and let to the oppressions and exploitations one caste by another, which proved a constant source of discontent or unrest.(p.149 the religion of the Hindus by Kenneth Moron)

Classic instant was that of Sir Ponnambalam Ramanaathen, a recognized Tamil leader, who opposed the introduction of Adult franchise on the ground that it would give the lower caste the right of vote. He also against the tradition of equal seating and commensurate in Jaffna schools.(James Russel-Ceylon Tamils and Donoughmore Commission.p.21)

Govt.issued The Social Disability Act, 1957, forbidding caste discrimination by land lords and other upper class and high caste elites but they did not pay any heed.

From the government side there were discriminations too. Perhaps because during the British period most of the higher places in the government service had been offered to them In order to create a divide and rule policy. Later found the qualifications submitted by most of the selected candidates were bogus.

One of the Ministers of the UNP Cabinet, Hon.Minister  D.K.Mathew made an extensive research with academics and issued two publications to this effect. However if Tamils have been recognized as citizens of the country, no discriminations should have been meted out to them. They were not second class citizens. Prabhakaran along with 25 other groups started their attack on two targets. To annihilate the so-called high caste elites and against Sinhala government for discrimination.  Prabhakaran launched his struggle on both this targets by killing the

the Tamil Mayor of Jaffna. His brutalities had no bound. Once in a farm in the North, Aranthalawa, if I can correctly remembered, where his Tigers hacked to death several Sinhala poor families including pregnant women and children. One bus load of Buddhist monks who had gone for a religious ceremony was mercilessly shot down. In the Wesak month of 1985,in Anuradhapura in the Sri Maha Bodhiya premises there was a blood bath where 70 male Upasakas and women who were observing Sil mercilessly shot down. Suicide bombers blasted in many crowded places and massacred so many innocents including their own Tamils. Suicide bombers attempted to massacre former President Chandrika Kumaratunga, Murdered prominent politician viz.Gamini Dissanayake, John Fernandopulle,and several others including brilliant academic Neelam Thiruchelvam. There were no limits for their genocides. At the last stage when they were rounded up to a jungle patch by the military they grabbed over 200,000 civilians as human shields.

One Tamil medical student tried to escape and he was killed, mutilated and displayed stating this would be the outcome if anybody tries to escape. Their brutalities were so abominable. When the Red Cross and Security services made possible attempts to rescue innocent civilians Tiger cubs shot most of them from behind even children and pregnant women.

These horrendous incidents were published in almost all local papers and electronic media. Sometime back with the Norwegian peace Council government offered them a political solution. But Prabhakaran was not prepared to accept it. He was adamant to have military solution. Mainly because, their community supporters in foreign soils pressed him to continue the war by giving assurance to funding sufficiently and provide sophisticated powerful weapons. Money was pouring from Tamil supporters from foreign countries as a result he led a posh life in bunkers and massacred most of the high caste people by tying them to lamp posts.

Even his leader who incited to take weapons against the government, Mr.Amirthalingam was bumped off. Innocent people including Tamils were died in cross-fire. But he didn’t bother at all. His supporters in foreign countries extorted money from Tamil immigrants, retain few percentage and sent millions over to Prabhakaran. They were adamant to have a separate region for prestige sake. If that happened leaders and their henchmen would have been better off, but the ordinary Tamils who find unable to meet both ends will suffer immensely. It would have been inevitable. Perpetuated heinous crimes committed by Prabhakaran were purely on the strength of the millions he received from Tamil Diaspora in foreign soils. They too should take the responsibility of devastating Sri Lanka, particularly in the north massacring innocent people, including their kith and kin in the country with sophisticated weapons supplied by them. Moreover ,internal complexity in the Sri Lankan Tamil community has not exploited well as such Tamils themselves were still in a quandary as to what genuine objective Tigers had in their target aimed at the envisaged separatism- war. If the LTTE won the expected separate state for them to govern, they will never allow, never entertain high caste people migrated to other countries of their community to step in because they have well realized the suppression they had under them. If somebody well analyze from the very inception of Velupillai Prabhakaran’s attacks he had selectively aimed at high caste Tamils and generally against Sinhala army. That suggests his bitterness was more towards his own high caste people whom he and his colleagues treated as number one enemy in the Tamil society in the North. Present Provincial Council where mostly consists with TNA members who are more proned to the philosophy of Prabhakaran eager to established an autonomy as prbhakaran dreamt.  They should make an attempt to understand that and do something to the battered community in the North.

Indian Govt. had a suspicion when Tamil Nadu was giving the LTTE an underhand support whether they had an internal plan to attack the Indian main Govt. with the help of a separate Eelam State created in the North of Sri Lanka and then get amalgamated with Tamil Nadu in order to fight with the Indian Govt. to curve a separate State in the South India. Rajiv Gandhi who smelled this dispatched an IPKF battalion in consultation with the President J.R.Jayawardana in order to crush the LTTE .Till late when the former Chief Minister was living,Tamil Nadu is still obsessed with this dream. It was to revenge this situation LTTE planned and killed Rajiv Gandhi…….

Prime Minister Modi requested Mahindra Rajapaksha to implement the 13th amendment fully.  Why would sober Vanni Tamils want the 13th amendment to legitimize upper caste local Rajas the land owning Kavarakkadu aristocracy?

Susma Swaraj who had visited Sri Lanka earlier and had discussions with Political Leaders, knows the contents in the 13th Amendment. She will advise the Prime Minister when the right time comes.

Mind you! Being the Prime Minister his prime responsibility is to maintain peace in the entire country. He has to develop the country. Develop citizens, Fatten the economy.

sripaliv@gmail.com

භාවනා මගින් මානසික රෝග සමනය

May 10th, 2017

වෛද් රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග 

භාවනා මගින් මානසික රෝග සමනය පිලිබඳව මුල් කාලයේදී මා තුල තද බල විශ්වාසයක් නොවීය​. දහම් පාසලේ දී නාරද මාහිමියන් යටතේ අපව භාවනාව කෙරෙහි  යොමු කෙරුවද අප එය බරපතල ලෙස නොගත්තෙමු. නමුත් යුද හමුදා රෝහලේදී පශ්චාත් යුද විශාදිය​, පශ්චාත් ව්‍යසන  ක්ලමථ  අක්‍රමතාවය (PTSD) මෙන්ම කායිකරූපී ආබාධ (somatoform disorders) වලට ලක් වූ සොල්දාදුවන්ට ප්‍රතිකාර කිරීමේදී   භාවනාව ඉතා ප්‍රබල ප්‍රතිකාරාත්මක මාධ්‍යක් බව පසක් කෙරුවෙමි. මේ සඳහා මට මාර්ගෝපදේශකත්වය ලබා දෙන ලද්දේ කොලඹ විපස්සනා භාවනා මධ්‍යස්ථානයේ ආරියවංශාලංකාර හිමියන් විසිනි. 

මුල් කාලයේදී යුද ආතතියට ලක් වූ සොල්දාදුවන් භාවනා පුහුණුව සඳහා මම ආරියවංශාලංකාර හිමියන් වෙත යොමු කෙරුවෙමි. මෙම සොල්දාදුවන් භාවනා මාධ්‍ය තුලින් සායනික ප්‍රගතියක් ලබා ගත්හ. එහෙත් යුද හමුදාවේ පුනරුත්ථාපන අංශයේ සිටි උසස් නිලධාරිනියක් මීට බාල්දියක් ඇද්දාය​. හේතුව ඉරිසියාව මෙන්ම මුග්ධතාව නිසාය​. මේ බාල්දිය හේතුවෙන් රෝගී සොල්දාදුවන් භාවනා කිරීම සඳහා යොමු කලේ මන්ද?  කියා එක්ස්පලේෂන් දීමට මට සිදු විය​. යහපත් සිතින් කරන ලද දේ නිසා මට අනපේක්‍ෂිතව ඉෂ්ඨ දෙවියෙකු ගෙන් පිහිටාධාර  ලැබුනි. මා වෙනුවෙන් දුර්ජන නිලධාරිනිය  ඉදිරියේ ප්‍රකාශයක් දුන් ක්‍රිස්තු භක්තික විශේෂඥ මනෝ වෛද්‍ය නීල් ප්‍රනාන්දු මහතා මා සිදු කොට තිබෙන්නේ ඉතා යහපත් ක්‍රියාවක් බවත් භාවනාව යුද ක්ලමථයට ලක් වූ සොල්දාදුවන්ට ප්‍රශස්ථ ප්‍රතිකාර මාධ්‍යක් කීම නිසා දුර්ජන බලවේග පසුබැස ගියහ​. ඉන් පසුව මම භාවනා ප්‍රතිකාර සඳහා ආරියවංශාලංකාර හිමියන් වෙත සොල්දාදුවන් යොමු කරා පමණක් නොව උන් වහන්සේ අපගේ වාට්ටුවට ගෙන්වා ගෙන භාවනා සැසියක් ද පැවැත්වූයෙමි. මේ සඳහා මේජර් අත්තනායක අගනා සහයක් මට දුන්නේය​. තවද ආරියවංශාලංකාර හිමියන් මගින් මම භාවනා ක්‍රමද උගත්තෙමි. 

භාවනා ප්‍රතිකාරය මගින් යුද ආතතියට ලක් වූ සොල්දාදුවන් බොහෝ දෙනෙකු සුවය ලැබූහ​. මින් එක් සොල්දාදුවෙක් මට තවමත් මතකය​. ඔහු සිංහ රෙජිමේන්තුවේ සාජන්වරයෙකි. ඔපරේෂන් මිඩ් නයිට් එක්ප්‍රස් ක්‍රියාන්විතයේදී මානසිකව තුවාල ලබා පශ්චාත් ව්‍යසන  ක්ලමථ  අක්‍රමතාවයට ලක්ව සිටියේය​. යුද ක්ලමථය නිසා වරක් ඔහු රාගම දුම්රිය පොලේදී කෝච්චියකට පැන දිවි තොර කර ගැනීමේ මානසිකත්වයෙන් ද සිටියේය​. ක්‍රමක් ක්‍රමයෙන් ආනාපානාසති භාවනාවට යොමු වූ ඔහු ලබා ගත් සායනික ප්‍රගතිය මම නිරීක්‍ෂණය කලෙමි. වසරක් තුලදී ඔහු තුල තිබූ පශ්චාත් ව්‍යසන  ක්ලමථ  අක්‍රමතාවයේ රෝග ලක්‍ෂණ අඩුවී යනු මම දුටුවෙමි. තවද යුද ආතතිය නිසා සමායෝගී ආබාධයකට ලක්ව සිටි එතරම් උගත්කමක් නොතිබූ සොල්දාදුවෙකු ලබා ගත් සායනික ප්‍රගතිය මා පුදුමයට පත් කලේය​. එසේම මෙම සොල්දාදුවාව දැන සිටි සිටි විජයබා පාබල ඒකකයේ  නිලධාරියෙකු වූ මේජර් ප්‍රියන්ත පොන්වීර ද ඔහු පෙරදා මෙන් නොව ඉතා හොඳින් ඒකකයේ සේවය කරනවා කීවේය​. 

කැනඩාවට පැමිනීමෙන් පසු මම භාවනාව ප්‍රතිකාරක මාධ්‍යක් ලෙස යොදා ගැනීම ගැන වඩාත් ගැඹුරෙන් අධ්‍යනය කලෙමි. ටොරොන්ටෝ විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ මහාචාර්‍ය රොබට් මැක්ෆාඩ්න් , මයිකල් ඇපොල්ලෝ , මැක් මාස්ටර් විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ කැනේඩියානු භික්‍ෂූ යුක්තධම්ම යන ප්‍රවීණයන් මගින් භාවනාව මනෝ චිකිත්සක මාධ්‍යක් ලෙස උගත්තෙමි. එසේම මැසචූසෙට්ස් විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ මනෝ වෛද්‍ය මහාචාර්‍ය Amy B. Wachholtz සමග පරියේෂණ පත්‍රිකාවක්ද එළි දැක්වූයෙමි 

වෛද්‍ය ඊලෑන් නහීම් විසින් මනෝ ප්‍රතිකාර සඳහා මා වෙත යොමු කරන ලද “ඩී” මහතා හෙරොයින් භාවිතාවට හුරුව සිටියේය​. ක්‍රොනික් ඩිප්‍රෙෂන් හෙවත් නිදන්ගත විශාදය ඔහුගේ මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය භාවිතාව උත්සන්න කරන ලදි. “ඩී” මහතා මා යටතේ ඉතා උනන්දුවෙන් ආනාපානාසති භාවනාව වැඩුවේය​. මාස හතරක් වැනි කාලයක් තුල ඔහුගේ විශාදය අවම වී ගියේය​. මේ අතර ඔහුගේ හෙරොයින් භාවිතය අඩු වූ අතර වෛද්‍ය  නහීම් විසින් සොබොක්සෝන් නම් ඖෂධය ආරම්භ කරන ලදි. මෑතකදී මෙම රෝගියා මා වෙත පැමිණි අතර පසුගිය මාස 3 තුල ඔහු හෙරොයින් ශිරා වලට විද නොගත් බව මට දැන්වීය​. ඔහුගේ මුත්‍රා පරීක්‍ෂා කල වෛද්‍ය  නහීම් එහි හෙරොයින් හෝ වෙන යම් මත් ද්‍රව්‍ය නොවූ බව සනාත කලේය​.මේ පුද්ගලයාගේ සායනික ප්‍රගතිය සඳහා භාවනාවද ඉවහල් වූ බව මම සිතමි.  

බටහිර ලෝකයේ මනෝ විද්වතුන් විසින් භාවනාව මනෝ ප්‍රතිකාර මාධ්‍යක් ලෙස දැන් රෝහල් තුල පවා යොදාගනිමින් සිටිති. මේ සඳහා මැසචූසෙට්ස් විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ වෛද්‍ය ජොන් කැබට් සින් විසින් කරන ලද භාවනා ආශ්‍රිත පරියේෂණ ඉවහල් විය​. ඔහු බෞද්ධ භාවනා වලට විද්‍යාත්මක අර්ථ කථනයක් දුන්නේය​. මේ නිසා ඇති වූ පුනරුදය දැන් බටහිර ලෝකයේ දැකගත හැකිය​. 

වෛද් රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග 

‘ලසන්ත වික්‍රමතුංග මරා දැමුවේ සරත් ෆොන්සේකා.. අගමැති රනිල් සාක්‍ෂියි..’ – 1000%ක් එකග වන තවත් සාක්‍ෂි ලැබේ..

May 10th, 2017

lanka C news | ලංකා සී නිවුස්

පිවිතුරු හෙළ උරුමය මූලස්ථානයේදී පැවති මාධ්‍ය හමුවේදී එම පක්‍ෂ ප‍්‍රධාන ලේකම් උදය ගම්මන්පිල මෙසේ අදහස් පල කලේය.

මහ බැංකු වාර්තාවේ බොරු ඉලක්කම් දක්වලා

මේ තිබෙන්නේ 2016 මහ බැංකු වාර්තාව. වෙනත් වචන වලින් කිව්වොත් 2016 දී ලංකාවේ ආර්ථිකයට මොකද වුණේ කියලා මහ බැංකු අධිපතිතුමා විසින් මෑතක දී මුදල් ඇමතිතුමාට ලබා දුන් වාර්තාව. මේ වාර්තාව නොකියා කියන්නේ ලංකාවේ ආර්ථිකය ග්‍රීසිය වගේ බිඳ වැටීම අබියස තිබෙන බවයි. මේක හරියට අයිසින් තැවරූ පුස් කේක් ගෙඩියක් වගේ.මේ වැඩ බැරි ආණ්ඩුවේ වැඩබැරිකම සගවගන්න, ආර්ථිකයේ භයානක තත්වය සැඟවීමට සංඛ්‍යා ලේඛණ විකෘති කර ඇති බවට අපට සාධාරණ සැකයක් ඇති වෙනවා. මම එක නිදසුනක් කියන්නම්.

‘ලසන්ත වික්‍රමතුංග මරා දැමුවේ සරත් ෆොන්සේකා.. අගමැති රනිල් සාක්‍ෂියි..’ – 1000%ක් එකග වන තවත් සාක්‍ෂි ලැබේ..

මෙම වාර්තාව අනුව ලංකාවේ රැකියා කරන පුද්ගලයින් ගණන නැති නම් සේවා නියුක්තිය 2015 දී 78,31,000ක් වී 2016 දී 79,48,000 වී තිබෙනවා. තත්වය සුන්දරයි. 2015ට වඩා 2016 දී සේවා නියුක්තිය 1,17,000 කින් ඉහළ ගිහින්. නමුත් 2015 මහ බැංකු වාර්තාව අනුව නම් 2015 දී සේවා නියුක්තිය 85,54,000ක්. එහෙම බැලුවොත් රැකියා කරන පිරිස 2016 වසර තුල දී 606,000 කින් අඩු වෙලා. වසර පහට රැකියා දශ ලක්ෂයක් දෙන්න ආපු ආණ්ඩුව එක වසරක් තුල ලක්ෂ හයක් රැකියා නැති කරලා විතරක් නොවේ ඒක සඟවන්න 2015 දී සේවා නියුක්තිය පිලිබඳ සංඛ්‍යා ලේඛණ විකෘති කරලා. 2015 වාර්තාවේ සේවා නියුක්තිය ලෙස පෙන්නුම් කළ ඉලක්කමට වඩා 723,000ක් අඩුවෙන් තමයි 2016 වාර්තාවේ 2015 සේවා නියුක්තිය ලෙස දක්වා තිබෙන්නේ. එහෙම කලේ 606,000කින් රැකියා අඩු වීම 117,000කින් රැකියා වැඩි වුණු බවට පෙන්වීමටයි. 2015 ඉලක්කම වෙනස් කිරීමෙන් 2016 ඉලක්කම 2015 ට වඩා ලොකු ඉලක්කමක් බවට පත්කරල තියෙනවා. මේ වැඩ බැරි ආණ්ඩුව හේතුවෙන් සිදු වන ආර්ථිකයේ කඩා වැටීම සැඟවීමට මහ බැංකුව දරා ඇති නිර්ලැජ්ජිත උත්සාහය මෙයින් හෙලිදරව් වෙනවා. කවුරුවත් හිතන්න නැතුව ඇති අපි 2016 වාර්තාව කියවන ගමන් 2015 තිබුනු ඉල්කකම් වලට මොකද වෙලා තියෙන්නේ කියල සොයා බලාවි කියල.

නීති විරෝධි සංක්‍රමණිකයින් හේතුවෙන් 2016 දී සංක්‍රමණ ධන අගයක්

ඒවගේම ඉතාම භයානක කාරණයක් මහ බැංකු වාර්තාවේ පෙන්වනවා. මහ බැංකු වාර්තාවට අනුව දශක ගණනාවකට පස්සේ 2015 දී සහ 2016 දී ලංකාවේ සංක්‍රමණ ධන අගයක් ගෙන තිබෙනවා. 2016 මහ බැංකු වාර්ථාවේ පනස් දෙවන සංඛ්‍යාසටහනේ පෙන්වනවා ලංකාවේ ශුද්ධ සංක්‍රමණ අනුපාත දශක ගණනාවකට පසු 2015 දීත් 2016 දීත් ධණ අගයක් ගෙන ඇති බව. වෙනත් වචන වලින් කියනවා නම් ලංකාව අත්හැර වෙනත් රටවල පදිංචියට ගිය පිරිසට වඩා වෙනත් රටවලින් ලංකාවේ පදිංචියට පැමිණි පිරිස වැඩියි. අතීතයේ දී සංක්‍රමණ ධන අගයක් ගත්තේ ඉන්දියානු වතු කම්කරුවන් පැමිණි යුගයේ දී. නමුත් ලංකාවේ ජනතාව බුරුතු පිටින් ඔස්ට්‍රේලියාව, ඇමෙරිකාව සහ බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය වැනි රටවල පදිංචියට යන වර්තමානයේ දී ලංකාවේ සංක්‍රමණ ධන අගයක් ගත්තේ කොහොම ද? ඒ ඇෆ්ගනිස්ථානය, මියන්මාරය සහ ඉන්දියාව වැනි රටවලින් ලංකාවේ පදිංචියට එන පිරිස් නිසා.

මේ සංක්‍රමණ නිසා ලංකාවේ ජන සංයුතියට බරපතල බලපෑමක් වෙමින් තිබෙනවා. විශේෂයෙන්ම මියන්මාරයේ සිට ලංකාවට පැමිණෙන රෝහන්ගියා මුස්ලිම් අනාථයින් මේ ආණ්ඩුව භාර ගැනීමට අපි විරුද්ධයි. මේ පිරිස් ලංකාවට එන්නේ මියන්මාරයේ බෞද්ධයින් සමග ගැටීම් ඇති කර ගෙන. ඒ නිසා ඔවුන් සිටින්නේ බෞද්ධයින් සමග වෛරයෙන්. මේ වන විටත් ඉතා සුළු පිරිසක් ලංකාවේ බුදු පිලිම කුඩු කරන පැරණි බෞද්ධ නටබුන් විනාශ කරන මුස්ලිම් අන්තවාදයක් ක්‍රියාත්මකකරනවා. එවැනි අන්තවාදින් සමග බෞද්ධයින් සමග වෛරයෙන් පසු වන මියන්මාර් අනාථයින් එකතු වුණොත් ආණ්ඩුව නිතර කතා කරන ජාතික ආගමික සමගියට බරපතල හානියක් අනිවාර්රයෙන් වෙනවා.

සරත් ෆොන්සේකා පිලිබඳ අගමැති රනිල් කියූ දේ හරි

සරත් ෆොන්සේකා ඇමතිතුමා මැයි 01 දා කිව්වා මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපතිතුමා මැරෙන තුරු සාටකයෙන් එල්ලා තබන්න ඕනි කියලා. නීතියේ හැටියටනම් වැරදිකරුවෙක්ට මරණ දඬුවම දෙන්නේ පෝරකයට නංවා මිස පැලඳ සිටින සාටකයෙන් ගෙල හිර කරලා නොවේ. මේ සරලව කියන්නේ මහින්දව අහු වුණොත් සාටකෙන් ගෙල හිර කරලා මරණවා කියන එකයි. මැයි 04 දා එතුමා කිව්වා ප්‍රේමකුමාර ගුණරත්නම් කියන්නේ කෙලෙහි ගුණ නැති කෙනෙක්. ජවිපෙ භීෂණ සමයේ ඔහු ත්‍රිකුණාමලයේ ජවිපෙ නායකයා. අපි අල්ලා ගත්තාම බිම දණ ගහලා මට වැඳලා කිව්වේ අනේ මගේ ජීවිතය බේරා දෙන්න කියලා. මම ඔහුගේ ජීවිතය බේරා දුන්නා. මොකද්ද මේ කියන්නේ? මට දණ ගහලා වැන්දේ නැති නම් එදා කුමාර් ගුණරත්නම් මරනවා.

මේ කතා දෙකම ඇහුව්වාම මට කියන්න තියන්නේ එක දෙයයි. ලසන්ත වික්‍රමතුංග මරා දැමුවේ සරත් ෆොන්සේකා කියලා අගමැතිතුමා විපක්ෂ නායක කාලයේ කරපු ප්‍රකාශයට මට සීයට දහසක් එකඟ වෙනවා හැරෙන්න වෙන කරන්න දෙයක් නෑ.

– අරවින්ද අතුකෝරල

මේ තීන්දුව අදහාගත නොහැකියි.. මත්ත‍්‍රී ධුරය අහෝසි කල හැක්කේ ශ්‍රේෂඨාධිකරණයට පමණයි..-GL

May 10th, 2017

ලංකා සී නිවුස්

මන්ත‍්‍රී ධුරය නීත්‍යානුකූල නැතැයි අභියාචනාධිකරණය විසින් ලබා දී ඇති තීන්දුවට එරෙහිව ශ්‍රේඨාධිකරණයේ නඩු පැවරීමට ගීතා කුමාරසිංහ මහත්මිය කටයුතු කර ඇති තත්වයක් තුල ඇය වෙනුවෙන් වෙනත් අයෙක් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට පත් කිරීම අදහාගත නොහැකි බව හිටපු ඇමති මහාචාර්ය ජී.එල්. පීරිස් මහතා පවසයි.

මන්ත‍්‍රී ධුරය අහෝසි කරන අවස්ථාවක දින 42ක් තුල ඊට එරෙහිව ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයට යාමට ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන්ම ඉඩ සලසා තිබියදී එම තීන්දුව ලැබෙන තෙක් ඇගේ මන්ත‍්‍රී ධුරය අහිමි කිරීම නීති විරෝධී යයිද ඔහු පෙන්වා දෙයි.

මේ තීන්දුව අදහාගත නොහැකියි.. මත්ත‍්‍රී ධුරය අහෝසි කල හැක්කේ ශ්‍රේෂඨාධිකරණයට පමණයි..-GL

මන්ත‍්‍රී ධුරය සම්බන්ධයෙන් අවසන් තීන්දුව දීමේ හැකියාව ඇත්තේ අභියාචනාධිකරණයට නොව ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය බවද ඔහු කොළඹදී පැවති මාද්‍ය හමුවක් අමතමින් කියා සිටියේය.

Bandula to go to SC on Mahendran’s citizenship

May 10th, 2017

 Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The joint opposition said today it would file a case in the Supreme Court seeking to clarify whether the duties and responsibilities carried out by former Central Bank governor Arjuna Mahendran were legal on the basis of not being a Sri Lankan citizen but that of Singapore.

Referring to the last week’s Appeal Court ruling disqualifying Geetha Kumarasinghe from being a parliamentarian because of her dual-citizenship, it queried as to how a citizen of another country could hold a top post like that of CB governor when a dual-citizenship holder is disqualified from being an MP.

Clause 165 of the Constitution states that all public officers should take an oath prior to commencing duties. However, Mr. Mahendran has told the Committee On Public Enterprises (COPE) that neither did take any oath nor did anyone ask him to do so. How can a foreign citizen without taking the oath of loyalty to the country function as the CB governor and continue to sign Sri Lanka’s currency notes,” MP Bandula Gunawardane told a news conference.

He said currency notes of Rs.100 and 5,000 signed by Mr. Mahendran were in circulation and the fact that he was a citizen of Singapore raised their legitimacy.

The MP said a citizen of Singapore could not work for the betterment of another country because Singapore does not recognise dual-citizenships. As far as we know, Mr. Mahendran is still a foreign citizen and had not abandoned his Singapore citizenship,” he said.

He said he would file action in the Supreme Court after Vesak so as to obtain a determination on this matter and to ascertain whether the currency notes signed by Mr. Mahendran were valid.

Clause 165 of the Constitution says any public officer is required by the Constitution to take an oath of allegiance on taking up office or duties.

Any such officer of an office failing to take and subscribe to such oath or make and subscribe such affirmation after the commencement of the Constitution on or before such date as may be prescribed by the Prime Minister by Order published in the Gazette shall cease to be in service or hold office,” the Constitution says. (Lahiru Pothmulla)

 

Video by Sanjeewa

– See more at: http://www.dailymirror.lk/article/Bandula-to-go-to-SC-on-Mahendran-s-citizenship-128611.html#sthash.3LvP8lil.dpuf

Another co-cabinet spokesman representing the SLFP?

May 10th, 2017

By Yusuf Ariff Courtesy Adaderana

Minister Mahinda Amaraweera says that a certain individual will participate as the Cabinet media spokesman on behalf of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) as well in the future.

Speaking at a SLFP press briefing today (9), he said that the decision was not taken with the intention of removing co-cabinet spokesman Dr Rajitha Senaratne but with the aim of taking the opinion of the SLFP to the people.

He stated that there is no issue with announcing cabinet decisions as the cabinet spokesman and that they expect to avoid issues which arise when expressing certain political opinions.

Govt. to use proceeds from non-strategic asset sales for liability management

May 10th, 2017

by Sanath Nanayakkare Courtesy The Island

Central Bank Governor Dr. Indrajit Coomaraswamy said yesterday that proceeds from the potential long lease of Hambantota Port and proceeds from the sale or divestment of other non-strategic state assets would be pooled into a separate fund for liability management as foreign debt servicing commitments “will come in a bunch from 2019 onwards.”

Responding to a question from the media in Colombo, on announcing the monthly monetary policy review, the Governor said,” The Prime Minister has articulated this fact and I think the government has accepted it at policy level.

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“Our domestic debt servicing will spike in 2017 and 2018. And then from 2019 onwards, we will have to repay a bunch of external debts. With this in mind, the government intends to put the proceeds from the Hambantota Port deal and other non-strategic asset sales into a separate fund earmarking it for liability management. So, the government’s ability to attract foreign investors to divest in these assets will help its liability management programme, he said.

Coomaraswamy said that with a change of law we may borrow a bit more in the international capital market for liability management.

The Governor, however, pointed out that the real answer to servicing mounting national debt lies in increasing exports. There are some favourable signs in this direction. The United States, Europe and Japan are showing signs of rebounding even at a slower growth rate. If the GSP+ is restored as expected, it will help boost our foreign exchange yield from garment products, rubber etc. The international commodity prices also have rebounded. These three upbeat factors should offset the decline in exports in the first quarter of the year.”

Coomaraswamy also noted that last week’s international sovereign bond issue of US$ 1.5 billion reflected the level of confidence the international capital market has in the Sri Lankan economy.

“Last year, our 10-year bond issue was 554 basis points above U.S. treasury bond rates. This year it was 385, which means it was 169 basis points less. This is a significant improvement of the confidence of the international capital market in the way the fiscal consolidation and the monetary policy are handled , the Governor pointed out.

Kilinochchi demo, Mulliyaweli ‘incident’ and Wigneswaran’s comment on Swamy Premananda

May 10th, 2017

By Shamindra Ferdinando Courtesy The Island


Former members of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) recently launched an unprecedented campaign to discourage yahapalana government from handing over military managed agricultural farms and pre-schools in the Northern Province to the Northern Provincial Council (NPC).

Hundreds of ex- LTTE cadres demonstrated in former LTTE stronghold Kilinochchi, demanding that agricultural farms and pre-schools be kept under military supervision.

The military liberated Kilinochchi in early January 2009 following months long campaign involving several fighting formations.

The protest surely embarrassed the NPC administration hell-bent on restricting military activity.

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Although, the Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) led Tamil National Alliance (TNA) has been sharply divided over post-war policy, with Northern Province Chief Minister former Supreme Court judge C.V. Wigneswaran pursuing a strategy of his own, the grouping is working overtime to reduce the military presence in the Northern Province to the barest minimum.

The Colombo based foreign funded NGO community, too, has thrown its weight behind the TNA project for obvious reasons.

The TNA has never been successful in attracting former LTTE cadres to the grouping as they knew its despicable role during the war. The TNA steadfastly refused to at least urge the LTTE to give up human shields and let the fighting cadre to surrender to the Sri Lanka Army. Regardless of LTTE directives to fight to the last man and last woman, well over 10,000 surrendered to the Army, advancing on the Vanni east front.

Former LTTE cadres, both men and women, gathered at the Kilinochchi SLTB depot junction, on the Kandy-Jaffna A 9 road, on the morning of April 25, 2017. Carrying placards and chanting slogans, LTTE cadres went in procession from the depot junction to the Kilinochchi District Secretariat where they handed over a petition. They requested that they be allowed to serve as members of the Civil Defence Force (CDF) assigned to work at military managed agricultural farms and pre-schools.

Former LTTE combatants alleged that their livelihoods would be at stake if the NPC took over agricultural farms and pre-schools. They expressed concern that thousands of families would be affected and a major crisis caused due to mismanagement under NPC.

Since the conclusion of the war, in May 2009, the TNA, Western powers, the NGO community or the civil society, as they prefer to identify themselves, as well as the pro-LTTE Tamil Diaspora have been campaigning for the reduction of military presence in the Northern Province, restrict contact between the military and Northern population and propagate unsubstantiated war crimes allegations against the war-winning Army. The Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) and Western embassies have repeatedly issued statements backing the TNA. But, obviously those who had fought for the LTTE believed in efficient military managed set up-regardless of the lies propagated by interested parties.

There had never been a demonstration in the Northern Province by former LTTE cadres demanding that they be managed by the military. In fact, the TNA never anticipated the previous Rajapaksa administration recruiting former LTTE members to the CDF. The then administration went out of its way to accommodate those who had fought against the government in accordance with its overall strategy to ensure lasting peace. That strategy thwarted TNA attempts to cause turmoil and use the defeated LTTE to cause political turmoil in the Northern Province. The TNA seemed to have believed that the defeated LTTE would accept its post-war strategy and agree to work, in unison, to undermine government rule in the Northern Province. Had the TNA succeeded it would have had a catastrophic effect on the Eastern Province and undermine post-war national reconciliation process.

The Kilinochchi protest dealt a devastating blow to those who had been propagating unsubstantiated war crimes allegations.

Mulliyaweli incident

The military earned the respect of the former LTTE fighting cadre for efficient post-war rehabilitation project. The successful project paved the way for thousands of men and women to return to their families, within a couple of years, though, at the onset of the programme, interested parties alleged former LTTE personnel faced long term detention. The recent Kilinochchi protest proved in no uncertain terms that members of the defeated organizations had been treated humanely and they believed in the apparatus created by the military for their benefit.

The TNA obviously cannot stomach the former LTTE cadre having faith in the military.

Close on the heels of former LTTE cadres’ Kilinochchi protest, the TNA organized one day hartal, in the Northern and Eastern Provinces, demanding an explanation from yahapalana government regarding those reported missing during the war and post-conflict period. Some northern residents have launched protests at the behest of the TNA against disappearances. Colombo based The Hindu correspondent Meena Srinivasan quoted Wigneswaran as having said: “Protesters demonstrated for over 50 days. Out of sheer frustration, they have asked the public to support them by staging a hartal. We have obliged.”

During April 27, 2017 hartal, still unidentified persons pelted troops carrying ‘Liberty’ bus with stones at Mulliyaweli at 7.30 pm. Off duty personnel were on their way from Vavuniya on the Kandy-Jaffna A9 road to Mullaitivu on the east coast. The government played down the incident though the Army confirmed the first such case since the conclusion of the war.

Yahapalana leaders refrained from commenting on TNA led hartal backed by an influential section of Muslim politicians.

In the run up to late April hartal, Wigneswaran took up the contentious issue of disappearances with President Maithripala Sirisena. Wigneswarn claimed that many missing persons were somewhere ascertainable thereby suggesting over two years after Maithripala Sirisena’s victory at January 2015 presidential poll, the government is running secret detention camps.

No less a person than Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has declared that those who had been categorized as missing were either living overseas or killed fighting for the LTTE. Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, too, has echoed Wickremesinghe on many occasions though interested parties, including a section of the media, propagate existence of secret detention camps.

For want of an efficient strategy, the previous government failed pathetically to counter lies. The Rajapaksa administration’s failure facilitated Western powers to haul Sri Lanka up before the UNHRC and then help oust Mahinda Rajapaksa at the January 2015 presidential poll.

The Joint Opposition, loyal to former President Rajapaksa, has failed to examine various developments taking place. The Kilinochchi demonstration and Mulliyaweli incident should be examined against the backdrop of the TNA split. The TNA has no option but to go all out against Wigneswaran publicly challenging the top party leadership.

TNA crisis deteriorates

Recently, the TNA ridiculed Wigneswaran over a statement he had made in respect of Sri Lankan child rapist Swamy Premananda who died at the age of 59 in an Indian prison in 2011. The TNA cleverly used Wigneswaran remarks to humiliate him and cause a rift between him and the Catholic community. Wigneswaran was ridiculed for allegedly comparing Premananda with Jesus. The TNA and an influential section of Tamil Diaspora targeted Wigneswaran though they remained silent when he intervened on behalf of Premananda’s accomplices in 2015.

Wigneswaran has requested Modi to release three life convicts in the sensational Swamy Premananda case. Sri Lankans namely Kamalananda, Balan alias Balendiran and Sathis alias Sathishkumar were convicted and sentenced along with Premananda for raping 13 Sri Lankan Tamil girls, including minors, and conspiring to murder an inmate in the godman’s ashram at Fathima Nagar near Trichy.

They were sentenced to double life imprisonment, and the punishment was upheld by the Supreme Court in 2005. While Premananda died in Cuddalore prison in 2011, the other three are in prison.

In his letter, Wigneswaran, said Kamalananda and the others were falsely implicated in the case. “Premananda’s ashram and its properties have to be maintained. No one is there to take care of them. Please immediately release them as they are innocent,” Wignswaran said.

Premananda had set up the ashram in the 1980s at the onset of India backed terrorism campaign in Sri Lanka. In 1994, Premananda was charged with raping the 13 inmates. Horrific crime came to light after one of the girls escaped from the ashram. Another victim became pregnant and a DNA test established that Premananda was the culprit. On August 21, 1997, the then Pudukottai district and sessions court judge R Banumathi sentenced Premananda to double life imprisonment and a cumulative fine of Rs 66.4 lakh.

Controversy surrounds the interview conducted on April 14th, 2017 by a Tamil website called “Thinappuyal.” When asked about the Chief Minister being a devotee of a convicted criminal by the courts, Wigneswaran has said Jesus Christ was convicted 2000 years ago but people were worshiping him now as God. The website has deleted extremely controversial section of the interview on Wigneswaran’s request as the latter obviously feared it would cause outrage among Catholics.

Many an eyebrow was raised over Wigneswaran comparing Premananda with Jesus as well as the TNA’s reaction. Instead choosing to remain silent, the TNA exploited Wigneswaran’s blunder to ruin the Chief Minister’s image. The TNA ensured Wigneswaran’s comments on Premananda received wide coverage in both print media and on the internet/social media. With Wigneswaran indicating he has absolutely no intention to be guided by the TNA and intended to deal with the government on his own, the TNA will go on the offensive. Wigneswaran is believed to have obtained an opportunity to meet President Maithripala Sirisena soon to discuss contentious issues.

Wigneswaran’s moves should be studied taking into consideration obvious battle between the TNA and UNP Minister D. M. Swaminathan over efforts to regain military held civilian property in the Northern Province.

Would it be possible for Wigneswaran to retain the support of TELO, PLOTE and EPRLF in the NPC? What would be the reaction of Western embassies seeking a consensus among all Tamil political parties and groups, both here and overseas, to secure maximum possible concessions from the government to the ongoing TNA vs Wigneswaran? The top TNA leadership would never have expected Wigneswaran to cause turmoil in the coalition in a bid to secure a bigger role at the time he was brought in as their Northern Province Chief Ministerial candidate.

There’ll be bigger and far worse intra-party battles as major TNA factions flex their muscles.

(To be continued on May 17)

The Yahapalana Government’s Economic Report Card – 2016: Utter Failure!

May 10th, 2017

By Professor Milton Rajaratne (Faculty of Management, University of Peradeniya) Courtesy The Island

In contrast to the Rajapaksa government, the Yahapalana government highlighted accelerated growth, one million new jobs, small government, social market policy, debt free economy, big push to industry, and infrastructure projects, and revitalization of the capital market etc. in its policy statements. So far the Yahapalana government has spent one half of its life and produced two Annual Reports about the economy, i.e., 2015 and 2016. The Central Bank Annual Report 2014 covers the economic performance of the Rajapaksa government while the Annual Reports of 2015 and 2016 witness to the economic performance of the Yahapalana government. This paper compares 30 key economic indicators of Sri Lanka between the two governments to assess economic performance and to conclude whether Yahapalana government’s economic policy is so far successful.

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Out of the 30 key economic indicators reported by the Central Bank in its Annual Report -2016, it is obvious that only two are marginally satisfactory whereas other 28 are unsatisfactory compared to the Rajapaksa government in 2014. One such favorable factor is that the government revenue has increased due to new taxes, higher rates and collection efficiency. However, the satisfactory status is cancelled out as the government expenditure has increased. Thus the government will have to again seek ways to increase tax income or otherwise to finance deficit through loans which leads to increase in government debt. The other satisfactory factor is the marginal decrease in the overall deficitwhich brings happiness to the IMF more than to anyone else.

The most striking fact about the Yahapalana government is that its economic machine has produced less in 2016 compared to 2015. Although it appears as US$14 increase in per capita income between 2014 and 2016, the per capita income has dropped in 2016 by US$8compared to 2015 which is a phenomenon, which last occurred in 2001 during the period of the “minus economy.”

Despite the slogans to create one million jobs and very expensive foreign travels of the Prime Minister to strike investment deals theinflow of FDI and the real sector have decreased and unemployment has increased creating frustration among the youth. Due to the decrease in FDI, domestic saving and investment, the domestic product will further shrink (if efficiency does not rapidly increase; which is impossible) causing social unrest in the coming years.

And getting trapped in their blame of Rajapaksa for public debt, the Yahapalana government has increasingly resorted to local and foreign loans during the two year administration and pushed the debt burden of the country from 71.3% to 79.3%.

Share market indices tell more about the business environment created by the Yahapalana government. The All Share Price Index has significantly dropped from 7,299 units to 6,228 units casting doubt over investment in the capital market. The value of shares traded during this two year period also has been slashed by almost a half and non-national net purchase from SLR 21.2 billion to SLR 0.3 billion indicating less trust on the capital market and dwindling foreign exchange inflow.

Official reserves have declined to a dangerous level equivalent to imports of 3.7 months from 5.1 months in 2014. Further due to decline in exports income the debt service ratio has also increased from 20.8% to 25%.The trade deficit has soared from US$-8.3 billion to US$-9.1 billion between the periods. The largely depreciated rupee has not been an incentive for the exporters and thus exports earnings has also decreased to US$10.3 billion from US$11.1 billion in 2014.

In conclusion, the Yahapalana economy has failed in many ways. It has failed in increasing income, promotion of exports, curtailing imports, curbing inflation, interest rates and lending rates, generating employment, increasing domestic savings and investment, attracting FDI and foreign share capital, developing capital market, controlling government debt and expenditure and many more. Those who ousted Rajapakse strongly believed that UNP has better economic knowhow and expected rapid economic development through which more employment and income would be generated. The UNP governments in the past did so. It is unfortunate for the country that the Minister of economic planning and development together with Minister of Finance have failed absolutely in bringing about the positive economic change since January 8, 2015. According to the food wholesalers in Pettah, the street felt a 40% drop in sales of this April compared to the previous April! The so called “change” is now felt as a strike of thunder to white collars and blue collars. The President is the umpire. Now it is the time for red cards to be shown to the incapable minsters and UNP led government.

Geetha unfairly removed from Parliament – JO MP’s dilemma over dual citizenship

May 10th, 2017

Courtesy The Island


The Joint Opposition yesterday accused Parliament of depriving actress turned UPFA MP Geetha Kumarasinghe of her Galle District parliamentary seat at the behest of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe administration.

The JO flayed the government and the parliament for acting hurriedly to oust an elected MP loyal to former President and Kurunegala District MP Mahinda Rajapaksa. The JO said that Kumarasinghe had earned the wrath of the SLFP for steadfastly being a Rajapaksa supporter.

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Former External Affairs Minister and top JO spokesman Prof. G. L. Peiris said the Secretary General of Parliament had informed the National Election Commission (NEC) on Tuesday (May 9) of the Galle District vacancy in Parliament in the wake of the Court of Appeal ruling pertaining to her eligibility to be an MP due to her being a dual citizen.

Addressing the media at Punchi Borella, the former law professor alleged that Kumarasinghe had been denied the opportunity to move the Supreme Court within 42 days against the Court of Appeal ruling given on May 3.

Prof. Peiris emphasized that the MP had been denied the constitutional right to move Sri Lanka’s highest court against a lower court.

The former minister pointed out that the parliament had written to Chairman, NEC, Mahinda Deshapriya in spite of Mrs. Kumarasinghe personally informing Speaker Karu Jayasuriya in writing on May 4 of her decision to appeal against the Court of Appeal ruling. Mrs. Kumarasinghe has been accompanied by JO members, Dallas Alahapperuma, Vasudeva Nanayakkara and Udaya Gammanpila.

Responding to a query by The Island, Prof. Peiris urged the NEC not to act hastily or succumb to yahapalana pressure. Prof. Peiris urged the three member NEC comprising former Elections Commissioner Mahinda Deshapriya, Dr. Nalin Abeysekera and Professor Ratnajeevan Hoole to examine Mrs. Kumarasinghe’s case before acting on Secretary General’s letter.

Prof. Peiris emphasized that the Speaker having accepted Mrs. Kumarasinghe’s letter, issued a receipt therefore couldn’t deny knowledge of the MP’s resolve to move the Supreme Court.

Alleging that the parliament had perpetrated injustice and interfered with a member’s right to legal redress, Prof. Peiris maintained that the project was meant to deprive the JO of a Mahinda Rajapaksa loyalist.

Prof. Peiris said that there had never been such a blatant attempt to oust a member of parliament on a Court ruling before the Supreme Court could be moved.

Prof. Peiris, who is also the Chairman of the Sri Lanka Podujana Pakshaya said that the JO couldn’t be suppressed by yahapalana strategies.

Asked by The Island whether the JO could vouch for Mrs Kumarasinghe giving up the Swiss citizenship at the time of nominations for August 2015 parliamentary polls in accordance with the 19th Amendment to the Constitution adopted in April 2015, Prof. Peiris said there hadn’t been any objections to her contesting the Galle District.

An authoritative official on behalf of the Parliament told The Island that the Secretary General had written to the NEC following consultations with the Attorney General. The official alleged that the Counsel for Mrs. Kumarasinghe could have acted swiftly to avoid an unwarranted situation. The official stressed that the JO couldn’t find fault with the parliament for their failure to challenge the Court of Appeal ruling quickly. The official said that the Secretary General had informed the NEC of the Galle District vacancy after receiving specific instructions from the AG.

Mrs Kumarasinghe’s Counsel Manohara de Silva told The Island that the Court of Appeal ruling could be challenged within 42 days.

The JO would vigorously campaign against yahapalana government bid to undermine the genuine Opposition, Prof. Peiris said, adding that the SLFP couldn’t stomach their group is bigger than the SLFP team in the ruling coalition. Of the 95 members elected on the UPFA ticket and appointed on the UFFA National List, 52 are with the former President.

චන්ද්‍රිකාගේ ආරක්‍ෂක රණ්ඩුවට මහින්දගෙන් රත්වෙන්න පිළිතුරක්..

May 10th, 2017

| lanka C news | ලංකා සී නිවුස්

හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා විසින් හිටපු ජනාධිපතිනී චන්ද්‍රිකා බණ්ඩාරනායක කුමාරණතුංග මහත්මියගේ ආරක්ෂාව අඩු කිරීම සදහා අධිකරණයේ නඩුවක් ගොනුකළ බවට එල්ල වන චෝදනා සම්බන්දයෙන් මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතාගේ මාධ්‍ය ලේකම්වරයා විසින් නිකුත් කර ඇති මාධ්‍ය නිවේදනයක් මෙහි දැක්වෙයි.

මාධ්‍ය නිවේදනය

හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා, හිටපු ජනාධිපතිනී චන්ද්‍රිකා බණ්ඩාරනායක කුමාරණතුංග මහත්මියගේ ආරක්ෂාව අඩු කිරීම සදහා අධිකරණයේ නඩුවක් ගොනුකළ බව රජයට සම්බන්ධ දේශපාලකයන් ප්‍රකාශ කල බව මේ දිනවල මාධ්‍ය ඔස්සේ ප්‍රචාරය වේ.එම චෝදනාව තරයේ ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කරමි. ජනාධිපති ලේකම් කාර්යාලය හෝ ආරක්ෂක අමාත්‍යාංශය හෝ හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා විසින් එවැනි නඩුවක් ගොනුකර නොමැත.එම නඩුව ගොනු කර ඇත්තේ රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධානයක් විසිනි.

එවකට ආරක්ෂක ලේකම්වරයා ලෙස කටයුතු කල ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතා හිටපු ජනාධිපති තුමියගේ ඉල්ලීමක් අනුව එතුමියගේ නිල නිවසට ගොස් සාකච්ඡාකර එතුමියගේ ආරක්ෂක ප්‍රධානියාගේ ඉල්ලීම අනුව ආරක්ෂක නිලධාරීන් සහ අවශ්‍ය කරන පහසුකම් ලබාදී ඇත.

අධිකරණ තීන්දුව අනුව එතුමියගේ ආරක්ෂාවේ කිසිදු වෙනසක් කර නොමැත.අධිකරණ තීන්දුවක් තිබුනද එතුමියගේ ආරක්ෂක ප්‍රධානියාගේ ඉල්ලීම් අනුව සැම අවස්ථාවකදීම
රජය විසින් සියලුම පහසුකම් ලබා දී ඇත.

තමන්ගේ දේශපාලන පළිගැනීම් ජනතාව ඉදිරියේ සාධාරණීකරණය කිරීමේ චේතනාවෙන් මෙවැනි ප්‍රකාශයන් කරන්නේ බංකොලොත් දේශපාලකයන්ය.මේ ආණ්ඩුව යටතේ කොටි සංවිධානයට නැවත පණදීමේ උත්සාහයන් කීපයක් හෙලිවී ඇත. මේ වසර මුලදී විදේශ රටවල සිටින කොටි ක්‍රියාකාරීන් පුනරුත්ථාපනය නොවූ හිටපු කොටි ත්‍රස්තවාදීන් යොදවා දෙමල ජාතික සන්ධානයේ මන්ත්‍රීවරයකු ඝාතනය කිරීමක් හෙලිකරගැනීමට පොලිසියට හැකිවිය.මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් කිහිප දෙනෙකුම අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීමට හැකි වූ අතර ඒ සදහා භාවිතා කිරීමට නියමිතව තිබු ක්ලේමෝ බෝම්බ දෙකක්ද සොයාගන්නා ලදී. වර්තමාන රජය රැදවුම් භාරයේ සිටි භයානක කොටි ත්‍රස්තවාදීන් නිදහස්කර ඇත. පසුගිය රජය කොටි ත්‍රස්ත්තවදීන් 11000 වැඩි ප්‍රමාණයක් පුනරුත්ථාපනය කර , එසේ කිරීමට නොහැකි අතිශයින්ම දරුනුගනයේ කොටි ත්‍රස්තවාදීන් 200 පමණ රැදවුම් බාරයේ තබාගෙන සිටියේය. වර්තමාන ආණ්ඩුව නිදහස්කර ඇත්තේ පුනරුත්ථාපනය කල නොහැකි කොටි ත්‍රස්තවදීන්ය.මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාගේ ආරක්ෂාව අඩුකර ඇත්තේ මෙවැනි පසුබිමකය.

වසර 30 යුද්ධය අවසන්කොට ශ්‍රී ලංකාව සංවර්ධනය කරා ගෙනගිය රාජ්‍ය නායකයා වන මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාගේ ජීවිතය ආරක්ෂා කිරීම වර්තමාන ජනාධිපතිතුමා ඇතුළු රජයේ වගකීම බව තරයේ සදහන් කරමි.

රොහාන් වැලිවිට
හිටපු ජනපති මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාගේ
මාධ්‍ය ලේකම්

 

ඔත්තුකරු says:

May 9, 2017

ඇත්තෙන්ම එම නඩුව ගොනුකර ඇත්තේ චන්ද්‍රිකාගේ අනුදෙනුම ඇතිව ග්ලෝබල් ටැමිල් ෆෝරම් ආයතනයට සම්බන්ධ රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධානයක් විසින්. දේශපාලන කුමන්ත්‍රණය සඳහා මුලසිටම චන්ද්‍රික හමුවීමට පැමිණෙන කොටි සාමාජිකයන්ට ඇයගේ ආරක්ෂක භටයන්ගෙන් සිදුවන බාධා ඉවත් කිරීමට සහ රජයට තොරතුරු ලැබීම වැලැක්වීමට මෙම පියවර ගෙන ඇති බව පසුව අනාවරණය විය.

“Oil exports to India from developed Trinco tank farm Can anyone in Sri Lanka object? – asks PM”

May 9th, 2017

Sugath Samarasinghe  

This is what Ranil W. is reported to have said at the UNP May Day Rally, according to the front page news of Sunday Island of 7th May. I am amazed. Could a political ‘leader’ be so dishonest in his intent, to mislead his followers? Could one imagine that an emerging economic power like India who imported all her oil requirement direct from wherever it did all this time, is going to import her requirement now from Sri Lanka’s oil tank farms in Trinco? And why? Does he think that people of this country would be so stupid, to believe him?

Instead, isn’t it clear that what is going to happen is that India will take over the total supply of oil to Sri Lanka, robbing it from the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation? Ranil W. has already surrendered part of this right to the IOC, last time when he was in power. Is he now bent on making his sell out complete?

Once the exclusive right to supply oil to this country is handed over to India, she could throttle Sri Lanka if she decides to stop this supply whenever she wants, if Sri Lanka does not toe her line. This is the control she wants over Sri Lanka so that she can manipulate this country, particularly against China. Why do we need to surrender the independance of this country?

What will then happen is what has happened to that land locked country Nepal. Nepal has to be at the beck and call of India as she depends on India for her oil supply. In fact, India had the temerity to dictate to that country as to what she wanted included in Nepal’s new constitution!

An advantage that Sri Lanka has over land locked countries such as Nepal and Bhutan is that this country is an island. This is why no country is able to manipulate this country short of using force. We have enjoyed this advantage throughout history to maintain our independence and unique culture. It is one of the reasons why we were able to survive as a nation over two millennia.

This again is why India is always trying to coerce and compel us to give into her manipulations. The Hanuman Bridge, direct railway line from Mannar to Trinco, Trinco Harbour, oil farms and the latest, a hospital in Norwood are all part of this strategy. It is strange that our PM does not see this obvious evil plan that India is laying, to lead us into her trap.

Why cannot Ranil realize this? Is it a cse of none are so blind tha those who do not want to see”? Or, is he trying complete what his uncle failed in 1987?

Sugath Samarasinghe               

Planting churches and ‘saving souls’

May 9th, 2017

Janaka Perera

 Sri Lanka will be celebrating the 2561st year of Vesak on an international scale starting on May 10.  The question however is whether the organizers and the foreign participants in the event will pay sufficient attention to the facts highlighted in a recent report of the Bangkok-based World Buddhist University (WBU) on the socio-economic and cultural challenges facing Asian Buddhists with a case study in Sri Lanka. 
 
Designed to give an insight to the challenges facing Sri Lanka’s grassroots, the study was undertaken by Communications & Media Specialist Dr. Kalinga Seneviratne assisted by Samanmalee Swarnalatha. 
 
The study is titled, ‘The Scourge of Poverty and Proselytism’ which the international media has almost totally ignored and sometimes misinterpreted.  As the report correctly observes although 70 percent of Sri Lanka’s population is designated as Buddhist, in the rural areas Buddhists make up the majority of the poor.
 
The research for the report titled, ‘The Scourge of Poverty and Proselytism’ was begun in Sri Lanka in 2015 with financial assistance from the WBU to create a database on this problem to dispel ignorance and was released by the WBU in March this year. 
 
Throughout the past two decades a vociferous debate has ensued in this country over the activities of Christian evangelists and missionaries. They have been engaged in harvesting souls in varying degrees since the beginning of Western colonialism. These proselytizers tend to think they have a divine right to ‘save’ others from ‘hell’ or whatever they mean by it.  This campaign was at its peak during nearly 450 years of European colonial rule in Sri Lanka.

The report discusses the brutal attempts by the Portuguese to wipe out Buddhism from Sri Lanka and the cunning schemes of the British to undermine Buddhist education in the island by facilitating the expansion of Christian missionary schools. WBU report also analyses three major studies done since independence in 1948 on the status of Buddhism in Sri Lanka and points out that most of the recommendations in these reports to empower Buddhists in the country, especially in the socio-economic sphere, have been ignored by successive governments.
 
Today the craze for conversion is seen in an aggressive breed of Christian evangelists rather than in Sri Lanka’s mainstream churches like the Catholic, Anglican, Protestant or Methodist.  As the WBU report clearly notes poverty among Buddhists (and Hindus too) has become a huge reservoir for the new ‘Martyrs of God’ to ‘fish’ with material benefits and cash offered as bait.  For the local agents of foreign evangelical missions religion is big business that paves the way for them to lead comfortable lives with ample funds.  
 
During the tsunami of December 2004 some of the foreign evangelists were stealthily distributing Bibles and Christian leaflets among the surviving victims along with clothes and other relief items whereas Buddhist monks working among non-Buddhist tsunami victims never tried to distribute Buddhist literature among the latter.
 
According to prominent Anthropologist and Sociologist Sasanka Perera, these evangelists have made this island one of their bases of operation in the competitive vocation of soul saving….”   In fact they act as if they are trying to eradicate a disease – Buddhism.
 
However when some non-Christians groups provoked by such unethical and dubious deeds resort to violence these evangelists loudly protest about Christians being persecuted.  This is quickly picked up by the Western media which never bother to probe the root causes of this friction.
 
Although Muslims are not very much into conversion today they want Islam to rule all polities and enforce Islamic laws parallel to the secular laws of country where they are a minority.
 
As the report notes:
 
It has become fashionable for the international media and some Buddhist leaders and Buddhist groups in East Asia and the West to criticise Buddhists in these countries when they take direct action to defend their communities, without trying to understand the socio-economic situations that are giving rise to this.”
 
According to the report Buddhist social services function with very little assistance from abroad and consequently they are unable to counter activities of Christian and Islamic groups who have huge financial resources from overseas to target Buddhists for conversions exploiting their poverty.
 
Presenting a resource paper on unethical conversions at the International Buddhist Conference on ‘The Buddha Sasana in Theravada Buddhist Countries’ in Colombo 14 years ago (January 16-18, 2003), two participants Dr. Anula Wijesundera and the late Gamini Perera drew attention to a message by an evangelical group, which called for the ‘planting’ of a Christian church in every one of the 25,483 villages in Sri Lanka.
 
The resource paper also focused on a report by Professor Alexander Berzin of Columbia University, revealing how aggressive evangelists rampaged through poverty-stricken Mongolia, ‘buying’ Buddhists, offering them computers, cash and video tapes that raised Christianity and disparaged Buddhism.

The weakness of Sri Lankan Buddhists is that they are reactive and not proactive” says Dr. Seneviratne. They need to engage more with the international Buddhist Community network and enlighten international Buddhists about the dangers Buddhists face in Sri Lanka. This should not be left to the government. They will never do it. A strong internationalized Sri Lankan Buddhist civil society is the need of the hour”.
 
Dr. Seneviratne said that he would like to do a similar study with WBU on Myanmar, Laos, Cambodia and Thailand as these Buddhist countries also face similar threats from the same sources.
 
To do this we need to raise funds and convince rich Buddhists in Asia that it is perhaps more meritorious to help raise awareness of the persecution of Buddhists and help to empower them socio-economically than spending millions on building grand temples and huge Buddha statues. We have enough of these in Asia.”
 

Yahapalanaya on F1 track

May 9th, 2017

Editorial Courtesy The Island

May 9, 2017, 12:00 pm

Various issues such as unkind cuts in former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s security, postmortems on May Day rallies and a government attempt to tame trade unions have eclipsed the latest supplementary estimate Parliament approved to the tune of Rs. 330 million for ministerial vehicles. No sooner had the township of Salawa been destroyed by the Army’s Central Armoury blast last year than the government demonstrated its callous disregard for people’s suffering by presenting a supplementary estimate seeking more than Rs. 1 billion for super luxury vehicles to keep ministers happy. The disaster victims have since been demanding compensation which the yahapalana administration promised. Out of sheer desperation, they have threatened legal action against the government.

This year, Parliament has so far allocated more than Rs. 1 billion for super luxury vehicles for ministers and their deputies. The latest one for Rs. 330 million was passed on May 05, within less than one month of the Meethotamulla garbage dump tragedy. The survivors are crying out for financial assistance to rebuild their lives and hundreds of others, still living in the disaster-stricken area, fear another collapse of the garbage mountain.

Why can’t the government worthies who came to power, promising to practise austerity, use the dozens of luxury vehicles that former Minister Wimal Weerawansa is accused of having misused under the previous regime? There were also fleets of flashy vehicles at the disposal of other ministers of the Rajapaksa government and the present administration had all of them returned after the 2015 change of government. Those vehicles can also be used by the ministers of the yahapalana government if they are desirous of putting an end to the deplorable practice of wasting public funds on super luxury vehicles for politicians.

The Rajapaksa government was notorious for what is popularly known as rathagaaya (excessive desire for travelling in luxury vehicles). That was one of the issues the yahapalana leaders flogged very effectively to turn public opinion against the previous regime. They claimed that the members of the ruling clan were using Lamborghinis etc. The onus is on them to trace those vehicles and auction them at the Galle Face Green (GFG) and utilise the proceeds therefrom to provide relief to disaster victims. In 1994, Chandrika Kumaratunga vowed to have the fleets of vehicles the UNP MPs and ministers were using seized and auctioned at the GFG immediately after forming an SLFP-led government. But, nothing of the sort happened after she captured power.

The sanctimonious political leaders who live in clover while asking the masses to tighten their belts ought to watch the BBC feature on Mexican Ambassador to India, Melba Pria, travelling in a three wheeler in New Delhi. She has put the diplomats and political leaders of the developing world to shame! We are not suggesting that our political grandees settle for tuk-tuks, but they can use the existing super luxury vehicles without wasting the much-needed forex on new ones.

Meanwhile, grand preparations have been made for this year’s Vesak celebrations which begin today. Political and religious leaders should have called upon the public to scale down the Vesak celebrations and channel funds so saved to help disaster victims. The Ministry of Ports and Shipping built what it described as the world’s tallest Christmas tree last December despite criticism even from some members of the clergy. But, surprisingly, it did not help shore up the collapsing garbage dump at Meethotamulla.

Huge, colourful thoranas have come up in many parts of the country, depicting various Jathaka stories. There is no need to highlight the suffering of Patachara or Kisa Gothami this year; people have witnessed the agony of the Meethotamulla residents whose loved ones were buried alive.

Tearing into those who struck work the other day, President Maithripala Sirisena has said it is unbecoming of doctors to resort to work stoppages and aggravate the suffering of the sick during the month of Vesak. He may have struck a responsive chord with those who frowned on the doctors’ strike. It will be interesting to know what he thinks of Parliament passing billions of rupees for ministerial vehicles while disaster victims are demanding long overdue compensation.

Rs 1.2 bn allocated for ministers’ luxury vehicles in 2017 alone

May 9th, 2017

By Shamindra Ferdinando Courtesy The Island


The national economy was deteriorating at an alarming rate as revealed by the latest Central Bank annual report, but the ruling coalition had presented three supplementary budgets amounting to staggering Rs 1.2 bn to acquire more super luxury vehicles for politicians and officials this year alone, JO heavyweight Prof. G.L. Peiris said yesterday.

Addressing the media at Punchi Borella, Prof. Peiris attacked the controversial process of presenting supplementary estimates for the benefit of politicians and officials.

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The media was told the circumstances under which the government presented two supplementary estimates in March and one in May this year. Among those who had been named as the beneficiaries of Rs 329 mn supplementary estimate presented in May is Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Parliamentary Secretary, Prof. Peiris said.

The former External Affairs Minister pointed out that a new post had been created to accommodate a person on the Prime Minister’s staff at the taxpayers’ expense.

Comparing a range of economic indicators given in the latest Central Bank publication with that of previous years, Prof. Peiris painted a bleak picture of the national economy.

JO member Peiris said that President Maithripala Sirisena had admitted Sri Lanka’s foreign reserves were down to USD 5 bn

Don’t change our portfolios: UNP tells MS ……….. News Item

May 9th, 2017

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Best solution to solve this deadlock is to have a evaluation criteria to show how the ministers have performed

Following guidelines may be used for the evaluation Criteria .

  • Extent of criticism levelled at the President and PM by the subject minister
  • Capability to work as a team
  • Extent of Confrontation with other ministers in the government
  • Popularity among the people and clergy
  • Honesty and Integrity
  • Allegation of corruption
  • Import and selling of duty free car
  • Amount of close relatives in the ministry appointed by he subject minister ( Nepotism)
  • Age and memory power and health
  • Extent of official and private trips abroad
  • Employment Generation
  • Alcohol consumption and addiction
  • Education Qualifications
  • Amount of times the minister changed sides after losing elections
  • Amount of strikes taken place within the organizations under the minister’s purview
  • Any other reasons as decided by the President

And finally bank balance now and before coming to power

There may be a situation that all the ministers may have to be changed !!!

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

නාථ දෙවියන් හා ක්‍රිස්තියානි කට්ටඩියන්

May 9th, 2017

නලින් ද සිල්වා

 මාලිංග හර්මන් ගුණරත්න කලක් ජේ ආර්ගෙත් හිතවතෙක්. එහෙත් පසුව විරසක වුණා. ඔහු පොතක් ලියලා ඉංගිරිසියෙන්. එහි ඉංගිරිසි නම ගෝඩ්ස් සීක්‍රට් ඒජන්ට්, එනම් දෙවියන් වහන්සේගේ රහස් නියෝජිතයා. මා ඒ පොත කියවා නැහැ. දි අයිලන්ඩ් පත්‍රයෙහි ඒ පිළිබඳ ලියැවුණු විචාරයක් කියවීමට ලැබුණා. ඒ අනුව ක්‍රිස්තු භක්තිකයකු වන නිස්සන්ක විමලසූරිය නමැත්තකු ශුද්ධ වූ ආත්මයක් සමග යම් යම් ප්‍රතිහාර්ය කර තිබෙනවා. එහි ඒ ශුද්ධ ආත්මය දෙවියන් වහන්සේ කියා කියන්නේ නැහැ. නිස්සන්ක විමලසූරිය කොඩිවින කැපීම වැනි කාර්යයන් සිදු කර තිබෙනවා.

ගම්වල කට්ටඩි මහතුනුත් මෙවැනි දේ කරනවා. ඒත් යම්කිසි අදෘශ්‍යමාන ජීවියකුගේ ආධාරයෙන්. ඔවුන් අතර හොරු ඉන්නවා වෙන්න පුළුවන්. හොරු නැති ක්‍ෂෙත්‍රයක් නැහැ. එහෙත් හොරු සිටීම නිසා ක්‍ෂෙත්‍රයක් බොරු වන්නේ නැහැ. නිස්සන්ක විමලසූරියගේ කොඩිවින කැපීම බොරුවක් යැයි මා කියන්නේ නැහැ. ඇතැමුන්ට අදෘශ්‍යමාන ජීවීන් සමග සන්නිවේදනය කරන්න පුළුවන්. එය ආධ්‍යාත්මික ශක්තියක්. ඇතැමුන්ට ආධ්‍යාත්මික ශක්තිය (මේ එනර්ජි නොවන බව අවධාරණය කළ යුතුයි). දියුණු කර මනසින් ඇතැම් දේ දකින්න පුළුවන්. ඒ සඳහා පින, වාසනාව නැති අය එය බොරුවක් යැයි කියන්නේ කෙසේ ද? වැඩිහිටියන්ගේ ඕනෑම ක්‍රියාවක් සඳහා යම් ආකාරයක පුහුණුවක් ලැබිය යුතුයි. පුහුණුවක් වාසනාවක් නැති තැනැත්තා ඒ නැතැයි කීම වැරදියි.

 ඇතැමුන්ට එවැනි ආධ්‍යාත්මික ශක්තියක් ඇති අය සමග සන්නිවේදනය කළ හැකියි. තමන් සන්නිවේදනය කරන්නේ කා සමග ද යන්න ගැන වැටහීමක් නැති වන්න ඉඩ තියෙනවා. ඇතැමුන් හිතනවා ඇති ඒ දෙවියන් වහන්සේ කියා, නැත්නම් බ්‍රහ්මන් කියා, එසේ නැත්නම් නාථ දෙවියන් කියා. ඒ  සන්නිවේදනයේ අනෙක් පැත්තේ සිටින ප්‍රාණියා ඒ හැඟීම ඇති කරන බැවින් හෝ තමන් එසේ  යැයි සිතන නිසා. අප ඒවාට රැවටිය යුතු නැහැ. එහෙත් අදෘශ්‍යමාන ප්‍රාණීන් සමග කරන සන්නිවේදනය සත්‍යයක් බව මා අත්දැකීමෙන් දන්නවා. මට එසේ සන්නිවේදනය කිරීම සඳහා පිනක් වාසනාවක් නැහැ. එහෙත් එලෙස සන්නිවේදනය කරන කිහිප දෙනකු මට මුණ ගැසී තිබෙනවා.

 මහාචාර්ය ආශු මාරසිංහ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ දී අනුරුද්ධ පාදෙණිය ගැන කියා තිබුණා. මාරසිංහට නිවැරදි දත්තවත් නැහැ. පාදෙණිය මුණ ගැසෙන්නේ කැලණිය විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ කථිකාචාර්යවරියක නො වෙයි. මාරසිංහ ලංකාවේ විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයක දැනට මහාචාර්යවරයකු වන්න බැහැ.  පිටරට විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයක මහාචාර්යවරයකු ද කියා මා දන්නේ නැහැ. එසේ නොවේ නම් යම් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයක සේවාර්ජිත (සම්මානිත) මහාචාර්යවරයකු ද දන්නේ නැහැ. එසේත් නැත්නම් කිසියම් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයකින් මහාචාර්ය යන්න ඊනියා උපාධියක් ලෙස ප්‍රදානය කර ඇත් ද දන්නේ නැහැ. මේ කිසිම ගණයක නැතිව මහාචාර්ය යන්න නමට කලින් මැද අග කොතැනකවත් යොදා ගන්න බැහ

 ඒ කුමක් වුවත් මා දන්නා තරමින් ඔය කියන කාන්තාව, නාථ දෙවියන් පාදෙණිය ඇමතිවරයකු හෝ ජනාධිපතිවරයකු හෝ වන්නේ යැයි කී බවක් කියා නැහැ. එක් එක් අයගේ අර්ථ නිරූපණ නාථ දෙවියන් පිට පැටවීමට කරන උත්සාහ. මාරසිංහ බෞද්ධයකු දැයි මා දන්නේ නැහැ. කෙසේ වෙතත් මතු බුදුවන නාථ දෙවියන් ගැන අසත්‍ය තොරතුරු ප්‍රචාරය කිරීම බෞද්ධයකුට තබා කිසිවකුටවත් වටින ක්‍රියාවක් නො වෙයි. එවැනි අසත්‍ය තොරතුරු ප්‍රචාර පාර්ලිමේන්තු වරප්‍රසාද යටතේ මෙරට කරන්න පුළුවන්. එහෙත් පරලොවට පාර්ලිමේන්තු වරප්‍රසාද වලංගු වන්නේ නැහැ. සියලු පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් ඒ බව සිහි කරනවා නම් හොඳයි. ඒත් සමහරවිට ඔවුන් නොපෙනෙන පරලොවක් ගැන විශ්වාස නොකරන පඬියන් විය හැකියි.

මෙරට මහාචාර්යවරුන් වූ නොවු සියල්ලන්ට නාථ දෙවියන්ට, කට්ටඩි මහතුන් සමග සන්නිවේදනය කරන ප්‍රාණීන්ට ගරහන්න පුළුවන්. ඒ අදෘශ්‍යමාන ප්‍රාණින් අපහාස නඩු පවරන්නේ නැති බැවින් ද? කොහෙමටත් බුද්ධාගමට මේ රටේ ප්‍රමුඛස්ථානය තබා කිසිම තැනක් නැහැ. මේ රටේ බෞද්ධ අධ්‍යාපනයක්, බෞද්ධ නීතියක් හැකි නම් පෙන්වන්න. අප බුද්ධාගමට ප්‍රමුඛස්ථානය ඉල්ලන්නේත් ක්‍රිස්තියානි රෝම ලන්දේසි නීතිය උපයෝගි කරගෙන! සිංහල වෙදකමට මේ රටේ ඇති තැන කුමක් ද? සිංහල ගොවිකම වස විසෙන් වැහිලා. එය බෞද්ධ ක්‍රමයක් ද?  එය ආත්මාරක්‍ෂාව සඳහා කරන වස විස ඉසීමක් ද?

හෙට පැවැත්වෙන වෙසක් උත්සවයෙන් ගැමුණු රජුගේ කාලයේ සිට තිබූ ජනසහාභිගීත්වය අවම කරලා. ආණ්ඩුව එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ සංවිධානයේ වෙසක් උත්සවයක් පවත්වනවා. මෙවර ආණ්ඩුවේ වෙසක් පැවැත්වෙන්නේ හින්දුන්ගේ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන්. මෝදිලාට අනුව බුදුන් වහන්සේත් හින්දු. ඉන්දියාවෙ ජනාධිපති වෙලා හිටිය සර්වපල්ලි රාධක්‍රිෂ්ණන් කිව්වෙත් එහෙමයි. මේ වෙසක් උත්සවයෙන් ජනතාව ඈත් කිරීම කාගේ වුවමනාවකට සිදු කරන දෙයක් ද? 

 නාථ දෙවියන් ගැන, කට්ටඩි මහතුන් ගැන, ගිනි පෑගීම ගැන කතා කළාට, ඒවාහි ඊනියා විද්‍යාව ගැන කතා කළාට, පඬියන් නිස්සන්ක විමලසූරිය ගැන ප්‍රශ්න කරන්න යන්නේ නැහැ. ඒ මෙරට ප්‍රමුඛස්ථානය ඇත්තේ ක්‍රිස්තියානියට නිසා. මා කියන්නේ විමලසූරිය ගැන ඊනියා විද්‍යාත්මක පරීක්‍ෂණයක් කළ යුතු බව නොවෙයි. ඊනියා විද්‍යාවක නාමයෙන් සිංහල බෞද්ධ සංස්කෘතියට කරන කෙණෙහිළි ගැන අප විමසිල්ලෙන් සිටිය යුතුයි. 

බුදුන් වහන්සේට පසක් වූ දෙවියන්, භූතයන් ගැන ප්‍රශ්න කරන අය නිව්ටන්වත් දැක නැති, ඔහුගේ පංචෙන්ද්‍රියවලටවත් ගෝචර නොවූ ගුරුත්වාකර්ෂණය ඇතැයි කියා පිළිගන්නවා (විස්තර සඳහා බෞද්ධයා නාළිකාවේ අඳුරට එළියක් වැඩ සටහන නරඹන්න https://www.facebook.com/nalinkalaya/). අද අපට බුදුන් වහන්සේට වඩා ඇංග්ලිකන් ක්‍රිස්තියානි නිව්ටන් වටිනවා. වෙසක් උත්සවයට එන්න කියා නව ප්‍රංශ ජනාධිපති එමෑනුවෙල් මැක්රොන්ට එස්එම්එස් පණිවුඩයක් යවමු ද? ඔහු චන්ද්‍රිකාටවත් තේරෙන්න කතා කරාවි. චන්ද්‍රිකාට කතාව සිංහලට පරිවර්තනය කරන්න කියමු. අපි අහගෙන ඉමු. 

 මේ ලිපිිය ද තවත් ලිපි ද කාලය වෙබ් අඩවියෙන් කියවිය හැකි ය.

 http://www1.kalaya.org

 නලින් ද සිල්වා

 2017 මැයි 09

 

ETCA will destroy Sri Lanka’s IT sector– Lasantha Wickramasinghe

May 9th, 2017

By Umesh Moramudali and Rathindra Kuruwita Courtesy Ceylon Today

The proposed Economic and Technology Corporation Agreement (ETCA) with India has caused many a controversy, and in this interview with Ceylon Today Secretary of the Society of Information Technology Professionals, Lasantha Wickramasinghe, explains how ETCA will affect the country’s economy, and the reasons for opposing it.
Following are excerpts of the interview:
?: What are the major reasons for IT professionals to oppose ETCA ?
A: First, if you analyze the impact of this agreement on Sri Lanka’s balance of payments, it is not that difficult to understand that ETCA is detrimental to our country’s economy. Unfortunately, Sri Lanka has not engaged in any fruitful dialog in this regard.
Secondly, the government is far behind its mandate for good governance; the way it is conducting the ETCA negotiations with India completely ignoring the voice of local stakeholders and with no transparency in the process. In fact, the government took measures to legalize its lack of transparency by excluding the Right to Know about international trade agreements by its Right to Information Bill.
Thirdly, Information Technology is the largest net foreign exchange earning industry in the service sector next to tourism. This industry should be identified as a sector with a huge potential as it is one of the few sectors that has a competitive advantage over other countries. Sri Lanka should develop the IT sector to earn more foreign exchange and provide more jobs to Sri Lankan youth.
As we concentrated on tea, rubber and coconut over several decades and then apparel and tourism in the last two decades, now, Sri Lanka should keep its eye on the IT sector. But, ETCA will destroy our competitive advantage in the IT sector. It is not a problem only of the IT sector. It is a problem for all citizens of Sri Lanka as we will lose the ability to earn foreign exchange through this sector which will have a direct impact on the lives of everybody.
?: How do you see ETCAs impact on the overall economy?
A: Sri Lanka’s main problem is the huge balance of trade, the gap between the imports and exports which is around 8.5 billion USD annually. Out of that more than 3.5 billion USD comes from trade with India and this has been widening over the years. This is not bearable for our economy. Hambanthota Port is supposed to be sold or leased for 99 years to earn 1.2 billion USD. That is a one-time earning. We create a trade deficit of 3.5 billion USD annually with India. You can see where we are heading due to our increasing trade deficit with India. We will have to sell more and more resources which are capable of earning foreign exchange for the country, each year, in order to mitigate the deficit of one year. So what should we do? We should learn from India. India has no Free Trade Agreement with China though China is its biggest trading partner. That is because India has a trade deficit with China. India is negotiating with China to reduce the trade deficit. India knows that natural tendency of flow of goods and services are more towards India from China than the other way around. Our case is similar to that. Signing of the ETCA will increase the outflow of money from Sri Lanka which will lead to a decrease in foreign reserves, an increase in national debt, devaluation of the Sri Lankan rupee and ultimately a crisis in Balance of Payments. On that day, no one will be responsible. That is why we demand that good governance be the process and a national trade policy prior to any negotiation of a trade pact.
?: Why do you claim that the ETCA will destroy our competitive advantage in IT sector?
A: First we need to identify is that we have a competitive advantage in the IT sector. That is why the IT sector has been rapidly growing in Sri Lanka. If we are in a position where we have a competitive advantage in a sector that is growing globally, the country must pay careful attention to that sector.
In 2007, the revenue from the industry was about USD 200 million. In 2015 it was around USD 900 million. In 2007, workforce was around 33,000. Now, it is around 90,000. You can see the growth. The industry is growing as it has been able to attract both local and foreign investors.
Why have those investors chosen Sri Lanka over India? That is the most important thing that the government needs to be aware of. But during the discussions, we held with the Ministry of International Trade, we realized that they know nothing about this though they are keen to sign agreements in a hurry.
Top tier talent, low cost operations, and our cultural adaptability have made it a logical choice for many global companies to invest in Sri Lanka. Those are our global competitive advantages. India also can provide low cost operations. So Sri Lanka was winning some investments over India due to top tier talent and cultural adaptability. Strategically, Sri Lanka should be positioned as a destination for product engineering work in the IT industry.
If the ETCA is signed, the Sri Lankan job market will be virtually merged with the massive Indian job market with their enormous number of unemployed IT professionals where 95 per cent of them are unfit for take up software development jobs as per an Indian research. They will be able to arrive to Sri Lanka even without being employed by any company as free-lance professionals. Once they arrive here they would benefit from the “National Treatment” which explains as having the same right as Sri Lankan citizens. This will definitely lead to the reduction of salary levels in Sri Lanka and the value of IT professionalism. This decline will not be marginal but very much significant. This will lead to destroy the balanced system we have had to attract the required talent pool to the industry from Sri Lanka. That will lead to the Sri Lankan IT industry to absorb more and more Indian employment. Ultimately the investors will not experience the above mentioned competitive advantage of top tier talent in Sri Lanka. Then, they will have very good reasons to shift their investments to India where they have closer access to a massive market and a huge number of employees.
From the IT industry’s point of view, ETCA will be a bridge to take the investor from Sri Lanka to India. This will kill the Sri Lankan IT industry which is the largest net foreign exchange earning service industry next to tourism.
ETCA is not just a FTA. It covers trading of goods, trading of services, investments and migrations. ETCA builds a legislation bridge between the two countries. Then India needs to merge Sri Lanka to India physically as well. Our Prime Minister held discussions with the Indian Minister of Highways during his last visit to India on the proposed bridge joining Sri Lanka to India.
?: Is there a shortage of employees in the IT sector in Sri Lanka?
A: No. The supply and demand for IT graduates is well balanced. There are some areas which do some over production of IT graduates while some areas show some sort of a shortage. What should be done is, balance out this gap by improving the collaboration between the industry and the academia.
?: How should the Government intervene in developing the IT sector?
A: First of all, the government should not blindly open the Sri Lankan IT industry to India without properly identifying our competitive advantage and the potential of the industry. That will murder the industry. They should formulate a national trade policy by obtaining the support of the stakeholders where IT can be identified as one of the major industries that the country should try to evolve as a service industry. If you look at India’s national trade policy, they have given very high prominence to the IT sector in their trade policy.
The office space has been an issue. The government should make sure that infrastructure like office space is ample to support the growth.
Apart from that government should have a vision to create Sri Lankan entrepreneurs in the IT industry. Entrepreneurship in the IT industry may start with one bright idea with a small capital investment, but that has to be supported and looked after. Universities should try to enhance the entrepreneurial mind set among IT students. Government should allocate more funds for IT education and innovation. The government should encourage banks to grant lending facilities for IT related start-ups to encourage innovations in the sector; because in the IT sector the market can be the entire globe. If one or two start-ups in the IT industry could break its boundaries to be a global product that can bring a fortune to the county.
?: Would we not have opportunities by having access to the Indian job market?
A: Why should we try to access less paid Indian job market in the current situation, where we already have a demand from highly paid job markets like Australia, America and Europe? Many Sri Lankan IT professionals are working abroad and I think we should encourage that move to earn foreign exchange instead of earning foreign exchange by selling our mothers to the Middle East.
?: You are involved in drafting trade policy. How is the progress so far?
A: Professionals’ National Front which comprises wide range of professional bodies and trade unions such as Organization of Professional Associations, Government Medical Officers Association, Inland Revenue Trade Unions Joint Committee, Customs Officers Union, Society of IT Professionals, National University Teachers Association, Railway Professionals Trade Unions Alliance, Public Service United Nurses’ Union..etc established an independent commission with respected personnel to obtain the views of stakeholders and general public towards national trade policy. The co-chairmen are former vice chancellor, University of Colombo Prof. W.D. Laxman and former Attorney General Palitha Fernando. We are not involved in drafting the trade policy. It is the all stakeholders such as Cabinet Ministers, MPs, chambers, professional institutions, intellectuals, importers, exporters, and professionals who share their experiences and submit proposals to the commission. The commission will then identify the key elements of the national trade policy. The report will be handed over to the President and to Members of Parliament.
?: Is the Government support satisfactory?
A: Some Cabinet Ministers made oral and written submissions to the commission. We appreciate that. It is widely accepted, even by the World Trade Organization that those agreements should be analyzed and negotiated based on one’s national trade policy.
But the government is rapidly engaged in ETCA discussions without any transparency and without a national policy on trade. That is unacceptable and the people of this country and the next generations too will have to pay the price of these baseless acts. Also it is clear that the Sri Lankan negotiation team lacks the negotiating capacity and the reliability as well. What can you expect from a weak negotiation team comprised of individuals with vested interests of a country without a national trade policy negotiating a comprehensive agreement with its regional super power who as a clear agenda? Professionals’ National Front’s demand a halt to these unfavourable negotiations at least until a national trade policy is created; required regulations for the professionals are identified and formulated. Otherwise Sri Lanka will move into much bigger issues.

DPL People Smugglers

May 9th, 2017

Asoka Weerasinghe Kings Grove Crescent . Gloucester . Ontario . K1J 6G1 . Canada

7 May 2017

Hon. Maithripala Sirisena, President of Sri Lanka
Presidential Secretariat
Colombo, Sri Lanka.

Hon. Ranil Wickremasinghe
Prime Minister of Sri Lanka
Colombo, Sri Lanka.

Cc. Hon Mangala Samaraweera,
Minister of Foreign Affairs
Colombo, SriLanka

Hon. Gayantha Karunatilake
Chief Government Whip
Minister of Mass Media and Parliamentary Reform
Colombo, Sri Lanka.

Honourable Gentlemen:

With your vindictive politics and your eagerness wanting to go after the former Rajapaksa Government, your Chief Government Whip telling the Parliament that Some Rajapaksa era DPLs were people smugglers” with an obnoxious pretence that the Yahapalanaya Government is ‘We are Holier than Thou”, with halos over our heads”, you opened a can of worms crawling out of the stinky Meethotamulla garbage heaps.

You accused the Rajapaksa era DPLs as ‘people smugglers’, and I say to you Even if they did, so what!”  I have been in Ottawa since 1970 and I can vouch for what I  say to you within the context of the Sri Lanka’s Mission in Ottawa.  This ‘people smuggling’ has been going on for donkey’s years, just not only by DPLs of the Rajapaksa era.  If your Chief Whip is speaking of the domestics who stay back after their Diplomat employer’s conclude the tour of duty, I have my doubts that, Later, they released those assistants in those countries to find other jobs there and they would not return home at the end of their assignments.”   Does your Government Whip know this as a fact?

Gentlemen ,this has been  an ongoing phenomenon for years and years and years, and not just a happening during the Rajapaksa era.   What your Chief Government Whip said was poppycock, and barrels full of jardi.  Unless you expect wanting  returning Diplomats violate the rights of their domestics, by  shackling them to a post at the residence at  Range Road in Ottawa, a week before they head to the airport and frog-march the domestics to the plane.  Will you three Honourable Gentlemen do it.  Na! I doubt it.  So you think you are going to use the Diplomats of the Rajapaksa era to get at the former President Mahinda Rajapaksa and his government.  That’s a lot of Meethotamulla garbage!  And heaps of it isn’t it!

Please inform your Chief Government Whip of the drill of what happens at the Sri Lankan Diplomats domestics who are brought to Canada.  These domestics are no fools.  They are alert and begin to understand and revel at the thought that they are in a pot of gold  that they are thrown into, once they begin to fall in love with  the green Cdn$20 bill that is worth about Rs.110 back home. And they begin to befriend Sri Lankans who stayed back as refugees during their off days from work.  And these domestics are given a course how to stay back and apply for  refugee status and being introduced to an Immigration lawyer when time comes to carry his  refugee claim forward legally.  And what is more lucrative is that the monthly welfare cheque they receive until they find work gives them much more value in rupees that they will  ever earn for a month working back at  home.

A few days prior to the day they are suppose to leave for Colombo with their diplomat employer, they disappear.  The diplomats wouldn’t have a clue of what they will be confronted with.  The Diplomats can do sweet nothing about it  other than  report to the police of the disappearance of their domestics, with the suspicion that they might want to stay back in Canada.  But, if your Government Chief Whip  points the finger at these Diplomats saying that the they take ‘kappan’ from the domestics for them to stay back, then let us hear more about it with the identity of the Diplomats.  If that is indeed true, then you can claim your right as the Yahapalanaya Government to penalize these Diplomats who become involved in ‘people smuggling’

But here is the rub gentlemen.  The worst culprits in such people smuggling” have been your past Ministers of Foreign Affairs, like Harold Herath, Tyrone Fernando and ACS Hameed.  They sent their ‘catchers’ to the  Ottawa Mission with the intention to give them a break to live in Canada happily ever after, by claiming to be refugees or whatever.  Some are lucky and others are hounded by the Immigration Border Police having failed their refugee claim and put them on a plane to arrive at Colombo’s Katunayake Airport 30 hours later.

One Foreign Minister’s ‘catcher’ who was sent as the Third Secretary, with the specific intention that he gets some specialist medical help for his child, got caught pilfering from Sears at St. Laurent Shopping Center. The husband pilfered men’s clothes and the wife pilfered some costume jewellery.  After the Minister Councillor at the Mission made a conscientious effort to keep the embarrassing episode hush..hush” from the public eye,  this Third Secretary  got exposure to his story from the local newspaper saying that he did not want to return home as he did not want to stop the excellent treatment his child was getting.  He wanted to stay back on humanitarian grounds.  The Ottawa Citizen carried the news item.

Another Foreign Minister loaded the Mission with his’ catchers’ and at one point  had 22 staff members at the Mission.  I am  not sure whether they had enough chairs to sit them all or whether they sat in style on Dumbara mats sucking on hookahs or stood at a corner of a room and sucked their thumbs not having any work to do.  I know most of this Foreign Minister’s ‘catchers’ stayed back.  Would you categorise this Foreign Minister as  a people smuggler.”  Or does he get immunity as  he happens to be a powerful Minister in the Government!

In the early 90s a Junior Minister, a Tamil, came over to Toronto  with a mini-wedding party to give his daughter in  marriage. The wedding happened and the bride’s politician Dad went back home to Sri Lanka leaving behind the wedding party  to wangle their way to become permanent Canadian residents.  I suppose according to your Chief Government Whip’s vindictive logic, this Tamil Junior Minister is not a people smuggler” because this act didn’t happen during the Rajapaksa era.  Right! Sish…!  What logic! What nasty Yahapalanaya vindictive politics!!

Trying to be vindictive hoping that you could band-aid the Rajapaksa government with immoral and crude fairy tales like the intended coup, the 18 billion dollar hidden bank accounts of the Rajapaksa’s, the Lamborghini, the golden horses the blame game of the Meethotamulla garbage Episode where you all buried  people alive, are unfortunate.  There is nothing smart about all of this nor does it belie Good Governance with the Bond Scam which is a family of albatrosses around your necks.  Not that the Rajapaksa government were made up of angels either  Far from it.  And some of their rejects by the people are comfortable earning their perks in your camp, especially the Rs. 100,000 bonus each month.

What is most upsetting was the comment that your Chief Government Whip made.  He said, as I read it in The Island that  ”… Action should be taken against those officials who took them using the official allocations provided to them and earned money .  Those human smugglers disrespected the foreign service.”

Was your Chief Government Whip insinuating that the Sri Lankan Diplomats sent to Canada earned ‘kappan’ to let their domestics stay back,  For heaven’s sake do you really believe it?

My association with some of the Sri Lankan diplomats in Canada projected that they had some class, and not cussed enough and cheap to siphon off monies that the poor domestic earned.  If any of them were, it shows up the quality of  diplomats that the Foreign Ministry have recruited.  It is now for the Chief Government Whip to clear the doubts among many of us and identify the diplomats that he was using to get at the Rajapaksa era.

It is just too bad and please stop trying to fool your people and cut out your vindictive politics as I have my doubts that it is going to pay the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe Combo well to come out smelling like roses as you all have outclassed the Rajapaksa Government in every negative aspect that you all seem to point out to the masses.  The Yahapalanaya Good-Cops are now suspect that they  have become  Bad Cops in the eyes of  Sri Lankans in today’s democracy.

The question to you Mr. President and Mr. Prime Minister is, what the heck are you going to do about it?

Sincerely,

Asoka Weerasinghe (Mr.)


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